tales of a brotherhood: a transition in egyptian foreign policy?

7/28/2019 Tales of a Brotherhood: A Transition in Egyptian Foreign Policy?

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TALES OF A BROTHERHOOD: A

TRANSITION IN EGYPTIAN FOREIGNPOLICY?

SHITTU JUBRIL A.

2013

Cover photo: EPA/MOHAMED MESSARASupporters of Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi celebrate in Cairo's Tahrir Square after the Brotherhood claimed victory in the

presidential election.


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TABLE OF CONTENTS1.1. Introduction 1

2.0. The Muslim Brotherhood2.1.1. Origins of the Brotherhood 42.1.2. Evolution of the Brotherhood 52.1.3. Activities of the Muslim Brotherhood 62.1.4. Rise to Political Power in Egypt 72.1.5. Challenges faced by the Muslim Brotherhood 92.1.6. Analysis of the role of the Muslim Brotherhood

in Egypt 12

3.0. Egyptian President Mohammed Mursi 13

4.0. Competing interests in Egyptian Foreign Policy 16

5.0. A transition in Egyptian Foreign Policy? 17ConclusionReference


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1.1. INTRODUCTIONLocated in Northeastern Africa, bordering the Mediterranean Sea and the Red Sea with

a population of about 81 million, and vast resource of the Nile and a rich cultural history

denoting over 3000 years of civilization, Egypt is a bulwark standing strong on the

African continent and the among the League of Arab states.

The role Egypt plays in the region has made its foreign policy disposition an issue of

interest to other states in the region, as well as the West, especially the United States

who has a close ally in Israel. This assertion is made more pertinent in the period

following the revolutionary uprising in the Arab world where repressive and autocratic

regimes have been upturned by popular demand. In Egypt, despite the tensions about

the military being used to suppress the voice of the people, and subsequently concerning

the fear of the people as to whether the military would clinch its hold on power, the

transition to democracy was viewed by the world as one worthy of commendation.

The Arab revolution is significant as it saw the Muslim brotherhood, a group that once

was apolitical, viewed by the government as being a radical opposition and anti-

government in nature, coming into power through its political arm known as the

Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). The Freedom and Justice Party produced the first

post-Arab spring revolutionary president in the person of Mohammed Mursi. Mursi was

sworn in July after a narrow election victory that was a triumph not only for democracy,

but also for the long-banned Brotherhood, the world's oldest Islamist movement.

As opposed to the previous Mubarak regime which was seen as an autocratic democracy

designed by Hosni Mubarak in order to retain power, it is hoped that the new regime

will be a fulfillment of the desires of the masses for good governance and social welfare

impositions. However, such efforts will be consolidated if nuanced by the

accomplishment of the daunting tasks faced by the Muslim Brotherhood majority,

especially as regards the drafting of a new constitution. This will play a huge role in


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determining whether Egypt will become an Islamic state, or whether it will be a civil

state with Islamic law as a primary source of authority.

The drafting of the constitution is very essential in terms of defining the contents of

national interest. Every state has a national interest it pursues and this plays a huge rolein determining the direction of the countrys foreign policy. For instance in Nigeria, the

foreign policy objectives are clearly spelt out in Chapter 2 of the 1999 constitution. Thus

the national interest is what is vital in weaving the foreign policy directions a state is to

follow in her relations with other states in the international arena. In the definition and

formulation of national interest and objectives, it is important to note that such policies

do not exist in a vacuum but are created by individuals and influenced by different social

formations.

In essence, in the understanding of the Egyptian national interest, it is important to

determine the identity of those involved in the formulation and execution of policy, in

this case, that of the newly elected democratic government. Therefore, the Muslim

Brotherhood, and the person of Mohammed Mursi, the Egyptian president must be

examined in order to understand the source and direction of Egyptian foreign policy

under the new transition.

The need to understand the possible directions of Egyptian foreign policy is particularlyimportant in light of the initial policy actions taken by Mursi. These actions, both on the

domestic plane and foreign arena, have been seen as extremely daring and, considering

the fact that the newly elected president does not have any experience in the field.

Though it may be argued that the availability of sound bureaucratic advisers may make

up for this latter shortcoming on the part of the president, opinion points out evidence

to the contrary. Therefore it is wondered whether the policies emanate from an unseen

authority, or it reflects the will of the populace as reflected by the choice of their

representatives. 1

1This question is asked especially in light of the recent continuing clashes between Muslim Brotherhood

members and sections of the Egyptian populace. SeeAlaa Bayoumi, Egypt's Islamists spar as elections

loom available athttp://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/03/201337112323385288.html

last retrieved 22 April 2013
http://www.aljazeera.com/profile/alaa-bayoumi.htmlhttp://www.aljazeera.com/profile/alaa-bayoumi.htmlhttp://www.aljazeera.com/profile/alaa-bayoumi.htmlhttp://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/03/201337112323385288.htmlhttp://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/03/201337112323385288.htmlhttp://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/03/201337112323385288.htmlhttp://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/03/201337112323385288.htmlhttp://www.aljazeera.com/profile/alaa-bayoumi.html


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The retirement of senior officers of the military which was initially seen as a possible

check on the growing powers of the president has also raised concerns as to the future of

Egypt. Based on an analysis of Muslim Brotherhood, and the president, we should be

able to arrive at a possible conclusion on whether the ascension to power is geared

towards altruistic concerns for the promotion of the welfare of Egyptian citizens, and

growth of the people or a gradual Islamization of the Egyptian state.

