viewers vs. doers: the relationship between watching food television and bmi
TRANSCRIPT
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Viewers vs. Doers:
The Relationship Between Watching Food Television and BMI."
Authors: Lizzy Pope, Lara Latimer, and Brian Wansink1
This is the author’s version of a work that was accepted for publication in Appetite. Changes resulting from the
publishing process, such as peer review, editing, corrections, structural formatting, and other quality control
mechanisms may not be reflected in this document. Changes may have been made to this work since it was
submitted for publication
1Lizzy Pope, PhD RD is a post-doctoral Fellow at the Charles H. Dyson School of Applied
Economics and Management, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY 14853 USA. Email is
[email protected] . Lara A. Latimer, PhD is a post-doctoral Fellow at the Charles H. Dyson
School of Applied Economics and Management, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY 14853 USA
email: [email protected]. Brian Wansink, PhD is the John S. Dyson Professor of
Marketing at the Charles H. Dyson School of Applied Economics and Management, Cornell
University. 110 Warren Hall, Ithaca, NY 14853 email:[email protected].
Corresponding author is Brian Wansink. Phone: 1-607-229-3896. Fax: 1-607-254-6302.
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“
Viewers vs. Doers:
The Relationship Between Watching Food Television and BMI
Abstract
The objective of this study was to examine where nutritional gatekeepers obtain information
about new foods, and whether information source is associated with Body Mass Index (BMI), as
well as whether any association varied according to how often the participant cooked from
scratch. A national panel survey of 501 females aged 20-35 assessed how participants obtained
information on new recipes, and asked a series of questions about their cooking habits, their
weight and height. Linear regressions were run to determine associations between information
source, cooking from scratch, and BMI. Obtaining information from cooking shows was
positively correlated with BMI (p<0.05), as was obtaining information from social media
(p<0.05), whereas obtaining information from other print, online, or in-person sources was not
significantly associated with BMI. A significant interaction between watching cooking shows
and cooking from scratch indicated that cooking from scratch, as well as watching cooking
shows was associated with higher BMI (p<0.05). Obtaining information about new foods from
television cooking shows or social media – versus other sources – appears to have a unique
relationship with BMI. Furthermore, watching cooking shows may have a differential effect on
BMI for those who are merely TV “viewers,” versus those who are “doers.” Promoting healthy
foods on cooking shows may be one way to positively influence the weight status of “doers” as
well as “viewers.”
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Introduction
Since the late 1980’s, a decreasing percentage of American meals have been cooked from
home (Kant & Graubard, 2004; Smith, Shu Wen, & Popkin, 2013). While this could be
interpreted as a growing disinterest in cooking and food preparation, there has puzzlingly been a
simultaneous increase in the popularity of watching other people cook on television. The Food
Network was established in 1993, and by 2012 it averaged over 1.1 million nightly viewers,
making it a top-ten cable network (Networks, 2012). With its immense popularity, the Food
Network – and food television in general -- may be a unique source of recipe and food
information for nutritional gatekeepers who are thought to influence 72% of the food eaten by
members of their households (Brian Wansink, 2006).
There is a wide range of food-related programming offered by the Food Network and
other TV networks, ranging from instructional, to aspirational, to experiential. In a study on how
the Food Network establishes consumer fantasies, Ketchum suggested that the programming
found on the network falls into one of four categories, traditional domestic instructional cooking,
personality-driven domestic cooking, food travel programs, and avant-garde programming
(Ketchum, 2005). Programs on the Food Network representing the traditional domestic
instructional shows, such as “Thirty Minute Meals” with Rachel Ray, appeal to those who watch
the Food Network in hopes of learning new cooking skills or techniques. These shows tend to
provide instruction on how to make meals that will please others and have been found to appeal
to women and professionals who are more likely to view the Food Network in order to learn
specific cooking skills (Caraher, Lange, & Dixon, 2000; De Solier, 2005; Ketchum, 2005). The
other three categories appeal to those who watch the Food Network for more aspirational or
vicarious experiential reasons. Programming in these categories often makes food appear sexual,
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extreme, or fun (Caraher et al., 2000; Ketchum, 2005; Meister, 2001). By watching Guy Fiere
travel around the country trying food from various “Diners, Drive-Ins, and Dives,” viewers may
feel that they too can experience the comfort cuisine of a variety of communities. Viewers of
this type of programming are not necessarily looking for cooking instruction, but rather for
entertainment, and represent the majority of those who watch food TV (Caraher et al., 2000;
Ketchum, 2005).
