buddhism and relief in myanmar: reflections on relief as a practice of dana (2013)

Chapter 3

Buddhism and Relief in

Myanmar: Reflections on Relief as a

Practice of Da‾na

Carine Jaquet and Matthew J. Walton

In this chapter, we examine some ways in which Buddhists in Myanmar conceptualize, justify, and practice humanitarian relief. 1 The most recent and striking example of this was after Cyclone Nargis hit the country in May 2008, an unprecedented natural disaster that left an estimated 140,000 individuals dead or missing and led to the larg-est ever relief effort in Myanmar. While Theravada Buddhism provides a common framework, people may interpret the Buddha’s teachings differently with regard to contemporary practices of relief. Some inter-pretations suggest that a monk’s place is not in humanitarian opera-tions, but rather in withdrawing from the material world since secular issues should be the concern of laypeople. This might be especially true in Myanmar at a time when the sangha (community of monks) faced severe repression from the government in the aftermath of the so-called Saffron Revolution of 2007. However, monks and laypeople more frequently draw on Buddhist beliefs and practices to justify and frame relief aid. The idea of d ā na (donation/generosity, giving) is an important influence on their practices and understandings of relief.

Theravada Buddhism is the predominant religion in Myanmar and, although precise statistics are unavailable, the projection from the latest national census put the Buddhist population at 89 percent. 2 Even the label “Theravada Buddhism” is somewhat misleading. 3 It emphasizes the similarities with other Theravada Buddhist countries in the region but also risks ignoring the great diversity among people in Myanmar who call themselves “Buddhist.” 4

Our aim in this chapter is to shed light on how Buddhist indi-viduals and organizations in Myanmar understand and deliver relief. 5

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CARINE JAQUET AND MATTHEW J. WALTON52

First, we describe the actions of Buddhist relief organizations after Cyclone Nargis, with particular attention to the work of a network associated with one of the most prominent monks in Myanmar, Sitagu Sayadaw. Then, we explore some of the particular characteristics of relief work in Myanmar and the ways in which those practices are articulated within the context of Buddhist beliefs. We identify ways in which Buddhist involvement with relief work is helping to change social donation practices among some people in the country. Finally, we consider the implications of the inclusion of monastic organiza-tions in the broader realm of “civil society” in Myanmar, noting the particular challenges they face as well as the potential threat that they pose to the government.

Buddhism and Relief after Cyclone Nargis

Buddhist networks were able to deploy quickly and rely on an exten-sive network of monasteries, enabling them to cover broad and remote areas after the storm. There is no evidence of monasteries being used for relief purposes to this extent in the past. In fact, it has only been since Nargis that observers (both foreign and local) have begun to consider monastic networks as useful allies in relief. Because of their proximity and social standing, monks of the affected villages were often the primary actors in finding, organizing, and distributing aid. In this section we discuss the work of Buddhist organizations in relief activi-ties after Cyclone Nargis, in particular the work of Sitagu Sayadaw and his organization.

Cyclone Nargis and the Relief Work of

Buddhist Organizations

Cyclone Nargis hit the southern part of the Ayeyarwaddy Delta on May 2, 2008. This area is populated, mainly, by Buddhist Burmans, and Buddhist and Christian Karen. 6 The death toll of the cyclone was estimated at 140,000, and up to 2.4 million people were directly affected, making it one of the most devastating disasters in recorded history. During the first few weeks, the government denied interna-tional aid access to the affected populations, which left immediate relief work in the hands of local Myanmar people. In some cases, monaster-ies organized rescue operations and shared the limited resources that had not been destroyed by the storm. During this crucial relief period, monks had the advantage of enjoying greater immunity and freedom

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BUDDHISM AND RELIEF IN MYANMAR 53

of movement due to their social status, which allowed them to travel in the affected areas more easily than most laypeople.

Monasteries accommodated those affected, protecting them from the strong winds and rains during and after the cyclone. They were safe havens and often the only solid buildings to survive the disaster. In the hours following the storm, community members continued to gather in churches, temples, and monasteries where they hoped to find food and accommodation. Through the support of the monas-teries, people were able to meet their needs in those crucial first few days, relying on whatever food and supplies were still available. Over the longer term, external support extended by local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), individual Myanmar donors in the country or from abroad, and businessmen and businesswomen was important for the villagers’ survival. Monks also helped to clear the roads so that rescue workers could reach the villages. External support generally reached the villages within a couple of days or weeks, but in some areas it took up to several months. As humanitarian access opened up and international NGOs could finally operate in the affected areas, monasteries became strategic places to organize larger scale food and goods distribution and to collect and deliver information about aid needs. Monasteries sometimes remained as temporary shelters during the early reconstruction of people’s homes and public infrastructure.

After the disaster, many monks were proactive in attracting the attention of aid agencies to their villages. In some cases, this was the first interaction and cooperation between Buddhist, Christian, and non-faith-based NGOs in Myanmar. Several interviewees working with NGOs expressed their initial concerns that the faith-based organiza-tions of various denominations who reached the affected areas soon after the disaster had not thoroughly assessed the scale of devastation since they were operating with limited resources and time. Faith-based NGOs tended to deliver aid through local Buddhist, Christian, and Muslim institutions as they could identify needs and channels to access affected populations. This, however, ran the risk of creating inequal-ity and fostering feelings of unfairness. For example, some Myanmar Christian organizations deployed in the Delta for the first time said they had no choice but to deliver aid through the Baptist channels, prioritizing this minority population. This practice was contrary to internationally recognized humanitarian principles, which stated that aid should be delivered impartially and based on needs. But this bias, where it existed, was reportedly rebalanced once sufficient funds for broader relief distribution became available. Partnerships between

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NGOs and monasteries became a common approach to organizing relief.