In achieving this, we shall carry out the study using Snyders model offoreign policy

decision - making in order to determine the foreign policy directions of the new

government. The Snyders decision making model arose out of the behaviouralist

revolution and the work of Richard Snyder of Foreign Policy Analysis Project of

Princeton University. It was an extended and systematic attempt to conceptualize the

role of decision making in the formulation of foreign policy and processes of

international politics.2

According to model, any analysis of foreign policy processes involve above all

explanation of decision making process because it is decisions that lead to policy,

produces conflicts and foster cooperation. Therefore, the makers of the decision must be

identified and more importantly, an evaluation of the intellectual and interactive

process by which the decisions were reached must be made.

The Snyders model while it recognizes the centrality of the State, as main actor in

international politics, also recognizes the existence of supranational organizations and

forces as well as non-governmental factors and relationships. With respect to foreign

policy decision making, Snyder identified three main groups of variables such as the

internal setting, the external and the decision making process itself. Thus according to

them, the domestic social forces have an impact on the formulation and execution of

foreign policy, and in turn a states external actions may have consequences for the

domestic society itself and the external and internal setting are related to one another in

such a way that inter-societal, cultural, economic and non-governmental interactions

2Olusanya G. O. and R.A. Akindele, (1990). The structure and processes of foreign policy making and

implementation in Nigeria (1960-1996), Ibadan: Vantage Publishers


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condition the states official interaction, but all these are filtered through the

perceptions interactions motives and experiences of the decision makers. All these

factors shall be taken into consideration in analyzing whether there will eventually be a

transition in Egyptian foreign policy under the new regime.

2.0. THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD2.1. ORIGINS OF THE BROTHERHOODThe Muslim Brotherhood was formed in March 1928, by a schoolteacher named Hassan

al Banna who described the organization as a new spirit rather than a welfare society,

political party or single-issue organization. The ideology of the brotherhood lies in

opposition to Western influences and an advocacy for the return to Islamic ideals.3

According to the Muslim Brotherhoods slogan, Islam is the solution to the ills that

have befallen society, such ills befell society as a result of Western ideals in the Middle

East and Jihad is the way by which this proposed return can be achieved. Therefore,

the Muslim brotherhood ideology is not only limited to establishment of an ideal Islamic

society in Egypt, but also the establishment of a global Islamic society rooted in Islamic

values.

The movements most influential ideologue was Sayyid Qutb, the author ofMilestones

(Maalim fil- Tariq) and a 30-volume commentary on Islamic law and theology, In the

Shade of the Quran (Fi Zilal al-Quran).4 Both Qutb and Al-Banna set the agenda for

the Muslim Brotherhood. The groups core belief is that Allah decreed the ideal social

and political organization for mankind, as described in the Koran and its interpretations

(Sunnah).5

3Mohammed Zahid and Michael Medley, (2006), Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt & Sudan, Review of

African Political Economy, Vol. 33, No. 110, Religion, Ideology & Conflict in Africa, (Taylor & Francis, Ltd)

pp. 693-708, available at http://www.jstor.org/stable/40071354Ehrenfeld, Rachel, (2011), 'The Muslim Brotherhood Evolution: An Overview, American Foreign Policy

Interests, 33: 2, 69 855

ibid


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According to the founding leader of the Islamic Brotherhood, Hassan Al-Banna, in his

Treatise on Jihad: " Jihad is a religious public duty to spreadDa'wa(Islamic

missionary activity), incumbent upon the Islamic nation6 The Muslim Brotherhood

engaged in various activities which include construction of Mosques, Schools, etc. In the

words of Mohammad Mahdi Akef:

The Muslim Brotherhood . . . is an all-encompassing Islamic organization, calling for

the adoption of the great religion that Allah gave in his mercy to humanity. We are in the

global arena, and we preach for Allah according to the guidelines of the Muslim

Brotherhood. All the members of the Muslim Brotherhood in the international arena

operate according to the written charter that states that Jihad is the only way to achievethese goals. Ours is the largest organization in the world. A Muslim in the international

arena, who believes in the charter of the Muslim Brotherhood, is considered part of us

and we are considered part of him.7

2.2. EVOLUTION OF THE BROTHERHOODThe Muslim Brotherhood is the worlds largest, oldest and most influential Islamic

organization. By 1948 the Brotherhood had an estimated 500,000 members and

probably a similar number of sympathizers.8

As at the time of its founding, the Muslim Brotherhood also created its security arm

known as the Secret Apparatus, which carried out political assassinations. However, it

did not have a political arm, and its members were encouraged to join other political

parties. Since the creation of the Freedom and Justice Party, such dual activism has

been discouraged.

6 Ibid p. 717 Ehrenfeld, Rachel(2011) 'The Muslim Brotherhood Evolution: An Overview', American Foreign Policy

Interests, 33: 2, 69 858 Mohammed Zahid and Michael Medley, (2006), Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt & Sudan, Review of

African Political Economy, Vol. 33, No. 110, Religion, Ideology & Conflict in Africa, (Taylor & Francis, Ltd)

pp. 693-708, available at http://www.jstor.org/stable/4007135


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The Muslim Brotherhood has a lot of affiliated organizations worldwide such as

organizations branches in Libyan Muslim Brotherhood, Islamic Brotherhood in Jordan,

Tunisia, Iraq, etc Today it spans more than 70 countries with branches and affiliates in

Qatar, Sudan, the Philippines, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Tunisia, Bosnia,

Yemen, Syria, Jordan, Chechnya, Algeria, Djibouti, Oman, the Balkans, Turkey,

Germany, England, Australia, and Malaysia, among others.

