Palgrave Politics or Identity and Citizenship Series

Series Editors: Varun Uberoi, University of Oxford; asar Meer, University ofSouthampton and Tariq Modood, University of Bristol

The politics of identity and citizenship has assumed increasing importance asour polities have become significantly more culturally, ethnically and religiouslydiverse. Oifferent types of scholars, including philosophers, sociologists, politicalscìentìsts, anthropologists, geographers, linguists and historians make contribu-tions to this field and this series showcases a variety of innovative contributionsto it. Focusing on a range of different countrìes, and utilizing the insights of dif-ferent discìplines, the series helps to illuminate an increasingly controversial areaof research and titles in it will be of interest to a number of audiences includingscholars, students and other interested individuals.

Tit/es include: -

Heidi Armbruster and Ulrike Hanna Meinhof (editors)NEGOTIATING MULTICULTURAL EUROPEBorders, Networks, Neighbourhoods

Oerek McGheeSECURITY, CITIZENSHIP ANO HUMAN RlGHTSShared Values in Uncertain Times

Tariq Modood and Iohn Salt (editors)GLOBAL MIGRATION, ETHNICITY ANO BRlTISHNESS

asar MeerCITIZENSHIP, IDENTITY ANO THE POLITICS OF MULTICULTURALISMThe Rise of Muslim Consdousness

Ganesh athanSOCIAL FREEDOM IN A MULTICULTURAL STATETowards a Theory of Intercultural Justice

Michel Seymour (editor)THE PLURAL STATESOF RECOGNlTION

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Negotiating MulticulturalEuropeBorders, Networks, Neighbourhoods

Edited by

Heidi ArmbrusterUniversity or Southampton, UK

and

Ulrike Hanna MeinhofUniversity or Southampton, UK

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication DataNegotiating multicultural Europe : borders, networks, neighbourhoods /edited by Heidi Armbruster, Ulrike Hanna Meinhof.p. cm.Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN 978--0-230-28052-61. European Union countries-Ethnic relations. 2. European Unioncountries-Emigration and immigration. 3. European Unioncountries-Boundaries-Social aspects. 4. Transnationalism-Socialaspects-Europe-History-20th century. 5. Nationalcharacteristics, European. I. Armbruster, Heidi. Il. Meinhof,Ulrike Hanna.Dl056.N44 2011305.80094-dc23 2011020964

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 120 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11

Printed and bound in Great Britain byCPIAntony Rowe, Chippenham and Eastbourne

Contents

List of Photographs, Maps and TablesNotes on ContributorsAcknowledgementsl Introducing Borders, etworks, eighbourhoods:

Conceptual Frames and Social PracticesUlrike Hanna Meinhof

2 Becoming Good Neighbours in Cyprus: Civic Actionand the Relevance of the State .Olga Demetriou, Georgina Christou and [ohn C. Mavns

3 Austrian-Hungarian Environmental Conflict: Strugglingfor Political Participation in the BorderlandDoris Wastl-Walter and Monika Maria varadl

4 On Linkages and Barriers: The Dynamics ofNeighbourhood along the State Borders of Hungarysin ce EU Enlargement , .Agnes Eréss, Béla Filep, Kdroty Kocsis and Patrik Tàtrai

5 Integration, Post-Holocaust Identities and o-Go Areas:.Public Discourse and the Everyday Experience of Exclusìonin a German RegionInken Carstensen-Egwuom and Wemer Holly

6 Integration into What? The Intercultural Week,Mental Borders and Multiple Identities in the GermanTown of BayreuthHauke Dorsch

7 Immigrants and Natives: Ways of ConstructingNew Neighbourhoods in Catania, SicilyOrazio Licciardello and Daniela Damigella

8 Networks and 'Safe Spaces' of Black EuropeanWomen in Germany and AustriaCassandra Elletbe-Dueck

9 Bordering, De-Bordering, Cross-Bordering: A ConclusionHeidi Armbruster

Indexv

vi

vii

x

l

25

45

69

94

119

141

159

185

208

viii Notes on Contributors

include diaspora, migration and transnationalism, performance, popularculture, African and 'World' music.

Cassandra Ellerbe-Dueck studied at the Universities of Paris (VIII)and LMU in Munich, and completed a Ph.D. in Comparative CulturalStudies/ Anthropology at the University of Ghent, Belgium in 2006.Cassandra currently works as a Diversity Manager far the city ofMannheim, Germany.

Agnes Eross studied at Eotvos Lorànd University in Budapest andgraduated with an M.A. in History and M.Se. in Geography. Her fieldsof ìnterest are ethnic and historical geography with special regard tothe pat~erns and strategìes of interethnic coexistence and its spatial andsymbolìc manifestation in urban space. She is completing a Ph.D. onthe meanings and politics of symbolic space in multiethnic towns inthe Carpathian Basin.

Béla Filep holds an M.Se. in Geography (University of Bern) and anM.~. in !nternational Relations and European Studies (CentraI EuropeanUnìversìty Budapest). He specialises in border studies and interethnicrelations in CentraI and Eastern Europe. Currently he is Visiting Fellowat the Department of Government at Harvard University.

Werner Holly is Professor of German Philology at the Technica!University of Chemnitz in Germany. His main areas of research arediscourse analysis, especially conversation analysis, text linguistics, lan-~age i? politics and the media, and audiovisuality. He has publishedwidely In these areas. His most recent publication is the Handbook [orLanguage, Culture and Communication (Mouton de Gruyter) that hecoedited.

