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Holocaust Education, Anti‐racismand CitizenshipBruce Carrington a & Geoffrey Short ba Department of Education , University of Newcastleb School of Humanities, Languages and Education ,University of HertfordshirePublished online: 20 Aug 2006.

To cite this article: Bruce Carrington & Geoffrey Short (1997) HolocaustEducation, Anti‐racism and Citizenship, Educational Review, 49:3, 271-282, DOI:10.1080/0013191970490306

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Educational Review, Vol. 49, No. 3, 1997 271

Holocaust Education, Anti-racism andCitizenship

BRUCE CARRINGTON, Department of Education, University of NewcastleGEOFFREY SHORT, School of Humanities, Languages and Education, Universityof Hertfordshire

ABSTRACT In this paper we assess the potential of Holocaust education as amedium for developing 'maximalist' notions of citizenship among students of secondaryschool age. Particular attention is given to the contribution that such teaching canmake to the realisation of anti-racist goals. Because of the dearth of published work inthe UK on the effects of learning about the Holocaust, we present the findings of acase study of 14 and 15 year olds' perceptions of this aspect of curricular provision.The case study, which forms the empirical core of the paper, was undertaken in 1996.The sample, comprising both males and females from a variety of ethnic backgrounds,was drawn form six secondary schools in South East England. The discussion focusesupon: (i) the impact of Holocaust education on the students' understanding of racism(and, in particular, their ability to recognise and deconstruct stereotypes); (ii) thestudents' opinions on the value of Holocaust education in preparing young people foractive citizenship in a participatory pluralist democracy. We conclude by exploring thepedagogic implications of the study.

Introduction

The Holocaust is currently part of Key Stage 3 of the history National Curriculumin England and Wales and, according to a recent survey (Short, 1995), is most likelyto be taught to 13 and 14 year olds at the end of Year 9. Its inclusion in thecurriculum can be justified on a variety of grounds. If taught properly, it can makean invaluable contribution to the general development of the skills, attitudesand dispositions usually associated with 'maximalist' notions of citizenship in aparticipatory democracy (see McLaughlin, 1992). More specifically, it has an import-ant role to play in anti-racist pedagogy. As well as providing an ideal context forteaching about anti-Semitism, the Holocaust can contribute to anti-racist goals byhelping students to understand that ethnic and cultural prejudice and discriminationcan take diverse forms. As Landau (1989, p. 20) has pointed out, Holocausteducation not only as the potential 'to civilise and humanise our students', it has'the power to sensitise them to the dangers of indifference, intolerance, racism andthe dehumanisation of others'.

This potential, however, has yet to be recognised by many anti-racist educators.In the UK anti-racists, with a few notable exceptions (e.g. Cohen, 1988; Rattansi,1992; Gillborn, 1995), have been criticised for their narrow focus on the issues of

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'colour and class' and, concomitantly, for displaying a lack of sensitivity to ethnicand cultural difference (Modood, 1992). Their overriding concern with colour andclass has also meant a lack of interest in anti-Semitism in general and the Holocaustin particular (e.g. Short, 1991, 1994; Short & Carrington, 1995). Similar criticismshave been levelled against anti-racist pedagogy in North America (see Bonnett &Carrington, 1996). In Canada, for example, Reed (1993) has urged racist educatorsto render problematical 'all forms of racialization and discrimination' and to broadentheir remit to include anti-Semitism.

Despite its introduction in 1990 as one of the five 'cross-curricular themes' in theNational Curriculum, citizenship education has not been given a high priority byprimary or secondary schools in England and Wales (see for example Fogelman,1992; Whitty et al. 1992; Siraj-Blatchford & Siraj-Blatchford, 1995). The low take-up of citizenship education (and the other cross-curricular themes) can be attributedto two main factors. The first relates to their status, being 'matters of guidance andnot of statute' (Fogelman, 1992, p. 160), while the second relates to the low level ofofficial support given to cross-curricular teaching generally. The latter has, in fact,been derided by a number of highly influential New Right commentators (e.g.O'Hear, 1991), who remain committed to more traditional pedagogic approachesand a curriculum based upon a strong classification and framing of educationalknowledge (Bernstein, 1975).