According to the Social Impact Monitoring reports, the cyclone increased social capital by strengthening survivor interaction and mutual support at the village level as survivors tended to demonstrate philanthropy and support for each other. 7 It also brought about lead-ership changes, as traditional leaders were often dead or overwhelmed by the situation. In the first days after the Cyclone, religious leaders as well as new lay leaders showed greater influence on the rest of the community, still suffering from the traumatic experience. Traditional and official leadership resumed later, being more or less prone to con-flict with the newly established community leaders.

The relief role of most Buddhist organizations was limited in time. After about six months, most monks had handed over relief duties to professional aid organizations and went back to their regular aid activ-ities, focusing on non-cyclone-related social work and particularly on monastic education. They resumed monastic teaching, in some cases maintaining or expanding facilities with greater resources provided through Nargis relief. According to the Social Impact Monitoring survey conducted one year later, “this is consistent with the Buddhist teachings: monks are expected to separate themselves from secular affairs, something that, in the absence of extraordinary circumstances such as the cyclone emergency, would circumscribe day to day involve-ment in aid related activities but allow involvement in education, a realm in which they continued to be involved.” 8 However, it is impor-tant to note that, prior to Nargis, some monks did engage regularly in “secular” affairs outside of the field of monastic education.

In some cases, since local authorities regarded Buddhists monks with respect, both international and Myanmar NGOs worked with them to gain access to areas they wouldn’t have been able to reach otherwise. Speaking about the local authorities, an NGO employee said: “They need their lion’s share first. To overcome this, we used to approach people during the night only. We also used to distribute tokens so that people could come to a separate location to pick up the goods. Sometimes, we would also take it straight to the monks or deliver it to the imams directly. This is because [Buddhist] religious charity is protected and the local authorities can’t and won’t interfere with it.” 9 One informant emphasized the role of prominent monks when calling for coordination in aid delivery after the cyclone. He explained that most of the citizens were not authorized to travel to the affected areas at that time, but some monks just had to show their face and the soldiers cleared the road. Monk-led groups could gain

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Figure 3.1 Monk with a volunteer discussing details about food distribution in a hut built on the site of a monastery before it was destroyed by the 2008 cyclone.

Figure 3.2 Volunteers distributing food on the monastery premises in Laputta township.

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access to a greater area than other relief organizations thanks to their reputation and religious standing. 10

Nargis relief was an opportunity for some international NGOs that channeled their aid through Buddhist groups to convey some of their methodology to the Buddhists groups they hadn’t had much contact with previously. According to an International NGO employee, “Our engagement with the monks’ organization was specific, strategic, and political. Through Nargis, we were able to sell the idea of participa-tory planning 11 in the organization. These concepts were not familiar to them. They didn’t know how to take people into account. It has also been a way for us to get their blessing for the environmental movement.” 12 Overall, aid agencies have assessed the relief opera-tions following Nargis as a success in terms of interfaith collabora-tion between religious groups. Interviewees particularly highlighted the work achieved in collaboration between Christian and Buddhist organizations. This was the first time interfaith relief was carried out on such a large scale in Myanmar. This is a noteworthy event in a country where Buddhism, as the main religion, dominates and minor-ity religious groups often feel marginalized. Several interviewees who worked with Myanmar Christian NGOs explained that they did not have much trust at the beginning of the relief operations but Buddhist networks were their best entry point given the situation (i.e., physical hindrance to access the area, lack of comprehensive needs assessments, unfamiliarity with the local practices, leadership and culture, et al.). They explained that this has been an opportunity to get more familiar with some Buddhist concepts and practices. However, some agen-cies also observed that in some cases, their ability to deliver aid in a satisfactory manner depended on whether their interests, perceptions, and approaches matched, even partially, with those of the Buddhist organizations they were partnering with.

Nargis Relief Activities of the Sitagu Association

The Sitagu Association (hereafter “Sitagu”) is an international Buddhist missionary organization created by the Burmese Sayadaw U Nyanissara. 13 He decided to devote his time and financial resources to aid and development work after a trip to China in the early 1980s where he witnessed the work of Catholic missionaries at a hospital. He came back to his native region and established an eye clinic in 1985. Later on, he supported the creation of a total of 21 hospitals all over the country to provide access to health services regardless of the faith of the patients. Sitagu also supported water and sanitation

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projects in remote areas and founded a Buddhist university in Sagaing, near Mandalay. Sitagu has recently opened an academy in Yangon “to spread Buddhist teachings” and also has several meditation centers throughout the country. 14