Kàroly Kocsis is Professar of Geography at the Andràssy UniversityB~dapest, member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (HAS) andDirector of both the Geographical Research Institute of HAS (Budapest)a~d the Institute of Geography at the University of Miskolc in Hungary.~IS research has mostly focused on the geographic study of ethnic, relì-glOUSand political patterns in CentraI and South-Eastern Europe. Themajority of his 300 publications deal with minority and border issues,and the geographic background of the ethnic conflicts in the Carpatho-Pannonian area and in the Balkans.

Orazio Licciardello is Professar of Social Psychology at the Universityof Catania. His research and publications have addressed subjects suchas socìal identity and intergroup relations, immigration and contact

Notes on Contributors ix

hypothesis, action research and psychosocial research methods, possibleselves and human resources.

John C. Mavris is Director of Communications at the University ofìcosia and a Member of the Cyprus Sociological Association. He has

an M.A. in Cultural History from the University of Manchester, UK. HerecentIy acted as Project Administrator and Research Fellow far Cyprusin the SeFoNe project. His research interests include border studies, eth-nìc conflict and identity formation.

UIrike Hanna Meinhof is Professor of German and Cultura! Studiesand Director of the Centre far Transnational Studies at the University ofSouthampton. The emphasis of her work is on linguistic ethnography, espe-cially in relation to identity research, borders and transnatìonal studies.She has coordinated three EU Framework research projects (EU BorderDiscourse, Changing City Spaces, and - with Heidi Armbruster - SeFoNe)and is Director of the AHRC-funded project Diaspora as Social and Cultura lPractice.Patrik Tàtraì has a Ph.D. in geography and is Research Fellow in theGeographical Research Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.His research interests include ethnic and religious geography, the Romaminorities of Hungary and the Hungarian minorities of Hungary'sneighbouring countries.

Monika Maria Vàradi is a sociologist and Senior Researcher at theCentre of Regional Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Herpublications and research interests focus on border studies, minoritiesand the economie and socìal restructuring in Hungary's rural regions.

Doris Wastl-Walter is Professar of Cultural Geography at the Universityof Bern, Switzerland. She is the editor of the Border Regions Studies seriesat Ashgate and has recently edited the Ashgate Research Companion toBorder Studies. She has published wideIy on border issues, migration andgender geographies. She served as Chair of the IGU Commission onGeography and Public Policy.

140 Integration into What?

Haller, l. (2000). "'Die Heilige Ostmark" - Ostbayern als volkische Kulturregion"Bayerische Ostmark'", in Bayerisches lahrbuch fùr Yolkskunde, pp. 63-73.

Hamann, B. (2002). Winifred Wagner oder Hit/ers Bayreuth (Mùnchen: Piper).Kossert, A. (2008). Ka/te Heimat - Die Geschichte der deutschen Vertriebenen nach

1945 (Munchen: Siedler).Kraus, U. (2008). 'Der fiinfte Stamm Bayerns - Charlotte Knobloch wurde mit der

Moses MendeIssohn Medaille ausgezeichnet', in Dialog, voI. 1, no. 38: p. I.Laschet, A. (2009). Die Aufsteiger-Republik - Zuwanderung a/s Chance (Kòln:

Kiepenheuer and Witsch).Lengle, P.: Kirmeier, l. and l. Schumann (eds) (2006). 200 [ahre Franken in Bayem

1806 bis 2006 (Augsburg: Veroffentlìchungen zur Bayerischen Geschichte undKultur), no. 5I.

Leu~oId~ B. (2001). "'Ehre wem Ehre gebuhrt?" StraBennamen aIs Spiegel desZe~tge.lstes, Bayreu~h ~nd Bamberg im Vergleich' in H. l. Hiery (ed.). DerZeitgeist und d/e Historie, Bayreuther Historische Kolloquien 15, (Dettelbach:l. H. Rall), pp. 53-78.

MacAloon, l. Iohn (ed.) (1984). Rite, Drama, Festival, Spectacle - Rehearsals towarda Theory ofCultural Performance (PhiIadelphia: Institute for the Study of HumanIssues).

Maier, l. and V. Dittmeier (1996). Der Landkreis Bayreuth: Ein soziookxmomischesStrukturbild der Gemeinden (Bayreuth, Materialien zur Raumordnung undRaumplanung), no. 15I.

Maier, l. (ed.) (1997). Oberftanken im Strukturwande/-ein Grenz- und Anpassungsraum(~ayreuth, Materialien zur Raumordnung und Raumplanung), No. 160.

Maier, l., V. Dittmeier and D. Sehìé (1998). EU-Osterweiterung und AuswirkungenaufOberfranken (Bayreuth, Materialien zur Raumordnung und Raurnplanung),no. 18I.

M~yer, B. (2010). K/eine Bayreuther Stadtgeschichte (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet).Rem~ardt, ~. (1994). Die Entwicklung Bayems durch die Integration der

Heimatvertriebenen und Fliichtlinge (Bayreuth: AbschluBbericht derDokumentationsstelle Bayreuth).

Roth, E. (ed.) (1990). Oberfranken im 19 und 20 [ahrhundert (Bayreuth:Oberfrankenstiftung).

Sarrazin, T. (2010). Deutschland schafft sich ab (Munchen: DeutscheVerlagsanstalt).

Schiener, A. (2008). Kleine Geschichte Frankens (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet).