A low take-up rate, however, is only part of the problem, for considerablecontroversy continues to surround the official guidelines on citizenship education[e.g. National Curriculum Council (NCC), 1990; Office for Standards in Education(OfSTED), 1994]. Such controversy might be thought inevitable, for the concept of'citizenship' itself is a problematical one, open to a wide range of interpretationsand meanings. It comes as no surprise, therefore, to find that some commentatorshave either roundly condemned the guidance for its minimalism or for buttressingthe status quo (e.g. Haste, 1996, cited in The Times Educational Supplement, 12 July,p. 7; Carr, 1991). Consider, for example, Carr's (1991) criticisms of the NationalCurriculum Council's Education for Citizenship (NCC, 1990). He argued that thedocument 'conspicuously fails to offer any guidance about how the concept ofcitizenship should be interpreted and understood'. As a result, he claimed, 'there isa real risk that "Education for Citizenship" will become an empty slogan and, inpractice, become little more than passive socialisation into the political status quo'(1991, p. 374).

Other commentators have been somewhat more generous in their appraisal of thepolicy document in question. McLaughlin (1992), for instance, attempts to showthat it embodies both 'minimalist' and 'maximalist' notions of 'citizenship', whichhe defines in the following manner. Citizenship, from a minimalist standpoint, isseen 'merely in formal, legal, juridicial terms', whereas from a maximalist standpoint

this identity is seen as a richer thing than (say) the possession by a personof a passport, the right to vote and an unreflective 'nationality'. Identityon these fuller views is conceived in social, cultural and psychologicalterms. Thus, the citizen must have a consciousness of him or herself as amember of a living community with a shared democratic culture involvingobligations and responsibilities as well as rights, a sense of common good,fraternity and so on. (1992, p. 236)

He stresses that the document cannot be read 'in an unambiguously maximalist

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way', for it fails to offer 'a clear and detailed account of its fundamental aims andprinciples' (1992, p. 239).

Ambiguities are also evident in those sections of the document dealing withteaching about 'a pluralist society'. At first glance, the advice dispensed wouldappear to be predicated upon a maximalist notion of citizenship, for schools areenjoined to teach about such matters as 'the similarities and differences betweengroups and their effects' 'Britain as a multicultural, multiethnic, multifaith andmultilingual society', 'the diversity of cultures in other societies' or 'the origins andeffects of racial prejudice within British and other societies' (NCC, 1990, p. 6).However, an alternative reading is possible, as David Gillborn's (1995) critique hasshown. Admonishing Education for Citizenship for failing to take full cognisance ofthe structural dimensions of racism, he argues that the guidance offered 'is at bestweak and superficial, at worst, a recipe for new racist analyses of cultural differencethat place the "blame" for racism on the alien "newcomers"' (1995, p. 136).

Similar criticisms can be levelled against subsequent official guidelines, such asthe discussion paper, Spiritual, moral, social and cultural development (OfSTED,1994). Yet, while some parts of the paper are clearly congruent with a minimalistview of citizenship (see White, 1994), other lend themselves more readily to amaximalist interpretation. Although the paper does not include any direct referencesto racism, it does advocate giving students the opportunity to explore 'local, nationaland world issues' relating to 'the individual and the community—rights, duties andresponsibilities; war and peace; human rights; exploitation and aid; medical ethics;environmental issues [and] equal opportunities [sex, race, disability and class]'(OfSTED, 1994, p. 14).

Teaching about the Holocaust can provide a meaningful context for raising anumber of these issues. In particular, the subject lends itself to developing in studentsa global perspective in respect of human rights. It should help them to appreciatethat human rights violations, on grounds of 'race', ethnicity, nationality or religion,can ultimately lead to genocide. In addition, such teaching may serve to deepentheir understanding of both the causes and consequences of such stereotyping andscapegoating. But while an expanded knowledge of racism may be a necessarycondition of active citizenship in a participatory democracy, it is clearly notsufficient. Students will also need to reflect upon the strategies needed to combat it.Discussion should, of course, form an integral part of Holocaust education.

There has been a dearth of research in the UK on Holocaust education. Apartfrom Carrie Supple's (1992) seminal curriculum development work in North EastEngland and Short's (op. cit.) survey of teachers' attitudes and practices in theSouth East of England, we are not aware of any published evaluation of suchteaching. Certainly, nothing is known about the effects of Holocaust education onstudents' notions of citizenship or their understanding of human rights issues, suchas racism. The case study, which we now describe, constitutes a modest attempt toplug this gap in the literature.