Sitagu conducted massive relief operations after Nargis. Within nine days, they had distributed 1,000 tons of rice. In an online report, they describe the efforts of their “compassionate workers”: “We have received over 370 trucks/containers containing many differ-ent kinds of clothing, food, medicine and other vital necessities from many different religious and social associations, and from individuals in Myanmar and abroad that truly cared in rebuilding the lives of those afflicted. We personally delivered these goods directly reaching over 1,500 villages and 2,264 monasteries; including donations of 245,800 zinc roofing sheets, over 2,000 tons of rice, and many other goods and equipments. We re-paired and re-equipped twelve hospi-tals with new modern equipment . . . The donors are from Myanmar associations, Mahayana Buddhist associations, Christian associations, musical associations, and other Non-Government Organizations and individuals.” 15 Sitagu also collected funds from international donors of various countries, including Australia, Germany, Japan, Korea, Macau, Malaysia, the Netherlands, Singapore, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United States. “Within the past eight months all of the donations totaled over 6.17 billion kyats, or US$5.14 million.” 16 Sitagu’s press releases describe the types of goods donated in great detail and emphasize the generosity of donors, referring to them as “those who want to put their compassion into action.” 17

Sitagu’s role in relief work lasted eight months in total, and con-sisted mainly in shelter material, food, and clothes distribution. During the recovery period, lasting almost two and a half years, Sitagu has renovated 230 schools, around 100 temples, 64 pagodas, and 16 churches. Some of this work was financially supported by NGOs, including Caritas Thailand, a Catholic organization. This was not the first time that Sitagu collaborated with other faith-based organiza-tions, but one of the monks from the organization said that Sitagu was initially not expecting much from this cooperation, as in their previ-ous experience, such collaboration would work only for three to four months, after which each group’s interests would usually diverge. 18 However, Nargis relief efforts demonstrated to them the possibilities of interfaith collaboration.

A Catholic priest described his experience of interfaith relief work with Sitagu after Nargis: “Actually they believe in Gautama, while we believe in Jesus. Each religion has its own truth. When we can’t agree

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on a point, we leave it aside, when we can agree, let’s do something together! This is the way it worked. Even the Buddhists, sometimes they are better than Christian people. They act with more compas-sion. There is the asceticism and separation from the material world in Buddhism for the Buddhist. This Sayadaw, he told me he’s imitating the way Christians are doing relief work.” 19 During the interview, this priest mentioned charity as a main motivation for both Catholics and Buddhists to take part in relief operations. 20

Buddhism and Relief in Myanmar

In the following section we explore some ways in which Myanmar Buddhist concepts can potentially structure relief activities. First, the doctrine of kamma (cause and effect) can help explain why a disas-ter like Nargis occurs. Second, the relationship between kamma and d ā na can affect the ways in which people choose to make donations, and the way in which they understand the effectiveness of those dona-tions. Third, the particular dynamics of the practice of d ā na can preclude mechanisms of accountability, 21 possibly creating tensions between donors in the international community and local Buddhist monastic organizations. Finally, we examine some changes in practice and belief that have been strengthened by the coordinated Buddhist relief efforts after Nargis and consider the challenges faced by monas-tic organizations operating as civil society groups in the context of a tenuous transition from authoritarianism.

Why Do Disasters Happen? Kamma and Causality

It can be difficult to get Myanmar Buddhist monks or laypeople to discuss the root causes of natural disasters. In fact, the evidence from our interviews suggests that people’s primary concern was to alleviate the suffering of people affected by the storm, and the consideration for the causes of the people’s suffering came later, if at all. Some of our informants expressed this as a Buddhist duty, citing practices of metta (loving-kindness) and karuna (compassion), but more often they simply saw this as a natural human reaction. However, we can also examine the ways in which Buddhists in Myanmar interpret disas-ters in other places around the world to provide a sense of how some people view suffering and causality within Buddhist teachings.

One of the concepts that helps to structure the Theravada moral universe is kamma . Kamma literally means “action.” When we speak of kamma in a Theravada Buddhist context, we refer to the entire

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complex processes associated with an action. Kamma includes the action itself, as well as the result(s) associated with that action. This concept is important for understanding the social hierarchy and the nature of social relationships in Myanmar. The present circumstances of people’s lives (their social, economic, and political status; their particular skills and abilities; etc.) are, at least in part, regarded as the result of their kamma , their actions in the past. 22 Therefore, the notion of kamma is used to explain (and in some cases, justify) pres-ent conditions, including extreme poverty, excessive wealth, moral authority, or political power. In this way, it can influence the creation and maintenance of social hierarchies in a country like Myanmar.

In our interviews, some monks and laypeople were quick to point out that, according to the Buddha’s teachings, kamma is not the only factor that influences the present circumstances of one’s life. Two other factors, paññ ā ( intelligence/wisdom) and viriya (effort) combine with kamma to condition one’s present and future circum-stances. Informants who mentioned these three factors varied in their interpretation of the importance of each one; some saw one of the factors as the most influential, while others claimed that there needs to be a balance between them. However, all of the informants who mentioned these two additional factors seemed to believe that the majority of Buddhists in Myanmar mistakenly understood kamma as the main influencing factor. Because of this, they were more likely to take a fatalistic view on kamma and its resultant effects.