7Immigrants and Natives:Ways of Constructing NewNeighbourhoods in Catania, SicilyOrazio Licdardello and Daniela Damigella

Within the framework of the SeFoNe project, the research carriedout by Sicily's Catania team concerns mental border experiences inmulti-cultural EU regions. It suggests a coming together of peoplewho coexist within the same geographical space but who are never-theless separated by a myriad of ìnternal borderlines which isolate,segregate and exclude people without any obvious institutionalisationof boundaries. These people are strongly marked and visibly 'other'as a result of their different ethnicity, the colour of their skin or theircultural practices.

According to Allport's Contact Hypothesis Theory (1954), still validtoday and confirmed by research projects on inter-group relationscarried out in Catania (Licciardello et al. 1997a, 1999, 2003, 2004a,2004b, 2007a, 2007b), simple contact is not sufficient to create a senseof good neighbourliness between people of different cultures; on thecontrary, it could increase mental barriers. To realise positive contact,some further conditions are necessary, such as equality of status, coop-eration, long and intimate/friendly contact, common aims as we11assome level of institutional supporto These would provide ideal contactconditions that are difficult to find in everyday life contexts. A11portalso notes that simply sharing a physical space is not sufficient initself to establish harmonious relationships, but may even have theopposite effect. This would seema11 the more true if social identity isdefined in terms of in-group identification, leading to the phenom-enon known as inter-group bias, that is the tendency to regard one'sin-group in a more positive light than the out-group, so as to sharein the positive reflection which being a member of a valued entitybestows (Tajfel 1981).

141

142 Immigrants and Natives

In multicultural contexts it seems therefore desirable to help creategenuine integration processes, based on the enhancement of mutuai~elonging (Brown and Hewstone 2005), while preventing assimilation,m-group closing or self-denial (see also the example of Ariella discussedby Carstensen-Egwuom and Holly in this volume).

Our chapter is based on a research project conducted in Catania, oneof the maìn cities in the island of Sicily (see map 7.1). Catania hostsa growing number of migrants who live scattered across the city. Weused qualitative methods wìthìn a social psychological framework inor?er to investigate the perceptions of Catania's multicultural reality byrmgrants themselves. We have paid particular attention to the way inwhich neighbourhood and possible mental barriers are experienced byimmigrants. To gauge the opinions of the majority population we havealso analysed prevalent media discourses about migration and policyproposals designed to improve migrants' quality of life and the relation-ships between people of different cultural backgrounds. Our bottom-upperspective - which gives a voi ce to the migrants themselves - aims toachieve a better understanding of intercultural neighbouring, while thec.ombination of analysis with action research hopes to bring about posi-tìve changes in migrants' quality of life and improve the relationshipsbetween ali local people.

N

ATyrrhenian Sea

T

c i I Y

tf.,&r-... (1.

'\) I te

r r an e

Research site

o 50 100km-=--=

Map 7.1 Catania in Sicily

Orazio Licciardello and Daniela Damigella 143

7.1 The Italian framework of immigration

In the period of post-colonial and economie migration into Europe after1945, Italy was a late-comer, for immigration only started in the mid-1970s. Today, however, immigration is as much a reality in Italy as inother countries in Europe. The first migrants, mainly students and polit-ìcal dissidents, carne from Africa, the Middle East, Latin America andAsia. These emigration processes were usually caused by push factors,such as the wish to escape from oppressive regimes and persecution.Pull factors became significant in the early 1980s (Zincone and Caponio2004: 2), when three main types of immigrants can be identified: menfrom North and Sub-Saharan Africa working illegally in Southern Italyas fishermen, carpenters, street-vendors or farm labourers; women fromEritrea, Somalia and the Philippines, mainly working as domestics; andChinese entrepreneurs running restaurants or cottage industries andemploying fellow-nationals of both sexes (Ambrosini 2001).

Since the 1990s, ìmmìgratìon has rise n almost tenfold, reaching theFigure of 4.3 million, or more than 5 million if we consider non-regularmigrants (Caritas 2009: 8). Regarding migrant flows, institutional actionsat nationallevel seem to swing between respect for fundamental humanrights on the one hand and, on the other, the ne ed for national secu-rity, seemingly under threat by migrants. This is a view that is greatlyfostered by the national and local media.

At both national and local levels, politicians tend to deal with thisphenomenon using short-term emergency measures. Intercultural andinterethnic networking is rare and very limited in scope. Moreover,migration is a highly politicised issue and often a direct link can beobserved between the negative bias of Italian public opinion towardsmigration and the restrictive measures undertaken by politicians wor-ried about the next election.

7.2 Sicily: Not only an entry port to Europe

The island of Sicily, the largest and southernmost region of Italy, is markedby centuries of multicultural history, which have had a profound impacton Sicilian culture. The wealth of historical sites, the great variety of foodtraditions and the existence of deep-rooted long-established minori-ties testify to this reality. Sicily was historically a regio n of strong out-migration. Today it is a cross-roads of different people who use it as anoften illicit point of entry to Europe but also as a final destination tosetti e in. In the 1960s and 1970s, migrants first carne from the Maghreb,

144 Immigrants and Natives

especially Tunisia, to the west of Sicily. They settled in places such asMazara del Vallo, Trapani, Santa Croce, Camerina and Ragusa where theywere employed in fishing and farming.

Subsequently and stili continuing today, many migrants from Africahave been arriving in Sicily ilIegally, via the sea in overcrowded vessels.The arrivai of migrants across the Mediterranean Sea is often seen as an'invasion'. However, we should point out that it is only the minorityof migrants who enter Italy via the sea. According to the Italian HomeOffice (2009), 63 per cent are so-calI ed overstayers, that is migrants whostayed on after the expiry of their residence permits. Some 24 per centcarne by road from France, Austria and Siovenia; and only 13 per cententered Italy ilIegally via the Mediterranean Sea.

