political agenda behind the japanese emperor and...

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The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 14 | Issue 5 | Number 3 | Mar 01, 2016 1 Political Agenda Behind the Japanese Emperor and Empress’ “Irei” Visit to the Philippines Kihara Satoru, Satoko Oka Norimatsu Emperor Akihito and empress Michiko of Japan visited the Philippines from January 26 to 30, 2016. It was the first visit to the country by a Japanese emperor since the end of the Asia- Pacific War. The pair's first visit was in 1962 when they were crown prince and princess. The primary purpose of the visit was to "mark the 60 th anniversary of the normalization of bilateral diplomatic relations" in light of the "friendship and goodwill between the two nations." 1 With Akihito and Michiko's "strong wishes," at least as it was reported so widely in the Japanese media, 2 two days out of the five- day itinerary were dedicated to "irei 慰霊," that is, to mourn those who perished under Imperial Japan's occupation of the country from December 1941 to August 1945. The Japanese term "irei" literally means to "comfort the spirit" of the dead, and is used generally to mean notions such as to "mourn," "pay tribute (respect) to," and/or to "remember" those who die in abnormal situations like wars, natural disasters, accidents, and crimes. Another word commonly used for such purposes is "tsuito 追悼," – literally "to remember the dead with sadness." The latter term is regarded as more neutral and secular, and is used for those who die of natural causes as well. The two are often used interchangeably, but some problematize the term "irei" as having a religious meaning, one tied to Shintoism, and the two should be distinguished carefully. Folklorist Shintani Takanori points out that notions of remembering the dead in Japanese culture, with its tradition of "enshrining the dead as gods," cannot be easily translated into Anglophone culture. The word "irei" has a connotation beyond "comforting the spirit" of the dead, which embeds in the word the possibility of the "comforted spirit being elevated to a higher spirituality" to the level of "deities/gods," which can even become "objects of spiritual worship." 3 Shintani's argument immediately suggests that we consider its Shintoist, particularly Imperial Japan's state-sanctioned Shintoist significance when the word "irei" is used to describe the Japanese emperor and empress' trips to remember the war dead. This is particularly the case given the ongoing international controversy over Yasukuni Shrine, which enshrines those who died for the emperor in battles during the period of the Empire of Japan, notably during the Asia-Pacific War. Following Shintani, in this article we italicize the term irei to call attention to the difficulty of translating the complex notion into an English term. 4 Akihito and Michiko had paid such irei visits previously to Iwojima (1994), Nagasaki, Hiroshima, Okinawa and Tokyo (aerial bombing) to mark the 50 th of the war end in 1995, Saipan (2005), and Palau (2015). The Japanese media across the board applauded their visit to the Philippines, as one that demonstrated the pair's sincere gesture of remorse over the scars of war. It is, however, necessary to carefully examine political calculations behind this visit. 1. A precursor to Japan-U.S.-Philippines military unification

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The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 14 | Issue 5 | Number 3 | Mar 01, 2016

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Political Agenda Behind the Japanese Emperor and Empress’“Irei” Visit to the Philippines

Kihara Satoru, Satoko Oka Norimatsu

Emperor Akihito and empress Michiko of Japanvisited the Philippines from January 26 to 30,2016. It was the first visit to the country by aJapanese emperor since the end of the Asia-Pacific War. The pair's first visit was in 1962when they were crown prince and princess.

The primary purpose of the visit was to "markthe 60th anniversary of the normalization ofbilateral diplomatic relations" in light of the"friendship and goodwill between the twonations."1 With Akihito and Michiko's "strongwishes," at least as it was reported so widely inthe Japanese media,2 two days out of the five-day itinerary were dedicated to "irei 慰霊," thatis, to mourn those who perished under ImperialJapan's occupation of the country fromDecember 1941 to August 1945.

The Japanese term "irei" literally means to"comfort the spirit" of the dead, and is usedgenerally to mean notions such as to "mourn,""pay tr ibute (respect) to ," and/or to"remember" those who die in abnormalsituations like wars, natural disasters,accidents, and crimes. Another word commonlyused for such purposes is "tsuito 追悼," –literally "to remember the dead with sadness."The latter term is regarded as more neutral andsecular, and is used for those who die ofnatural causes as well. The two are often usedinterchangeably, but some problematize theterm "irei" as having a religious meaning, onetied to Shintoism, and the two should bedistinguished carefully.

Folklorist Shintani Takanori points out thatnotions of remembering the dead in Japaneseculture, with its tradition of "enshrining the

dead as gods," cannot be easily translated intoAnglophone culture. The word "irei" has aconnotation beyond "comforting the spirit" ofthe dead, which embeds in the word thepossibility of the "comforted spirit beingelevated to a higher spirituality" to the level of"deities/gods," which can even become "objectsof spiritual worship."3

Shintani's argument immediately suggests thatwe consider its Shintoist, particularly ImperialJapan's state-sanctioned Shintoist significancewhen the word "irei" is used to describe theJapanese emperor and empress' trips toremember the war dead. This is particularly thecase given the ongoing internationalcontroversy over Yasukuni Shrine, whichenshrines those who died for the emperor inbattles during the period of the Empire ofJapan, notably during the Asia-Pacific War.Following Shintani, in this article we italicizethe term irei to call attention to the difficulty oftranslating the complex notion into an Englishterm.4

Akihito and Michiko had paid such irei visitspreviously to Iwojima (1994), Nagasaki,Hiroshima, Okinawa and Tokyo (aerialbombing) to mark the 50th of the war end in1995, Saipan (2005), and Palau (2015). TheJapanese media across the board applaudedtheir visit to the Philippines, as one thatdemonstrated the pair's sincere gesture ofremorse over the scars of war. It is, however,necessary to carefully examine politicalcalculations behind this visit.

