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CENTRAL ASIATIC

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I N T E R N A T I O N A L P E R I O D I C A L FOR T H E L A N G U A G E S , L I T E R A T U R E , H I S T O R Y A N D A R C H A E O L O G Y O F

C E N T R A L A S I A

V O L U M E X V I I No. 2-4

Proceedings of the 15th Meeting of the Permanent International Altaistic Conference 7.-12. August 1972

edited by

Karl Jahn

1 9 7 3

O T T O H A R R A S S O W I T Z • W I E S B A D E N

Vom Verfasser Uberreicht - Durch den Buchhandel nicht zu beziehen

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DR. EMEL ESİN K Ü T Ü P H A N E S İ

öesı Pi

DR EMEL ESİN KOLEKSİYONU

mpten '•8 —

of the P I A C - V o l u m e

Vorwort 8 5 H . A . B a c K a K O B , H e K O T o p b i e ac jx jpuKCbi c j i O B O o 6 p a 3 0 B a H n a <J>yHKijno-

n a j i b H b i x (JiopM r j i a r o j i a oSmue A J I H ajiTaücKMx H 3 L I K O B . . . . 8 7 T . A . B e p T a r a e E , O c o o T H o w i T e j i b H O C T j i H e K O T o p b i x r j i a r o j i o B B

T I O p K C K O - M O H r O J I b C K M X H 3 b I K a X 9 9 J . A . B O Y L E , T h e summer a n d winter camping grounds o f t h e K e r e i t . 1 0 8 C H ' E N C H I E H - H S I E N , Introduct ion to the M a n c h u text version o f the

C h ' i n g emperors' c h ' i - c h i i - c h u (notes on the emperors' dai ly activities) I l l

A . T . E M I L O G L I I , Changes in the U i g h u r script during the past 5 0 years 1 2 8 E . E S I N , T a b a r i ' s report on the warfare w i t h the Ti irgis a n d the testi­

mony of eighth century C e n t r a l A s i a n art 1 3 0 S . J A G C H I D , A Mongol text letter from a T i b e t a n leader to the M a n c h u

ministers 1 5 0 S . K L E I N M I C H E L , V e r b a l n o m i n a u n d Part iz ip ien i m Altosmanischen . 1 6 4 L . L Ö R I N C Z , E p o s in Inneras ien ? 176 J . M A T U Z , D e r Niedergang der anatolischen Se ldschuken : D i e E n t ­

scheidungsschlacht a m Kösedag 1 8 0 I I I . <t>. M y x a M e f l b a p o B , H 3 y n e H n e B C C C P O C H O B H L I X a r a n o B B o e H H O -

nOJIMTMHeCKOH HCTOpHH T K 3 P K C K H X HapOflOB IIOBOJIJKbH H n p n y p a j i b H 2 0 0

J . R I C H A R D , U l t i m a t u m s mongols et lettres apocryphes 2 1 2 K . S A G A S T E R , Herrschaftsideologie u n d Friedensgedanke bei den Mon­

golen 2 2 3 B . S C H E R N E R , Arabische u n d neupersische Lehnwörter i m Kumükischen 2 4 3 E . S C H Ü T Z , Tatarenstürme in Gebirgsgelände 2 5 3 N . Y Ü C E , Über das G e r u n d i u m -araqj-erek 2 7 4 P . Z I E M E , D i e Uiguren u n d ihre Beziehungen z u C h i n a 2 8 2 Z . K O R K M A Z , D a s Oghusische i m X I I . u n d X I I I . J a h r h u n d e r t als

Schriftsprache 2 9 4 R e v i e w s 3 0 4

Ausgegeben a m 1 2 . Oktober 1 9 7 3

Dr.Eime! E s i n K Ü T Ü P H A N E S İ

Demirb. Q 0 3 4 3 no:

Tasntf e s i M - C no: T A ß

A 3 T 3

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TABARI 'S REPORT ON THE WARFARE W I T H T H E TURGIS AND T H E TESTIMONY OF EIGHTH

CENTURY CENTRAL ASIAN ART

by E M E L E S I N

Istanbul

The background

Tabari 's1 account of the battles which took place i n the E ighth century i n Central Asia, particularly i n the years H . 119-121/737-739 between the Tiirgis groups of Turks whose princes then bore the t i t le of hakan (kagan) (658-766) and the Muslim Caliphate offer valuable material to the student of the iconography of the E ighth century Turkish warrior. B y way of introduction, i t may be helpful to recapitulate the available data on the main personages whose names w i l l occur i n Tabari's reports. These w i l l include for our purpose some Turkish princes of Toharistan and Transoxiana, allies of the Tiirgis Kagan and the opponen ts of the Turks, the Arab leaders then established i n D jurd jan , parts of Seistan, Al -Ruhhadj , the K a b u l river valley, Toharistan and Transoxiana. Proceeding from the South towards the N o r t h , we w i l l first mention some Tur ­kish princes of the related area, designating them w i t h appelations given by Muslim historians, but adding supplementary information from Chinese and Turkish sources.

The monarchs2 called Kabul-sah or Turk-sahi (ruling the region of the K a b u l river down to the Sind) and R u t b i l (overlord of 1 I a m most grateful to Prof. M . H a m i d u l l a h for his guidance in the abstruse passages of T a b a r i ' s history. 2 T h e K a b u l - s a h a n d his brother the R u t b i l "min al-Turk" or "sahib al-Turk" in H . 41-60/661-697, 698-704: T a b a r i , v . I , p. 2706; v . I I , p. 1037, 1042, 1103, 1132. Interpretat ion of the text b y M a r q u a r t : Eraniahr, p. 252. These were the T u r k - s a h i described b y B i r u n i , Ma lil-Hind, pp. 348-51, descendants of B r h T i g i n (Bori T i g i n : Togan , " E f t a l i t " ) , who h a d reigned unt i l 886 in K a b u l a n d later in W a i h i n d . Chinese sources mention that in 644 H s u a n - t s a n g met in K a b u l (Fo- l i - shi -sa - t 'ang-na) a B u d d h i s t T u r k i s h king while the k i n g of K a p i s a residing in B e g r a m ( J . H a c k i n , M D A F A X I , P a r i s 1954) was a kshattriya: Documents, pp. 197, 147. In726 H u e i - C h ' a o found a B u d d h i s t T u r k i s h d y n a s t y reigning over K a p i s a , G a n d h a r a , L a m g h a n (in

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Seistan, Al -Ruhhadj , Gaznah) were, as indicated both by Tabari and by Huei-Ch'ao i n 726, members of the same Turkish dynasty of Buddhist fa i th designated by the Turco-Iranian t i t le of Tigin-sha i n Chinese sources. The Kabul-sah who reigned i n Kapisa, Gand­hara, Lamgan from ca 720 to 739 was the prince whom the Chinese identified as Wu-san-Tigin-sha to whom some coins w i t h effigy are attr ibuted (pi. I I I c ) . Prof. Bombaci k ind ly indicated that the t i t le of Rutbil attr ibuted to the prince of the same dynasty reigning i n the area of Gaznah is probably the Turkish t i t l e elteber (hie-li-fa i n Chinese transcription).