It is possible, given today’s pervasive media portrayal of the thin ideal and dieting
culture, that individuals, particularly women, may engage in what we are coining “vicarious
gluttony.” That is, they may use food television as an outlet for actual behaviors that are less
acceptable in today’s society, where attention to the dangers of obesity and promotion of healthy
eating have become commonplace. To these viewers, cooking programs may offer pleasure
vicariously, as food programming on TV often promotes overconsumption and gratification,
which are generally frowned upon in today’s culture of “dieting” (Caraher et al., 2000; Ketchum,
2005; Meister, 2001). Other sources of food information such as magazine articles and blogs
could also be seen as sources of vicarious gluttony, but they don’t necessarily combine modeling
by admired “authority” figures and the ability to “transport” viewers to fantasy locations as
skillfully as TV food programs can. It is known that behavioral modeling can powerfully
influence behavior (Pliner & Mann, 2004), so if food TV provides unhealthy models, it could
have an unintended negative influence on viewers.
The health impact of getting food information from food television is not clear. If
watching cooking shows helps teach viewers skills to prepare healthful meals at home, then
watching food TV might promote health (Clifford, Anderson, Auld, & Champ, 2009).
Conversely, if the overconsumption and unhealthiness often portrayed help set cultural norms
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that reflect eating excess calories and fat, watching food TV might have a negative affect on
one’s weight and health. Consistent with this view, a recent study performed in the United
Kingdom, found that TV chefs’ recipes were high in fat, saturated fat, and sodium compared to
the World Health Organization’s nutritional guidelines (Howard, Adams, & White, 2012). The
TV recipes also contained more calories, protein, and fat than supermarket pre-prepared meals,
which traditionally are not that nutritious either (Howard et al., 2012). Therefore, if viewers are
watching food TV to learn cooking skills and gather recipes they may be at-risk for unhealthy
eating patterns. One way to explore the relationship between watching food TV and body mass
index (BMI), may be to examine the differential effects of watching food TV on “doers” – those
who watch food TV and actually cook, versus on “viewers” – those who watch TV but do not
actually cook. Previous studies have indicated that involvement in food preparation is associated
with better diet quality, and lower BMI (Kolodinsky & Goldstein, 2011; Thorpe, Kestin, Riddell,
Keast, & McNaughton, 2013). However, getting recipe information from TV chefs and cooking
from scratch could actually lead to higher BMI from the preparation of recipes high in calories
and fat.
The impact of food TV may be the greatest on those who are less experienced with
cooking and are either living on their own or with a young family (Day, Kyriazakis, & Rogers,
1998). Given the impact these nutritional gatekeepers have or will soon have on their family,
and given that 70% of nutritional gatekeepers are still believed to be women (Day et al., 1998),
the objectives of this study were to focus on women 20-35 to determine whether obtaining
information about new foods from cooking shows was differentially associated with their BMI,
compared to information from other sources. Secondly, the study examined whether any
relationship between watching cooking shows and BMI was different for those who often cooked
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from scratch versus those who did not. We hypothesize 1) obtaining food information from
cooking shows will be positively correlated with BMI whereas obtaining food information from
other sources will not be. 2) that young women who receive guidance from cooking shows will
weigh more than those who do not watch these shows, and 2) the more frequently a viewer of
cooking shows cooks from scratch, the more she will weigh relative to someone who cooks less
frequently.