The Case Study

The young people approached during the course of the research were aged between14 and 16 (Year 10) and had studied the Holocaust the previous year. The samplewas an opportunist one, selected primarily for reasons related to access. It comprised43 individuals (21 males and 22 females) drawn from six urban secondary schools

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in South East England. Two of the schools were Catholic (with voluntary-aidedstatus) while the remainder were maintained by a local education authority. Abouthalf the sample belonged to 'visible' minority groups, with 17 having a South Asianbackground and two originating in the Caribbean. There was also one Arab andone Moroccan. All had opted to take history at GCSE level. Individual semi-structured interviews, conducted during the summer term 1996, provided the primarymeans of data collection.

Methodology

The researcher (Geoffrey Short) introduced himself to the students as someone whowas interested in their personal responses to learning about the Holocaust. He theninvited volunteers to talk him on a one-to-one basis about their perception of thisaspect of the curriculum. The students were told that the interviews should not beconstrued as a 'test' of any kind and that they could terminate the interviews at anytime of their choosing. [In the event, none chose to exercise this right; indeed, everyquestion was answered willingly.] The students were also given an assurance thatappropriate steps would be taken to maintain both their personal and institutionalanonymity. Pseudonyms are used throughout the case study.

Each individual was presented with a series of set questions (see Appendix) whichsought to explore: (i) their knowledge of the Holocaust; (ii) their attitude towardsdifferent means of preventing a repetition; (iii) their ability to make connectionsbetween the Holocaust and other forms of racism; (iv) their perception of the widerbenefits of such teaching, particularly in relation to the development of skills,attitudes and dispositions associated with maximalist notions of citizenship.

In our discussion of the findings which now follows, we consider the students'responses in the latter three categories only, since these are particularly germane toour present concerns in relation to anti-racist pedagogy and education for citizenship.We begin by discussing the students' understanding of the processes of stereotypingand scapegoating.

The Findings

Stereotyping and Scapegoating

Arguably, the ability to engage critically with 'text' (visual, written and spoken) isone of the defining features of 'political literacy' in a participatory democracy. Andone of the skills readily associated with this particular form of literacy is the abilityto recognise and deconstruct stereotypes. For this reason, we attempted to assessthe students' knowledge of stereotyping, by first asking them the question: 'What isa racial stereotype'. Following an explanation, if necessary, they were then asked:'What was the Nazi stereotype of the Jew?'.

Although nearly a half of the sample said that they were familiar with the conceptof a stereotype, when the students were questioned about the image of the Jew inNazi ideology, around one in five said they did not know or had forgotten. Theremainder believed that the group was depicted by the Nazis as either 'evil' (12),'inferior' (7) or 'wealthy' (3). However, when asked to elaborate, the students'responses invariably displayed no real understanding: e.g. '(Jews) were bad becausethey weren't Aryan' (Alex); 'They were horrible to people' (Nazia). There were only

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odd occasions when allusions were made to what might be regarded as the kernelof the Nazi stereotype of the Jew: e.g. 'They are trying to take control' (Aisha).Several students referred to scapegoating when responding to this question, statingthat the Jews were held responsible by the Nazis for Germany's capitulation in 1918(5) or for its economic collapse during the Weimar republic (4).

The issue of scapegoating was also broached directly. The students were asked:'What is a scapegoat?', 'Who were the scapegoats in Nazi Germany?' and 'Whatwere they blamed for?'. The majority of the interviewees (33) claimed that they werefamiliar with the concept, but where understanding was clearly lacking, either onthe students' own admission or on the evidence of the 'examples' they provided, theresearcher gave a brief explanation. Even so, when asked subsequently to identifythe scapegoats in Nazi Germany, six were unable to do so, suggesting that a vitallink between the Holocaust and citizenship had passed them by. Although theremaining students mentioned the Jews in their responses, it was apparent that thisunderstanding was, on occasions, superficial or distorted. For example, four studentswere unable to provide any explanation for this scapegoating, while a further sixproffered quite bizarre answers. These included 'the way Hitler ruled Germany', 'notbeing what Hitler wanted them to be' and 'being more successful than the Germans'.