According to a simple and direct interpretation of the doctrine of kamma , bad actions in the past bring bad results in the present and future. Therefore, we could infer that suffering a traumatic death or great loss in a disaster like Nargis is the result of bad deeds committed in the past. Obviously, none of the monks or laypeople interviewed for this study suggested this causal connection. However, in the weeks following Nargis, one informant (a Myanmar Buddhist laywoman) related an anecdote in which another local laywoman (who, it should be noted, was also making relief donations) confided in her that the only way she could make sense of the incomprehensible amount of suffering in Nargis was to assume that the people who died in most horrible ways must have committed terrible acts in their previous lives to have deserved such suffering. This informant expressed her anger and revulsion that the woman would dare to say something so distaste-ful, but later confirmed that this reasoning did make sense according to the Buddhist perception of cause and effect. 23

In this case, it seems that, although the doctrine of kamma serves such an explanation, it is socially unacceptable to suggest such a thing

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in the wake of a disaster like Nargis and in the presence of so much suf-fering. However, some monks and laypeople draw such connections in the abstract, occasionally even explicitly making reference to disas-ters that are more removed, for example, the earthquake and tsunami that hit Japan in 2011. In the weeks after the disaster in Japan, one of the authors heard some monks in Yangon using it as an example in their public sermons. While stopping short of saying that the Japanese deserved the suffering they were experiencing, these monks discussed the unavoidable process of cause and effect. They particularly empha-sized the notion that good actions bring good results, while bad actions bring bad results with regard to morality. They preached that this process of cause and effect functioned on the individual level, as well as in aggregate, for national groups. Of course, their inten-tion was not to trivialize the suffering of others, but to encourage Myanmar Buddhists to pursue correct moral practice.

These examples demonstrate that Myanmar Buddhists have a wide range of interpretations in regard to the concept of kamma . Although kamma may have helped some people to make sense of the disaster, and was sometimes used by monks to disseminate moral lessons using examples from other disasters, there is no evidence to suggest that the belief that one’s present suffering is directly linked to one’s actions in the past prevented Myanmar Buddhists from taking immediate action to help alleviate the suffering of those affected by the cyclone. That is, kammic explanations do not preclude the practice of d ā na , particu-larly in circumstances of great suffering.

Dynamics of Dāna and Myanmar Relief Donations

The interdependent relationship between Buddhist monks and the laity provides a central component for the foundation of a Theravada Buddhist society. Monks allow members of the lay community to make merit through ritualized donation practices called d ā na . Understood as a virtue perfected through practice, d ā na can also be translated as “generosity.” It is believed that donation, as an ideally selfless act of generosity, leads to positive effects in the future. D ā na is generally recognized as a practice that affects social and political life as much as religious life. 24 D ā na , a Pali word, has a synonym in Myanmar lan-guage: ahlu , which is more commonly used to speak of a donation in an everyday context. Some suggest that ahlu is a gift involving no necessary condition, whereas d ā na can have a more explicit religious meaning. However, even among our informants the use and under-standing of these two terms varied. They agreed that relief work was

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a form of d ā na . However, there appear to be a number of differences between perceptions of d ā na in a relief context and d ā na in a ritual context of offering donations.

The modalities of the practice of d ā na have generated various interpretations. According to Spiro, in an interpretation still shared by many Myanmar Buddhists, religious donations, which include donat-ing food and material requisites to the sangha as well as constructing religious buildings, provide the most merit. 25 In this interpretation, the moral worthiness of the recipient affects the amount of merit generated by a donation. Others argue that cetana (intention) is of greater importance in generating merit. From this point of view, it is the selfless intention of the lay donor, along with the qualities of the monastic recipient, that determines the resultant worthiness of the donation. 26 From another perspective, the quantity and repetition of giving enhances its efficacy, hence a rich person can earn more merit through the act of giving to monks, regardless of his mindset. All of these interpretations represent a wide range of views on d ā na among Myanmar Buddhists.

For Schober, d ā na designates an interaction between monks, as recipients, and the lay community, as donors. They are linked by a ritual exchange system with the objective of both gaining religious merit and social status. 27 Kumada argues that this interaction can also take place among laymen, between monks and laymen, among monks and even from monks or from layman to other sentient beings that are part of the Burmese universe, which also include nat spirits, animals, and so on. She interprets d ā na as a lay form of asceticism, by which a layperson can partially practice renunciation regardless of his or her economic and social status. It is an asymmetrical and dynamic relation. Kumada also suggests that the use of the term itself by the actors has a social dimension: “It is important to note that the border between d ā na and ordinary giving is not always clear. In the real world d ā na is not free from its social context and is bound with worldly elements.” 28

Although our informants saw post-Nargis relief donations as d ā na , no one mentioned that they took the moral standing of recipients into account when planning their donations, which suggests that in a relief context, the dynamics of d ā na were different from situations of everyday giving. Indeed it was in large part donations made by local Myanmar people immediately after the catastrophe that helped pre-vent an even greater loss of life. 29

One monk, who is a teacher at a Buddhist university in Yangon, suggested that there are three levels of d ā na . 30 The lowest level is

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giving with the intention of trying to derive some benefit for oneself, such as wishing for better conditions in the next life. In the next level, the donor also gives with the intention of gaining a benefit, but in this case the intention is to achieve Enlightenment. Since this is regarded a more noble goal, it is seen as a more meritorious giving, but it is still not ideal. According to this monk, the purest form of d ā na is that which includes no thought of reaping benefit, that is, the donor gives only to relieve the need or suffering of another person. He suggested that in the case of Nargis donations, most people were not thinking of reaping any personal benefit. As a result, their relief donations were the highest form of d ā na , suggesting a truly selfless attempt to allevi-ate the suffering of others.

