cupiditas pecuniae: wealth and power in cicero, in h. beck - m. jehne - j. serrati (eds.) money and...

COLLECTION LATOMUSFondée par M. renard en 1939

Continuée par J. dumortier-biBauw et C. deroux (directeur honoraire)

dirigée par d. EngelsVOLUME 355

Hans BECk, Martin JEHNE, and John SErrATI (eds.)

Money and Powerin the roman republic

ÉdITIONS LATOMUSbrUXELLES

2016

001_98368_CollecLatomus_Beck.indb 3 18/04/16 14:37

Table of Contents

preface .......................................................................................................... 7

hans becK, Martin JeHne, John SerratiIntroduction .................................................................................................. 9

1. currencies of power

david b. hollander (Iowa State)Lawyers, Gangs and Money: portfolios of power in the Late republic .... 18

Cristina rosillo-lópez (Sevilla)Cash Is King: the Monetization of politics in the Late republic .............. 26

Jonathan Edmondson (york)Investing in death: Gladiators as Investment and Currency in the Late republic ....................................................................................................... 37

brahm Kleinman (princeton)rhetoric and Money: The Lex Aurelia iudiciaria of 70 b.C. ................... 53

wolfgang Blösel (duisburg-Essen)provincial Commands and Money in the Late roman republic ............. 68

2. money and state action

bruno blecKmann (düsseldorf)roman war Finances in the Age of the punic wars .................................. 82

John serrati (McGill/Ottawa)The Financing of Conquest: roman Interaction with hellenistic Tax Laws 97

Nathan rosenstein (Ohio State)Bellum se ipsum alet? Financing Mid-republican Imperialism ................ 114


6 TAbLE OF CONTENTS

3. wealtH and status

hans BecK (McGill)Money, power, and Class Coherence: The ambitus Legislation of the 180s b.C. ...................................................................................................... 131

Elio lo cascio (Sapienza)property Classes, Elite wealth, and Income distribution in the Late republic ....................................................................................................... 153

Francisco pina polo (Zaragoza)Cupiditas pecuniae: wealth and power in Cicero ..................................... 165

Elizabeth deniaux (paris)The Money and power of Friend and Clients: Successful Aediles inrome ............................................................................................................ 178

Martin JeHne (dresden)The Senatorial Economics of Status in the Late republic ......................... 188

bibliography ................................................................................................ 208

Indices ......................................................................................................... 232


Cupiditas Pecuniae: Wealth and Power in CiceroFrancisco pina polo

we know of several aspects of Cicero’s life thanks to the preservation of many of his writings: letters, speeches, treatises on rhetoric and politics, philosophical essays, and so forth. The diverse information available allows us to contrast his thought, conveyed in his theoretical works, with the implementation of his ideas throughout his lifetime within the context of roman society and, above all, during his political career. One of the issues Cicero dealt with on several occa-sions was the question of the correct attitude of human beings towards wealth and money from an ethical point of view. yet, beyond theory and philosophy, his praxis in the economic field was always that of an aristocrat living in rome in the late republic.

As a philosopher, Cicero held that the richest person was not he who had the most property but he who was wisest. 1 As a matter of fact, philosophers in general, regardless of their school, always have despised any desire for wealth. 2 A rich person is one who feels content with what he possesses, leads a decent life, and does not yearn for more. Consequently, neither public image nor general opinion can determine whether an individual is rich or not. It is one’s own personal perception that defines wealth. Cicero himself scorned greed for money (auiditas pecuniae). As examples of this, he provided a series of gener-ically reprehensible behaviours such as the habit of cheating or defrauding. he also alluded to specific types of reprehensible conduct such as the plunder-ing of allies (socii spoliare) or the looting of the treasury (aerarium expilare). he criticized those who anxiously awaited something from their friends’ wills and condemned even more harshly those who manipulated their position in order to acquire the wealth of those who have died. he concluded that it was a man’s soul and not his coffers which made him rich: Animus hominis diues, non arca, quae appellari solet. 3

In line with this declaration of principles, Cicero often derided what he called cupiditas pecuniae, a sort of greed which he believed to be a disease of the soul close to insanity and which ought to be cured in the same manner as

1 cic., parad. 6.42-3.2 cic., Tusc. 5.89-92.3 cic., parad. 44.