The area designated under the name of Toharistan3 i n the Seventh and Eighth centuries, extended from the I r o n Gates of Sogdiana to the Sind river. Since around 630 to 758 Toharistan was under the rule of Yabgus of a dynasty founded by H a n Yabgu Tardu Sad, son of the Western Turkish kagan T'ung Yabgu. Tabari mentions that all princes down to the Sind area and to Herat considered themselves, even i f purely nominally, as servants of the Yabgu of Toharistan and prostrated themselves i n the presence of the ruler bearing the exalted t i t le of Yabgu. I n 630 the capitals of the Yabgu of Toharistan had been Kunduz and Balh, which were then B u d ­dhist centers. Balh was frequently occupied by Muslim armies and sometimes relinquished, since the reign of the Caliph 'Othman (644-655) or Mu'awiyyah (659-680). I n H . 86/705 a prince whom

745 they reigned also in S w a t : Documents, p. 132) as well G a z n a h ; the king of G a z n a h was in 726 a nephew of the king of the areas of K a p i s a , G a n d h a r a , L a m g h a n : F u c h s , pp. 444-48. » Chinese sources: Documents, pp. 64 (n), 156 (n. 1), 157 (n), 158 (n), 200, 206, 292. J u l i e n , La vie, pp. 61-63. Notes additionnelles, p. 94. A r a b sources: T a b a r i , vo l .11 , pp. 1206-1219, 1220, 1221, 1224-25, 1590, 1591, 1604, 1609, 1612. L o c a l princes who considered themselves 'abd of their immediate superior a n d prostrated themselves before h i m , T a r ( j a n N i z a k prostrated himself before the Sad a n d the Sad kissed the h a n d a n d prostrated himself before the djabguya (yabgu): ibid., p. 1225. T a b a r i clearly distinguishes the Y a b g u of T o h a r i s t a n from the Y a b g u of the K a r l u k but does not a lways precise w h i c h yabgu is meant . F i r s t A r a b destruction of B a l h a n d the sub­sequent occupations by Tarfcan N i z a k a n d others: B a r t h o l d , Turkestan, p. 35 a n d T a b a r i , index, s .v . B a l h . T h e kings of B a l h h a d in 726 fled from A r a b s to Badahsân: F u c h s , p. 449. H i e r a r c h y of titles in the T u r k i s h period: yabgu (monarchs such as the Y a b g u of T o h a r i s t a n , of the K a r l u k , of the Oğuz bore this t i t le ) ; Sad (a mi l i tary r a n k ) ; tigin (only given to sons of T u r k i s h kagâns); . . . kul Sur . . . hie-li-fa (ilteber): title also given to n o n - T u r k i s h princes of Central A s i a b y T ' o n g Yabğu Kağan, as stated in Documents, p. 24) ; tudun (sent to govern local princes : Documents, p. 24) ; altogether 28 classes: C h a v a n n e s , p. 21 a n d L i u , p. 8, notes 47, 48.

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the Chinese called Na- tu -n i - l i or P 'an-tu-ni - l i was Yabgu of To­haristan and Ti-she, Tis or Bis al-A'awar (the One-eyed-TIs), a prince of the dynasty of the Yabgus of Toharistan, perhaps the son of Na- tu -n i - l i , was huddt of the Saganian region. I n 705 Tis re l in ­quished his capital c i ty to the protection of the Arab general Kuta ibah I b n Muslim. I n 718 Ti-she is presented as Yabgu of Toharistan and sent to China i n 719 the Manichean apostle Ta-mu-she. The earlier Yabgu of Toharistan, perhaps Na- tu -n i - l i , also called by Tabari w i t h the t i t l e of sad had fallen into the hands of the Muslims and taken as captive to Damascus which he reached i n 724, the year of the enthronement of the Caliph Hisam. I t may be recalled that some works of art i n the palace of Mafdjar bu i l t by Hisam show Central Asian influences4 denoting the presence i n the Caliph's capitals of persons of Central Asian origin such as the Yab-gu-sad. I n 727 a Yabgu of Toharistan, perhaps Tis, appealed to China, complaining that his father had fallen to captivity i n the hands of the Arabs. The Yabgus of Toharistan who i n 726 had fled from the Arabs to Badahsan, are again mentioned by Tabari i n the battles of the Tiirgis Kagan against the Muslims, i n 737. The Yabgus of Toharistan sent embassies to China u n t i l 758-759. Their later residence, which according to Tabari was st i l l i n Toharistan, may have been Kunduz or Badahsan, as Balh was under Ispahbads who recognized Muslim sovereignty and Saganian had its own huddt. The huddt of Saganian had been i n 705 Tis, a prince of the dynasty of the Yabgus of Toharistan. I t is possible that some of his descendants st i l l kept Saganian. Turkish coins showing a monarch and his consort, of a type found i n northern areas of Turkistan (pi. H e ) are also frequently discovered i n Saganian (pi. H d ) . Some coins have been attr ibuted to H a n Yabgu Tardu Sad, founder of the dynasty of the Turkish Yabgus of Toharistan (pi. H a ) but the at tr ibut ion was contested and the inscription yapgu was alter­natively read as tigin, a t i t le borne by sons of Turkish kagans i n the Eight century and also by the heir of the Yabgu of Toharistan who was a member of the Turkish kagan dynasty. A further coin (pi. I I b)

4 H a m i l t o n , pp. 55, 230, 301. H a m i l t o n remarks that the sculptured figure of the Cal iph at Mafdjar resembles in what concerns clothing, a K u m - t u r a princely representation. K u m - t u r a was a T u r k i s h center where three B u d d h i s t inscriptions in Kôk-tùrk script and numerous others in U y g u r script as well as mss were found : L e Coq, Buddh. Spaetant. V , V I I , p. 13, pi . 23 a n d H a m b i s , Inédits p. 5; Grunwedel , pp. 16, 28.

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showed the inscription "Yabgu of B a l h " (Balh was one of the official residences of the Yabgus of Toharistan).