Methods
Recruitment was conducted from a subset of a national panel maintained by the MSR
group (Omaha, NE) in 2012 (B Wansink & Sudman, 2002). Because the focus of the study was
on how new cooks learned about recipes, the sample concentrated on women age 20-35 who
were living on their own, were non-vegetarian, and whose family had lived in the U.S. for at
least two generations. The generational requirement was relevant to another, larger study aim.
The 501 participants were chosen randomly from the larger national consumer panel, and
received a $4 e-coupon to participate. After providing informed consent, participants were asked
to complete an online survey identifying their three favorite places to learn about new foods
using an unranked checklist. Options for new food information sources were as follows: recipes
on the package, health websites, YouTube, magazines, newspapers, point of purchase recipes,
cooking shows, cooking blogs, dietitians or health experts, in-store samples, social media, family
and friends, dining out, and cooking classes. Participants were also asked to identify on a Likert
scale (1=strongly disagree;; 9=strongly agree) how much they agreed with the statement, “I often
cook meals from scratch.” Participants decided what “cooking from scratch” meant to them
individually, so the definition of what it meant to cook from scratch could have varied between
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participants. BMI was obtained from participants’ self-reported height and weight, which has
been found to be highly correlated with actual height and weight (Harvey-Berino et al., 2011).
The study protocol was approved by the Institutional Review Board for Human Subjects.
Before performing regression quantitative analysis for this cross-sectional study, tests of
distribution normality were conducted across key variables. There were no missing cases on any
variable, nor any concerning outliers. To determine if our information sources were highly
correlated we obtained Pearson Correlation coefficients. We performed a regression analysis
with each recipe information source as an independent variable and BMI as the dependent
variable, with age, education, and race/ethnicity as covariates. A second regression was
conducted to examine the extent to which each recipe information source and cooking from
scratch predicted BMI, as well as the interaction between each information source and cooking
from scratch on BMI, As with the first regression, we controlled for age, education, and
race/ethnicity in the regression with the interactions. The interaction regression was conducted
by mean centering the cooking from scratch variable to reduce colinearity between cooking from
scratch and the interaction terms of each recipe source and cooking from scratch. An interaction
term was computed by multiplying the centered cooking from scratch value by each source of
new recipe information for each participant. All variables were entered in one step. To arrive at
the final model, all interaction terms that were not significant were eliminated from the model.
To compute group means, those who responded with a six or greater to the item asking about
their frequency of cooking from scratch were designated as “cook from scratch” (n=286), those
who responded with a four or less on the same item were designated as “do not cook from
scratch” (n=152), and those who responded with five were excluded (n=63). SPSS (version
21.0, 2013, IBM) was used for all analyses.
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Results
Complete surveys were obtained from 501 females (99.8%), with an average age of 26.8
(S.D.=3.13, range=20-35 years) and a mean BMI of 25.96 (S.D.=6.17, range=16.34-57.58).
Forty-three percent of the sample was Caucasian, 27% was Black, 25% was Hispanic, and 5%
was other. Our information sources were not highly correlated (Table 1). Therefore, we were
not concerned with multicolinearity and did not group our information sources into categories.
Regression analyses indicated that the only sources of information about new foods
significantly related to BMI were watching cooking shows (b=1.60, t(481)=2.11, p=0.04) and
using social media (b=1.82, t(481)=2.22, p=0.03. (Table 2)
Linear regression analysis testing the interactions between cooking from scratch and each
of our recipe-information-source variables (Table 3) showed that the overall R2 for the model
was not significant (R2=0.05, F(21, 479)=1.46, p=0.09). The simple effect of cooking from
scratch was not significant when the value of watching cooking shows was equal to zero (b=-
0.11, t(479)=-0.76, p=0.45). The simple effect of watching cooking shows was also not
significant when the value of cooking from scratch was equal to zero (b=1.45, t(479)=1.91,
p=0.06). The simple effect of using social media was significant when the value of cooking
from scratch was equal to zero (b=1.87, t(479)=2.28, p<0.05. The only significant interaction
between cooking from scratch and food information source was when new food information was
sourced from watching cooking shows. The interaction of watching cooking shows and cooking
from scratch was significant (b=0.54, t(479)=2.24, p=0.03). The significant interaction indicates
that the relationship between cooking from scratch and BMI is different for those who do, versus
those who do not, watch cooking shows. The mean BMI for those who watch cooking shows
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and do not cook from scratch frequently was 25.63(S.D.=5.24), versus a mean BMI of 27.49
(S.D.=7.37) for those who watch cooking shows and cook frequently from scratch. Figure 1
illustrates that BMI does not differ greatly for those who do not watch cooking shows and who
do or do not cook from scratch, but that BMI is greater for those who watch cooking shows and
often cook from scratch. In terms of weight, those who watched cooking shows and cooked
frequently from scratch had a mean weight of 164.2 lb. (S.D.=49.61), and those who watched
cooking shows and did not cook frequently from scratch had a mean weight of 152.8 lb.