Even though such relief donations appear different in some ways compared to everyday d ā na , the dynamics of d ā na appeared to influence the ways in which some Myanmar people chose to donate after Nargis. In interviews, lay Buddhists who donated goods to monasteries or through monastic organizations often said that they considered themselves to be donating directly to the affected vic-tims. Representatives of those organizations also emphasized the fact that the monk(s) in charge of the organization was not the ulti-mate recipient, even if money and materials were “given” to him in donation ceremonies. A Sitagu monk stressed that the donations were directed to the victims and not to Sitagu itself. 31 In this case, it appears the mediating role of the monk brings some type of value to the interaction. Rozenberg notes a similar process in donations that were made to monks and nuns through Thamanya Sayadaw, a prominent monk who used to live in Karen State in Lower Eastern Myanmar. Thamanya Sayadaw could marshal great resources, more than what the recipient monks and nuns could hope to receive on their own, simply because giving to him (or through him, in this case) amplified the effectiveness of the donation in the eyes of Myanmar donors. 32

Related to this, some informants suggested that, because of a prominent monk’s great kamma , he was able to organize and distrib-ute the aid more effectively than individual lay donors. Thus, after Nargis, Buddhist monastic organizations like Sitagu became conduits for receiving huge amounts of donations. Their effectiveness in this role helped to feed a self-reinforcing perception in which the promi-nence of the organization and the standing of Sitagu Sayadaw him-self became the justification for further donations. One interviewed monk explained this complex set of relationships and interactions: “All people have compassion but many can’t show it. They don’t have

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money or clothes to give. They can’t do anything. So, more powerful people are able to make their compassion active. They can help oth-ers actively.” 33 Of course, the intention to give donations that will be effectively distributed is not itself a Buddhist value, but the choice of prominent monks as conduits for donations reinforces those monks’ position in society as a result of their moral standing.

Dāna and Accountability in Relief/Aid Situations

International relief providers and donors adopting a “rights-based approach” consider access to relief to be a Human Right. 34 While most Myanmar people may not necessarily approach the issue from such a perspective, our informants definitely saw the imperative to provide relief to a suffering person as coming from a basic human instinct. For some of those Buddhists interviewed in this study, donations (con-ceived of as d ā na ) are good deeds and the recipient is expected to be satisfied with the donation, regardless of the circumstances. Regarding the attitudes toward donations from the beneficiaries’ point of view, one monk stated that “A person would never complain about a dona-tion because if one complains, the donor would wonder what kind of human being one is. If you get helped, you are happy ( . . . ) and one is happy with whatever you receive.” 35

According to the “best practices” identified by NGOs (admittedly not always followed, particularly in times of crisis), however, aid ben-eficiaries are supposed to be able to provide feedback to the relief process. They are expected to make suggestions or complaints, and shape the process in many other ways. While this did not appear to be a significant problem during Nargis relief efforts, interview data suggest that there is a potential area of conflict and misunderstanding, particularly when international NGOs and local monastic organiza-tions cooperate in providing aid to affected areas.

In practice then, there is the possibility of a clash between, on the one hand, expectations that donations will effectively address the needs of the recipients and that processes of donation will take recipient feedback into account and, on the other hand, a perception of d ā na as an act where the focus is on giving, rather than on the donation itself. Again, the probability can depend on the moral standing or prestige of the international donor. Some local Myanmar lay donors occa-sionally reported receiving negative reactions from recipients regard-ing the quantity or quality of their donations of material goods. 36 Nowhere in any of the reports or anecdotes from Nargis relief work has anyone recorded recipients criticizing or questioning donations

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from a Myanmar monk or a local monastic organization. Meanwhile, for international donors and INGOs complaints are potential indica-tors of transparency and accountability to beneficiaries.

Some monk-led organizations have incorporated mechanisms of accountability into their relief work. They adopted practices such as the systematic use of vouchers, an accounting system, or templates that were provided by their donors or international contracting NGOs in order to comply with requirements that ensure that all use of resources was consistently recorded and traceable. However, the use of such practices depends entirely on the disposition of the monas-tic leader. During an interview, a monk who took part in the relief operations explained that the individuals handling donations to Sitagu had no experience in managing large and unrestricted cash donations. The organization usually receives donations for specific purposes (i.e., an ordination hall) and they are not expected to report on financial aspects. 37 In the case of Nargis, due to the huge amount of money, they were asked to issue a separate financial statement for the interna-tional donors. 38

Laypeople are not normally in a position to request that a monk account for his use of their donations. Some informants believed that this would amount to questioning the moral integrity of a monk, an act that could send the questioning layperson to a future existence filled with suffering. Furthermore, in most cases they saw no need to ask, something also confirmed during interviews. The assumption is that a monk will use his donations wisely and in a more selfless way than a layperson is expected to conduct him/herself. In d ā na , the emphasis is on the intention and, by extension, on the act of giving. Mechanisms of accountability, expected by international donors, can be a part of this practice, but for monastic-led organizations, they can also be hindered by particular understandings of kamma and norms of d ā na .

Changes in Donation Practices Following Cyclone Nargis

As discussed above, interactions between laypeople and monks are structured in part by traditional practices of d ā na , in which laypeople provide food and other material requisites for monastic members. In addition to acting as the field of merit for laypeople, monks have traditionally been the main educators in Myanmar society. Although that role was greatly reduced by the British during the colonial period and remains limited by the prevalence of state and private schools in urban areas, many Myanmar children especially in rural areas go to

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monasteries for parts of their education. Monks also act as moral and spiritual guides for the population by giving public sermons and writ-ing books and pamphlets. 39

Buddhist organizations that are engaged in social work have tradi-tionally worked in longer term development rather than on short-term relief activities in Myanmar. They have mainly focused on providing services in the field of education and, more recently, in health. 40 Monks and nuns have always been teachers and healers for their community. Those who have no other social protection seek refuge in the monas-tery. Orphanages in rural areas are often attached to monasteries and directed by monks and nuns. People consult with them about per-sonal difficulties and they provide a form of counseling. Monasteries are also traditionally known as centers for information gathering and dissemination, thanks to visitors, traveling monks, and other commu-nication technology.