Following the assassination of Al-Bannah, the group went underground and was revived

with some of its members contesting elections. The group was however legalized in

1952, only to be banned by the same Gamal Abdel Nasser regime in 1954 which legalized

the party, when their ideals no longer coincided. The secret apparatus tried to retaliate

by assassinating Nasser, but following the failed assassination attempt, more than one-

third of the leaders and members of the Muslim brotherhood were put in jail.

It was not until 1974 that the Muslim Brotherhood began to re-emerge and that was

during the regime of President Ansar Al-Sadat. Then during the Mubarak regime, the

brotherhood won the largest number of parliamentary seats in its history.

It is quite apparent that the brotherhood, although a strong opposition force in the

Egyptian society, has been used by the various governments either to save face, gain

popular supports, counter-balance other groups, or even make excuse for the retainingof stronghold on power. For instance, during the Sadat regime, the brotherhood was

promoted in order to counterbalance extremist groups, during the Mubarak regime, it

was to show the West what opening the political landscape in Egypt will look like.9

2.3. ACTIVITIES OF THE BROTHERHOODSince its inception the group has been preaching Islam, teaching the illiterate, setting uphospitals and launching small enterprises for the poor and down-trodden, a religious

response to despair. Its underlying objective has always been to infuse the Quran, the

Holy Book, and the Sunnah, the life teaching of Prophet Mohammed, as the sole

9Kristen Stilt, (1980), Islam is the Solution: Constitutional Visions of the Egyptian Muslim

Brotherhood, (Washington D.C.: Carnegie Corporation)


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reference points for ordering the life of the Muslim family, individual, community and

state, and to base the delivery of justice on Sharia or Islamic Law:-

The Brotherhood promotes its agenda in the print media and on radio, television, and

the Internet. In addition to ikhwanonline.com, its official Web site, the Brotherhoodsponsors many other venues to reach all segments in society.

The funding for the group and its affiliated organizations comes from tithes from

members annual income, complemented by generous funding from Saudi Arabia, the

Gulf States, and wealthy Muslim individuals worldwide.

2.4. RISE TO POLITICAL POWER IN EGYPTUnder Hassan al-Banna, its founder, the movement disavowed partisan politics, and

even when it did participate, it avoided forming its own party or formally aligning with

others. The Brotherhood has never rejected participation in parliamentary elections. Its

founder, Hassan al-Banna, attempted to run for parliament. Generally, the Muslim

Brotherhood did not show great interest in electoral politics.

The Egyptian government became oppressively authoritarian in the 1950s. As a result,

members of the Brotherhood in Egypt were victims of government oppression. The

Muslim brotherhood responded with political assassinations some which were

successful10, while some not being successful drew sharp reactions from the government

whose oppressive leaders did not hesitate to ban and imprison the members of the

group.

In 1954, the group was banned. The group remained inactive on the political scene not

until 1974 when President Anwar Al-Sadat came into power. As of the early 1980s, the

now political brothers made a strong appearance in trade unions and the parliament.

10Prime Minister Mahmoud an-Nukrashi Pasha was allegedly killed in 1948 by the Security Apparatus of

the Muslim Brotherhood. Seehttp://aljazeera.com/indepth/2011/02/201126101349142168.html
http://aljazeera.com/indepth/2011/02/201126101349142168.htmlhttp://aljazeera.com/indepth/2011/02/201126101349142168.htmlhttp://aljazeera.com/indepth/2011/02/201126101349142168.htmlhttp://aljazeera.com/indepth/2011/02/201126101349142168.html


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The Muslim Brotherhood fielded candidates in the 1984 and 1987 elections and did

rather well. During the Mubarak regime, the members of Muslim brotherhood

participated, though as independent candidates, or via alliance with other political

parties into political positions. At the previous peak of its electoral success, the

Brotherhood participated in a short lived alliance with the liberal Wafd party that won

58 seats in 1984.

In 1990, the Brotherhood participated in an opposition electoral boycott of

parliamentary balloting, demanding a more neutral process for administering elections

and a more faithful observance of constitutional guarantees of the integrity of the

electoral process. But in most elections, the Brotherhood ran a modest number of

candidates, winning a modest number of seats.

Over the past decade, the Brotherhood has plunged farther into politics, stepping up its

electoral participation and developing a more comprehensive and detailed agenda in the

process. In the early 2000s, they were prominently represented in the Lawyers

Syndicate, and two of their members took leading posts in the Journalists Syndicate.

The Muslim Brotherhood secured 17 seats in the 2000 parliamentary elections and 88

seats in the 2005 elections. In the wake of the 2005 parliamentary elections, the

Brotherhood candidates won 88 of 444 elected seats.11

Throughout the uprising the Brotherhood participated in the demonstrations, The

Muslim Brotherhood in doing this identified with the desire of the Egyptian population

to attain a truly democratic regime where the rule of law prevailed. In 2011

parliamentary elections, the Muslim Brotherhood won 51% of the electoral seats and in

the Presidential elections for the first time, the political Branch of the Muslim

Brotherhood, the Freedom and Justice party produced the first Arab spring post-

11

Amr Hamzawy; Nathan J. Brown, (2010), The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood: Islamist Participation in

a Closing Political Environment, (Carnegie Middle East Center) Number 19 p. 7, also Samer Shehata and

Joshua Stacher, The Brotherhood Goes to Parliament, 240 MIDDLE EAST REPORT 32


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revolutionary president.12 This is quite significant because from an underground role the

Muslim Brotherhood played once upon a time, they are now the government, having the

opportunity to bring about the changes they had always desired to see in the Egyptian

society.