Lessons about Racism

As well as attempting to assess what the students had learned about the processesof stereotyping and scapegoating from their lessons on the Holocaust, we wereinterested in the extent to which they had internalised any anti-racist message. Inparticular, we wanted to determine whether their understanding of racism showedappropriate sensitivity to ethnic and cultural difference (Modood, 1992; Rattansi,1992; Reed, 1993; Walcott, 1994). In addition, we wanted to find out the extent towhich the students appreciated that human rights violations, on grounds of 'race',ethnicity, nationality or religion, can ultimately lead to genocide. Once again, theline of questioning was direct: the students were asked, 'What does the Holocaustteach us about racism?'

Although a majority simply referred to the ethical dimension of this aspect ofHolocaust education ('It teaches that racism is wrong'), about a quarter (11) ofthose interviewed said that it had contributed, in various ways, to their appreciationof the wider ramifications of racism.

It teaches us that we shouldn't be racist, because it just gets larger andlarger, from one person to a group. And it starts getting more violent andyou start killing people. (Umar)

How it can get out of control and end up in mass killing—it's not justcalling names and having a fight. (Anna)

It shows how evil racism can end up to be. It might start with callingnames, but it gets bigger and bigger. (Anwar)

It has to be stopped before it escalates into something worse. If Hitler hadnot been allowed to go so far in the beginning, the Holocaust wouldn'thave happened. (Alex)

In contrast to those who focused on what the Holocaust had taught them about

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the consequences of racism, others indicated that such teaching may have helpedthem to extend their understanding of the relationship between racism (personal,insitutional and systemic) and the exercise of power. Thus, Rachel told the researcher:'It [the Holocaust] teaches us that if a lot of people see racism as a way out and away to enhance their own lifestyle, then a lot of people will go for it'. In a similarvein, Katie noted that 'Racism can come from greed'. When asked to explain, shereplied:

Hitler wanted power and used the persecution of the Jews to give himselfpower. It also teaches us that racism can come from lack of knowledgeand that people have to be taught to stop it from happening again.

Although we were concerned to find a few students saying that the Holocaust hadtaught them nothing about racism, it v/as especially disconcerting to discover thatseveral others (6) had accepted the erroneous view that the Jews were oppressedunder the Third Reich because of their religious beliefs.

The question 'Could there be a Holocaust in England?' offered an additionalopportunity to explore the links between racism and the Holocaust. It came as nosurprise to find that the students were almost evenly divided in their opinions onthis issue, with 23 answering affirmatively, 17 negatively and the rest undecided.Those who considered it a possibility v/ere then asked what would have to happento bring it about. Only a handful (5) drew attention to structural factors, such aseconomic collapse.

Researcher: Could there be a Holocaust of Jews in England?Katie: I don't think so. I think they left the Jews alone a long time

ago and have gone on to other races.Researcher: Could we have a Holocaust involving other races in this

country?Katie: Yes, if we're not careful; there could be anywhere if we're

not careful.Researcher: What would have to happen to bring it about?Katie: Very high inflation, no work.

Researcher: Could there be a Holocaust in England?Viyaj: If a fascist group was to come into power, then maybe, but

at the moment I don't see it happening.Researcher: What would have to happen for there to be a fascist

government?Vijay: A depression: the Asians being on top; maybe even a war

which leaves the country split down the middle.

The remainder were either unable to justify their answers (except in tautologicalterms) or, alternatively, gave undue emphasis to the role of the individual in socio-historical determination. Consider, for example, the following transcripts.

Researcher: Could there be a Holocaust in England?Mary: Yes.Researcher: What would have to happen to bring it about?Mary: Hitler changed German people's view of he Jews. So, say if

someone over here was in power—they'd have to change

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British people's opinion a certain group.Researcher: But what would have to happen for us to elect someone

like Hitler into power?Mary: We'd have to believe in what they believed in.

Martyn: If one man came to power in this country—it could happen,say, against Irish people.

Researcher: What would have to happen to bring it about?Martyn: The people elected would have to be racist groups and

they'd have to influence people in England.