Over the last few decades, monks seem to have increasingly sought to fulfill social welfare needs that have not been addressed by the state. In June 2011, a relief worker stated that the number of monastic hospitals and hospices has increased dramatically in the last 30 years. Monks’ educational and socialization functions make them the keep-ers and carriers of normative values and in certain cases, monks have been at the vanguard of changes in societal values and practices. For example, some monasteries have adopted a child-centered educational approach, a concept imported by International NGOs that aims at developing students’ critical thinking abilities and focusing on the needs of students, rather than those of teachers or administrators and a reliance on rote memorization. 41 Monks are expected to be models on moral life and ideally above the material preoccupations of laypeople. They can also influence societal norms, legitimizing some practices by giving to or volunteering for causes. 42

In her insightful analysis of d ā na practices and relationships in Myanmar, Kumada emphasizes the fact that d ā na can encompass any kind of giving, not just to monks or pagodas. 43 While this seems to be true, traditional interpretations of d ā na and merit still strongly influence the ways in which people donate. As explained above, for many Myanmar Buddhists, the moral standing of the recipient amplifies the merit received from a donation, and because of this, donations to the sangha or for the construction of religious build-ings have been the dominant form of giving.

However, even though religious donations have tended to domi-nate the scene, social giving has always been part of Myanmar Buddhist practice. Even before Nargis, socially oriented Buddhist organizations

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led by both monks and laypeople had begun to tackle these issues, providing free funeral services for the destitute, medicine for HIV/AIDS patients, and homes and education for orphaned children. 44 A critical factor in gathering public support for such undertakings can be the patronage of prominent monks. Following the lead of monks who organize donation ceremonies at hospitals, orphanages, and even prisons, many laypeople have begun to change their practices of directing their giving only to monastic recipients. Some informants started to believe that these kinds of social donations could be just as meritorious, if not more so than religious donations. Shifting the tra-ditional emphasis on the moral standing of the recipient, many people suggested (similarly to the monk who ranked different types of d ā na ) that the level of need of the recipient was a determining factor in the meritorious outcome of the gift. One informant said that, although his family tended to mix religious and social donations in the past, these days, their donations are given almost entirely for social causes, however often facilitated through monks. 45

Key to this change in Myanmar people’s attitude has been the example set by prominent monks in making and encouraging these donations. In addition, in their public sermons, these monks increas-ingly promote this kind of practice, describing in detail their own projects and the resultant merit lay donors have made from their con-tributions. 46 While these are processes that in some cases had started before Nargis, the concentrated relief response from the Buddhist community, with the involvement of both monastic and lay networks, has definitely sped up the process of change and has encouraged both monks and laypeople to focus their efforts more on social donations. In a recent development workshop in the region attended by one of the authors, most of the monks mentioned their experience dur-ing Nargis as a catalyst for their general interest and increased their involvement in social and economic development. Furthermore, every person interviewed for this study said that they believed that the response to Nargis was an important factor in changing regular dona-tion practices for Buddhists after the cyclone.

However, in a country like Myanmar that has only recently begun to lift some restrictions on civil society and where monks have been recently been associated with political opposition messages, there may be a risk that the government could perceive the expansion of monas-tic influence beyond the traditional duties of moral guidance and edu-cation as a threat. Indeed, the participation of monastic organizations in relief work (and the corresponding rise in profile, engagement with nonmonastic civil society networks, promotion of potentially deviant

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views from those of the government and access to funding and sup-port) appears to have been one of several factors that has galvanized a stronger and more insistent monastic presence in civil society, some-times in more explicitly oppositional roles. 47 While scholars have noted the importance of civil society organizations in helping citizens to challenge nondemocratic regimes and in consolidating the commit-ment to democratic practice in already democratic regimes, transition-ing countries often appear to be in a liminal space where civil society groups may have to more carefully assess the potential consequences of their actions. In Myanmar’s current political transition, monastic civil society organizations face the dilemma of contending with a gov-ernment that is still suspicious of their motivations, while navigating a societal context in which norms for religious donations and social work as well as monastic involvement in “secular” development issues are in flux.

Conclusion

A modern and increasingly studied interpretation of the Buddha’s teachings, often called “Engaged Buddhism,” emphasizes social justice, sustainable development, and peace as the basis for spiritual development. 48 While our research suggests that there is an increase in social donations by Myanmar Buddhists, it is important to clarify that these interviews were conducted mainly among urban residents. 49 So it is still too early to tell how widespread these practices have become or how lasting they will be without continued encouragement from the sangha. It is clear, however, that relief efforts, particularly after Nargis, have contributed to the process of change in donation hab-its in some sections of the population, with prominent monks such as Sitagu Sayadaw helping to provide compelling justification to engage in social giving as a necessary complement to religious giving. Whether or not we can say that these practices are widespread enough to be interpreted as a movement of Engaged Buddhism in Myanmar remains an open question.