Another bearer of the high t i t l e of Yabgu was the Yabgu of the K a r l u k . 5 According to Tabari , the ruler of this important group of Turks, disseminated al l over Turkistan, had his residence i n "Upper Toharistan" which was east of Balh. The valleys of the Vahs and of the Surhandarya were also populated by the Tardus, K a r l u k and the K u m i d j i Turks . 8

I n Transoxiana, Farganah7 was an important center of hostilities against the Muslims. Around 739, a Turkish prince called Arslan Tarkan reigned i n Farganah, bearing the Iranian t i t l e of ihSdd. Arslan Tarkan had several castles, including the renowned Kasan considered one of the marvels of the world (pi. I V a ) . The site of Mug-tepe has been identified as Kasan. (A mural depicting a warrior on horseback (pi. I V b ) as well as Sogdian and Turkish documents, equally connected w i t h Divastic, ruler of Pandj ikath (the present Pendjikent) were found i n another Mgu-tepe. Arslan Tarkan was married w i t h a Chinese princess and enjoyed the protection of China. Tabari reports tha t i n 121/739, the Arab general Nasr b. Sayyar engaged negotiations w i t h the ruler of Farganah, through Sulaiman b. Sul, a scholarly member of the islamized Turkish

6 See note 3 supra on T a b a r i ' s references to the territory of the Y a b g u of the K a r l u k . Identification of the t e r m Toharistan al-'ulya: Marquart , p. 229. T h e val leys of Vafos a n d Surfcan-darya populated b y the Tardu§, K a r l u k a n d " K u m i d j i " T u r k s : Documents, ps. 164, 168 (n). I n the E i g h t h century Some ibid., p. 70. Some K a r l u k were Buddhis ts , as seen i n a quotation from ' A w f i , Djawami' al-hikayat, published by W . B a r t h o l d in Turkestan v epoxi mongol'skago nasestviya, vo l . I (St Petersburg 1898), p. 83 a n d Mukaddasi , Kitab al-tawabih (Damascus 1961), p. 55 |in which the "But-hanah"', the idols, the toyin (Buddhist priest i n t u r k i s h : Slovar') i n red clothing of the "Haluhiyyah" ( K a r l u k ) are mentioned. S e e E s i n , " B a k s i i " , note 9. F a r g a n a h a n d T a s k e n t (see notes 7 a n d 18 infra) were also K a r l u k l a n d s : Mas 'udi , Murudj, vol . I , p. 131. 6 See note 5 supra. ' F a r g a n a h was ruled part ly , later wholly b y T u r k i s h kings since 647-649: Documents, pp. 77, 148. I n H . 721-722 " N i l a n " or " B i l a d a " was king of F a r g a n a h and his son was " A n a d j u r the T u r k Bi lge C u r " : T a b a r i , vol . I I , p. 1506. I n 726 the north of the F a r g a n a h r iver was under a T u r k i s h king while the south was under Musl im occupation: F u c h s , p. 452. These regions were the T u r k i s h castle of K a s a n , identified as Mug-tepe: B e r n s t a m , MIA 26, pp. 234, 236, 247. L e t t e r in T u r k i s h a n d K o k - T u r k script at the other Mug-tepe: B e r n s t a m , " D r e v n e t u r s k i y " . T h e T u r k s of F a r g a n a h were of K a r l u k stock a n d some were of B u d d h i s t f a i t h : see note 5 supra. B u d d h i s t temple of K u b a i n F a r g a n a h w i t h figures donor statue l ike Siberian T u r k i s h sculpture : PugaSenkova- R e m p e l , p. 134.

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dynasty of princes (Sul = Qui) of Dihistan, Kuhistan i n D j u r d j a n . 8

Arslan Tarkan's mother who according to Tabari detained authority on matters of state, accompanied Sulaiman b. Sul to the Muslim camp where she made a remark of interest from the point of view of the iconography of the pre-Islamic Turkish monarch: she enumerated six indispensable attendants and possessions of a king, almost similarly to the Sapta Ratna of the Buddhist cakravartin. I t may be recalled that the figures of the temple of K u b a i n Farganah, reminiscent of the sculpture found on Siberian Turkish tombs, may point to the Buddhist f a i t h of the Turkish kings of Farganah. The mother of Arslan Tarkan enumerated the following attendants and possessions worthy of a k i n g : firstly a wise minister (buyruk i n Turkish) ; 9 secondly the cook who was a major princely attendant of the K o k - T i i r k ("Wise kings" w i t h plaited hair serving meat and wine) as well as of the Hakanid court (asci = cook, idi&ci = cup-bearer);11 t h i r d l y the consort (katun i n 1 2 Turkish) who was enthroned i n a ceremony parallel t o tha t of the monarch, whose effigies sometimers figured on coins (pi. H e ) and who could become regent (terken); fourthly the birdwn13 (Turkish pony), compared to a castle which could carry its owner to security i n times when flight became necessary. The heavy and small, but s w i f t and resistant Turkish pony, said to be of dragon stock and i n fact of semi-wild progeny (pi. V i l a ) was the favourite mount of Turkish kings u n t i l i t receded to secondary rank before the elegant Arab horse. A painting from Mug (pi. I V b ) shows the image of the ideal horse i n the E ighth century; fifthly a true sword which would

8 T u r k i s h Şül d y n a s t y established i n the C a s p i a n area , Dihistân, K u h i s t a n , Djurdjän since the s ixth c e n t u r y : Hudüd, p. 311. T h e y accepted I s l a m in 716 a n d m a n y members of the Şül family were Musl im scholars : Togan , Giriş, pp. 17, 55, 75, 83, 216. Şül al-Turki, malik (or dihkän) of K u h i s t a n , B u ) j a i r a h in D j u r d j a n surrendered his c i ty or castle in H . 98/716 to Y a z i d I b n a l -Muhallab who fought there against over a thousand T u r k s , a n d captured slaves a n d treasures, in H . 102/720 the son of Sül fell prisoner to the A r a b s : T a b a r i , vo l . 11 , p p . 1 3 2 0 , 1322-25, 1411. S u l a i m a n b. Şül: T a b a r i , v . I I , pp. 1695-96 a n d Şeşen, p. 28. O n the history of the d y n a s t y see I b n Şallikân, entry " I b r a h i m b. Al- 'Abbäs b. M u h a m m a d Şül T i g i n " . • Doerfer, vol . I I , entry 815. 1 0 L i u , Ost-Türken, p. 64. 1 1 Yûsuf Çâşş Hädjib, couplets 2828 et seq. 1 2 Mackerras , pp. 117-119. 13 Birdwn: E s i n , " T h e h o r s e " , p. 191-193, 211-212. Djâhiz, p. 89. Doerfer, vol . I I , entry 851, " t a t u " .