With respect to foreign policy, the Muslim brotherhood had always participated in the

foreign policy debates in Egypt. However, no real policy with regard to gender issues

had clearly been spelt during the tenure of its various members in parliament. It has

been suspicious of U.S. intentions in the region, viewing Gaza as a humanitarian issue,

and opposing Israeli policy in terms that range from the critical to the histrionic. 13

More importantly it can be said that the Muslim Brotherhood has the interest of all

other Muslim Brotherhood groups at the center-piece of its policy. Following the

statement quoted at the beginning of the article, and also in verification of the fact that

the Brotherhood seeks to reestablish the caliphate that once was, such assertion of

foreign policy orientation cannot be far from true.

2.5. CHALLENGES OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOODThe Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt (Islamic name: Ikwhan al-Muslimi) has been

committed towards restructuring of society based on an advocacy of return to Islam.

They argue that the ills plaguing society are as a result of various influences that have

changed the priority of the people from God to materialistic concerns. Thus, there is a

need to return to the foundations of Islamic religion and faith. This can be seen in their

profession of Sharia as the primary source of law.

12 Freedom and Justice Party won 47 percent of the seats in the lower house of parliament in January

2012, and in June 2012, the Party's candidate took the presidency. See Toni Johnson, (2012), Egypt's

Muslim Brotherhood, available athttp://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-

brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p113

Liad Porat, (2012),The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Its True Intentions Towards Israel BESA

Center Perspectives Paper No. 192, December 10, 2012
http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1


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The Muslim brotherhoods aversion to western domination is prominent, not only

among members of the group but most of the general populace who are wary of foreign

gestures of countries such as the United States and United Kingdom in their domestic

affairs. This fact can especially be seen in light of the fact that a meeting held recently

between members of the Muslim brotherhood and officials of the state department,

which took place prior to, and after the election of FJP candidate Mohammed Mursi as

president, was made public by use of media, in order to ensure that the people (Muslim

Brotherhood members) do not get the wrong perception about the new regime as

conniving with Western interests.

The leadership and the entire structure of the Muslim brotherhood are faced with many

challenges, part of which include reconciling the interests of various competing interests

within the group, as well as responding to external pressures. For instance, following the

recent protests in which brotherhood members disbanded the protesters; the leadership

of the Egypt through the Muslim Brotherhood ought to be seen as encompassing the

interests of all Egyptians, and not making policies that are only perceived as favorable to

members of their group. The brotherhood dominated government is expected to play a

more significant and strong role in advancing and promoting the rights of its

members.14

The Brotherhood has been viewed with increasing suspicion as slowly un-hatching a plot

to impose Islamic law on the whole country. However, the Muslim Brotherhood has

repeatedly dismissed such claims as false, while also reiterating their disposition

towards building a democratic society inclusive of all segments of society and ensuring

participation at the various sections. This declaration of the Brotherhood disposition has

been consistent with the group for over thirty years. In buttressing this point, one may

look towards the internal structure of the brotherhood, which is itself democratic, and

allows participation. The membership of the brotherhood is at various levels, andmembership is not based on strict adherence to principles of the group. This has been

14This has been done before in which it sent monetary aid to freedom fighters and declared

commitments to sending Mujahedeen should the need arise.


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one of the reasons adduced for the survival of the group15. On the other hand, in terms

of leadership, there are issues relating to access. Most youths have been neglected and

not granted greater access. This is one of the reasons for the creations of a vibrant youth

movement in Egypt that was formed as a splinter group of the Muslim Brotherhood.

The Muslim Brotherhood condemns violence in any manner or form, and this has been

consistent with its approach to events within the country. The Muslim Brotherhood has

also condemned violence in Lebanon when it was attacked by Syria; in Gaza which is a

flashpoint for conflict, and even Sinai which has become notoriously dangerous,

considering the terrorist attacks occurring in the region.

It must be stated that as a result of its lack of a proper approach to Jihad, (which

according to the Muslim Brotherhood does not necessarily include a call to violence, buta stand against the evils of society through the creation of awareness and promotion of

Islamic ideals) various members of the organization have formed splinter groups which

are of a more fundamental character such as the group which carried out attacks on over

30 foreigners. The Al-Qaeda deputy, Al-Zahwiri who is also an Egyptian national, and

former Brotherhood member16, has in strong terms condemned the Brotherhood

accusing them of rallying large members of the masses for political, rather than spiritual

ends.

The point being made here is that although the Muslim Brotherhood supports an

Ideology based on adherence to Islam, it will not engage in a hostile manner towards

segments of society that do not yet conform to the Islamic faith. This is clearly seen in

the internal democratic process of the group in terms of membership17, and also

15

Other reasons include the fact that while they were banned publicly, their meetings continuedsecretly, and since they could meet in mosques, they made use of such avenues. A writer had to ask that

how else a group that had been banned for several years suddenly would be able to mobilize massive

support and win elections.16Toni Johnson, (2012), Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, available athttp://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-

muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-

120312#p117

Various levels of membership are allowedalso cite the instance where brotherhood members turned

against protesters, and overriding humanitarian concerns.
http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1http://www.cfr.org/africa/egypts-muslim-brotherhood/p23991?cid=rss%20analysisbriefbackgroundersexp-egypt_s_muslim_brotherhood-120312#p1


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externally when they publicly avow their aversion to violence.18 Consistent with these

approaches is the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood is employing a gradualist approach

in execution of its objectives. This may be celebrated in wide circles, but other segments

of Egyptian society, for instance the Coptic Christian community foresee impending

disaster, also being almost convinced that the rights of the minority may be ignored in

order that there might be cohesion within the system. Fears have arisen as to whether a

Khartoum styled regime awaits Egypt present democracy in the near future.