166 FrANCISCO pINA pOLO

any other bodily ailment. 4 Otherwise, the longing for wealth became an incur-able disease called avarice (auaritia). 5 Cicero found the spurious use of public office as a means to obtain personal gain particularly despicable; he branded it as not only shameful (turpis), but also impious and infamous (sceleratus et nefarius). 6 Thus, cupiditas pecuniae had to be avoided because covetousness denoted a miserly soul. In contrast, contempt towards wealth, if one owned it, and generous management of it were signs of a great and noble soul, 7 for the most admired person was he who was unmoved by wealth. 8 Indifference towards money also facilitated the success of personal relations. Nothing jeopardized a long friendship more than unbridled longing for wealth: 9 Friendship was a much more secure and permanent asset than money. 10 hence, we must seek the friend-ship of those who respect the duties true amicitia involves and avoid betraying a friend in order to procure riches. 11

Cicero’s thought was simple with regard to the socio-economic sphere. From a moral point of view, all human beings shared in principle an equal condition, but in practice Cicero defended the existence of a natural inequality between the rich and the poor. 12 In Cicero’s opinion, equality was limited to the legal field, for all citizens ought to be equal before the law. however, just as not all human beings share the same level of intelligence, their fortunes cannot be the same. Likewise, each individual has a place in society depending on his economic situation and seeking total equality within society is a great injustice. 13 Social stability was precisely based on the acceptance by all of this natural inequality, or rather of the ‘balanced equality’ which involved conferring different rights and duties within the community. Society ought to be divided depending on the different dignitas of its citizens, and inferior citizens must obey the superior. 14

based on these general considerations, Cicero’s guideline was, above all, the relentless defence of private property, 15 a principle which obviously did not apply when appropriating the riches of the territories conquered by rome. The state had actually been created in order to preserve the assets that individuals

4 cic., Tusc. 3.4.5 cic., Tusc. 4.24. Cf. cic., Tusc. 4.26; 4.60; Off. 2.75; Rep. 1.27.6 cic., Off. 2.77.7 cic., Off. 1.68.8 cic., Off. 2.38: Maximeque admirantur eum, qui pecunia non mouetur.9 cic., Amic. 34: pestem enim nullam maiorem esse amicitiis quam in plerisque pecu

niae cupiditatem.10 cic., Amic. 55.11 cic., Amic. 63.12 cic., Rep. 1.49.13 cic., Rep. 1.53.14 cic., Rep. 1.43; Leg. 3.25. Cf. pagnotta 2007: esp. 84-102.15 wood 1988: 105: ‘… he is the first major thinker to give such emphasis to the notion

of private property and to make it a central component of his structure of social and political ideas.’ Cf. garnsey 2009: 157-66, esp.157; 163-5; annas 1989: 151-73.


CVpiDiTAS pECVNiAE: wEALTh ANd pOwEr IN CICErO 167

might accumulate and this was the foundation for personal freedom: ‘states and cities were founded precisely for each person to keep what they own’. 16

In agreement with these basic precepts, any redistribution of wealth was to Cicero a flagrant violation not only of the rules of living together within society, but above all, of the ‘natural law’. 17 Consequently, he always opposed any political initiative to mitigate inequality, such as the free or subsidised distribu-tion of grain amongst the plebs of rome, because it involved unnecessary pub-lic interventionism and vast expenditure for the state. he was very particular about any attempt to introduce and implement agrarian reform that could mean, to a greater or lesser extent, taking land from their owners and delivering it to dispossessed farmers. he also opposed any proposal to cancel debts (tabulae nouae) that could be detrimental to the creditors who had lent their money and would not receive in exchange the agreed interest rates. 18 he believed both cases to be an intolerable attack on private property which undermined both justice and social harmony. The two measures were a threat to the very founda-tion of the state because, as Cicero claimed, ‘concord may not exist when money is taken away from one party and bestowed upon another, and justice vanishes if a person may not possess what he owns’. 19 Cicero ended his criticism as follows: ‘what justice is there in a proceeding by which a man who never had any property should take possession of lands that had been occupied for many years, or even centuries, while he who had them before should lose pos-session of them?’ 20

Cicero’s actions were consistent with these ideas, and he was always aware that his political allies were the wealthy landlords. his endeavours should always benefit them and, in return, they would also work to his advantage. In the year 60, the tribune of the plebs Flavius sponsored an agrarian law with

16 cic., Off. 2.73: Hanc enim ob causam maxime, ut sua tenerentur, res publicae ciuitatesque constituae sunt. Cf. Off. 1.21; Fin. 3.67. de ste. croix 1981: 426: Cicero is “the earliest known to me in a long line of thinkers, extending into modern times, who have seen the protection of private property rights as the prime function of the state.” Cf. wood 1988: 129-30.