1. A precursor to Japan-U.S.-Philippinesmilitary unification

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First, this visit took place in the midst ofincreasing military cooperation and allianceamong the United States, Japan and thePhilippines, based on a strategy of opposingChina's advancement in the South China Sea.

In November 2015, President Obama visitedthe Philippines for the APEC summit and onboard the Philippine's Navy ship BRP Gregoriodel Pilar, a former U.S. Coast Guard vessel, hestressed the two countr ies ' "sharedcommitment to the security of the waters ofthis region and to the freedom of navigation,"and reiterated the U.S. plan to increasemilitary aid to its allies in the region.5 Shortlyafter Obama's visit, the U.S. announced anincrease in its annual military aid to thePhilippines to 79 million dollars.6

Obama made his remarks on board BRP Gregorio Del Pilarat Manila Harbor, November 17, 2015

The Supreme Court of the Philippines, as if inresponse, ruled on January 12, 2016 that theEnhanced Defense Co-operation Agreement(EDCA) was constitutional. The 10-year defenseagreement signed in 2014, which would allowexpansion of U.S. military activities in thePhilippines, "rotating ships and planes forhumanitarian and marit ime securityoperations."7 EDCA had met the legal challengewhich claimed that the pact infringed thenation's sovereignty.8

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry andSecretary of Defense Ashton Carter, in aJanuary 12 meeting in Washington with theirFilipino counterparts, welcomed the PhilippineSupreme Court' decision. Carter said that thePhilippines "is a critical ally of the UnitedStates as we continue and gather andstrengthen our rebalance to the Asia-Pacificregion… our commitment is ironclad."9

According to a news report of January 13, thePhilippines will offer eight military bases forthe United States to build facilities to storeequipment and supplies.10 These moves areunderstood in the context of rising tensions inthe South China Sea, including territorialdisputes between China and the Philippinesover islands in the South China Sea. ThePhilippines brought the case to the UN-appointed permanent court of arbitration (PCA)in the Hague in 2013, and the final judgementis expected in mid-2016, with the likelihood ofbeing in favour of the Philippines.11

Japan and the Philippines have been holdingreciprocal visits. In June 2015, Prime MinisterBenigno Aquino III visited Japan as a stateguest, and in the June 4 "Joint Declaration – AStrengthened Strategic Partnership forAdvancing the Shared Principles and Goals ofPeace, Security, and Growth in the Region andBeyond," the two governments agreed to"expand their security cooperation" throughmeans such as "participation of Self-DefenseForces in disaster relief activities in thePhilippines," and "the expansion of bilateraland multilateral trainings and exercises forcapacity building."

In the following month, Prime Minister Abevisited the Philippines as part of a three-statetour that included Singapore and Malaysia, andin the bilateral summit, announced Japan'sprovision of 10 patrol vessels through a yenloan "in order to enhance the capacity of thePhilippine Coast Guard." These moves alladdress the "South China Sea issue" which Abeindicated "is a matter that concerns the

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regional and international communities."12

In April 2016, the Japanese Defense MinisterNakatani Gen is expected to visit thePhilippines to discuss with his Philippinescounterpart, Defense Secretary VoltaireGazmin, Japan's provision of military equipmentto the Philippines such as TC-90 trainingaircraft and expanding joint military exercisesbetween Japan's Maritime Self-Defense Forceand the Philippine Navy.13

Akihito and Michiko's visit to the Philippinesshould be understood in the context of suchincreasing military alliance involving U.S.,Philippines and Japan. The Abe administrationhas used symbolic irei trip to pave the way forJapan to play a more active military roleoverseas under the "use of the right tocollective self-defense" enabled by the set oflaws rammed through last year that changedthe interpretation of the Article 9, the pacifistclause of Japan's post-war constitution.

Emperor Akihito on the other hand, during theImperial Palace banquet to welcome PresidentAquino on June 3, 2015, emphasized the needfor the Japanese to remember the "loss of manyFilipino lives" as a result of the "fierce battlesbetween Japan and the United States" that tookplace in the Philippines, with "a profound senseor remorse." He offered his "deepestcondolences to all those who lost their livesthen."14 Significantly, however, Akihito hasrefrained from any word of direct apology onsuch occasions, just as in his trips to Saipanand Palau.