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not betray the k ing when his vassals struck against h i m ; 1 4 s ixthly a treasure15 to free the king from anxieties of sustenance.

Divâsnic (Divâstic) " t h e D i h q a n o f P a n d j i k a t h " 1 6 = Pendjikent) is also mentioned by Tabari i n H . 104/722, when he was ki l led i n battle by the Arabs and crucified on one of the ndws (ossuarium) (p 1. X c , d) often mentioned i n connection w i t h princes of Western Türkistan, i n ­cluding Turkish ones. As shown by O I . Smirnova, Divâstic, as well as two other dihkdns and katuns reigning i n Pendjikath i n the V H - V H I t h centuries were of Turkish Haladj stock. I n this connection, Pendjikent, a major center of art i n the V H - V H I t h centuries acquires a special interest for the student of the Turkish iconography of the monarch and the warrior (pi. Va).

The next figure of significance i n the battles between Arabs and the Tiirgis was Kara Buğra a Turkish prince who bore the Iranian t i t l e of Afşin of Usrüsânah.17 He was the great grand-father of the A f sin Haydar well-known i n the annals of history of art as a person­age who introduced to the court of the Caliph Al-Mustanşir book-paintings and statuary associated w i t h Manicheism and Buddhism.

A nother Turkish combatant of import was Bağatur, Tudun of Taşkent.18 I n 737-39 Tabari mentions the king of Taşkent as opponent of the Muslims against whom he appealed to China. He was however ki l led by the Chinese and the outcry raised by his son caused the historic battle of Talas i n 751 between the Muslims and China i n which the K a r l u k also turned against the Chinese and helped to rout them out from Central Asia. The coins of the Tuduns of Taşkent were found i n the site of the ruins of Pendjikent (pi. H a , b). One type of coin (pi. H a shows the frontal effigy of a clean­shaven prince wearing a diadem of pearls or sequins, decorated w i t h

1 4 T u r k i s h symbolism of the sword i n the ceremony of oaths of fidelity: Kâsğari, entry " T e m ü r " (v. I , pp. 361-362) . 1 3 A r s l a n T a r k a n possessed such a treasure w h i c h he h a d shown to S u l a i m a n b. Şül i n order to impress h i m : T a b a r i , vo l . I I , p . 1696. 1 8 Divâstiö: S m i r n o v a pp . 33, ' 16 -17 ; T a b a r i , v o l . 1 1 , pp. 1441, 1446-48, 1453. 1 7 A f s i n H a i d a r of Usrüsânah who h i d i n his palace of S a m a r r a , i n co. 840, i l lustrated religious books a n d idols, was of T u r k i s h stock: Istafcri, p. 161. H i s lineage was as follows: H a i d a r b. Kâvüs b. K a r a - k a r a (or Çara Çara) b. K a r a Buğra: T a b a r i , v . I I , ' pp. 1609, 1613; v . I l l , p . 6 3 1 . T o m b of K a r a -k a r a at Y g n k n d : Mukaddasi , p. 274. I owe this information to the late Prof. Z . V . T o g a n . 1 8 I n co. 605-616 a T u r k i s h viceroy was sent to Taşkent: Documents, pp. 14, 141. Bağatur T u d u n a n d the battle of T a l a s : ibid., p. 142. Taşkent a n d Malik of Taşkent in E i g h t h century conflicts: T a b a r i , index, s . v . "Taşkent" .

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a crescent. The other variety of coins of the Tuduns of Taskent represent a heraldic prowler passant (connected w i t h the name or t i t le Arslan or Bars ?) and a tr ident- l ike tamga (pi. l i b ) .

The principal opponent of the Arabs i n the first half of the E i g h t h century, on the Central Asian borders of the Caliphate, was the Tiirgis Kagan called Su-lu Cur 1 9 by the Chinese (716-737) and surnamed Hakan A b u Muzahim by the Arabs \Elephant or B u l l w i t h broken horn : Muhit). During a period of almost twenty years, from H . 102/720 to H . 119/737 the Hakan of the Tiirgis, summoned by various princes from Toharistan and Transoxiana, intervened repeatedly against the Muslims. I n H . 102/720 which seems to be the first intervention of Su-lu Cur against Mus­lims, Tabari designates the Hakan w i t h the additional t i t l e of Malik al-Ky (Kay? ) and i n 737 as Al-Hakan al-TurgiSi. This Turkish Central Asian ruler seems to have sought to restore the power of the Western Turks i n Central Asia by ral lying princes of Turkish stock and others both against the Chinese and the Arabs. Su-lu Cur is described i n a Chinese source i n his robes of investiture awarded by China: a silken tunic of the k i n d perhaps seen on a Tiirgis period plaque on a personage in " roya l ease" posture (pi. I d ) and on a silver plate of the V H - I X t h centuries on which a Turkish king is thought to be represented (pi. V i a ) . The Chinese source specifies further tha t the tunic had a flower pattern, probably of the k i n d seen on Uygur representations of dignitaries (pi. V I b ) and woven also by the Uygur, according to Wang-yen-te. Su-lu Cur had a be l t , 2 0 no doubt golden, as usual amongst Turkish kings and

1 8 T a b a r i , see index, Çakan A b b M u z a h i m Al-Türgisi a n d vol . I I , pp. 1247, 1413, 1421, 1422, 1425, 1428, 1478, 1479,'1492, 1493, 1496, 1506, 1513, 1516-19, 1521-1525, 1528, 1529, 1531-34, 1607-13, 1615-16, 1618-19, 1637. I n H . 93/711 Gürek, I p i d of Soğd appealed against K u t a i b a h to three T u r k i s h kings to w h o m he considered himself bound by allegiance: the T u d u n of T a s k e n t (see n . 18 supra), the Ihsâd of Farğânah (see n . 7 supra) a n d the " Ça­k a n of the T u r k s " who m a y have been Kapağan Kağan of the Kök-Türk (691-715: see Documents, p. 282) or perhaps " S u o - k o " ( ?) of the Ti irgis (716-711 : Documents, p. 283). S u - l u C u r ' s reign began i n 717; his life a n d marriages : Chavannes , Documents, pp. 284-285, 45—46, 81-84. T h e strifes of A r a b s w i t h Abü M u z a h i m seem to begin in H . 102/720 when some A r a b refugees applied to the protection of the Çâkân a n d of the R u t b i l ( T u r k i s h ruler of G a z n a h andSeistân: see n . 2 supra): T a b a r i , vol . I I , p. 1413. T h e identification of S u - l u C u r : Documents, pp. 284-285 a n d Hudüd, p. 303. "Hakan al-Turk, malik al-Ky": T a b a r i , vo l . p. 1421. S u - l u C u r ' s dialogue with D j u n a i d b . ' A b d al-Rahmân al -Murri a l - D i m i s k i : D j a h i z , 86-89 . 2 0 Kurkapin (possessor of belt), a r a n k amongst the V l t h century Kök-