'No Problem Here'

There are indications that public attitudes to 'race' in Britain have shifted since the1960s. Although 'visible' ethnic minorities may continue to face verbal and physicalabuse in schools, on the streets and in the workplace (Home Office, 1989; MacDonaldet al, 1989; Whitmarsh & Harris, 1996), such manifestations of racism are far lesslikely to meet with public approbation than in the past: overt expressions of racismtend to be disavowed and are generally regarded as lying beyond the bounds ofrespectability (Billig et al, 1988). Because contemporary racism often assumes moresubtle and covert forms (see Barker, 1981), its extent may be underestimated. Forthis reason, among others, we anticipated that a degree of complacency about racismmight be encountered among some of our respondents [especially those belongingto the ethnic majority.] Arguably, such complacency was most readily apparent inthe negative responses to the question: 'Could there be a Holocaust in England?. Anumber of students appeared to endorse the cliche 'No problem here', when raisingthe issue of (personal) racism in an English context. Some, like Tom, appeared totake the view implicit within the 'rotten apple theory of racism' (Henriques, 1984)that racism is confined to a small aberrant minority: 'There's not enough crazinessin the country to do it. If someone came to power and said "Go and do this", mostpeople would just say "No". Others believed that racism is less entrenched than inthe past: 'I think people are more open-minded now and there aren't as many racistpeople around. People get on a lot better now no matter what colour they are'(Nazia). 'There doesn't seem to be racism on a large scale' (Amir). Mohammed alsoreferred to the perceived shift in public opinion when he told the researcher that arepetition of the Holocaust would be unlikely to occur in England because 'people'sviews have changed so much'. Rachel and Gita were similarly sanguine in outlook.Rachel felt that 'nobody would give it enough support', while Gita said that 'in thisday and age, people can see the warning signs'. On occasions, our respondents, nodoubt influenced by media coverage of recent events in the former Yugoslavia, saidthat external agencies would ensure that a repetition of the Holocaust did not occur.According to Tariq: 'If black people were attacked in England, other countrieswould come to their help'. Imram echoed these views, noting: 'We've got the UnitedNations helping us'.

Holocaust Education and the Politics of 'Race'

An anti-racist pedagogy that does no more than simply teach about the nature ofracism (and other human rights issues) is unlikely to 'lay the foundations for positive,

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participative, citizenship' (NCC, 1990, p. 1) if students are not provided withappropriate opportunities to discuss the strategies available to counter racism. Itwas for this reason that we invited the students to reflect upon the different meansof preventing a recurrence of the Holocaust. We begin by considering their responsesto the question: 'Should racist political parties be allowed to stand in generalelections?'. More than two thirds (30) of the students were opposed to the idea ofracist political parties participating in the democratic process. While individualsgave various reasons for their opposition, 13 made direct references to the Holocaust.For example, Amir said that 'if they got elected, it would cause a lot of trouble for[the] victims of their racist views, like Hitler and the Jews', while Gemma remarked:'If that party gets power, it would be like Hitler coming into power again. Maybeanother Holocaust might happen'. Others, like Anwar (an Arab), were similarlypessimistic: 'It could be like Hitler again, not with the Jews this time, but withminorities from Arab, African and Asian countries'.

'If People Know the Causes and the Reasons

In order to gauge their opinions about the value of Holocaust education, thestudents were asked: 'Should people of the your age learn about the Holocaust?.Almost all responded affirmatively. A majority (23) underlined the importance ofsuch teaching in preventing a recurrence of this catastrophic episode in history. Ben,for instance, believed that 'if people learnt about the Holocaust and about prejudice,we would grow up in a better society', while Gemma opined: 'If people know thecauses and the reasons why it happened—what should have been done and whatcould have been done—then in the future, if anything like this happens [again], wewill be able to step in'. These sentiments were echoed by Aisha, who stated:

It's important that we learn about the Holocaust because we don't want toget into a situation like that again. Before the Holocaust people wereworrying about what was happening in Germany, but they didn't doanything to stop it. Because of the Holocaust, weVe learnt that maybe ifyou want to deal with things like this, you ought to deal with them beforethey get blown up into big things.

The remainder of those answering affirmatively saw the value of learning about theHolocaust solely in terms of becoming more aware of the past.