The Philippine Star, one of the most-readbroadsheet in the Philippines, rightly observed:

Akihito has repeatedly expressedregret for the damage caused bythe warbut has never offered astraightforward apology. Thefurthest he has gone is to express"deep" remorse in an address last

year marking the 70th anniversaryof the end of the war.15

The fact that he, and Japanese society as awhole including the government, generallyleave the matter of war responsibilityambiguous, and the fact that Japan is onceagain becoming "a country that can fight wars"under the U.S.-Japan military alliance and theset of "war bills," are not unrelated.

The Philippine Star seems to understand thistrip in terms of such political goals:

While he has been jeered onprevious foreign visits, Akihito waswelcomed with full state honors inthe Phi l ippines, which nowdepends on Japan as a leadingtrading partner, provider ofdevelopment aid, and a major allyas Manila confronts an assertiveBeijing in contested territories inthe South China Sea.16

2. "Independence of the Philippines" and"Battle of Manila"

Emperor Akihito during this trip gave twoformal speeches, at Haneda Airport uponembarking and at the state banquet hosted byPresident Aquino in the Philippines. In thesespeeches, he mentioned "Independence of thePhilippines" and the "Battle of Manila" ofFebruary 1945. The Japanese media generallypraised these references, but Akihito failed toclarify critical elements of these historicalevents.

Imperial Japan that hampered Philippine'sindependence

In his remarks during the state banquet inManila, Akihito mentioned José Rizal(1861-1896) twice, and applauded him as a

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" n a t i o n a l h e r o " w h o " p r e s s e d f o rindependence" from "Spanish control."17 Thecouple even visited and placed flowers at theJosé Rizal Monument on the morning of January27.18 Rizal, a doctor, author, artist, was an anti-colonial leader who inspired the PhilippineRevolution (1896-98) that freed the countryfrom the three centuries of Spanish rule, onlyto be taken over by the U.S., after thePhilippine-American war (1899-1902) thatpitted Filipino revolutionaries against the U.S.Army.

Akihito and Michiko bow at the José Rizal Monument,January 27

If Akihito emphasized the "independence of thePhil ippines," why did he only refer to"independence from Spain," which was morethan a century ago, and not independence fromthe United States or from Japan? It is worthrecalling that the Philippines was at the brinkof independence in 1941 on the eve of theJapanese invasion. While his father Hirohito'sarmy in effect thwarted Phi l ippines'independence and delayed it till after theJapanese war, his praise of José Rizal appearsmore like an intended concealment of thehistory of Japan's own invasion and colonizationof the country, which was ironically the verychapter of history Akihito wanted to address inthis visit.

There was a special sentiment towards Japanon the part of the Philippines, which wasinvaded just before its independence from theU.S. In the International Military Tribunal forthe Far East, the Filipino judge Delfin Jaranillaargued all Class-A war criminals be sentencedto death. Carlos Romulo, Secretary of ForeignAffairs of the Philippines at the time of SanFrancisco Peace Treaty told Japan "todemonstrate your spiritual repentance andproof of renascence before we extend our handof forgiveness and friendship." 19

Horrors of the Battle of Manila andEmperor Hirohito's responsibility

Akihito's speeches touched on the Battle ofManila (February 3 to March 3, 1945), in which"a great many innocent Filipino civiliansbecame casualties of the fierce battles foughtin the city of Manila," and said that the loss ofmany Filipino lives in the battles on Philippinesoil is "something we Japanese must neverforget." True, approximately 1.1 million peoplein the Philippines were killed in the battles ontheir islands, including those who wereslaughtered by the Japanese Army. It is alsounquestionable that the biggest responsibilityof the war lay with Emperor Hirohito, whoissued the imperial edict that started the war.

Hirohito's responsibility is particularlynoteworthy where the Battle of Manila isconcerned, because on February 14, 1945, hisclose aide Konoe Fumimaro urged him tosurrender, saying "defeat is inevitable," in thedocument known as "Konoe Memorandum."Hirohito rejected Konoe's advice, saying itwould be "difficult unless after one moresuccessful battle." If Hirohito had heededKonoe's advice, the casualties of the Battle ofManila would have been significantly less.Likewise, all the deaths of the six monthsbetween then and Hirohito's surrender ofAugust 15, including those of the aerialbombings of Tokyo (March 10) and other cities,the Battle of Okinawa, atomic-bombing of

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Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and civilian andmilitary (including POWs) casualties in all areasaffected by the Japanese war across Asia-Pacific would have been avoided.

If Akihito were to voice his concern over the"great many innocent Filipino civilians" whobecame "casualties of the fierce battles foughtin the city of Manila," should he have not firstapologized for his father's war responsibility? Itis this history that "we Japanese must neverforget," not a concealed or glorified version ofhistory.

3. Disguise of Japan's responsibility asperpetrator of war and nationalism

Now, who did Akihito and Michiko meet andwho did they not meet? Where did they go andwhere did they not go?