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perhaps double, as seen on representations of exalted or legendary royal figures (pi. V i a , X / l ) . Kurkapîn (possessor of belt) was a rank amongst the V l t h century Kök-Türk. Kâsğari establishes the various significances of the Turkish words kur (first significance hierarchic rank, second significance mintakah: belt) , kurŞağ (the longer textile belt, w i t h hanging loops) and iç-kur (al-wassäh: belt, may also mean sword). The symbolism of the double belt al-waisahain awarded to Turkish princes by the Caliph may thus correspond to the illustrations of Central Asian art (pis. V i a , X / l ) and indicate a personage of heroic or exalted rank. Su-lu Cur had a purse w i t h fish ornamentation which was attached to his belt, i n the manner observed i n Turkish portraits of dignitaries2 1 (pis. V I a , b ) .

A curious passage i n Al-Djähiz's Fadhä'il al-Aträk relates a dialogue between the Arab warrior Djunayd b. 'Abd al-Rahmân and the Turkish H a k a n who at tha t t ime was Su-lu Cur. The Hakan made enquiries about the principles established by Islam and remarked t h a t "anxiety weighed upon his h e a r t " ; Su-lu Cur's religion is not known but i t w i l l appear from his sustenance solely on meat that he was neither Buddhist nor Manichean. The Türgis coins (pi. I a ) display some varieties oîtamgas which may correspond to the two major confederate tribes, the Black and the Yellow Türgis on whose support the kagans founded their power. Su-lu Cur was of the Black group. The sculpture found i n the Turkish kurğans of Arğu (area of Talas and Suyab: Kâsğari) some of which may be

Türk: Klyastornîy-Livsitz, p. 142. Documents, pp. 25, 53 ; Şeşen p. 32, cit ing Mas'üdl's 'Adjä'ib al-Dunyä, m s 746 of the Hüseyin Çelebi L i b r a r y in B u r s a , fol. 67 v . I . : " T h e i r (the T u r k s ' ) great kings possess a golden throne a n d crown and a golden belt . T h e i r robes are s i l k e n . " B e l t s : Kâsğari, fols. 163, 164, 234 distinguishes between kur (belt : al-mintakah) a n d kursağ (Sibr al-thawb: span of the vestment) , w h i c h i n the case of the tent belt was woven from textile. S u c h textile belts w i t h hanging loops, worn together w i t h the metallic T u r k i s h belt kur, forming together a pair of belts, m a y be seen in m a n y representations of T u r k i s h as well as H u n n i c kings (Chavannes , Sculpture, p i . X X X V I I I ) : L e Coq, Chotscho, p i . 19, figure of princely warrior described as tarkan i n the cartouche. H o w e v e r not a l l tarkans wore the double-belt, as some tarkan portraits are devoid of i t . T h e looped belt, often re­presented flying about , of the Centra l A s i a n celestial figure iconography, part icular ly frequent in Uyğur art , m a y also represent the kurSak. After a part icular achievement, the Cal iph Al-Mustanşir honoured the T u r k i s h praetorians i n a ceremony i n w h i c h they were enthroned a n d awarded a double crown a n d double belts (al-waSsähain): Mas'üdî, Murüdj, vol . I V , p. 58 (Afşin H a y d a r : see 17) a n d T a b a r i , vo l . I l l , p. 1618 (Buğa Al-Şağir). 2 1 See note 29.

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of the Türgis period, further illustrate the culture of the Türgis (pis. I b , c ) .

Another Türgis leader who bore the t i t l e of Kül Cur 2 2 (called Kür Şül by Tabari) and perhaps even attained after Su-lu Cur the dignity of hakan, also spent his life i n combat against Arabs, since at least H . 102/720 and died i n 739 as i t w i l l be related further.

The Arab foes of the Turks, the 'Omayyad 2 3 dynasty had in i t ia l l y opposed Muhammad and were upholders of aristocratic privileges against the democratic social order introduced by Islam. They had found an opportunity of restoring hereditary privileges by seizing the Caliphate but had to resort to violence and bloodshed against pur i tan Muslims i n order to keep the Caliphate hereditary i n their family . I n Central Asia, the 'Omayyad sought the support of the local princes who wanted to upkeep the priveleges of monarchy. The mass conversions to Islam i n Central Asia were simultaneously opposed by the local princes who were deprived of slavish subjects and by the 'Omayyad who lost thereby heads for the djizyah, the capitation levied from non-Muslims i n the Caliphate. This para­doxical alliance caused the indignation of the puritan Muslims such as Hârith b. Sura id j 2 4 who raised i n Central Asia against the 'Omay­yad the banner of the Prophet of Is lam. Hârith b. Suraidj and other puritans allied themselves to the local Muslims, even to the non-Muslim Turkish princes like the Türgiş Hakan Su-lu Cur and the Tudun of Taşkent to rebel against the 'Omayyad. Hârith b. Suraidj bui l t mosques i n the territories of the Yabğu of Toharistân or of the K a r l u k . Foreseeing the complete loss of Central Asia, the 'Omayyad hurriedly sent intrepid Arab generals like Asad I b n 'Abdullâh and Naşr b. Sayyâr who t r ied to restore the 'Omayyad Caliphate's rule i n Central Asia.

2 2 T a b a r i , index, K u r Şül; Documents, pp . 83 -85 , 284^285 (n. 3). C h a v a n n e s identifies K u r Şül as a bearer of the title " K ' i u e - l u - t c h ' o u o " (KülCur: a T u r k i s h tit le , see note 3 sup.) a n d further as Bağa T a r k a n . T h i s last identi ­fication seems doubtful as Bağa T a r k a n was made k i n g of the Türgis i n 742, (Documents, p. 286, n . 1) whereas K u r Şül died in 739 in Tabarï's acount . 2 8 E a r l y ' O m a y y a d opposition to I s l a m : I h n Hisäm, index of names, s .v . Abü Şufyân, H i n d . E a r l y ' O m a y y a d r u l e : A z r a k i , pp . 124—57; Samhüdi, vo l . I I , pp. 466 -532 ; Abü 'Abdul lah M u h a m m a d I b n Musl im I h n K u t a i b a h a l - M a r v a z i , Kitäb u-'uyün al ahbär (Cairo 1285 H . ) vo l . I V , pp. 92-4 . Opposi­t ion of the ' O m a y y a d to mass conversions to I s l a m : B a r t h o l d , Turkestan, p. 190. 8 4 Ibid. pp . 190-193. Tabarï, index, s .v . Hârith I b n S u r a i d j .