17 wood 1988:112: ‘The primacy of private property is underwritten by the law of nature and institutionalized by civil law.’

18 cic., Off. 2.84.19 cic., Off. 2.78. Cf. cic., Off. 1.43: one of the most reprehensible actions carried

out by Sulla and Caesar was for Cicero the confiscation of assets from their owners in order to give them to others. Cf. garnsey 2009: 160: ‘Justice in his hands became: the preservation of existing property arrangements; and that is the main responsibility of the governing class.’

20 cic., Off. 2.79. At the beginning of the civil war between Ceasarians and pom-peians, one of Cicero’s greatest concerns was that the fortunes of the rich, the locupletes, would not be respected: cic., Att. 9.7.4. Later, in a letter written at the beginning of May of the year 49, when he was expectantly witnessing the events in hispania, Cicero told Atticus that he feared that if Caesar finally won there might be confiscations of private properties and cancellation of debts (cic., Att. 10.8.2).



pompey’s support. As had been the usual case, most senators opposed the reform and the consular Cicero was one of its leading opponents. In a letter to Atticus informing his friend of the events in the city, Cicero claimed that his main concern was the defence of the private property of individuals because, he said, that is ‘our army’ (noster exercitus), the army of the locupletes, that is, of the rich people, especially those who own land. 21 In the letter written a few months later to his brother Quintus on how he should govern the province of Asia, Cicero alluded again to the rich as grateful allies because those landlords believed that they had maintained their fortunes thanks to his consulship of the year 63, when he had saved them from the dangers posed by the conspiracy of Catiline. 22 For the enemies of the res publica were above all the enemies of landlords: Catiline was and so was Clodius. 23 In Cicero’s opinion Tiberius Gracchus also put at risk the foundations of the republic with his agrarian reform. The optimates opposed this reform because it altered traditional prop-erty relations and caused social unrest. The locupletes would have been unjustly deprived of the properties they had possessed for so long and the republic would have lost its best defenders. 24 hence Cicero positioned himself, without any hesitation, with the rich 25, who were also the main core of the so-called optimates, amongst whom he found himself, and naturally the only ones who could defend and preserve the roman republic.

As we have seen earlier, Cicero contended that to be content with what one owns is the greatest and most certain wealth. 26 In the aforementioned letter to his brother Quintus on how to rule his province, Marcus Cicero considered that it was a great virtue to be able to resist money. 27 These claims can be seen as fine philosophical assertions from a man who enjoyed extensive properties and a high standard of life. but they are also cynical because they are in contra-diction to Cicero’s habitual behaviour in his own life, ceaselessly seeking to increase his wealth. In short, being rich was logically not a fault to Cicero, although the haughtiness sometimes attached to wealth was. 28 On the other hand, his mentality becomes apparent when he linked poverty (paupertas) to

21 cic., Att. 1.19.4. On the original difference of the terms pecuniosi, farmers, and locupletes, land owners, see cic., Rep. 2.16. Cf. rasKolniKoff 1977: 357-72: Cicero uses the term locupletes mainly to refer to land owners, but also to owners of houses, slaves and other assets. This term denotes wider wealth than the concept diues, which conveys possession of money.