Today, Sicily is home to 114,632 regular immigrants who represent2.3 per cent of the total population (Caritas 2009: 444). Migrants inSicily come from 103 different nationalities and they live dispersedacross the nine Sicilian provinces. Moreover, since the entrance ofRomania to the European Union, the opening of borders has resultedin a significant increase of Romanian migrants. According to the CaritasDossier (2009: 445), Romanians are nowadays the largest immigrantcommunity in Sicily. This multiplicity of nations raises the question ofthe relationship between soci al groups who are often characterised byvery different cultural identities.

Because of its location in the middle of the Mediterranean Sea andits EU membership as an Italian region, Sicily is part of the Euro-Mediterranean partnership development (PEM), in which it plays animportant role as a 'fluid' border region. This Partnership started withthe Barcelona Declaration in 1995, whose purpose it was to create inthis area a zone of peace, political stability, safety and free trade and alsoto empower human resources and support mutual respect and culturalrecognition. In relation to the latter aim, many projects realised atnational and internationallevel could have an important role in improv-ing the understanding of the Mediterranean rnigrants' culture. This couldfurther good neighbourhood relations between EU and Mediterraneanregions and promote a feeling of super-ordinate membership, an iden-tity dimension that recognises the specific social group affiliations aswell the larger one (Gaertner et al. 2000; 2007).

Because of Sicily's geographical position as entry point for ilIegalimmigrants, expectations towards the EU concern a better managementof rnigrant flows coming from the Mediterranean, including those ofasylum seekers. Hence the EU is considered as an entity that can act asa guarantee for alI parties involved. However, those who fear for national

Orazio Licciardello and Daniela Damigella 145

security and the risk of 'invasion' expect policies that would prevententry and increase the rnilitarisation of borders; others, especially themigrants themselves expect policies of cooperation and recognition ofhuman rights so as to avoid the risk of further closing the 'Europeanfortress'.

An important fact that contributes to the reinforcement of nega-tive views on migrants is their representation (Moscovici 1989) by themedia. In this respect the national literature testifies to the negativerole that the media has in the process of constructing the image ofmigrants and in fuelling stereotypes and prejudices against them (Cospe2003; Mazzara 2008; Sibhatu 2004). The data we obtained throughcontent analysis of relevant media texts from regìonal newspapers andlocal news also confirms this. More specifically, most news reportingis related to crimes such as drug smuggling and drug dealing, theft,bag-snatching on the streets, prostitution, exploitation, violence, andthe associated arrests and trials, as well as to illegal immigration. In thelatter case, there is a focus on criminals who organise these ilIegal immi-grations and none on illegal immigrants themselves, their motivationsfor coming to Italy, or the conditions prevalent in their own countries.The only immigrants not seen in a negative light are those who becomevictims of violence themselves, children or pregnant women. In thesecases, media reports express pity for them. There are very few in-deptharticles about immigrants' personal experiences where one might findinterviews in which migrants could express their point of view, includ-ing their grievances. Little attention is given to integration measuressuch as civil actions, changes in the law, or proposals. On the whole, themedia do not pay much attention to the politics of integration and theproblems faced by migrants, their cultures and their needs. Accordingto the literature, these results support the stereotypical correlationbetween immigration and deviance, with the risk of creating suspicion,fear, and distrust among the public, based on the prevalent image of themigrant as a social threat. Given this situation, a better understandingof migrants' way of lite within and with majorìty society is of enormoussignificance.

We attempted to approach this understanding by asking how 'neigh-bourhood' was experienced in different parts of Catania and whatexpectations people had of it. As already described in Chapter 1 of thisvolume, the concept of a 'neighbour' comprises different meanings-from close relationships, to isolation from and rejection of others. Inorder to promote positive changes, it is useful to know mutuai socialrepresentations.

146 Immigrants and Natives

7.3 Catania's neighbourhood contexts

From the 1980s onwards, Catania has become one of the Sicilian citieswith the largest number of migrants. According to Caritas (2009: 446),legal migrants in the province amount to 20,550 and in the city alonethere are 7,825 migrants, broadly balanced by gender. In Catania itself,the majority come from the Indian Ocean island of Mauritius and fromSri Lanka. Despite their medium to high educational levels, they areoverwhelmingly ernployed as maìds, porters, gardeners, and workersin bars, restaurants or pubs. Other groups come from the Maghreb andSub-Saharan Africa, especially Tunisia, Morocco and Senegal. They workas street vendors or, in rural areas, as farm Iabourers, Moreover, there isa significant number of immigrants from China and Romania.

In relatìon to Catanìa's growing and permanent presence of mìgrants,one of the major problems is that politicians have frequently dealt withthis reality using emergency policies that do not consider the complex-ity of the phenomenon, and ignore the needs of migrants and theimportance of intercultural relationships and activities at different levels.Moreover, it is important to highlight the fact that offices and associationsthat deal with immigrants have not yet formed a network to pursue theiraims in spite of these being at times very similar. This gives the impres-sion of a multiplicity of isolated cases that do not relate to one another,with little or no communication between the different agents. A possìbleexplanation for this fact ìs the lack of a coordinating institution whichwould be able to rationalise resources and link different groups. Recently,this situation has changed somewhat with the promotion of integrationprocesses that focus more on the complex situation of ìmrnìgrants, andthus approach migration not as a temporary but as a stable phenomenon,and as a resource which should be addressed in a more systematic way.