The Imperial couple dedicated flowers at the Tomb of theUnknown Soldier at the Heroes' Cemetary in Manila,January 27

Japanese war-bereaved and former"comfort women"

The first war memory site that the couplevisited was the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier atthe Heroes' Cemetery in Taguig in metroManila on January 27. Japan's nationalnewspaper Asahi Shimbun reported that thisvisit took place at the insistence of the couple

that the trip include a visit to Philippine warvictims as well as Japanese war victims.20 Itappears that in the absence of their suggestion,Hirohito's heir as emperor of Japan would haveonly visited the war memorial for fallenJapanese soldiers in his state visit to thePhilippines.

Akihito and Michiko, however, could havevisited another site too if they had truly wishedto mourn the civilian victims of the Battle ofManila. They did not visit the monumentdedicated to the victims of the Battle,"Memorare-Manila 1945," although it is locatednear the José Rizal monument that the coupledid visit on January 27. Memorare-Manila 1945was built by the civilian survivors and theirdescendants in February 1995, the 50 th

anniversary of the Battle. It is a painfully vividrepresentation of the civilian suffering in theBattle, with the "figure of a hooded womanslumped on the ground in great despair for thelifeless child she cradles in her arms. Sixsuffering figures surround her, a glimpse of thegreat despair brought about by the gruesomemassacres that were perpetrated all over thecity inflicted by Imperial Japanese soldiers oncivilians during the liberation of the city."21

Memorare-Manila 1945, Intramuros, Manila

The Inscription on the marker says: 22

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This monument is erected inmemory of the more than 100,000defenseless civilians who werekilled during the Battle for theLiberation of Manila betweenFebruary 3 and March 3, 1945.They were mainly victims ofheinous acts perpetrated by theJapanese Imperial Forces and thecasualties of the heavy artillerybarrage by the American Forces.The Battle for Manila at the end ofWorld War II was one of the mostbrutal episode in the history ofAsia and the Pacific. The non-combatant victims of that tragicbattle will remain forever in thehearts and minds of the Filipinopeople.

Marker of the Memorare-Manila 1945

Is it possible that the pair would have wantedto visit this memorial too if they had thechance, just as they made an unplanned stop atthe memorials for the Korean victims and thatfor the Okinawan victims in their war memorytrip to Saipan in 2005? In his formal speeches,Akihito made references such as "During WorldWar II, countless Filipino, American, andJapanese lives were lost in the Philippines. Agreat many innocent Filipino civilians becamecasualties of the fierce battles fought in the cityof Manila" (At Haneda Airport on January 26),and "During this war, fierce battles betweenJapan and the United States took place onPhilippine soil, resulting in the loss of manyFilipino lives and leaving many Filipinosinjured" (at the state banquet on January 27),avoiding carefully who actually killed thoseFilipino civilians. Perhaps the direct referenceto "Japanese Imperial Forces," Akihito's father'sarmy, as the perpetrator of the "heinous acts"at Memorare-Manila 1945 was too inconvenientfor the Japanese government which was intenton keeping the former emperor's warresponsibil ity as vague as possible.

The discrepancy between Akihito's word thatextended his remorse for the innocent victimsof the war and the fact that he and his wife onlyvisited war memorials for the fallen soldiers isanother indication that any focus on the civiliancasualties of war would be inconvenient to thetrue purpose of th is t r ip for the twogovernments: to solidify and advance thebilateral military alliance. To reinforce thatpoint, even though the Japanese media labelledthis trip as "irei no tabi," a trip for irei, and theimperial couple appeared to have embracedthat purpose throughout the trip, the ImperialHousehold Agency's official definition of thetrip23 does not mention it, whereas that for theprevious trips to Saipan24 and Palau25 clearlystated that purpose.

The highlight of Akihito and Michiko's trip, at

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least as shown in its extensive coverage in theJapanese media, was their visit on January 29to the Japanese Memorial Garden at Cavintitownship of Laguna province, built by theJapanese government in 1973 for irei of theapproximately 518,000 soldiers who died in thePhilippines, one of the biggest Japanesemilitary casualties in all the Asia-Pacificbattlefields.26 The pair presented flowers andbowed, as 170 relatives of the Japanese wardead looked on, some quietly weeping. Thoughthe practice of treating the emperor as a godwas halted at the end of WWII as the emperorbecame only "human" and was redefined as a"symbol" of the nation in the post-warconstitution, the fact that many Japanese stillrevere the emperor was clear in the emotionalwelcome of Akihito and Michiko by the familiesof the war dead and those of Japanese descentliving in the Philippines. The Inquirer publisheda report on this event titled, "Demigod image ofJapanese emperor remains among followers."27

There did not seem to be any resentment inthese people's minds in seeing the son ofHirohito, under whose command their lovedones died. They were among the half millionJapanese men, the majority of whom died ofstarvation and disease.28

Akihito and Michiko present chrysanthemum flowers at thememorial for fallen Japanese soldiers, 比島戦没者の碑 onJanuary 29

After the ceremony, Akihito and Michiko spoketo the families of the war dead, offering wordsof consolation like, "You must have gonethrough a lot of hardship."29 Families expressedtheir reactions in such phrases as, "My mind isfull of emotions," according to Japanesenewspaper reports. 3 0 This is how themelodrama was created between a "mercifulEmperor and Empress" and the families of thewar dead and surviving soldiers. Japanesepublic broadcaster NHK aired the whole eventlive, as a special program, making it the mainevent of their visit to the Philippines. The visitwas supposed to be about "friendship andgoodwill," but the emperor's central messagewas presented as irei of the fallen Japanesesoldiers.