22 cic., Q. Fr. 1.1.6. 23 cic., Dom. 47; 60.24 cic., Sest. 103.25 cic., Att. 6.1.16; 6.2.5.26 cic., parad. 51.27 cic., Q. Fr. 1.1.7.28 cic., Fam. 7.13.



dishonour (ignominia) and disgrace (infamia), 29 or to a dark and humble back-ground (ignobilitas, humilitas), 30 and when he implicitly identified the poor (egentes) with the wicked and the criminal (improbi, perditi, facinerosi). 31 In conclusion, poverty is abject by nature, whereas amassing personal property cannot be criticized and it is natural and inseparable from the human condition. but certainly the accumulation of wealth must always avoid injustice and harm to others. 32

Owning a great fortune was seen as positive in roman society and in par-ticular within its ruling class. This had already been made clear in the funeral eulogy for L. Caecilius Metellus, who had been consul twice in 251 and 247, as well as pontifex maximus from 243 until his death in 221. In the laudatio for the deceased, his son Q. Metellus praised his father for having been a fine war-rior, an excellent orator, a brave general and for having held the highest offices and the highest rank in the senate, as well as having gained the recognition of his fellow citizens. And he added, as one of his achievements, that he had amassed in his lifetime great wealth in an honourable manner: ‘pecuniam magnam bono modo invenire’. 33 In the late third century, therefore, being a good orator, a good soldier, a successful senator and being rich were qualities that added to the reputation of a public man. The roman authors of the first century b.C. sometimes idealized their ancestors and presented them as austere individuals. perhaps they were in comparison with the great fortunes and luxury in the period of the late republic, but it is nonsensical to presume that they were not interested in gaining personal wealth. On the contrary, Metellus’ eulogy demon-strates that gathering riches was highly regarded within society, it was a sign of prestige. 34 And it is clear that acquiring and owning extensive assets was natu-rally linked to a fulfilling political career.

The social and political scenario in rome was not the same in the third cen-tury as in the late republic, yet the factors of social repute remained unchanged in their essence. Amongst these was the status of the rich man. In his funerary speech, Quintus Metellus talked about honourably acquired wealth but he did not specify which means were considered honest when amassing a fortune.

29 cic., Tusc. 5.15.30 cic., Tusc. 5.29; Fin. 3.51 (yet, in the same passage wealth, diuitiae, was linked

to glory, gloria).31 cic., Agr. 1.22; Dom. 58; 89. This made Brunt 1971: 128, exclaim: ‘Cicero tended

to associate the “egentes” (needy) with the “perditi“ (almost “criminals”); he came near regarding poverty as a crime.’

32 cic., Off. 1.25. Cf. cic., Off. 1.20; 1.92; 2.64; 2.87. Cf. wood 1988: 113-4.33 plin., Nat.. 7.139-40. 34 Cf. Harris 1971: 1371-85, now published in C.b. cHampion (ed.), Roman imperial

ism. Reading and Sources, Oxford, 2004, 17-30, esp. 24-5; Harris 1985: 56-8; 65-7; 86-93; gruen 1984: I 307-8: ‘Senatorial aristocrats might affect scorn for petty trades-men and abhor business dealings as an occupation, but they had no disdain, in practice or principle, for the acquisition of capital.’



polybius, who had a good grasp of the mentality of roman aristocracy, said that romans disapproved of illicitly gained wealth but commended it when legiti-mately acquired. 35 One century later, Sallust praised the romans of previous ages because they sought glory and honour above all and faced all sorts of dangers before their enemies. but he also stated that they did not disdain hon-ourably gained riches (diuitias honestas). 36 Nonetheless, Sallust presented love of money (studium pecuniae, cupido diuitiarum) as one of the great cancers of his time which ought to be removed or, at least, mitigated in order to recover the good governance of the res publica. 37 Likewise, Cicero claimed that it was legitimate to increase one’s patrimony (res familiaris) as long as this was done in an honest manner. 38

Inevitably amongst members of the social elite, it was unanimously accepted that owning as much wealth as possible was totally acceptable. This refered not only to inherited fortunes. It was considered a praiseworthy aspiration to increase one’s patrimony as much as possible as long as honourable means were used. but what were these honourable means? In his De officiis, Cicero made a list of acceptable occupations. 39 Of course, any manual trade involving work-ing for another person for a wage was discarded. Any uncongenial occupations such as collecting taxes (portitores) and usury (feneratores) were improper. he also rejected the business of those working in entertainment such as dancers or actors. Medicine, architecture and teaching demanded specialized knowledge and were respectable jobs but only for persons of a certain social status, obvi-ously not for the aristocracy. Small scale trade (mercatura) was degrading (sordida), but not when conducted on a large scale, especially if the returns obtained were used to acquire land, since the most honourable occupation for free men in the eyes of roman aristocracy continued to be farming.