In order to reach a better understanding of neighbourhood and net-working contexts, we have conducted an ethnographic observation insome relevant contexts of the city. According to Lewin (1935 [1965]: 77)we consider the environment as a psychologìcal envìronment, Le. madeup of many objects and events of a quasi-physical and quasi-socialnature. AlI these things are defined partly by their appearance but aboveall by their functional possìbìlitìes, in the sense that objects are notneutral but have an immediate psychological effect on behaviour. Inother words, the environment is more than physìcal aspects of the rea 1-ity; it comprises people, objects, and present, past and future situationsthat could be real, possible or imagined, and that could have positive ornegative meaning for each person.

Orazio Licciardello and Daniela Damigella 147

With these considerations in mind we conducted an ethnographicobservation in the open-air 'Carlo Alberto Square Market', situated inthe centre of Catania, where native Italians and immigrants share thesame space to sell their goods. The market dates back to the ninth-century Saracen rule of the island, which explains its striking sirnilarity toArab souks. It is perhaps the best-preserved reminder of Sicily's Arab tradi-tìon, as it presents the visitor with a cacophony of sights and sounds anda colourful assortment of fruit, vegetables, fish and meats. The ambienceis enhanced by colourful tarpaulins erected to protect the stalls.

Observation in this place has highlighted a physical segregation ofpeople expressed by a concentration of vendors from specific ethnicgroups in certain market areas. To give some examples of this spatial andsocial distribution: the majority of Chine se vendors with their stands andshops are located in specific streets such as Giordano Bruno, Teocrìto,Giacomo Puccini and S. Gaetano alla Grotta. The Chinese marketeerstend to be seen as hard-working yet temporary stayers who do not learnthe language and display strong in-group behaviour. This becomes a bar-rier to social interaction with the Italìans, suggests a problern for inte-gratìon, and lends support to negative stereotyping towards them. Forexample, Chine se newcomers are suspected of belonging to the 'Chìnesemafia'. There is even talk of customers disappearing in changing roomsin Chine se shops. Moreover, their growing presence and the very lowcost of their goods are considered to cause unfair competition, leadingto conflictual relations between the Chine se and other migrant andnon-migrant vendors. A considerable, but changing number of vendorsfrom the Maghreb run moveable stalls and locate them at the fringes ofthe market with a specific concentration in Cosentino and CastiglioneStreets. Frequently, they do not have residence permits and often sellcounterfeit goods. For these reasons, they are often subject to policecontrols, which reinforces the common local stereotype that 'a blackskin always implies an illegal worker'. In general, neighbourhood rela-tionships are not good in this market context because of the competitivenature of the vendors' activities and the subtle or manifest prejudice onthe part of natives towards them. Nevertheless, everyone - regardless ofethnic affiliation - buys from any stall.

Other neighbourhood contexts of our ethnographic observation areService Centres, the Casa dei Popoli (literally: the House of the People)and the CGIL Immigrant Office, and schools.

The Casa dei Popoli is an Intercultural Municipal offìce, active in Cataniasin ce 1995. It offers many services to migrants, such as assistance withemployment or residence permìts, [ob search, Italian language courses,

148 Immigrants and Natives

and legai and political support more widely. lt also promotes initiativessuch as intercultural projects, workshops and events carried out withschools or local associations to develop closer and more positive rela-tionships among people with different cultural backgrounds. For manyrnigrants, even if their relationships with advisors are asymmetrical ortop-down, this is an example of good neighbourhood and a place wherethey can obtain assistance and supporto Moreover, it is an importantplace that should be strengthened in some aspects and that could becomea coordinating institution able to create a network between differentorganisations that promote the same aims. Furthermore, the Casa deiPopoli is linked with schools in order to support students, offers afternoonltalian courses, and provides books or journals on immigration and ìnter-cultural issues for teachers. However, their facilities are restricted and alsonot sufficiently known by the relevant target group.

This leads us to consider the school context. Schools are importantinstitutions where contact among people of different cultural back-grounds could produce progressive effects. The results of this physicalcontact are related to a number of variables such as mental barriers,the social dimate in the schools, the level of institutional support andteachers' attitudes. For these reasons, schools could act as importantmediators between different groups of people and challenge segregationand marginalisation processes.

In our context this is a crucial aspect because, in spite of the con-siderable presence of first- or second-generation migrants and migrantstudents, schools seem unprepared for educational innovations basedon multicultural integration. Among teachers there is some confusionabout the meaning and the processes that lie at the heart of integration:even if some of them recognise the importance of mutual respect andcultural exchange, others put it on a par with assimilation. In manycases, teachers, even if driven by goodwill and by a form of 'sentimentalmulticulturalism', often recognise their own incompetence, and thatof the school system, and have difficulties in dealing with this 'new'reality and the tendency of segregation among students. For example,in some schools, projects that promote learning ltalian reveal 'one-way'strategies that address only migrant students. The cultural mediator inthese instances is merely considered as a learning-support teacher. Thereare very few projects oriented to intercultural negotiation or to preservingsome aspects of the second generation migrant parents' culture, such asmother-tongue retention. These results seem to reveal a complex realityin which teachers first need to be supported and trained in order toobtain new cultural and relational competences, starting from theirown experiences, difficulties and stereotypes.