2.6. ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF THE BROTHERHOOD IN EGYPTLooking at the historical background of the Muslim brotherhood, and comparing it to

what we have today, one can clearly deduce two things: one being the fact that the

Brotherhood, for the first time in so many years is actually in a position to effect the

kind of change they have always desired to see in the Egyptian polity. Consequently,

feeling the need for constant and cohesive action in their desire to influence desired

change in the socio-economic of the Egyptian populace, and probably fuelled by

memories of past frustrated/ions by their inability to achieve such goals because of the

constant roadblocks set up by previous government, the Muslim Brotherhood joined

politics in their bid to directly influence policies and protect/ensure their survivalagainst eventual seclusion from society. Secondly, following accounts of the ideologies of

the various leaders that have served the group, it can be clearly stated that the ideology

of the group has changed from the original intentions of its founding fathers. Historical

accounts make us understand that the brotherhood did enjoy great relationships with

the government of before they fell out of political favor. In other words, the founding

fathers desired that the group be removed far from politics. However, this can also be

argued in light of the fact that the group has always been political, though not

participating directly, because of its security arm which have carried out assassinations

of various political leaders. It cannot be denied that the group has moved to a more

active position than that which it was comfortable with in the past.

18Marc Lynch, (2008) The Brotherhoods Dilemma, Crown Center for International Studies Review of

African Political Economy, Religion, Ideology & Conflict in Africa. Vol. 33, No. 110


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Based on an analysis of their actions, the Muslim Brotherhood in government is not only

trying to ensure their survival and permanent stronghold on power, they are also trying

to ensure they create an Islamic society in fulfillment of their goals. This can clearly be

seen in the nature of the presently drafted constitution which has been by many as being

Islamic, and also grants institutions such as Al-Azhar University highest form of

authority in interpretation of texts and also constitutional right to funding for the spread

of Islam. The protective nature of Muslim brotherhood members, who have moved away

from the side of the protesters, to become protectors of the government through the

disbanding of protests and protesting against the protesters, also confirms the former

point about the brotherhood ensuring their survival.

The Muslim in brotherhood in trying to Islamize Egypt and in their avowed aversion to

extremism and moderation in allowing for a consideration of the rights of minority

groups can be said to be in a balancing state. However, it is predicted that there will

come a time in Egypt where the brotherhood will take a final stance in terms of its

objectives for the Egyptian government. This is not to say that the Muslim Brotherhood

has not through its political leaders being taking various stances as could be seen in the

foreign policy approach under the leadership of Mohammed Mursi who made visits to

China, Iran, and Ethiopia. However, the Muslim Brotherhood is yet to consolidate itself

in power, and it is only a matter of time before the true intentions of the MuslimBrotherhood are clearly unveiled. Presently, the challenges faced in terms of strong

opposition from various segments of society, and also the need to resuscitate the

Egyptian economy especially with the provision of foreign aid form organizations such

as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) may inform the need to ensure a gradualist

approach to the change the desired by the organization.

3.0. EGYPTIAN PRESIDENT MOHAMMED MURSIMohammed Mursi was born in Al-Sharqiyyah governorate, on the eastern side of the

Nile delta. He studied engineering at Cairo University, earning a bachelors degree in

1975 and a masters degree in engineering metallurgy in 1978. He then traveled to the

United States to continue his education, earning a Ph.D. in engineering from the


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University of Southern California in 1982. After receiving his doctorate, he taught

engineering at California State University, Northridge, until 1985. He became Chairman

of the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) when it was founded by the Muslim

Brotherhood in the wake of the 2011 Egyptian revolution. He stood as the FJP's

candidate for the MayJune 2012 presidential election.

Mohammed Mursi, who was also a former and long time leading personality in the

Brotherhood, became the first post-Arab spring revolutionary President. He has been

seen as subservient and highly influenced by the Muslim Brotherhood19. Since his

election as President, Mohammed Mursi has in the words of Jannis Grim and Stefan

Roll, set himself apart from his predecessor by asserting a leadership role for Egypt, and

also opening the foreign policy new potential partners. 20

Compared to Mubarak regime which preferred to maintain the status quo by being

passive towards the Palestinian agenda and remaining pro-Western, the Mursi regime

has taken active steps in its foreign policy orientation. Its first set of visits were to China

instead of U.S., and also more surprisingly to Iran, Saudi Arabia and Ethopia.21 This has

surprised many foreign policy experts because one would have expected the Mursi

regime to immediately carry out its campaign of Islamization of Egypt (Ekwhanization).