Cicero always showed a considerable preoccupation with his patrimony. his family was totally unknown in rome but had a prominent position in the society of Arpinum, where his father owned several estates. They were comfortably well off and could afford to send both Marcus and Quintus to rome, when they were still teenagers, to live in a house owned by the family in the Carinae so they could be introduced into roman aristocratic circles. Marcus Cicero lived in the house in the Carinae until the year 62, when he ceded it to his brother. They distributed amongst themselves the properties in Arpinum when their father died during that decade. This was the basis for his fortune along with the dowry he received upon marrying his wife Terentia. According to plutarch, 40

35 pol. 6.56.3. Cf. plu., Cato 21.8.36 sall., Cat. 7.37 sall., Ep. ad Caes. 1.7. Cf. 2.5; 2.7.38 cic., Off. 2.87. Cf. Off. 1.92.39 cic., Off. 1.150-151. Cf. valencia 1989-90.40 plu., Cic. 8.2.



Terentia contributed a large amount in cash, along with pasture land, woodland somewhere in Italy and insulae in two of the most popular quarters in rome, the Aventine and the Argiletum, from which Cicero received the regular pay-ment of rent. 41

This financial situation was still relatively modest compared to the large fortunes at the time, but Cicero managed it superbly and he considerably mul-tiplied both his land and his money. 42 Outside rome, he acquired a series of plots of farming land both in the Latium and in Campania, specifically in Tus-culum, Formiae, Alba, Antium, Astura, Frusino, Cumae, pompeii and puteoli. Cicero often used these properties as a haven to avoid public life in rome and to write some of his works. he fitted them with amenities, spared no expense in decorating them with statues and artworks and even built libraries in some of them for his own personal use. 43 but above all the uillae were operating farms which yielded rich harvests for Cicero every year due to their location in some of the most fertile and populated areas of Italy. To Cicero, a uilla was not about a lifestyle but obviously an investment. 44 In order to ease access to his estates, he bought a series of inns (deuersoria) on the main roads linking rome with the Latium and Campania, creating a genuine network of private lodgings. Those located in Lanuvium, Minturnae and Sinuessa, on the via Appia, could serve as stopovers on his trips to his properties in Campania. his quarters in Anagnia were placed between rome and Arpinum, and his residence in Aquinum was between this city and the Thyrrenian coast. In total, Cicero became the owner of at least fifteen properties outside rome.

In the Vrbs, Cicero in the year 62 bought a luxurious house on the palatine. his new property had been formerly owned by Crassus. Thanks to a letter sent to Sestius we know that he paid the large sum of three and a half million ses-tertii for it and that he incurred considerable debt to this end. 45 As a philoso-pher, Cicero recommended not to boast about one’s wealth but it is obvious that the main reason behind the purchase of this new property was to show off, not only the amount of money involved in this transaction, but above all his new consular status. The palatine was the most elegant quarter where many of the most prominent families in rome lived, and they became his new neighbours. placed above the Forum, the most significant aspect was not only that his new

41 ioannatou 2006: 115; 224. In his second marriage with the young publilia, Cicero received a dowry of more than four hundred thousand sestertii (cic., Att. 16.2.1). See also treggiari 2007.

42 It is not my intention here to make a detailed account of Cicero’s properties. The most relevant details can be found in sHatzman 1975: 403-25. Cf. lafon 2001, esp.189-190.

43 cic., Att. 4.4a.1; 4.8.2.44 See the nostalgic and rhetorical praise of farming and country life made by Cicero

in De Senectute 51-60. 45 cic., Fam. 5.6.2; Att., 1.12.1. Cf. ioannatou 2006: 315.



abode commanded fine views over the social and political centre of the city, but the fact that it could be seen from there. Thus, the house was in itself a symbol of the inclusion of Cicero, the homo nouus, within roman nobilitas. besides the house on the palatine and the insulae which were part of Terentia’s dowry, Cicero owned one part of another insula in rome next to the temple of Strenia, mentioned in a letter of the year 44, as well as some insulae inherited from his friend Cluvius in the year 45. 46