As we have already noted, citizenship education should have an internationaldimension as well as a local and national one. For this reason, among others, thestudents were subsequently asked whether lessons on the Holocaust should form anintegral part of school curricula throughout the world or whether such provisionshould be confined solely to the countries which had been most directly affected bythis event. Nearly all of them favoured the universal option. Some did so becauseof the capacity for racism within every society; others because of the need to teachstudents everywhere about their global responsibilities: 'Everyone should know—toprevent it happening in other countries as well' (Harriet); 'It becomes a worldsituation when it happens, because the world has to step in' (Gemma).

Changing the Subject

We were especially interested in the students' perceptions of the wider benefits ofHolocaust education and, in particular, their views of its potential as a medium for

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developing maximalist notions of citizenship. In order to stimulate discussion alongthese lines, our respondents were invited to address the following questions.

• Has studying the Holocaust changed you in any way?• What has the Holocaust taught you about being a good citizen?• What does the Holocaust teach us generally, about life and about people?

Almost two thirds of the students (26) believed that they had been changed as aresult of their experiences of learning about the Holocaust. Of these, seven individualstold the researcher that their awareness of racism had increased: for example, 'Ididn't realise that racism could go that far and that one man could have that muchpower and ruin so many lives' (Michelle); 'Before I did the Holocaust, I didn't knowhow bad racism was' (Martyn). A further four claimed that their capacity torecognise and deconstruct stereotypes had been enhanced.

It's given me more knowledge about what happened to the Jews and howwe should respect other people and not pre-judge them. (Umar)

It's made me realise that you don't class people as a race; you take themas they come. (Jenny)

It's helped me to think more about life. How precious life is. We shouldn'tbe so quick to stereotype people; we should maybe take a second to think.(Ben)

When I was small, watching the news and seeing what the Jews do in IsraelI hated them. After I studied the Holocaust I remembered what happenedto them, how they got into Palestine, so it changed me a lot to think ofthem as normal people and they didn't deserve what they got. They'rehuman and they have the right to live in the country. (Anwar)

While teaching about the Holocaust should seek to encourage young people toengage critically with their taken-for-granted assumptions about 'race', ethnicity,culture and nationality, it will not necessarily succeed in this goal. Indeed, undersome conditions, such teaching may have the unintended consequence of confirming(rather than dislodging) such stereotypes. Although an isolated case, Shahidah toldthe researcher that her lessons on the Holocaust had done little to change herpejorative view of German people. On the contrary, these lessons had served merelyto reinforce her preconceptions of this group. She remarked: 'It's made me moreagainst the Germans'.

In general terms, however, the students were aware of the dangers of suchstereotyping. Indeed, when responding to the question 'What has the Holocausttaught you about being a good citizen?', the majority either underlined the impor-tance of not pre-judging people or stressed the moral imperative that everybody hasthe right to be treated in a just and equitable manner. A handful of students (six),though, adopted a different stance, choosing to emphasise the importance of takingpersonal responsibility for one's actions. Thus, according to Alex, learning aboutthe Holocaust had taught him that: 'You have to make up your own mind. Youdon't just follow someone who may bring you something you want, but who's goingto do something that you don't agree with'. Gemma endorsed these views when sheremarked: '(I should not) accept what everyone else thinks is right—to have my ownopinion and also to speak out for those who are being affected'.

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Predictably, the students' responses to the question 'What does the Holocaustteach us generally, about life and about people?' were similarly diverse (andfrequently reiterated points made when describing the 'good citizen'). For example,some individuals stressed the contribution of Holocaust education to teaching aboutissues relating to equity and social justice: 'It tells us that people should have equalrights, but how at some times in history, people didn't have those rights and hownot having those rights affected their liv;s' (Aftaab). Others underlined its potentialas a vehicle for teaching about the legitimate exercise of power in society.

It teaches us how evil man can be and how men and women strive forpower. . . . We have to overcome [the thirst for power] if we want to carryon living (Katie).

There are some people who will use their power to do evil and they can'tbe stopped in a lot of cases unless action is taken very early (Alex).

Anna was the only respondent to mention the role of the bystander. She told theresearcher that lessons on the Holocaust show 'how cruel humans can be to oneanother and that people just turn a blind eye to it'.