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The battles of 737-739 between the Tiirgis and the 'Omayyad

The events between 737-739 started i n H u t t a l 2 5 where reigned a dynasty of Buddhist Turkish princes, a member of which mentioned by Huei-Ch'ao2 8 i n 726, is called Sabal by Tabari. Sabal's heir, bearer of the t i t le Djais or Hais had fled from the Arabs to China. I n H . 119/737 Sabal appealed t o the Tiirgis Hakan Su-lu Cur for assistance against the invasion of H u t t a l under the 'Omayyad governor Asad I b n 'Abdullah.

When the Tiirgis Hakan was informed of the invasion of H u t t a l he had been i n Navakath. Navakath , 2 7 which may have been "the c ity of the Tiirgis H a k a n " mentioned by I b n Hurdadbih , was a large town i n the area of the Cu and Talas rivers, the region which Kasgari called " A r g u " , formerly a center of the Western Turks and later of the Tiirgis and K a r l u k . Navakath was close to the mountain range i n which rose to nearly 3000 meters a peak sacred to the Turks where they took their solemn oaths. Tabari mentions the mountain (djabal) and meadow (mardj) of the Hakan extending over an area of three days' march i n each direction, which none might approach and where none might hunt .

As the Tiirgis were advised of the necessity to prepare for war, they went hunting, ate the flesh of the hunt and tanned the skins which they made into bags, the suluk29 often mentioned i n histor­ies and attached to the r ight of the soldier's belt, while the sword was at the left. 8 5 S tart ing wi th the year H . 80/699, T a b a r i often cites A l - S a b a l (s .v . a n d vol . I I , pp. 1040-41, 1152-53, 1162, 1224-25, 1492, 1496, 1583, 1584, 1618. 2 6 F u c h s , p. 452. 2 7 N a v a k a t h , the " c i t y of the Ti irgis I J a k a n " , the sacred mountain of the T u r k s : Hudud, pp. 291, 210. A r g u : s .v . K a s g a r i . S u y a b (south of T o k m a k ) a n d T a r a z or T i r a z were residences of Western T u r k i s h and later of Tiirgis a n d K a r l u k monarchs : Documents, pp. 10, 57, 123 (n) (mountain revered b y T u r k s near S u y a b ) , pp. 286, 195 (residences of T ' u n g Y a b g u around 630), pp. 79, 83, 84 (residence of Tiirgis kings after 658), p. 86 (n) (residence of K a r l u k monarchs after 756). T h e area was populated b y the Ti irgis , establish­ed in two groups, east a n d west of T o k m a k : ibid., p. 28. A Sogdian immi ­gration took place w h i c h B e r n s t a m ( M I A 14) places in the S i x t h century remarking that a l l the cities in the area were founded in the Western T u r k i s h period, presumably w i t h Sogdian guidance a n d experience in sedentary settlement. Amongst these cities were C u l , S a n g , S u k u l u k , S u y a b , later called B a l a s a g u n . T h e B u d d h i s t temples, Chris t ian churches, cemeteries of the Seventh to E i g h t h centuries in the C u v a l l e y : F r u m k i n , pp. 37-28 . C u l a n d S a r i g were close to the " C i t y of the Ti irgis I j n k a n " : I b n f jurdadbih, p. 25. 2 8 S . v . K a s g a r i , " A r g u " . 88 Suvluk: s .v . Doefer, vol . I I , entry 766 a n d K a l k a s a n d i , vol . I V , p. 40.

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The Turks took i n hand their bows and "wooden arrows". The Hakan called for a saddled and bridled birdim (Turkish pony) and wanted that a slaughtered sheep be cut i n two and suspended i n halves (to the hooks on the sides of the saddle ?). He put some salt i n the purse attached to his belt and ordered that each T u r k should thus equip himself (with provision) u n t i l they reached H u t t a l . One may add here the information provided by Kâsğari on the customs of the Turks, when they prepared for war. The horses' tails were knotted and the horses (as well as the warriors) were decorated w i t h badges of silk or tufts of hair (beckem) which i n illustrations sometimes recall the tug30 (tail-standard) (pi. V i l a ) . The kağan'a kurvi cuvac ("the silken dome of the Turkish k ings " : the round and domed Turkish t e n t , 3 1 see p i . X a ) was erected to protect h im against the heat and ra in during the expedition." The tug was then beaten" (the beating of the nwbat or of the drums: Kâsğari). The identi f i ­cation between the drum and the tuğ (tail-standard) may also be observed i n Tabari's text where the twk (of the Türgis Hâkân) and his tabl are often interchangeable terms. The tuğ and Icüvrüğ (drum) are mentioned together again i n Kutadğu-bilig and compared to the l ightning and thunder. These multiple identifications between tuğ and drum bring to the mind some H a n period Chinese represen­tations of the god of thunder i n which a tuğ-like t u f t appears attached to the drum (pi. I X a ) . The Uyğur depiction of drums beaten by celestial genii do not show any tuğ (pi. I X b). I t is not known i f Su-lu Cur's tuğ was surmounted w i t h the golden wol f masque which was a privilege of Kök-Türk, Western Turkish and

3 0 Kâsğari, " b e c k e m " , " t u ğ " (Arabic text on fol. 106); E s i n , " T h e h o r s e " , pp. 196-98. Chou period ta i l - s tandard held b y stampeding warriors who sang a h y m n : Granet , p. 263 (the C h o u were p r o t o - T u r k i s h : E b e r h a r d , Cin, pp . 19, 33). D r u m w i t h attached tai l - s tandard i n H a n period relief showing the god of thunder : Chavannes , Sculpture, pis. 21, 27. T h e Çâkânid king's d r u m compared to thunder a n d his tuğ to l ightning : Yûsuf Çâşş Hâdjib, couplets 86—7:

Bulit kükredi urd'i növbet Yasin yaSnadi, tarttı Hâkân tuğu

T h e flag attached to a lanee was called badrak: Kâsğari. 3 1 Kâsğari, fol. 106:

Kurvi SuvaC kuruldi Tuğum tikip uruldi

("Kurvi SuvaS", described as "kubbat al-malik . . . min Iiarir li'1-mulük a -Turk, the royal " d o m e " or domed tent, in s i lk , special to T u r k i s h kings, is erected. " M y tuğ is planted a n d beaten.) O n the T u r k i s h " k u b b a h (dome) kubbah al-Turkiyyah (domed a n d cylindrie T u r k i s h tent) see E s i n , " Q u b b a h " .

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Uygur kagana32 (pi. V I I I / l a , b) or w i t h a dragon or some other heraldic figure as equally observed i n Uygur representations of banners (pi. V I I I / 2 , d).