There was another group of people who wereeagerly awaiting the arrival of Akihito andMichiko, whether they noticed them or not.They were a group of Filipinas who were"comfort women" victims of the Japanesemilitary sex slavery system, and theirsupporters, about three hundred in all. OnJanuary 27, while the pair was visiting theTomb of the Unknown Soldier at the militarycemetery, the lolas (grandmothers) belongingto the group Lila Pilipina and their supportersstood at Chino Roces Bridge in Manila for anhour under blistering sun, "urging PresidentAquino to tell Emperor Akihito to issue a publicapology and give reparation to all 'comfortwomen.'"31

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Women's group Gabriela's protest in Manila, January 27

Lila Pilipina was joined by a women's groupand pol i t ica l party Gabr ie la , whoserepresentative Luzviminda Ilagan expressedfrustration over President Aquino's neglect ofthis issue during the emperor's state visit,creating "an image in media and academeabout his pacifism and 'deep remorse.'" Ilagansaid:

"Deep remorse as a personalsentiment by the Emperor willnever be accepted by the warvictims as official apology. Worse,it could all be a publicity stunt tomask moves by the Japanese PrimeMinister Shinzo Abe abetted by USPresident Barack Obama to removeJapan's anti-war constitutionalprovision and boost militarymissions abroad. Filipinos shouldbe wary and oppose being draggedinto another bloody war andanother generation of comfortwomen."32

On January 29, eight women who are membersof another survivors' group Malaya Lolasgathered in front of the Japanese Embassy inManila and lit candles, while Akihito andMichiko were visiting the memorial for fallenJapanese soldiers.33

Did Akihito and Michiko know about this rallyfor the former "comfort women"? If they spentso much time in meeting with, and giving "kindwords" to the families of the Japanese militarymembers and Japanese Filipinos, should theyhave not also met with and listened to thevoices of those "comfort women" survivors, whowere victimized by Japan, and still waiting forthe government's unequivocal apology, statecompensation, and inclusion, instead ofexclusion, of the history in Japanese school

textbooks?

The Inquirer's editorial addressing the visitechoes this sentiment:

Eight "comfort women" survivors light candles during aprotest at the Japanese Embassy in Manila, January 29

For the generation of Filipinos whowitnessed and lived through theatrocities of World War II, theJapanese Emperor's visit to thePhilippines this week is bound tosummon painful memories thatmake forgiveness extremelydi f f icul t . The voices of thesurviving Filipino "comfort women"who were captured and turned intosex slaves for Japanese soldiersmay have been the most persistent.But they are not alone in asking: Isthere an obligation to forgive andto forget?

Almost none of these emotions were reportedin the mainstream Japanese media, which areknown for their adulatory coverage of allmatters related to the imperial family.

Ignored "Bataan Death March"

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Bataan Peninsula is just about the samedistance from Manila as Caliraya is, where theemperor and empress lay flowers at themonument to remember the Japanese wardead. This is where the "Bataan Death March,"which is central to the Filipino collective warmemory, took place.

On April 9, 1945, the Japanese Army conqueredBataan, and forced about 76,000 prisoners ofwar (66,000 Americans, 10,000 Filipinos) tomarch from the southern tip of BataanPeninsula to Camp O'Donnell, 11 km west ofCapas, about 100 km, for days (partly alsotraveling by rail, in "cramped and unsanitaryboxcars"), during which captives were "beaten,shot, bayoneted, and in many cases, beheaded."Only 54,000 reached the camp and many whomade it eventually died at the camp ofstarvation and disease.34

The Bataan Death March, in violation ofinternational law concerning treatment ofPOWs, is notorious as one of the eventssymbolic of Japanese military's atrocities. Forthe people of the Philippines, this history is notsomething that is in the past and forgotten.Indeed, a marathon, called the "Bataan DeathMarch 102/160 Ultra Marathon Race,"dedicated to this history, is held every year.35

This year, the 102 km ultra marathon startedon January 30, the day Akihito and Michiko leftthe country. Was this just a coincidence?

There are many monuments along the route ofthe Bataan Death March to commemorate thesuffering and perseverance of the POWs. If theJapanese emperor and empress's intent was to"irei also for the Filipino war victims," not justJapanese war dead, should they have not alsogone to Bataan and presented flowers for thevictims of the deadly march well-known in thePhilippines and internationally?

And what about the American POWs? In fact,after a brief mention of the loss of Americanlives in his speech at Haneda Airport uponembarkation, Akihito did not acknowledge the

American casualties or the abuse of POWs at allfor the entire stay in the Philippines. Anotherform of selectivity in his irei was total exclusionof the thousands of Filipino resistance guerillafighters who fought the Japanese Armythroughout the occupation period. Akihito'semphasis in his referral to the Filipinocasualties were the "innocent civilians."