One of the forms in which Cicero increased his wealth was through bequests from his friends, clients and probably freedmen, amongst them philosopher diodotus, his friend Fufidius from Arpinum, the physician Alexio and the banker Cluvius. 47 In his correspondence, Cicero mentioned at least fifteen of these legacies. In one of the philippicae, already in the year 44, he claimed to have inherited in his lifetime over twenty million sestertii, 48 a remarkable figure almost six times the value of his house on the palatine. 49 The fact that he made this allusion in a speech to be given in the senate – though it was never delivered but only published –, indicates that both Cicero and his audience did not see this form of acquiring wealth as unusual or reprehensible. On the contrary, one could pride oneself in having made such a large sum.

holding political office in the provinces was one of the most habitual sources of wealth for roman aristocracy. while posted to the appropriate province, it was not infrequent for the governor to exploit the inhabitants there for his own benefit by means of taxation. On the other hand, wars could render sizeable spoils to triumphant generals. After holding the consulship in the year 63, Cicero relinquished his role as governor in Gaul, the province finally allotted to him after exchanging the province originally given to him, Macedonia, with his colleague Antonius. In the year 62 complaints started to reach rome about the excessive fiscal extortion Antonius was implementing on the provincial popu-lation of Macedonia. Antonius defended himself rather cynically by accusing Cicero, claiming that he had been forced to raise taxes because he had agreed to share with Cicero the rewards he might obtain in the province. Cicero himself alluded to this matter in some of his letters and he mentioned one of his freed-men, hilarus, who allegedly might have been sent to Macedonia to watch over Antonius and to protect the interests of his patron. 50 when the possibility of dismissing Antonius from office was discussed in the senate, Cicero was one of his greatest champions, and he also defended Antonius in the trial against him on his return in the year 59, in which Antonius was tried for extortion and

46 cic., Att. 15.26.4; Att., 14.9.1. Cf. sHatzman 1975: 404.47 sHatzman 1975: 409-12; ioannatou 2006: 151-7.48 cic., phil. 2.40.49 we probably only know about some of the donations he received. Cf. sHatzman

1975: 411.50 cic., Att. 1.12.2



sentenced to exile. 51 The secret nature of the deal prevents us from establishing with certainty whether the unlawful pact did actually exist, but Cicero might have derived financial benefit from the actions of his colleague in the consul-ship as the governor of the province without even leaving rome. 52

Eventually, Cicero could not avoid being appointed governor of a province and he was put in charge of Cilicia in the year 51. he made substantial earnings there, but apparently not through abusive tax burdens on the provincials, who apparently held him in high esteem, but through the spoils of war. during his stay, Cicero conducted a brief but victorious campaign against local populations in the area of Mount Amanus, on the border between Syria and Cilicia, as well as against the inhabitants of pindenissus, a town which he took after a fifty-six day siege. 53 Cicero magnanimously gave the entirity of the spoils to his soldiers, but he kept the money obtained from the sale of the prisoners as slaves, several million sestertii, most of which may have gone directly to him. 54 In a letter to Atticus early in the year 48, Cicero claimed to have placed in the hands of the publicans of Ephesus two million two hundred thousand sestertii in cistophori, quite probably the money he managed to amass during his stay in Cilicia. 55

As can be seen, on the basis of a modest family fortune increased by the huge dowry brought by his wife Terentia, Cicero managed to build a solid patrimony in his lifetime. The methods he used to obtain his diuitias honestas were similar to those unquestionably put into practice by many other senators at the time: rents from farms in Latium and Campania; legacies of money and real estate from friends, clients and freedmen; profits made in the provinces, definitely through the spoils of war in Cilicia and perhaps also indirectly by exploiting the inhabitants of Macedonia through taxes implemented by his colleague in the consulship, Antonius; possibly loans with repayment including interest. These resources could obviously be fed back into themselves: the legacies received could be used to invest in more real estate and these in turn provided further income.