(S.D.=30.51). The average weight for those individuals who did not watch cooking shows was
152.9 lb. (S.D.=37.98). The weights and BMIs reported above are raw means generated from the
dichotomization of the cooking from scratch variable, a process explained in the Methods
section.
Discussion
The only sources of recipe information related to one’s BMI were cooking shows and
social media. Watching chefs prepare indulgent dishes on TV, watching a famous host enjoy
over-the-top foods with other people all over the country, or viewing others’ social media food
pictures and recipes might suggest a social norm for preparing these types of foods. Social
norms and the modeling of eating behavior have been shown to impact food intake in many
settings and contexts (Robinson, Blissett, & Higgs, 2013). Relevant to the current work,
previous research has shown that food-intake modeling can occur just by watching someone who
is not physically present eat, the exact situation that may occur when people watch cooking
shows on television (Robinson et al., 2013). Additionally, it is possible that social media sites
(e.g., Facebook, Twitter) may contribute to an individual’s perception of others’ food purchases,
or what they cook and eat. This could, in turn, affect their own food-related behavior. For
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example, based on our results, individuals who obtain food information from social media sites
may be viewing others who are eating or cooking less healthy meals, which could make it seem
like their own unhealthy habits are the norm, and may ultimately contribute to the continuation
of such habits.
The cooking “authority” figure who prepares the food may be another possible factor
influencing people’s behavior when they watch cooking shows. Hosts of TV cooking shows
could be seen as authorities on food, and since human behavior is influenced by authority
figures, these personalities may impact viewers’ food practices (Cialdini, 2009). Viewers who
are highly involved with cooking shows, signaled by the fact that they actually cook the recipes
they see on TV, may be more impacted by the recipes portrayed on the shows than viewers who
are less involved. In the current study, combining the influence of social norms with the
influence of an “authority” figure using the recipes may account for the fact that watching TV
cooking shows was associated with BMI, but getting information from friends was not.
Although we would not expect to see an “authority” effect from information obtained from social
media, it may have a differential affect than obtaining information from friends because people
may post their most indulgent “picture-perfect” recipes. Furthermore, social media surrounds us
24 hours/day, possibly leading it to be more influential on food information sources than our
actual in-person friends.
In contrast to the literature showing a positive benefit to BMI by cooking from scratch,
our results indicate that for those who watch cooking shows, cooking frequently from scratch is
associated with a higher BMI. Cooking shows were the only information source to exhibit this
unique interaction effect with cooking from scratch. Although some cooking shows present
healthy recipes, many others present more indulgent fare. Our results may be interpreted in
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conjunction with a recent study by Howard et al., showing that food and recipes prepared by TV
cooks were higher in fat and calories than World Health Organization recommendations
(Howard et al., 2012). If higher calorie recipes are indeed common on cooking shows, it is
possible that those who get food information from these shows and cook using this information
might have higher BMIs. Another recent study by Dohle et al., found that participants who
prepared their own milkshakes exhibited increased liking and consumption of those milkshakes
compared to participants who drank experimenter-prepared milkshakes (Dohle, Rall, & Siegrist,
2014). In the present study it may be the case that those who watched cooking shows and
actually cooked the recipes exhibited increased consumption behavior because they “made the
food themselves.” Our results may also be consistent with other “viewer vs. doer” situations,
such as watching sports on TV versus actually playing sports. The impact on health for those
who watch sports on TV and also play sports is likely very different from those who watch sports
on TV but do not actually play sports.