There is a commonality between the sexualslavery survivors, whom Akihito and Michikodid not meet, and the memorials of "Bataan"and the "Battle of Manila" that the pair did notvisit. It lies in the fact that they are symbolic ofthe war atrocities committed by the Empire ofJapan. Would it be too much to suggest that theintent behind the emperor and empress' tripwas to evade Japan's war responsibilities ratherthan face them?

How did the Japanese media report this trip?The newspapers quoted words of yearning fromthe war bereaved, former Japanese soldiers,and Japanese Filipinos. The media reports alsostressed the "words of consideration" from thecouple toward those from Japan and ofJapanese descent. The politically moderateAsahi Shimbun editorial of January 29 noted,"The royal couple went all the way to the siteswhere fierce battles took place to show theirwish for peace. We would like to share theirfeelings and thoughts." Left-leaning TokyoShimbun's editorial of January 26 said, "Wewould like to share the emperor and empress'swish for peace conveyed by their numerousprecious words." Right-leaning YomiuriShimbun, the biggest national paper in theworld, summarized the royal couple's visit in itsJanuary 31 editorial that the way the emperorand empress sincerely face the history of thepast war "must have made a strong impressionon the minds of the people of the Philippines."

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Bataan Death March 95km marker, Bacolor, Pampamga

A common feature of these commentariesacross the political spectrum is a new kind ofnationalism that attempts to mobilize Japanesenationals (kokumin) under the imperial couple –a nationalism that hides Japan's responsibilityfor its aggressive war and aims to uniteJapanese nationals under such a distorted"history."

4. Emperor and empress's "irei trip" is aforerunner for Abe-led constitutionalrevision

Prime Minister Abe made clear that he wouldmake constitutional revision a main issue in theupcoming Upper House election (July 2016)and seek to amend the Constitution followingthe election. In short, the imperial couple's tripto the Philippines for irei of the war dead was aforerunner of constitutional revision.

a) Expansion of the emperor's "public acts"stipulated in the constitution

The "imperial diplomacy" by the emperor andthe empress is not included in the "acts inmatters of state" allowed for the emperor in thecurrent constitution.36 The government hasattempted to justify "imperial diplomacy"arguing that these are the emperor's "publicacts". In the absence of any constitutionalstipulation for such acts, an attempt wasclearly being made to expand the emperor'sauthority.

The Liberal Democratic Party thus attempts toadd a clause to the current Article 7 of theconstitution that stipulates "acts in matters ofstate." In their "Draft of Revision, theConstitution of Japan" (issued on April 27,2012), they have added a clause (in their draft,the 5th clause of Article 6), "…the Emperor shallperform public acts such as ceremonies held bythe state, local public entities and other publicent i t i es " 3 7 LDP 's Q & A page for i t sconstitutional revision draft explains thisclause, "Some acts of the Emperor have apubl ic nature. However, the currentconstitution has no provision for such publicacts by the Emperor. This was why it wasdeemed necessary to have clear constitutionalstipulation for such public acts."

b) Danger of making state religiousactivities constitutional

This article has shown that acts of irei for thewar dead have strong religious connotations.This means that irei trips by the emperor andthe empress may infringe Clause 3, Article 20of the current constitution, "The State and itsorgans shall refrain from religious education orany other religious activity." This is why theLDP draft for constitutional revision adds to thesame clause, "…however, this does notnecessarily apply to activities that do notexceed the scope of social rituals andcustomary acts." If the constitution is revised

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as the LDP wishes, irei trips by the emperorand the empress may be regarded as one of the"social rituals," paving the way for makingpublic religious acts by "the State and itsorgans," including the emperor and the otherimperial family members, constitutional.

c) Setting the stage for making theemperor "Head of State"

In this visit, the Japanese emperor and empresswere "state guests," and the emperor evenreviewed the Philippines' guard of honour withPresident Aquino, in the state-sponsoredwelcome ceremony on January 27.38 EmperorAkihito was precisely treated as "Head ofState" throughout the trip. This is also exactlyhow the LDP envisions the new role of theemperor, by defining him as "Head of State" inits constitutional revision draft, a fundamentalchange from the "symbol of the State and of theunity of the People" in the current post-warconstitution. The current definition was adeparture from the constitution of the Empireof Japan (the Meiji Constitution) that definedthe Emperor as "the head of the Empire,""sacred and inviolable."39 De facto treatment ofthe emperor as "head of state" such as oneseen in the Philippines visit paves the way toofficially redefining the emperor one stepcloser to the pre-1945 definition.

Akihito reviews an honour guard at the welcome ceremonyat Malacanang Palace, January 27This is how the emperor and the empress' ireitrip plays a political role in Abe's and the LDP'splanned constitutional revision. It is all themore important that political use of theemperor in coordination with the move forconstitutional revision be critically examined,particularly given the Japanese media's virtualgag order on any matter related to the imperialfamily. Some liberal-minded Japanese punditspraise the "peace-loving" emperor tocounteract Abe's warmongering andundemocratic policymaking, but this is also adangerous utilization of the person who is amere "symbol", someone who is constitutionallybarred from being given any authority over thepeople of Japan, in whom sovereignty resides.