Or maybe the Mursi regime is a step closer towards achieving this because on the

domestic front, Mohammed Mursi, has also to the surprise of the various interests

surrounding Egypt, being able to check the military who was seen as the major check on

the governments power, by resigning Field Marshal Tantawi and other heads of the

military.22

19Abdel Rahman Youssef, Egyptians choose the next Mubarakhttp://english.al-

akhbar.com/node/665120 Jannis Grimm and Stephan Roll, (2012), Egyptian Foreign Policy under Mohamed Mursi: Domestic

Considerations and Economic Constraints, (German Institute for International and Security Affairs

Berlin)21 Sally Khalifa Isaac, (2012),Egypts Transition: How is it under Brotherhood Rule? IPSI Analysis

No.13822

Vin Weber Gregory B. Craig, (2012), Illusions without Engagement: Building An Interest Based

Relationship With The New Egypt, Strategic Report 9, (Washington, DC: The Washington Institute For

Near East Policy) p. 3
http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/6651http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/6651http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/6651http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/6651http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/6651http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/6651


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The radical approach brought on by the Mursi regime has baffled many as to the

question of who influences the foreign policy of Egypt, considering that the president in

particular lacks a great deal of experience in this area.23 This is evidently seen in many of

his various trips abroad which has been filled with scandals as the president has always

in most cases disregarded diplomatic etiquettes.24 Although as some may have rightly

hinted, the president, being a spare tire for Al-Shater, the original Brotherhood

candidate before Mursi was elected, it may then be said that he is truly influenced by the

Muslim Brotherhood.25 Being a small group affair, if one were to directly pinpoint where

the foreign policy directives really emanate from one could say that his Head of

Presidential Office, El Tantawi, and also Essam El-Haddad and some leadership

figures within the Freedom and Justice Party leadership could be responsible for pulling

the oars of Egyptian foreign policy.26

In analyzing the statements of Mohammed Mursi, one would notice a history of cunning

and deceptiveness. He has been accused of inciting hatred towards the Israelites on the

Palestinian cause27, an accusation he has strictly denied. Also, while he keeps reassuring

Egyptians of a return to real democracy, one in which everyone will be granted access to

participate, some of the actions as regards the constitutional drafting has shown that

Mursi is moving in an opposite direction. After suspending the Supreme Constitutional

Court, the President granted himself sweeping powers which would allow him to carryout his official duties undisturbed. This has created widespread tensions as most

minority groups fear the gradual Islamization of the state. However, it is too early to

give a definitive answer as to whether the Foreign policy under his regime is going to

23 Sally Khalifa Isaac, (2012),already cited24

Mohammed Khawly, Things get awkward with Mohammed Mursi, published February 16, 2013,

available athttp://english.al-akhbar.com/node/1499325

ibid26

Jannis Grimm and Stephan Roll, (2012), already cited

27 Recently, members of the opposition began sharing two recordings of Mursi prior to his electoral

victory: I worked as a consultant on rocket ship engines in NASA for a long period of time, Mursi

claimed in the first. But in another recording broadcast on religious channels, he denied ever saying this.

I never said or wrote that I worked in NASA and there is nothing in my resume that says that, but I did

do some research on issues related to the US space shuttle that NASA was building. This research had

some applications and benefits to NASA at the time. See Mohammed Kwaly, already cited.
http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/14993http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/14993http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/14993http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/14993


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undergo a radical transformation because the Constitution being drafted will still be

subject to a vote by Parliament and referendum, and also because of the need to

emancipate the Egyptian economy from destruction.28

4.0. COMPETING INTERESTS IN EGYPTIAN FOREIGN POLICYThe Coptic Christians form about 10% of the Egyptian population. With regards to their

rights, it can be stated that the draft constitution makes provisions for the protection of

minority rights.29 This is quite commendable as it can be seen to promote equality

among the entire Egyptian population. However, in practical reality, it is assumed that

the protection of such rights may be quite difficult to achieve, especially considering the

fact that such rights may be enjoyed only on the condition that it is in conformity withIslamic law.30

In examination of Western interests, it may be said that the United States government

for the time being has a great influence over the formation of Egyptian foreign policy,

owing to the fact that the U.S. government provides the Egyptian army with aid, and

also it wields great influence in the I.M.F. whose financial package is being sought by

officials of the Egyptian government in order to resuscitate the Egyptian economy.

Egyptthe worlds largest importer of wheatis near bankruptcy, with the newgovernment going hat-in-hand to capitals around the world asking for urgent help to

support its battered currency and dwindling foreign currency reserves.31

The United States has provided more than $70 billion to support Egypts economic

development and military preparedness since Cairos turn toward the West and

commitment to peace with Israel more than thirty years ago. The United States is the

most important trading partner for the Egyptian economy. One fifth of the imports that

28 See below p.1829 See Articles 3, 4, 11 of draft constitution30 For instance, see Article 14 of the draft articles relating to Equality of Women: - The State shall

guarantee harmonization between the duties of women towards the family and work within society. The

State shall also guarantee equality between men and women in the political, social, cultural and

economic arenas, without prejudice to the provisions of the Islamic Law.31

Vin Weber Gregory B. Craig, (2012), already cited


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come into Egypt originate in the United States. Sales of agricultural produce to Egypt

generate about 2 billion dollars a year for the United States. US investments in Egypt are

very important for both countries, adding up to over 2 billion dollars.32

The United States has three main sources of leverage in its relationship with Egypt:foreign military financing (FMF), currently $1.3 billion per year, which comprises the

bulk of Cairos defense acquisition budget; economic aid, which the Obama

administration proposed to set at $250 million in 2012; and American influence with

other donors, including the major international economic institutions to which Egypt is

turning in light of its ongoing economic crisis, such as the International Monetary Fund

and World Bank.