The Tiirgis army disposed not only of the Turkish birdwn but equally of the ibl al-Turk (Turkish camels), but knew of no donkeys. The existence of the name Bugra33 (camel-stallion) amongst Turkish princes then engaged i n hostilities (Kara Bugra, Afs in of Usrusanah) shows the use of the camel's name as appelation or t i t l e , as i n the case of the Uygur and Hakanid. The camel was represented i n an emblematic aspect on the above-mentioned gilded bronze plaque of the Tiirgis period (pi. I d ) . A winged camel also appeared at Varahsah amongst murals attr ibuted to the Sixth century (one w i t h a possibly K o k - T i i r k inscription) when the castle had been bui l t by kings of the Western Turkish dynasty. 3 4

By the time the Tiirgis arrived to H u t t a l , the Muslims had fled to the banks of the Oxus. The Muslims i n flight forded the river on sheep and the pursuing Tiirgis on horseback. The battles and squir-mishes turned i n favour of Turks and the Hakan caught many prisoners and some loaded camels by throwing his lasso.

Asad b. 'Abdullah had taken refuge i n Balh, while the Hakan continued to l ight fires to summon help from the Yabgu of Tohari -stan. Here is a reference to the custom of l ighting signal-fires i n the towers (kargu35 i n Turkish (pi. I V c)) to call for mi l i tary aid across distances. The inscription of Tonyukuk, the minister of the K o k -T i i r k hakans of the E ighth century, mentions the existence of numer­ous kargu bui l t by his orders i n Central Asia.

3 2 Kök-Türk pennon surmounted w i t h golden m a s k of the totemie wolf : L i u , p p . 8 , 9. S imi lar Western T u r k i s h pennon: Documents, p p . 4 9 , 220. Similar Uyğur pennon: Mackerras , p. 4. T h e W o l f totemie ancestor of Kök-Türk a n d Uyğur: Ögel, "Doğu Türkleri", pp . 95-102. Representation of pennon w i t h wolf m a s k in Uyğur a r t : Gri inwedel , fig. 617 (kindly indicated by Prof, v o n G a b a i n ) . 3 8 Buğra: G a b a i n : Chotscho, p. 21 a n d P r i t s a k , " K a r a - p n l i l a r " . Represen­tation at V a r a p a h : S i s k i n , p i . X V (on the V a r a p a h palace see note 34 infra). _ 8 4 T u r k i s h d y n a s t y of B u h a r a , scions of " K a r a C u r i n Türk, the great Bayağu" who built the B u p r â citadel a n d F a r a p i ( V a r a p a h ) : N a r s a h i , pp. 6, 7. T h i s d y n a s t y must have l ived i n the S i x t h c e n t u r y : Pugacenkova-R e m p e l , p. 196. T h e murals of V a r a p a h are thought to be of the S i x t h c e n t u r y : F r u m k i n , p. 122. Kök-Türk inscription on one m u r a l : B e r n s t a m , " D r e v n e t u r s k i y " , p. 75. 8 8 Karğu: O r k u n , index, s .v . " q a r ğ u " ; Kaâğari, entry "karğu" .

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Hârith b. Suraidj had however informed the Hâkân that the Muslims were weak and when winter came the Hâkân disbanded his army and went to visit first the Yabğu of Tohâristân, then Suburğân, capital of Djuzdjân. The castles of Djüzdjân were then i n ruins and the Hâkân had to settle i n a meadow. This was where he was surprised and forced to battle by Asad b. 'Abdullâh.

The Hâkân called quickly his army and disposed his forces i n battle array: On the r ight the Tudun of Taşkent, Kara-buğra Afşin of Usrüsanah, Sabal of H u t t a l , the Yabğu (either of Tohâristân or of the Kar luk ) and the Turkish troops. On the left of the Türgis army, the pur i tan Muslim forces of Hârith b. Suraidj, the Sogdians and the Bâbis38 (troops of Darband). The Hâkân himself was on a h i l l , together w i t h a guard of four hundred i n red (humrah). The word humrah may apply here to the Turkish term al31 used by Kâsğari to designate the orange-coloured silk i n which were cut the flags of the k ing and the saddle-covers of his dignitaries. The al is frequently represented i n Turkish paintings (pi. V I I c) of the V I I I -X H t h centuries. Equally on the same h i l l were the twk (the t a i l standards) and the drums. The Turks used the drums to order the engagement or cessation of battle. There were also master-cymba­lists, players of sandj (ceng)33 who appear to have been tradit ional ly part of the Turkish mi l i ta ry music (pi. I X b ) .

When the Turkish army was forced to retreat, the Muslims of Djüzdjân climbed the h i l l and requested from the drummers to beat the cessation of hostilities. Although the drummers obeyed and beat the signal thrice, the Turks did not stop fighting, u n t i l the people of Djüzdjân caught the tuğ (the t a i l standard) of the Hâkân.

The Hâkân himself whose birdwn stumbled i n the mire and was saved by Hârith I b n Suraidj escaped, unrecognized.

The booty consisted of men and women captives and vessels of silver used by T u r k s 3 9 and perhaps of the variety attr ibuted

*• Bâb (Darband) the gate of T u r k i s h lands was conquered by A r a b s in H . 22/642: T a b a r i , vol . I , pp. 2663-2671. 5 7 Kâsğari, entry "al". *" Prof. H a m i d u l l a h indicated the l inks between the arabic sandj and Ceng. L i k e the drums, the cymbals were ancient Centra l A s i a n mi l i tary i n s t r u ­ments : L i u M a u - T s a i , Kutscha und seine Beziehungen zu China vom 2. J h . Vor bis zum 6. J h . N. Ch. (Wiesbaden 1969), pp. 101, 106, 201, 206, 261, 267. See ibid., index " T r o m m e l " . T h e master sandj players were called sinâdjah: Muhit. " Si lver plates taken as booty from T u r k s : T a b a r i , vo l . I I , p. 1611. Metallic plates formerly thought to be Sassanian, later attributed to Central A s i a :

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associated w i t h them (pi. V i a ) . There were also sandj players as well as the Hâkân's twk (tuğ: t a i l standards) which as noted above were identical w i t h the drums. The Hâtûn (katun), spouse of the Hâkân was spared the dishonour of capt iv i ty and stabbed by the head-ennuch. Her "padded and embroidered felt boot " , 4 0 a k i n d of foot­gear often represented i n Central Asian art and found i n archaeo­logical sites (pi. X a ) was taken from her yet quivering body and sent to Damascus. The Chinese sources cause incertitude on the identity of the stabbed hâtûn by stating that the Türgis Hâkân Su-lu Cur had three wives. I n 722 he had first married a daughter of "A-shi-na Hoai-Tao" a member of the Kök-Türk dynasty who lived i n China. This Katun who had encouraged her husband to resist Chinesee xpansion was s t i l l alive i n 738, a year after the battle i n Djüzdjân. The stabbed Katun must then be one of the two other wives of the Hâkân Su-lu Cur, who were respectively a daughter of Bilge Kağan of the Kök-Türk and a daughter of the k ing of Tibet.