Satoko Oka Norimatsu translated, andexpanded Kihara Satoru's four-part article onthe Japanese imperial couple's visit to thePhilippines in collaboration with Kihara. Thearticle was posted in Kihara's blog Ari noh i t o k o t o(http://blog.goo.ne.jp/satoru-kihara/d/20160204) ("A Word from an Ant") on January 23(http://blog.goo.ne.jp/satoru-kihara/e/1aa83da0bd86959b19401f9d575c604f), February 1(http://blog.goo.ne.jp/satoru-kihara/e/a17f9572df51305dbd6160dd1849c29b), February 2(http://blog.goo.ne.jp/satoru-kihara/e/2ab122b1ff751fc0dc3d79c3804315e2), and February 4(http://blog.goo.ne.jp/satoru-kihara/d/20160204).

Recommended citation: Kihara Satoru andSatoko Oka Norimatsu, "Political AgendaBehind the Japanese Emperor and Empress''Irei' Visit to the Philippines", The Asia-PacificJournal, Vol. 14, Issue 5, No. 3, March 1, 2016.

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Kihara Satoru, born in Hiroshima in 1953, is a freelance writer. He was a staff writer for theJapan Communist Party's newspaper Shimbun Akahata, an evening paper, and a localnewspaper. He lives in Fukuyama City, Hiroshima.

Satoko Oka NORIMATSU is Director of the Peace Philosophy Centre, a peace-educationorganization in Vancouver, Canada, with a widely-read Japanese-English blog(https://apjjf.org/admin/staff_manage/details/peacephilosophy.com) on topics such as peaceand justice, war memory and education in East Asia, US-Japan relations, US military bases inOkinawa, nuclear issues, and media criticism. (View English-language posts only here(http://peacephilosophy.blogspot.ca/search/label/In%20English%20%E8%8B%B1%E8%AA%9E%E6%8A%95%E7%A8%BF).) She is co-author with Gavan McCormack of Resistant Islands:Okinawa Confronts Japan and the United States (Rowman & Littlefield, 2012; an updatedpaperback version will be published in the spring of 2018). The Japanese translation is 『沖縄の〈怒 〉-日米への抵抗』(法律文化社, 2013, the Korean translation is 저항하는 섬, 오끼나와:미국과 일본에 맞선 70년간의 기록(창비, 2014)and the Chinese translation is 沖縄之怒 美国同盟下的抗争 (社会科学文献出版社, 2015). She is also co-author with Oliver Stone andPeter Kuznick of 『よし、戦争につい て話そう。戦争の本質について話をしようじゃないか!(Let's Talk About War. Let's Talk about What War Really Is!)』(金曜日, 2014). She iseditor, author, and translator of 『正義への責任 世界から沖縄へ(Responsibility for Justice –From the World to Okinawa) Vol 1,2,3』 (Ryukyu Shimpo, 2015, 2016, 2017). She is an Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus editor.

Notes1 "Firipin gohomon,"(http://www.kunaicho.go.jp/activity/gonittei/01/gaikoku/h27philippines/eev-h27-philippines.html) The Imperial Household Agency, December 4, 2015.2 For example, in Mainichi Shimbun's "Emperor's wishes to mourn war dead behind swiftreciprocal visit to Philippines,"(http://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20160127/p2a/00m/0na/022000c) January 27, 2016.3 Shintani Takanori, "Minzoku gaku kara miru irei to tsuito,"(http://www.mkc.gr.jp/seitoku/pdf/f44-14.pdf) Meiji Shotoku kinen gakkai kiyo, vol. 44,November 2007, pp. 178-180.4 Ibid.5 "Remarks by President Obama After Touring the BRP Gregorio del Pilar,"(https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2015/11/17/remarks-president-obama-after-touring-brp-gregorio-del-pilar) The White House, November 17, 2015.6 "U.S. raises military aid to PH amid sea tension with China,"(http://cnnphilippines.com/news/2015/11/26/Unites-States-Philippines-China-military-aid.html)CNN Philippines, November 26, 2015.7 "Philippines offers eight bases to U.S. under new military deal,"(http://www.reuters.com/article/us-philippines-usa-bases-idUSKCN0UR17K20160113)Reuters, January 13, 2016.