In the long term, the main competitors to the Muslim Brotherhood will not the non-Islamist parties, but rather the Salafis, who are keen in monitoring developments with

regard to political reforms within Egyptian society, and who stand the best chance of

expanding their supportand their influenceif the Brotherhood falters.33

The Salafis have called for a stricter imputation of Islamic values in the present draft of

the constitution. The group advocates monotheism and fighting un-Islamic practices

and beliefs, including praying at shrines, and a re-establishment of the Islamic

Caliphate. The society accepts electoral participation through running for office andvoting. The party even supported Mursi election bid in the final round of the polls.

5.0. TRANSITION IN EGYPTIAN FOREIGN POLICY?Based on our study of the Muslim Brotherhood and Egyptian president Mohammed

Mursi, one may truly predict the emergence of an Islamic state as opposed to a secular

state which Egypt once was under the Mubarak regime with implications for the nations

foreign policy. However, one may ask if the emergence of a new group at the helm of

affairs may signify a change in foreign policy posture. In most cases it has been shown

32Seehttp://www.arabamericangiving.org/the-importance-of-egypt-to-the-us-economy.php

33Vin Weber Gregory B. Craig, (2012), already cited
http://www.arabamericangiving.org/the-importance-of-egypt-to-the-us-economy.phphttp://www.arabamericangiving.org/the-importance-of-egypt-to-the-us-economy.phphttp://www.arabamericangiving.org/the-importance-of-egypt-to-the-us-economy.phphttp://www.arabamericangiving.org/the-importance-of-egypt-to-the-us-economy.php


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that this scenario is least likely to play out, and the emergence of a new leader does not

have significant impact on a nations foreign policy.

Thus a given leaders ability to influence the system, particularly in a democracy may be

hindered by congressional or parliamentary oversights, a good example being Nigeriaspeacekeeping mission in Mali being debated by the Chambers of the national Assembly

before it was approved that an intervention was necessary, especially in consideration of

the imminent threat against her national security.

But what happens in situations whereby in the domestic setting, majority of the

parliament support the presidents action with regard to certain policy, and the

perceived check on the excesses of powers of the president no longer pose any real

danger? In Egypt, the situation cannot be described as being far from the scenario beingdescribed. The Brotherhood in Egyptian parliament are majority winning 47% of seats,

and since their entry to power, they have already approved a draft constitution with 64%

supporting the contents of the draft constitution.

Looking at the draft constitution, certain elements in the presently drafted constitution

present sketchy details of what the future Egyptian state will look like: for instance

Article 1 which now reads: -

The Arab Republic of Egypt is a unified and sovereign State that shall not accept division. The

Republic enjoys a democratic regime based on the principles of consultation, plurality and

citizenship where all citizens are deemed equal in rights and duties. The Egyptian people are

deemed part of the Arab and Islamic nation and are adamant about the sense of belonging

thereto34

Looking at the above, it is evident that as opposed to the previous wording of the former

constitution, the Egyptian state will become an Islamic state. This has implications for

Egyptian foreign policy, as there are certain trade restrictions with regards to Islamic

states such as type of goods, and also the cultural conformity. Secondly it is evident that

34The former constitution read: The Arab Republic of Egypt is a democratic state based on citizenship.

The Egyptian people are part of the Arab Nation and work for the realization of its comprehensive

unity.


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there may be censorship on individual freedom of expression35 and considering the fact

that the right to external self-determination has been expunged from the list of available

options from which Egyptian minorities may avail themselves, should they be unable to

express their internal self-determination right, the new foreign policy approach would

be based primarily on the defence of principles of non-interference, especially from

Western states, and Arab solidarity with Egypt playing a greater role in the affairs of the

region.

The first set of visits embarked upon by then newly elected president Mohammed

Mursi was not to the United States of America, but China, Iran Saudi Arabia and

Ethopia. This is significant as it connotes not only a change from a Pro-Western

Egyptian foreign policy but a pragmatic approach to the current realities of world

politics. The Egyptian presidents visit to China is or can be viewed as acknowledgement

that there is another hegemon whose influence is rapidly expanding, especially in the

African continent and that the future is in theeast. The visit to Iran and Egypts

comments on ongoing issues in Syria and Gaza point to a shift from a passive role to a

more active role in Arab affairs. The visit to Iran also signifies the fact that the new

regime is serious about Arab unity, irrespective of religious affinity. This assertion stems

from the fact that majority of the Egyptians are Sunnis while majority of the Iranian

population are Shiites. It must also be recalled that the visit to Iran is the first that anEgyptian president has made to the country after several long decades. With regards to

the Egyptian presidents visit to Ethopia, the seat of the African Union; the Egyptian

government is recognizing its importance as the largest military on the African

continent. From the foregoing, it is certain that Egypt is repositioning itself as a

civilization that once stood strong in World history.

With regards to the protection of gender and minority rights, it is to be expected

that the gradual Islamization of the Egyptian state will have grave consequences interms of the aid it receives from most western countries that are wary of giving aid to

nations who engage in massive violation of human rights. As stated earlier, the present

constitutional reform cannot but promote vacuum for violation of minority rights.

35Amr Hamzawy Nathan J. Brown, (2010), The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood: Islamist Participation in a

Closing Political Environment, (Carnegie Middle East Center) Number 19 pp. 11-12, 14 - 16


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Coptic Christians are the largest Christian community in the Middle East, as well as the

largest religious minority in the region, and they account for an estimated 10% of

Egyptian population. As a religious minority, the Copts are subject to significant

discrimination in modern Egypt, and the target of attacks by militant Islamic extremist

groups. Since the revolution, the violence against them has increased and although the

president has claimed he is for the Copts, which has not stopped the violence against the

Copts as various clashes have taken place between Copts and religious extremists.