Orazio Licciardello and Daniela Damigella 149

Our ethnographic observation also involved the CGIL ImmigrantOffice. This is a non-denominational trade-union office that helps immi-grants with employment formalities, and supports them in legai andpolitical battles for the acknowledgment or execution of rights, especiallyin the employment sector. However, according to one of our migrantinformants, trade-union interest is often lukewarm:

Even if CGIL defend us, there is no strong interest towards rnigrants'rights and needs.

(A.M., Tunisian male, Catania, 25.01.2008).

Furthermore, it seems that the effects of the economi c crisis are beingfelt. Trade unions tend to prioritise the rights of native workers whilethe dominant culture uses minorities as scapegoats. Using an inter-group perspective, we could understand this phenomenon as fraternalor group-specific deprivation. As Runciman puts it, 'the magnitude ofa relative deprivation is the extent of the difference between the desiredsituation and that of the person desiring it' (Runciman 1966: lO). Inother words, the group perspective ìncludes a perception that one's refer-ence group as a whole is deprived in compari son to the other group. Thisprocess produces a lateral solidarity, a sense of kinship with the membersof the perceived in-group that becomes the basis of subtle or manifestprejudice against vulnerable targets like members of minorities groups.

7.4 Immigrants' points of view

The foundations of our fieldwork are a bottorn-up approach coupledwith methods of action research, because they provide both a tool todiscover the rules that govern everyday life and a potenti al strategy foreffecting social change. Hence, what our informants stated is importantnot only for understanding their quality of life and inter-group relatìon-ships, but also for laying the groundwork for improving their situation.The data from our ìn-depth interviews can be used as an argument infavour of interventions aimed at a fruitful coexistence that is respectfulof different cultural backgrounds. lt means socio-educational and polìtì-cal actions that avoid non-recognition phenomena which representa real distortion of reality and result in a form of oppression that ìmpris-ons people in a false, distorted and impoverished way of life (Taylor1992). Thus, it is possible to avoid the risk of a reaction that leads toin-group dosing. On the contrary, the issue should be the recognitionof the out-group, no longer seen as 'the other' and 'the enemy' but asa partner with whom it is possible to achieve peaceful coexistence.

150 Immigrants and Natives

7.5 Barriers to good neighbourhood

The data from interviews reveal an ambivalent representation ofneighbourhood. Contact with local people is superficial and suffersfrom prejudice, distrust, ignorance and fear. For example, a MauritianBrahman stated that in the early stages of Mauritian migration toCatania in the 1980s, local citizens feared the Mauritian community.They ascribe such behaviour to lack of knowledge and fear of the'other', even if with the passing of time things have changed for the bet-ter (Interview with R.R., 10.12.2007). Moreover, one female Senegaleseinformant recounted a story in which a local who was not a person inauthority exerted power over her, demanding to see her papers and call-ing the poli ce because the woman's child was riding a bicycle too fastin the playground (Interview with M.C., Catania 03.12.2007). Eritreanand Mauritian migrants highlighted the marginalisation of immigrantsbecause they are not involved in cultural activities (or only very spo-radìcally), and some Palestinian and Maghrebi women stated that manyveiled women prefer to remain in their homes in order to avoid theuncomfortable stares of locals. Only a small proportion of respondentsreported that relationships were good or based on similarities. Below arethree examples from our interviews that give a more positive account:

Here people are very warm and they treat foreigners very well [... ]I have a lot of local friends.

(Interview with A.H., Philippino male, 03.02.2008, Giarre)

Catania is like Eritrea [... ] there are a lot of similar things [... ] youdon't feellike a foreigner [... ] then the weather, when it is sunny andthen rainy, you feel as if you are in Eritrea.

(Interview with C. A., Eritrean female, 10.02.2008 Catania)

Arabic and local culture are very similar, the same way of thinking,behaviour, even physical appearance, the weather [... ] but we caremore than you about religion and traditions.

(Interview with C.S., Palestinian female, 11.02.2008, Catania).

Immigrants reported a number of boundaries they face regardingaccommodation, work, and recognition of their qualifications:

It's difficult to find a house to rent: costs are high and they don'trent to blacks.

(M.L., Mauritian female, 03.12.2007, Catania)

Orazio Licciardello and Daniela Damigella 151

We have to rent a house [... ] that was abandoned, damp and thenthe children get ill.

(A.T., Sri Lankan male, 17.12.2007, Catania)

The problem is that a lot of immigrants work illegally!(Interview with B.A., Eritrean male, 30.11.2007, Catania)

I found myself in a precarious situation because I was unable to finda job related to my qualifications and expectations.

(N.M., Brazilian female, 21.12.2007, Catania)

I am forced to declare I am less qualified than I am, because my quali-fications are not recognized.

(B.A., Tunisian male, 14.01.2008, Catania).

The social boundaries of the everyday include relationships with pub-lic institutions and especially with the police, or with immigration

bureaucracy:

Documents are a problem, every year it gets worse [... ] After 30 yearseach time is as if I had just arrived [... ] they make you feel a foreignerevery day! [... ] It's getting worse at the police station.

(B.A., Eritrean male, 30.11.2007, Catania)

We live in anxiety [...] There aren't laws to protect you.(B.A., Eritrean male, 30.11.2007, Catania)

There aren't any initiatives and policies because so far there havebeen only emergency policies.

(G.B., Senega lese male cultural mediator, 10.01.2008, Catania)

Language, too, can act as a boundary mechanism:

The first difficulty I had was the language because I prefer to have astomach-ache rather than not be able to communicate. In my opìn-ion it's terrible not to be able to communicate.