Although practices of relief can appear similar in different con-texts, the motivations and perceptions of donors and recipients are important factors in understanding how Buddhism and relief work are actually articulated. In the case of Myanmar, Buddhist beliefs have helped to shape the ways in which many people and local organiza-tions conceive of, and carry out, relief work and other types of social engagement. At the same time, there also appear to be charitable motivations that could be characterized as more “universal” rather

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than “Buddhist.” Cyclone Nargis relief operations were an opportu-nity for Buddhist organizations to establish relations with international NGOs and donors, and as a consequence to interact with other visions and practices of relief. It also resulted in a rarely observed collabora-tion between Buddhists and other faith-based organizations. In some instances, there remains the possibility of local practices coming into conflict with international expectations, as in the case of d ! na dynam-ics and accountability standards expected by International NGOs and donors during relief operations. However, opportunities to provide relief following natural disasters such as Cyclone Nargis have also con-tributed to a gradual shift in people’s attitudes toward giving in gen-eral, resulting in a more sustained focus on social donations, beyond the immediate situation of relief aid.

Notes

1 . Although the government officially changed the name of the country to “Myanmar” in June of 1989, many people living outside continue to use the name “Burma.” In this chapter, we use Myanmar, although some of the scholars whose work we cite may use Burma.

2 . This is according to the latest national population census, conducted in 1983. However, it is important to note that population figures are con-tentious and unreliable in Myanmar. A 2014 census promises updated figures but the persistence of perceptions regarding identity that often elide ethnicity, religion, and nationality suggests that non-Buddhist proportions of the population will continue to be underreported.

3 . Most scholars roughly divide Buddhism into two main schools of thought: Theravada and Mahayana. Theravada Buddhism is the domi-nant religion in Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and Sri Lanka.

4 . Myanmar Buddhist scholars and monks often stress the supposed “purity” of Myanmar Buddhism, but scholars such as Brac de la Perri è re have rightly warned against reinforcing this unitary view-

point. In fact, practice for many Buddhists in Myanmar includes wor-

ship (or at least propitiation) of nats , local spirits, typically associated

with certain places or activities; wearing tattoos, amulets, or other

protective devices, imbued with power by holy men; and other activi-

ties Theravada purists would deem “non-Buddhist.” The point to

take from this is that there is no single form of Theravada Buddhist

practice or belief. Instead, many of the concepts we examine in this

chapter should be seen as providing a range of possibilities or interpre-

tations. See Brac de la Perri è re, “An Overview of the Field of Religion

in Burmese Studies,” Asian Ethnology 68 (2) (2009): 185–210.

5 . Information for this chapter has been collected through observa-

tions and interviews with Buddhist monks, religious NGO workers,

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researchers, and individuals directly involved with relief activities (mainly in Yangon and the Nargis-affected areas).

6 . Burmans are the largest ethnic group in Myanmar and they are primar-ily Buddhist. The Karens are a smaller group, who are mostly Buddhist, but with a large and influential Christian population. Ethnicity remains a significant vector of conflict in Myanmar and many of these conflicts since independence have been structured along ethnic lines. For a nuanced view of ethnicity and its contemporary salience, see Robert Taylor, “Perceptions of Ethnicity in the Politics of Burma,” Southeast

Asian Journal of Social Science 10 (1) (1982): 7–22. 7 . See Tripartite Core Group, Post-Nargis Social Impact Monitoring:

November 2008 (Yangon, 2008). We should exercise care, in reading these reports, since they are the product of the Tripartite Core Group (TCG), which is made up of representatives of the UN, ASEAN, and the Myanmar government and we could reasonably expect some reluctance to publicize certain negative findings. However, the find-ings from other groups’ reports generally corroborate those of the TCG. In addition, there is ample anecdotal evidence to suggest that villagers already possessed a strong sense of solidarity, and their social responses to Nargis might have been reflective of their regular behav-ior toward one another. There is no “baseline” data from which to make comparisons, let alone the fact that a dynamic such as “solidar-ity” is difficult to measure.

8 . Tripartite Core Group, Post-Nargis Social Impact Monitoring: June

2009 (Yangon, 2009), 42. 9 . Center for Peace and Conflict Studies, Listening the Voices from Inside:

Myanmar Civil Society’s Response to Cyclone Nargis (Phnom Pehn, 2009), 173.

10 . Interview, June 2011, Yangon. 11 . Participatory planning is a tool that is often used by NGOs to ensure

that the relief projects that they are about to implement is not discon-nected from local realities and is guided by the needs and inputs of the local communities. It consists of a process in which interest groups engage and negotiate to influence the design of the modalities of aid delivery.

12 . Center for Peace and Conflict Studies, 24. 13 . Saya is the Burmese word for teacher, while daw is a honorific, so the

term Sayadaw generally applies to high-ranking monks, usually those in charge of a monastery. U Nyanissara is also called Sitagu Sayadaw, and the fact that his name and the organization he leads are inter-changeable reflects the tendency toward organization around one powerful figure, particularly in monk-led groups. Also, while there does seem to be more institutional permanence with regard to Sitagu Sayadaw’s work, the networks surrounding prominent monks are always tenuous, due to their dependence on the charisma and status of

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their founders. For example, while Mingun Sayadaw and Thamanya Sayadaw both created miniature empires of education, social services, and donation during their lives, the activities surrounding them dis-sipated (in some cases dramatically) after their death.