Because of their possible impact as nutritional gatekeepers, we focused this initial study
on women ages 20-35. The association between watching food television and BMI in male or
older viewers may be very different than female viewers. We also did not assess actual food
intake or physical activity, both of which impact BMI. In addition, future research could
investigate if different types of shows and different types of social media – for instance,
instructional versus experiential – have different types of influence, as the current study did not
assess in detail the types of cooking shows or social media participants were using. It also may
be important to better define “cooking from scratch” in future research, as some women could
interpret pouring a bowl of cereal as cooking from scratch, while others would only consider
cooking a three-course meal as “cooking from scratch.” Given that the information source for
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new foods was not mutually exclusive (i.e., participants could have been in one or multiple
groups of information source), it is not possible to differentiate between the effects of
information sources. Lastly, as the study was powered for a larger project aim, we may not have
had enough power to detect significant associations between all information sources and BMI,
although with 501 participants we think this is unlikely. A strength of the current study is the
large sample of ethnically diverse women. Additionally, few studies have assessed where
participants obtain information about new foods and the impact of informational sources on
health indicators like BMI. Understanding where young women obtain information about new
foods may be important when attempting to influence or shape their food preferences. Finally,
food television and social media have become incredibly popular, yet little research has assessed
thier health impacts. This formative study opens the door to further exploration of these
entertainment and information mediums.
Conclusions
Results of the present preliminary study suggest that especially for “doers,” (i.e., those
who actively cook from scratch), obtaining information about new foods from sources other than
cooking shows may be advantageous. Because watching cooking shows was not associated with
higher BMI for non-doer viewers, it does not appear to be the exposure to the shows for
entertainment that relates to BMI, but rather the exposure plus the act of actually cooking.
Implications of this research for practitioners may be that when providing dietary counseling or
education one should not assume that just because a client cooks from scratch frequently, that
they are preparing healthy recipes. If a client identifies cooking shows or social media as a
frequent sources of recipes, practitioners may want to discuss the types of recipes normally
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prepared on cooking shows or displayed in social media, and ways these recipes could be easily
modified to be healthier.
Future research could examine more closely the type of cooking shows and social media
people of various cooking proclivities are using and their motives for using these sources.
Examining whether viewers see hosts of cooking shows as authority figures or social media as a
social-norm setter would be valuable. Furthermore, it may be that watching a “healthy” cooking
show or viewing “healthy” recipes from social media could nudge viewers toward preparing
healthy meals, which could be a powerful tool for improving public health.