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8 "Philippine Supreme Court Approves Return of U.S. Troops,"(http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/13/world/asia/philippines-us-military.html?_r=0) The NewYork Times, January 12, 2016.9 "Remarks With Secretary of Defense Ash Carter with Filipino Secretary of Foreign AffairsAlbert del Rosario and Secretary of Defense Voltaire Gazmin,"(http://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2016/01/251126.htm) US Department of State.10 "Philippines offers."11 "South China Sea ruling in Hague could be mid-2016 - Philippines lawyer,"(http://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-philippines-china-arbitration-lawyer-idUKKCN0SO2T420151030) Reuters, October 30, 2015.12 "Japan-Philippines Summit Meeting," (http://www.mofa.go.jp/region/page6e_000121.html)Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, July 27, 2015.13 "Japanese defense minister to visit Philippines as early as April in bid to boost securityties,"(http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2016/01/05/national/defense-minister-visit-philippines-early-april/#.VsTWnPLhDWI) The Japan Times, January 5, 2016.14 "Remarks by His Majesty the Emperor at the State Banquet in Honour of His ExcellencyMr. Benigno Aquino III President of the Republic of the Philippines,"(http://www.kunaicho.go.jp/e-okotoba/01/address/okotoba-h27e.html#0603) The ImperialHousehold Agency, June 3, 2015.15 "Emperor Akihito honors Japanese war dead in Philippines,"(http://www.philstar.com/headlines/2016/01/29/1547615/emperor-akihito-honors-japanese-war-dead-philippines) The Philippine Star, January 29, 2016.16 Ibid.17 "Remarks by His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at the State Banquet in Honour of TheirMajesties at the Malacañang Palace,"(http://www.kunaicho.go.jp/e-okotoba/01/address/speech-h28e.html#280127) The ImperialHousehold Agency, January 27, 2016.18 A photo of Akihito and Michiko presenting flowers at Jose Rizal Monument(http://mainichi.jp/graphs/20160127/hpj/00m/040/002000g/4) is at the Mainichi Shimbunwebsite.19 Translator was unable to find the original source. This is a reverse translation of theJapanese translation of Romulo's words that appear in Wakamiya Yoshibumi, Sengo 70nen –Hoshu no ajia kan, Asahi Shimbun Shuppan, 2014, pp. 174-5.20 "Ryo heika, Mumei senshi no haka de 2 funkan hairei – firipin gawa no irei,"(http://digital.asahi.com/articles/ASJ1N2RNTJ1NUTIL00B.html?rm=495) Asahi Shimbun,January 27, 2016.21 "Briefer: Memorare Manila 1945 Monument,"(http://malacanang.gov.ph/75085-briefer-memorare-manila-1945-monument/) Republic of thePhilippines Presidential Museum and Library.22 "Memorare-Manila 1945," (http://www.hmdb.org/marker.asp?MarkerID=25517) TheHistorical Marker Database.23 "Firipin gohomon, heisei 28 nen,"(http://www.kunaicho.go.jp/activity/gonittei/01/gaikoku/h27philippines/eev-h27-philippines.ht

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ml) The Imerial Household Agency, December 4, 2015.24 "Amerika gasshukoku jichiryo kita Mariana shoto Saipan to gohomon, heisei 17 nen,"(http://www.kunaicho.go.jp/activity/gonittei/01/gaikoku/h17america/eev-h17-america.html)The Imperial Household Agency, April 26, 2005.25 "Parao gohomon, heisei 27 nen,"(http://www.kunaicho.go.jp/activity/gonittei/01/gaikoku/h27palau/eev-h27-palau.html) TheImperial Household Agency, January 23, 2015.26 "Suji wa shogen suru – deta de miru taiheiyo senso,"(http://mainichi.jp/feature/afterwar70/pacificwar/data1.html) Mainichi Shimbun.27 "Demigod image of Japanese emperor remains among followers,"(http://globalnation.inquirer.net/135873/demigod-image-of-japanese-emperor-remains-among-followers) The Inquirer, January 30, 2016.28 "Suji wa"29 "Ryo heika, firipin de irei hatasu – Namida no izoku ni itawari no kotoba,"(http://www.tokyo-np.co.jp/s/article/2016012901001415.html) Kyodo News, January 29, 2016.30 "71 nen machiwabita irei – Ryo heika, Hi de senbotsusha kyoka,"(http://www.tokyo-np.co.jp/article/national/list/201601/CK2016013002000125.html) TokyoShimbun, January 30, 2016.31 "'Comfort women' want Japan's apology, not VFA,"(http://bulatlat.com/main/2016/01/28/comfort-women-want-japans-apology-not-vfa/) Bulatlat,January 28, 2016.32 Ibid.33 "Filipino 'comfort women' call for Emperor's help in seeking redress,"(http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2016/01/29/national/filipino-comfort-women-call-emperors-help-seeking-redress/#.Vs-LVJzhDWI) The Japan Times, January 29, 2016.34 "Bataan Death March," (http://www.britannica.com/event/Bataan-Death-March)Encyclopaedia Britannica.35 "Bataan Death March 102/160 Ultra Marathon Race"(https://www.facebook.com/Bataan-Death-March-102160-Ultra-Marathon-Race-172130766206034/) Facebook36 The Constitution of Japan(http://japan.kantei.go.jp/constitution_and_government_of_japan/constitution_e.html).37 "Nihonkoku Kenpo Kaisei Soan,"(https://www.jimin.jp/policy/policy_topics/pdf/seisaku-109.pdf) Jiyu Minshuto, April 27, 2012.38 "Philippine leader welcomes Japan's emperor as ties blossom,"(http://www.dailymail.co.uk/wires/ap/article-3418660/Philippine-leader-gives-red-carpet-welcome-Japan-emperor.html) Daily Mail Online, January 27, 2016.39 The Constitution of the Empire of Japan(http://www.ndl.go.jp/constitution/e/etc/c02.html#s1).