Conclusions

Caution must be the order of the day when drawing conclusions from a small-scale,localised study of this kind and when reflecting upon its pedagogical implications.We not only accept the limitations of our sampling procedures, but acknowledgethe attendant risks of accepting at face value our respondents' reflections on anumber of vexed and complex issues. Despite this, we believe that the majority ofthose we interviewed benefited from their lessons on the Holocaust. Certainly, therewere indications that the students not only valued these experiences, but were oftenable to reflect upon them in a manner that was broadly compatible with a maximalistview of citizenship. In general terms, they appreciated that Holocaust education hasan important role to play in teaching about human rights issues and the exercise ofpower, in a variety of contexts: local, national and global.

While a majority of students claimed that their awareness of racism had increasedas a result of learning about the Holocaust, some appeared, nonetheless, to displaya degree of complacency about it. As we have noted, this attitude may have reflecteda tendency on the part of these students to subscribe to the so-called 'rotten apple'theory of racism. Teachers will need to take account of this tendency when drawingcomparisons between the Holocaust and contemporary forms of overt racism. On arelated point, it will be recalled that a number of students doubted the possibilityof a Holocaust in England on the grounds that international agencies, such as theUnited Nations, would intervene to prevent it. To overcome such complacency,teachers will need to discuss the largely unsympathetic response of the internationalcommunity to the plight of Jews in Germany in the late 1930s and throughoutEurope in the early 1940s. The inclination of the students to construe historicalevents in excessively individualistic terms is also something that teachers may wishto address. To help counter the view of the Holocaust as essentially the work of anisolated aberrant individual, teachers should attempt to make their students moreaware of the different interest groups that stood to gain from a Nazi take-over inGermany and show how these various groups contributed to Hitler's success.

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We have argued that the ability to recognise and deconstruct stereotypes may beregarded as an essential characteristic of 'political literacy' in a participatory demo-cracy. In view of this, we were concerned to find that about half the sample appearedto lack any real grasp of the concept of a stereotype. Clearly, when planning a pro-gramme of study on the Holocaust, teachers should give particular attention to thisissue. By including reference to the persecution of ethnocultural groups such as theGypsies and Slavs under the Third Reich, teachers may help to enhance their students'understanding of the process of stereotyping. And while it is important that youngpeople learn about the defining features of Nazi stereotypes of the Jews and othergroups, it is equally important that they are provided with sufficient opportunities toreflect upon their own taken-for-granted assumptions about Germans. Discussion ofthe part played by individuals, such as Oscar Schindler, in rescuing Jews, might assistin dispelling anti-German prejudice by encouraging students to reflect upon the limita-tions of perjorative, monolithic constructions of this group.

Correspondence: Bruce Carrington, Department of Education, University of New-castle, St Thomas' Street, Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU, UK.

NOTE

A version of this paper was presented to the 22nd Annual Conference of the Association for Moral Educa-tion, University of Ottawa, November 1996.

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APPENDIX—interview schedule

(1) Knowledge of the Holocaust

• Tell me what you know about the Holocaust?• Were Jews the only group singled out by the Nazis for persecution? [Although not directly relevant to the

Holocaust, it was felt necessary to ask this question on the assumption that students will be less likely tolearn about the vulnerability of all ethnic minorities to persecution if they are led to believe that Jewswere the only group dehumanised by the Nazis.]

• Why did it happen?• Could it have been prevented?• Why was the rest of the world reluctant to take Jjwish refugees in large numbers from Germany• In respect of the Holocaust, are there any heroes?

(2) Preventing a Repetition

• Should racist political parties be allowed to stand in general elections?• Should people of your age learn about the Holocaust? People everywhere or just in those countries directly

affected?

(3) Racism and the Holocaust

• What is a racial stereotype? What was the Nazi stereotype of the Jew?• What is a scapegoat? Who were the scapegoats ir. Nazi Germany? What were they blamed for?• What does the Holocaust teach us about racism?• Could there be a Holocaust (not necessarily of Jews) in England? [If'yes', what would have to happen to

bring it about? If 'no', why not?]

(4) Personal Impact of Learning about the Holocaust

• Has studying the Holocaust changed you in any way? [If so, how?]• What has the Holocaust taught you about being a good citizen?• What does the Holocaust teach us generally, about life and about people?

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