(P.R., Philippino priest, 12.12.2007, Giarre).

The media discourse itself represents a barrier these migrants are facedwith. Italian media reporting on countries of origin tends to be one-sided and to follow a limited range of stereotypes. Africa, for example,

152 Immigrants and Natives

is usually shown as a suffering continent at war, Muslims are seen asterrorists. Migrants have the feeling that the media do not listen tothem and are not really interested in them.

These obstacJes to good neighbourhood combined with data aboutthe way in which migrants spend their free time reveal the risk of in-group cJosing. Migrants are often completely absorbed in their workand spend what little free time they have with family or compatriots,especially when there are formaI or informaI homeland or cultural asso-ciations that provide a sense of familiarity and safety.

7.6 Proposals for good neighbourliness

It is important to note that our respondents did not limit themselves toevaluating problematic aspects of their experience in Catania, but alsomade some proposals for positive change. Many would like to see thecreation of intercultural neighbourhood centres where different groups(incJuding native Italians) could meet to get to know each other anddevelop shared actìvitìes,

because there is a world [... ] there is a curtain and nobody knows theother, both are afraid.

(A.F., Algerian male, 10-12-2007, Catania)

With the same aim, immigrants propose the realisation of periodic inter-cultural events in public spaces using, for example, music and dance not ina folklorist way but as tools for cultural mediation. These proposals seemto highlight the need for mutual socìal identity and cultural recognition(Brown and Hewstone 2005). This can be seen from proposals regarding thebuilding of a new mosque to replace the derelict building that is currentlyused, a Muslim cemetery and a 'Mediterranean library' that could also beused as a cultural centre. By the same token, many parents missed theopportunity to develop bicultural practices of integration that would allowtheir children to acquire both knowledge in Italian and the homelandculture. In this respect, respondents suggested introducing the languageof origin as a subject in school and the incJusion of intercultural activitiesinto the curriculum of secondary schools, thereby working against preju-dice and stereotypes at educational institutions more effectively.

7.7 The school project

Following these suggestions in the framework of the SeFoNe project,a project was carried out in schools, enti tIed 'The Mediterranean as a key

Orazio Licciardello and Daniela Damigella 153

of integration in a school of common belonging'. It was based on aninstitutional partnership between the University of Catania's Departmentof Educational Processes, the primary school Campanella Sturzo, thehotel management secondary school Karol Wojtyla, and the munici-pality represented by the office of the Casa dei Popoli. Two chefs withimmigrant backgrounds coordinated the project. Using Mediterraneancuisine as an expression of multicultural identity and as a tool of cultura lmediation, it aimed at a better understanding and respect of cultural dif-ferences. It represented a good example of cooperation between institu-tions and an occasion at which immigrants had a recognised and valuedstatus. Moreover, ìt provided conditions of contact characterised bycooperation, institutional support, long-Iasting relationships and face-to-face settings. The students involved felt initially uncertain but becamequite enthusiastic as the project carried ono

7.8 The second generation

It is difficult to give a comprehensive definition of second-generationmigrants. The group comprises migrant children who were born in Italyor in their country of origin, some of whom began their education here,while others did not; and minors who carne to Italy without parents orrelatives as refugees or adopted children. In all these cases, observershave often spoken about a double affiliation and related problems.In Italy, one-sixth of the newborns can be defined as second-generationmigrants (Caritas 2009: 8). The presence of a second generation ina specific context testifies to a stable and active migration process andto a cultural change that involves the whole society at different levels. Itshould lead to a process of biculturalism (Hong et al. 2000), a complexpsychological and social phenomenon which enables the combinationof elements of the cultural systems of origin and of destination, andstimulates the creation of a multiethnic socìety that values diversityand encourages the development of new and more advanced formsof culture. On the basis of second-generation interviewees' responses,biculturalism seems to be at the basis of their identity development.In fact, they are satisfied to acquire some aspects of the local culturewhile also preserving elements of their parents' culture and traditions,even though the latter is a difficult issue, because the school does little

to support it:

The children of other immigrants arrived, new friends. With themI have found another culture. There was a new change! Then little

154 Immigrants and Natives

by little I have balanced things. In fact, there are aspects that I likein ltalian culture and others in the Philippine one.

(N.]., Philippine male, 20.01.2008, Giarre)

We are Palestinian, but ltalian too, half and half. This is good becausewe can see two points of view.

(C.S., Palestinian female, 11.02.2008, Catania)

There are a lot of stories about Romania and l'd like to liste n to themat school [... ] to listen to the name of Romania, my Romania, whereI was born.

(A.H., Romanian female, 08.02.2008, Catania)

Especially dark-skinned respondents of Mauritian, Eritrean or Singhalesedescent stated that native ltalians racialised them as 'foreign' and didnot consider the possibility of their having a double identity. Parents,by contrast, seemed to be worried about the possibility that their chil-dren could lose their parents' culture and traditions:

I hope that my child won't have any problems [...]like loss of identity[...] the most important thing is to create something for our children.

(B.A., Eritrean male, 30.11.2007, Catania)

Children who were born here don't have the sense of Philippineaffiliation. People without a history, it's not a good thing, they can'tdiscern white from black.

(P.R., Philippine priest, 12.12.2007, Giarre)

Many parents also feared that their children would be excluded fromupward mobility on account of their ethnic origins:

Our children must get more respect and a job different from ours,a better life than what we have had.