Looking at the draft constitution, rights and freedoms have been deferred to the

law. Therefore, laws can undermine these rights and freedoms, causing them to lose

their constitutional value. The phrases "within the confines of the law" and "according to

the law" are a direct infringement of the legislative power entrenched in constitutional

law and are equivalent to shackles on the constitution and the individual. Article 68

destroys gender equality, restricting women's rights to the rulings of Islamic law. Article

38 warns against any "attack against or insult to the prophets." This is specifically

directed at the Copts, since Christianity and Judaism are subject to daily insults that go

unpunished, while Coptic citizens are the only ones who are put on trial if they happen

to criticize Islam and defend their religion.36

More pressing concern is the socio-economic conditions of the Egyptian

populace. Egypts most serious issues are poverty and overpopulation in major cities

which has strained infrastructure, necessitating intervention of huge funds for the

resuscitation of the Egyptian economy. If the economy is to recover, it will need lots of

funds, most of which can be gotten from Western donors and institutions such as the

I.M.F. it may be in anticipation of an alternative source of wealth that Egypt seeks the

aid from countries such as Germany and Saudi Arabia. In emphasizing this, the U.S.

Secretary of State, John Kerry stated that "The best way to ensure human rights and

strong political checks and balances ... is through the broadest possible political and

36 Fikra Forum, (2012). Egyptian Human Rights Experts Analyze the Draft Constitution Washington

Institute available athttp://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/egyptian-human-rights-

experts-analyze-the-draft-constitution#last retrieved 22 February 2013.
http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/egyptian-human-rights-experts-analyze-the-draft-constitutionhttp://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/egyptian-human-rights-experts-analyze-the-draft-constitutionhttp://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/egyptian-human-rights-experts-analyze-the-draft-constitutionhttp://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/egyptian-human-rights-experts-analyze-the-draft-constitutionhttp://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/egyptian-human-rights-experts-analyze-the-draft-constitutionhttp://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/egyptian-human-rights-experts-analyze-the-draft-constitution


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economic participation," after meeting Egyptian foreign minister Kamel Amr during his

visit to Egypt.

Thus, the gradual Islamization of the Egyptian state signals a change in foreign policy in

terms of the nations Egypt will have cordial relations with, in relation to tradeagreements, and also in the area of Western intervention in Arab countries and isolation

from a pro-Washington foreign policy enjoyed by the U.S. government during the

Mubarak regime.

However, closely related to these is a struggle to maintain the status quo based on the

understanding that although foreign policy may change with a particular leader, but

ultimately, the polarity and stability of the international system will dictate how they

will behave. This can be seen in Egypts need to achieve economic recovery with thehelp of foreign aid from countries such as the U.S.A. and loan from the International

Monetary fund (I.M.F.) This notion of polarity and stability of the international system,

also in the protection of minority and gender based rights, has also been affirmed also

by the 2013 State of the Union address in United States of America where President

Barak Obama said:

We cannot presume to dictate the course of change in countries like Egypt but we can

and must insist on the respect for the fundamental rights of all people.

CONCLUSIONWe have so far examined the issue of whether regime change in Egypt will also signal a

change in foreign policy posture of the country. In using the Snyders model which talks

about the internal, external and decision making factors and how such factors influence

and affect foreign policy, we have been able to establish that the Muslim Brotherhoodplays a significant role in Egyptian politics, more different from welfarist position they

played over the years. This has also translated itself in terms of the foreign policy

orientation and posture of the Egyptian government.


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However, it may be difficult to conclude that the change in Egypt will happen

immediately considering the need for the quick recovery of the Egyptian economy. It is

also certain that the U.S. will continue to influence government and politics in Egypt.


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European Union Institute for Security Studies.

Ehrenfeld, Rachel, (2011). 'The Muslim Brotherhood Evolution: An Overview, Journalof American Foreign Policy Interests, Vol. 33, No. 2, pp 69 85

Ferry de Kerckhove, (2012), Egypts Muslim Brotherhood and the Arab Spring (Canada: Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute Calgary)

Hafez Abu Saudi, (2012). Toward a Democratic Constitution for Post-Revolution Egypt(Washington DC: Washington Institute) available at

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Hamzawy Nathan J. Brown, (2010), The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood: IslamistParticipation in a Closing Political Environment, (Carnegie Middle East Center)Number 19

Itamar Marcus and Nan Jacques Zilberdik, PMW translation ofJihad is the WaybyMustafa Mashhur Leader of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, from 1996 2002Palestinian Media Watch

Jannis Grimm and Stephan Roll, (2012). Egyptian Foreign Policy under MohamedMursi: Domestic Considerations and Economic Constraints, (Berlin: German Institutefor International and Security Affairs)

Kristen Stilt, Islam is the Solution: Constitutional Visions of the Egyptian MuslimBrotherhood, (Washington D.C.: Carnegie Corporation)

Liad Porat, (2012),The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Its True Intentions TowardsIsrael. BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 192,

Marc Lynch, (2008). The Brotherhoods Dilemma. Crown Center for InternationalStudies. Review of African Political Economy, Religion, Ideology & Conflict in Africa.

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Martini, Jeffrey et al. (2012). The Muslim Brotherhood, its youth, and implications forU.S. engagement. (New York: RAND Corporation)

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tales of a brotherhood: a transition in egyptian foreign policy?

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