Nonetheless, Cicero’s financial situation did undergo some troubled moments. The first crisis was caused by his exile, during which some of his properties were damaged by Clodius’ supporters. when Cicero returned from exile he contrived to receive compensation from the senate: two million sestertii for rebuilding his house on the palatine, five hundred thousand and two hundred and fifty thousand respectively to rebuild his properties in Tusculum and Formiae. The second economic crisis arose after his failed support of pompey’s

51 cic., Fam. 5.5.52 sHatzman 1975: 413.53 cic., Att. 5.20.54 cic., Att. 5.20.5. Cf. sHatzman 1975: 413.55 cic., Att. 11.1.2. Cf. Att. 11.2.2; 11.3.3. Cf. cic., Fam. 5.20.9. ioannatou 2006: 128.



partisans during the civil war which resulted in the loss of all the money he had lent them. 56 yet Caesar’s clemency allowed him to keep his properties and even increase them in the final years of his life. his divorce from Terentia after thirty years of marriage also brought Cicero in difficulties, because this fact obliged him to return the dowry. To meet his obligation, Cicero was forced to get into debt asking L. Cornelius balbus for a loan. 57

Seldom do we know the exact date when Cicero purchased a property or received a bequest. despite these limitations, one thing is clear: Cicero increased his patrimony enormously after his consulship. Until the year 63, there is only evidence of his owning the house in the Carinae in rome inherited from his father and the insulae from Terentia’s dowry. Outside rome he owned the property inherited from his father in Arpinum, a estate in Tusculum that he probably bought around the year 68 and another property in Formiae, near the coast, which is mentioned for the first time in the year 66. 58 by that time he had not yet purchased any deuersorium, or received any external bequests. how-ever, in the two decades between the year 62 and his death, Cicero received the aforementioned legacies, he purchased the five deuersoria we know he owned and at least nine uillae with the corresponding buildings, as well as his house on the palatine, the jewel in the crown. To this should be added all the money he must have acquired, for example the aforementioned amount he had deposited in Ephesus after his stay in Cilicia, as well as the scores of slaves who worked in his houses in rome and on his estates.

Any estimate of Cicero’s accumulated wealth in those years must be hypo-thetical and approximate, because we can only use partial facts about the value of the land and we have no details as to the yield from his estates. As we have seen earlier, Cicero estimated the amount he acquired by inheritance to be around twenty million sestertii. Shatzman calculated that the value of the real estate owned by Cicero in the last years of his life could be around thirteen million sestertii. 59 In his opinion this was not exceptional because, according to pliny, Scaurus’ house on the palatine alone was worth almost fifteen million sester-tii. 60 Cicero’s was obviously not one of the greatest fortunes at the time in rome, 61 amongst other reasons, because his family background was much more modest than that of the traditional families of the nobilitas. however, without a doubt, in relative terms, the increase in Cicero’s fortune over the last twenty

56 cic., Att. 11.13.4. Cf. ioannatou 2006: 261; 293-4.57 cic., Att. 12.12.1. Shortly after he also had to return the dowry received from publilia

(cic., Att. 16.2.2). Cf. ioannatou 2006: 225-6.58 sHatzman 1975: 404-5.59 sHatzman 1975: 407.60 plin., Nat. 36.103.61 but we cannot accept plutarch’s claim, unless we apply very relative terms, that

Cicero had a limited though sufficient fortune to meet his expenses (plu., Cic. 8.3).



years of his life was astronomical and probably increased tenfold the properties he owned before the consulship.

Cicero’s case is logically not an exception; quite the opposite. In any event, it is striking that his sources of income were different in part from those of the great imperatores, for instance pompey and Caesar. Cicero only obtained money directly from the provinces during his stay in Cilicia, when his fortune was already fully consolidated. The spoils of war he received were substantial in absolute terms but meagre compared to those received by pompey, Caesar and other prominent generals. It is clear that Caesar, whose debts and public expenses were also much higher than those met by Cicero, made his fortune mainly out of the spoils obtained in the provinces, both in hispania Ulterior during his praetorship and, above all, in Gaul in the decade of the 50’s. 62 The booty pompey received in his wars against the pirates and against Mithridates in the East was spectacular, so much so that he was able to distribute a sub-stantial reward amongst his legates. According to pliny, his legates and quaestors shared out one hundred million sestertii, which means that each of them made at least four million sestertii. 63 Evidently the profit pompey made was much greater. war was a respectable form of obtaining wealth in the eyes of the roman aristocracy and nobody questioned this.