14 . Interview with a Sitagu monk, June 2011, Yangon. 15 . http://www.sitagu.org/cyclone_relief/index.php (accessed June 10,

2011). 16 . Ibid. 17 . Ibid. The mere existence of these relatively detailed reports and press

releases indicates the growing influence of international standards and expectations regarding relief aid and development work on faith-based Myanmar NGOs.

18 . Interview in Yangon, June 2011. 19 . Interview of a Catholic priest involved in relief work after Nargis,

Yangon, June 2011. 20 . This interview did not include specific discussion of the possible dif-

ferences between charity and d ā na; however, this chapter considers the two notions to be similar, yet distinct.

21 . Accountability is the obligation of an organization to account for its activities, be responsible for them and disclose details in a transparent manner. This includes the capacity of the organization to demonstrate use of the funds and property according to rationales that are accept-able by their individual or institutional donors.

22 . The Theravada Buddhist conception of kamma extends beyond this present life to include a practically infinite series of existences in the past and the future.

23 . Interview in Yangon, May 14, 2008. 24 . “In a traditional polity, social status was seen as a ritual economy of

merit based on spiritual rewards for material donation in support of Buddhist practices and institutions,” Schober Julianne, Modern

Buddhist Conjunctures in Myanmar: Cultural Narratives, Colonial

Legacies, and Civil Society (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2010), 3.

25 . Melford E. Spiro. Buddhism and Society: A Great Tradition and Its

Burmese Vicissitudes , 2nd edition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 104.

26 . Ibid., 29. 27 . Schober demonstrates that this ritualized system of exchange of dona-

tion for merit provides a great social and political role to monks, so that the “economy of merit affirms both the status of the monk who accepts the donations and the standing of his lay sponsor who is practicing the Buddhist virtue of generosity. This exchange is enacted in a variety of ritual interactions between monks and lay people.” See Schober, 123.

28 . Kumada Naoko, Rethinking Dan á in Burma: The Art of Giving,

Buddhism and the Spirit Cult Revisited (Stanford University, May 22–23, 2004), 4.

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29 . See, for example, http://burmacampaign.org.uk/images/uploads/AfterTheStorm_FullReport-2.pdf .

30 . Interview in Yangon, June 29, 2011. 31 . Interview in Yangon, June 2011. 32 . Guillaume Rozenberg, Renunciation and Power: The Quest for

Sainthood in Contemporary Burma (New Haven, CT: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, 2010), 87–105.

33 . Interview in Yangon, June 11, 2011. 34 . This is the case for the United Nations Development Groups (UNDG) as

well as many other INGOs. UNDG adopted the United Nations Common Understanding in 2003 to ensure that UN agencies funds and programs consis-tently apply a Human Rights Based Approach to common programming pro-cesses. See the Human Rights Based Approach to Development Cooperation, towards a Common Understanding among UN Agencies. http://www.undg.org/archive_docs/6959-The_Human_Rights_Based_Approach_to_Development_Cooperation_Towards_a_Common_Understanding_among_UN.pdf .

35 . Interview in Yangon, June 11, 2011. 36 . Interview in Yangon, June 16, 2011 37 . While most monasteries and nunneries do keep internal financial

records, they usually use them for their own purposes and the records are not generally made available for review by external groups or indi-viduals for evaluating their activities.

38 . According to a monk interviewed by one of the authors in June 2011, administrative and financial requirements from donors were in some cases externalized, with an intermediary role played by NGOs dealing with invoices, contracts, and narrative reports.

39 . With the expansion of communication technology in Myanmar, these sermons are distributed even more widely among the population through DVDs, VCDs, and increasingly online.

40 . In addition to the traditional monastic role in education, this may be the result of more freedom to operate in these sectors and greater ease in setting up Memorandums Of Understanding (MOU) with the government.

41 . It is important to note, however, that most education in monastery schools still takes place according to traditional methods of memori-zation and recitation.

42 . For example, several interviewees mentioned the preaching, writing, and donation activities of Mettashin U Zawana in helping to convince them to direct their donations to social causes such as health care and poverty reduction. U Zawana is a young and increasingly influential monk who frequently organizes donation ceremonies at hospitals and orphanages, particularly those caring for patients with health issues.

43 . Kumada, 3. 44 . One of the most prominent is the Free Funeral Service Society,

founded by the actor Kyaw Thu in January 2001.

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45 . Interview in Yangon, June 24, 2011. 46 . A DVD of Sitagu Sayadaw preaching begins with a 40-minute

“update” on a hospital he was helping to construct, before he transi-tions into the main topic of his sermon.

47 . One prominent example is the monk-led demonstrations that occurred in cities around the country in late 2012 and early 2013 decrying police violence against citizens protesting the expansion of a copper mine in northwest Myanmar.

48 . See, for example, Sallie B. King, Socially Engaged Buddhism (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press 2009); Christopher S. Queen, Charles S. Prebish, and Damien Keown, eds., Action Dharma: New Studies

in Engaged Buddhism (London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003).

49 . Although most of the informants were Yangon residents, they var-ied according to both education and economic class. But we qualify this statement because trends in Yangon are not necessarily indicative of the rest of the country and there is only anecdotal data to assess changes in donation practices elsewhere.

Works Cited

Badgley, John H. 1965. “The Theravada Polity of Burma.” Tonan Asia

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Queen, Christopher S., Charles S. Prebish, and Damien Keown. eds. 2003.

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buddhism and relief in myanmar: reflections on relief as a practice of dana (2013)

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