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Table 1: Pearson Correlation Coefficient Matrix Between Information Source Variables
Recipes
Health sites
You tube
Magazines
News papers
POP Recipes
Cooking Shows
Cooking Blogs
Dietitians Samples Social Media
Family Dining Out
Classes
Recipes 1.00 -.096 -.006 -.069 .029 .125 -.110 -.226 -.046 .070 -.148 -.118 -.180 -.059 Healthsites -.096 1.00 -.016 -.080 -.069 -.029 -.146 .029 .106 -.110 -.136 -.173 -.115 -.061 Youtube -.006 -.016 1.00 -.106 .000 -.033 .004 -.053 -.040 -.007 -.113 -.119 -.080 -.044 Magazines -.069 -.080 -.106 1.00 -.066 .018 -.013 -.127 -.057 -.101 -.114 -.218 -.153 -.074 Newspapers .029 -.069 .000 -.066 1.00 -.023 -.002 -.095 .120 -.051 -.081 -.019 -.017 -.031 POP Recipes .125 -.029 -.033 .018 -.023 1.00 -.100 -.066 -.020 .026 -.075 -.046 -.031 -.022 Cooking Shows -.110 -.146 .004 -.013 -.002 -.100 1.00 -.116 -.069 -.090 -.187 -.207 -.061 .067 Cooking Blogs -.226 .029 -.053 -.127 -.095 -.066 -.116 1.00 .014 -.107 .072 -.041 -.155 -.029 Dietitians -.046 .106 -.040 -.057 .120 -.020 -.069 .014 1.00 .007 -.092 -.095 -.054 -.027 Samples .070 -.110 -.007 -.101 -.051 .026 -.090 -.107 .007 1.00 -.128 -.061 .089 .000 Socialmedia -.148 -.136 -.113 -.114 -.081 -.075 -.187 .072 -.092 -.128 1.00 .043 -.102 -.017 Family -.118 -.173 -.119 -.218 -.019 -.046 -.207 -.041 -.095 -.061 .043 1.00 -.067 -.067 Dining Out -.180 -.115 -.080 -.153 -.017 -.031 -.061 -.155 -.054 .089 -.102 -.067 1.00 -.034 Classes -.059 -.061 -.044 -.074 -.031 -.022 .067 -.029 -.027 .000 -0.17 -.067 -.034 1.00
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Table 2: Associations of Sources of New Food Information With BMI Participants’ BMI b (S.E.) t p-value
Age 0.15 (0.09) 1.71 0.09
Years of Education
0.07 (0.25) 0.29 0.77
African American* 1.42 (0.72) 1.97
0.05
Hispanic* 1.41 (0.74)
1.92
0.06
Other* -1.28 (1.29)
-0.99
0.32
Recipes 0.45 (0.80)
0.56
0.58
Health Websites 0.11 (0.85) 0.13
0.89
Youtube 1.55 (1.31)
1.18
0.24
Magazines 0.21 (0.76)
0.28
0.78
Newspapers -0.58 (1.65)
-0.35
0.73
Point-of-Purchase Recipes
0.23 (2.28)
0.10
0.92
Watching Cooking Shows
1.60 (0.76)
2.11
0.04
Cooking Blogs -0.67 (0.84)
-0.80
0.43
Dietitians 1.47 (1.92)
0.78
0.44
In-Store samples -0.23 (1.18)
-0.24
0.81
Social Media (Pinterest, Facebook, Twitter, etc.)
1.82 (0.82)
2.22
0.03
Family and Friends
0.75 (0.76)
0.98 0.33
Dining Out 1.06 (0.86)
1.23
0.22
Cooking Classes -0.16 (1.78)
-0.09
0.93
*White is the reference category for each specified ethnicity.
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Table 3: Associations of Sources of New Food Information and Cooking From Scratch With BMI Participants’ BMI b (S.E.) t p-value
Age 0.15 (0.09)
1.67
0.10
Years of Education 0.12 (0.25)
0.48
0.63
African American* 1.50 (0.72)
2.07
0.04
Hispanic* 1.39 (0.73)
1.90 0.06
Other* -0.99 (1.30)
-0.77
0.44
Cook from scratch -0.11 (0.15)
-0.76
0.45
Recipes 0.51 (0.80)
0.64
0.52
Health Websites 0.11 (0.85)
0.13
0.90
Youtube 1.77 (1.31)
1.35
0.18
Magazines 0.21 (0.75)
0.28 0.78
Newspapers -0.62 (1.65)
-0.37 0.71
Point-of-Purchase Recipes
0.38 (2.28)
0.17
0.87
Watching Cooking Shows
1.45 (0.76)
1.91
0.06
Cooking Blogs -0.65 (0.84)
-0.77
0.44
Dietitians 1.30 (1.91)
0.68
0.50
In-Store samples -0.22 (1.18)
-0.18
0.86
Social Media (Pinterest, Facebook, Twitter, etc.)
1.87 (0.82)
2.28
0.02
Family and Friends 0.82 (0.76)
1.08 0.28
Dining Out 1.13 (0.86)
1.32 0.19