yet Cicero’s endeavours were not dedicated to war but to the courts, and they indirectly became his main source of wealth, along with the income yielded by his uillae. The lex Cincia of the year 204 banned any payment made by clients to their lawyers after pleading their case. Consequently, neither Cicero nor any lawyer at court received any official compensation. On the other hand, being paid for services rendered was against the aristocratic moral code, which despised the payment of wages. but this does not mean that lawyers did not eventually receive financial reward. Clients contracted a moral obligation towards their lawyers, and at least some of the bequests Cicero received in his lifetime must be seen as the deferred payment of tacit invoices. 64 Thus the work conducted before the courts was ultimately a type of investment.

receiving a bequest, however, was not the only method of recieving pay-ment for a lawyer. The reward could take the shape of other types of favours, either political or monetary, such as receiving a loan of money at a low inter-est rate. In the year 62, when Cicero had already become consul, he success-fully defended in trial publius Cornelius Sulla, the nephew of the dictator. Sulla had been accused of corruption and rumour had it that he had been

62 sHatzman 1975: 346-50. According to Appian (B.C. 2.151), Caesar had hardly no economic means when he began his political career. without a doubt this is an exagger-ation, but it is unquestionable that his wealth increased in parallel with his political ascent.

63 plin., Nat. 37.16. sHatzman 1975: 333.64 ioannatou 2006: 120.



involved in the conspiracy of Catiline. Cicero had refused to defend other people allegedly involved in the plot but he made an exception for Sulla. After his acquittal, Sulla lent Cicero two million sestertii, a sum Cicero used to purchase his new house on the palatine that same year. The loan could have been the compensation Cicero received for his work. we do not know if it was ever paid back. 65

For a lawyer to be requested often in court depended of course on his orato-rial skills, but it also depended to a great extent on his political and social status. The weight carried by someone just beginning their political career could not equal that of a lawyer with consular status. On some occasions Cicero agreed to defend somebody for personal or ideological reasons, but there is no doubt that in some cases financial considerations prevailed.

In conclusion, in the economic field the contrast between Cicero as a philoso-pher, whose writings expressed disdain for money, and Cicero as a man of his time, who accumulated wealth, is quite remarkable. while in absolute terms his fortune was smaller than that of many of his contemporaries, his eagerness to become rich rivaled that of other members of the roman aristocracy. In fact it could be stated that one of his main objectives in life was to become rich, and he certainly succeeded thanks to his public life. Cicero had reason to feel as proud of his financial progress as of his social and political rise. despite being a homo nouus he had reached the consulship and become a man of distinction in the senate. Likewise, starting from a relatively modest patrimony, by the end of his life he had become a rich landowner who also had many other assets. he had succeeded as a politician and as a businessman and both facets were closely linked: they were in reality inseparable.

The information available to us about Cicero allows us to follow chronolog-ically in some detail the process of acquisition of his properties. yet in the case of other prominent politicians of the time, we merely know general facts about their wealth and, in some particular cases, the land they owned in different regions in Italy. depending on the profile each politician developed, either towards the military or towards the field of law in rome, their sources of income could vary. however, there is a constant feature in each case: wealth and power went hand in hand in roman public life; gathering riches was intimately linked with holding magistracies and being a member of the senate. Obviously, this does not mean that those who were not involved in politics or held a place in the senate could not become rich through their businesses, as demonstrated by the clear example of Cicero’s great friend, Atticus.

65 ioannatou 2006: 305: ‘profitant de la dépendance de son client, qui risquait de se voir condamné à l’exil et à l’amende, Cicéron fit incontestablement preuve d’un comportement de pirate. Non seulement il s’était laissé acheter au moyen d’un prêt déguisé, mail il avait simultanément profité d’un homme désespéré.’



wealth involved social prestige and in a society such as that of the roman republic, where keeping up appearances was at times as important as reality, it was fundamental to display one’s status. Cicero complained at times about the excessive debts he incurred, but this does not mean that he reduced his expenses or that he restrained his way of life. he protested, for instance, about the debts he must incur to purchase his house on the palatine, but did not hesitate to borrow in order to show off his wealth and social position, which corresponded to a senator of consular status. Finally, wealth opened up the path to power, and power, in turn, involved the creation of a network of influence and personal relations which were a source of affluence. wealth and power mutually sup-ported each other in the context of politics and society in republican rome.


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