(R.R., Mauritian male, 10.12.2007, Catania)

In many cases, parents put a lot of effort into making sure that theirchildren learned their own language and religion, a role which culturalassociations in particular were designated to fulfil:

We are teaching our language to all Mauritian children [... ] It'sa glory for us that our children learn ltalian but also our language.

(R.R., Mauritian male, 10.12.2007, Catania)

Orazio Licciardello and Daniela Damigella 155

They read and write Arabic, but they have to apply themselves moreto studying this language because the future will be international allover Europe.

(A.M., Tunisian male, 25.01.2008 Catania)

In very few cases did parents consider integration equal to assimilation:

I encourage my child to be like Italians.(P.M., Philippine female, 08.02.2008, Giarre)

He doesn't know my culture, he was born here, he has local tastes, helives and eats like local people [...] as all other children do.

(P.S.,Mauritian female, 26.11.2007 Catania)

As has emerged in the interviews with first-generation migrants, theysee the future for their children in Catania and ltaly. Children were alsoclaimed to be the strongest reason for why parents wanted to stay inCatania:

Every time we think about going back, we always stay because ourchildren are growing up here and ìt's difficult to uproot them.

(C.R., Mauritian male, 15.02.2008, Catania)

Statements such as these confirm that children represent an importantinfluence on the plans of their parents while, at the same, the children arevery aware that they are expected to advance socially and economically:

l'd like to became a paediatrician [... ] my mother is a house maid andmy father is a cook.

(F.A.,Mauritian female, 25.01.2008, Catania)

Even if the risk of job discrimination is real, it seems that the secondgeneration does not accept a 'subordinate integration', but aspires toupward social mobility (Tajfel 1981 [1985]).

7.9 Conclusion

Regarding our research results, the concept of neighbourhood has beena good theoretical framework for analysing relationships and practicesthat define the processes lying at the bottom of positive or conflictingneighbourhood building. Its usefulness is based on the fact that

156 Immigrants and Natives

neighbourhood is a more 'neutral' term, less characterised by ethicalconnotations and open to dìfferent levels and typologies of neighbour-hood that emerge from the reality of our research context. For instance,in some cases physical and territori al neighbourhood can be one ofthe conditions that favour positive relationships between people ofdifferent cultural and religious backgrounds. For example, Mauritiansand Salesian priests, immigrants of the 'Borgo-Consolazione' quarterand a neighbouring institute of nuns are ali harmoniously sharing oneneighbourhood of Catania. In other cases, the same situation couldlead to conflictual relatìonshìps, such as for example seems to be thecase between the vendors at the 'Carlo Alberto Square Market'. In athird-case scenario one could observe total indifference among peoplewho share the same space in the city. In this respect, our results revealdifferent types of neighbouring dynamics.

School is an example of potentially positive or negative neighbour-hood where physical contact could generate segregation or integration.In other word s, it is a context where chances of in-depth contact, risksof discrimination and of assimilation are equally possible. These effectsof contact are related to ali those processes, realised at different levels -educational, institutional, mediatised - that contribute to openness andto respect for the 'other' or do the opposite.

In order to contribute to realising good neighbourhood relationships,in schools or elsewhere, our research suggests that they do not neces-sarily develop 'naturally' but need to be helped along by socio-politicalor civil society interventions that, following a bottom-up approach,put into action the real needs and proposals of immigrants and locals.In this respect, second-generation migrants seem to have an importantrole to play. First-generation migrants expressed desire for a future inItaly to guarantee a better life for their children than they themselveshad experienced. Moreover, in a relatively new multicultural region likeSicily, the presence of a second generation could represent a uniqueopportunity to reali se practices of integration, understood as respectof diversity and openness to the 'other'. It is a complex task that needscompetences and the participation of civil society.

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8Netwarks and 'Safe Spaces' ofBlack Eurapean Wamen inGermany and AustriaCassandra Ellerbe-Dueck

Research indicates that the current situation of people of the AfricaniBlack' Diaspora living in European societies is ìnextricably linked withracism and dìscrìminatìon.è Afrìcan/Black people face disproportionateexposure to hate vìolence and racìal profìlìng.! Of major importance isthe fact that racism(s) is a gender-oriented phenomenon. African/Blackwomen living in Europe endure not only sexism from the dominantwhite society, but also, in certain situations, from within their owncommunities. Thus, Black women in Europe experience and grapplewith these realities on two distinct fronts. The issue of visibility vs invis-ibility of Black women in the current socìopolitical landscape makesthis a subject for in-depth discussion.

This chapter focuses specifically on the German-speaking countries. Inthat context we can observe that the participation of Black women andmen is virtually absent in the political arena. I will address primarily thegrass-roots activism of Black women in Germany and Austria, espedallythe formation of the Black European Women's Council (BEWC) in Vienna.I explore these women's activities in light of how they utilise the EuropeanCommission's infrastructure in order to obtain greater representation andparticipation of Black women in policy making on a European level, I arguethat the BEWC functions not solely as a type of cross-border 'neìghbourìng',which fosters links between these groups in Germany and Austria, but thatthis network also provides Black women with a self-defined 'safe space',Employìng a mix of discourse analysìs, anthropologìcal and ìntersectìonaltheory, I broadly sketch the current sociopolitical situation of Black femalesubjects and their politìcal participation in Germany and Austria; exarninethe issue of black feminism; and 100k at the term Black European as usedby the BEWC. Black women's voices in Switzerland will be cìted, but thisessay concems prìmarily Germany and Austria.

159