A group of Turks who occupied Merv al-rüd were obliged to sur­render to the Arab commander. Asad b. 'Abdullâh who gained from them four thousand suits of armour. One may perhaps deduce from Central Asian works of art (pis. I V b ; V a ; V I I a , b ) that these suits

M . M . D ' y a k o n o v , " R o s p i s i P y a n d j i k e n t a i j ivopis ' Sredney A z i i " , Jivopis, p. 136. Metallic plate probably representing a T u r k i s h m o n a r c h : Pugaöen-k o v a - R e m p e l ' , p. 135, fig. 153. T h e T u r k s were then amongst prominent metal workers of A s i a , as seen in archaeologic troves a n d in historical sources: see K i s e l e v , chap. V I I (metal cups, mirrors in T u r k i s h leurgans of Siberia) between the V t h a n d X t h centuries. B e r n s t a m observed that i n the V l t h to V I H t h centuries metal -work, a traditional nomadic a r t , was wholly in the hands of T u r k s in the region of Arğu where weapons, cups, mirrors were found in T u r k i s h leurgans: MIA 14, p. 77. Zemarchos h a d seen admirable metall ic effigies of animals in the ordu of i s t e m i Kağan in 586: Documents, pp. 275, 237-241, 248. T h e U y g u r s excelled i n gilded copper a n d " b l a c k e n e d " silver-w o r k : P i n k s , p. 110. " T h e y were excellet craftsmen i n m a k i n g vessels a n d objects of gold, si lver, copper a n d i r o n " (Jul ien , " L e s O i g h o u r s " , p. 64). T h e A r a b s were entertained b y the k i n g of Kasğar a n d Şin (see Kâsğari, a r t . " Ş i n " where Kâsğar iscalled " L o w e r Şin") w i t h golden plates : T a b a r i , vol . I I , p. 1279. Sogdian silver plates bearing T u r k i s h titles such as tigin a n d kağan: V . A . L i v s i t z , "Srednepersidskie i sogdiyskie nadpisi po serebryanix s o s u d a x " , Vestnik drevney istorii (1964/3), pp. 155-176. 4 0 T h e I n n e r - A s i a n rider peoples, including T u r k s , wore felt or fur or textile boots of m a n y varieties, including hose-like, soft boots without h a r d leather soles, w h i c h were sometimes attached to the hose. These soft boots were called edik in Oğuz T u r k i s h : Tarama. T h e longer v a r i e t y was called ran in arabio: Muhit. R e m a i n s of boots are frequently found in T u r k i s h kurgans a n d seen in representations of T u r k i s h m e n a n d w o m e n : Ogel Kültür Târihi, p. 203 and L e Coq Chotscho, donor representations.

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of armour were made of leather or metallic lamellae.41 A further passage i n T a b a r i 4 2 confirms the testimony of the works of art (pi. V I I a , b ) by stating that i n the year H . 85/704 the Central Asians of high rank including Turks, wore as emblems of dignity , pins on their helmets. The Turkish works of ar t (pis. V I I a , b ) show and Kâsğarî adds t h a t feathers were introduced i n the sockets of helmets. Double wings were worn by those who could shoot frontwards and backwards w i t h equal dexter i ty 4 3 (pi. V i l a ) .

The Hâkân i n flight first took refuge w i t h the Yabğu of Tohâri-stân then established probably i n Badahsan and proceeded after­wards to the residence of the Yabğu of the K a r l u k i n upper To-hâristân (east of B a l h ) 4 4 where he tr ied to make up for his losses. He ordered that drums be prepared and waited u n t i l their skins were dry and produced a satisfactory sound. He then returned to his own land via Usrüsanah, where the A f sin Kara Buğra provided musicians as well mounts for the Hâkân and his soldiers. The Hâkân intended the siege of Samarkand and Hârith b. Suraidj and his followers were consequently provided w i t h five thousand birdwn (Turkish ponies). The birdwn were also distributed amongst Turkish leaders.

These preparations were interrupted by the murder of the Hâkân. One day the Hâkân played dice w i t h the above mentioned Türgis chief Kül Cur for the stake of a singing b i rd (tdrdj). The dice were used for gambling or fortune-telling amongst Turks : Specimens of dice were found i n Müğ-tepe and the game of dice is represented on a mural of Pendjikent (pi. V b ) . When Kül Cur won the game, a discus­sion and a quarrel broke out on the subject of the sex of the b i rd at stake. During the quarrel Kül-Cur disabled the hand of the Hâkân. The Chinese46 sources also mention the paralysed hand of the Türgis 4 1 Doerfer, entries 750 (bağlitak) a n d 758 (bağtar, katlav). 4 2 T a b a r i , vol . I I , p. 1153. T u r k i s h helmets w i t h p i n s : E s i n , "Bedük börk" , pp. 84 et seq. 4 3 F e a t h e r tufts worn b y T u r k i s h warriors a n d their chargers whose tails were also k n o t t e d : Kâsğarî, arts , " b e c k e m " a n d " k e s m e " . I l lus trat ions : A r t a m o n o v p. 210 (Sulik petroglyphs) L e Coq, Buddh. Spaet., vo l . I I , p i . 8 a (Uygur king) . Double wings of white royal falcons on headgears of m a r k s m e n : Kâsğarî, fols. 68-69 . See also E s i n , "Bedük börk", pp. 112-113. 4 4 See notes 3, 5. 4 5 A s seen in 'Irk-bitig the T u r k i s h augury books were consulted w i t h d i c e : O r k u n , vo l . I I , p. 76. D i c e are often found in Centra l A s i a n sites such as Mount Müğ, identified (see note s u p r a ) : A . M. Beleni tzkiy , " O nekotorlx sujetax P y a n d j i k e n t s k i y k u l t u r i " , K S I I M K 61 (1956), p. 71. 4 3 See note 19 supra.

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Hâkân Su-lu Cur and the avaricious disposition which took hold of him i n old age. Frightened by the Hâkân's menaces of retaliation Kül Cur fled and gathering his men one night ki l led the Hâkân. The Hâkân's body, abandoned by the Turks was buried by the Muslim Tufai l Al-Kusânî and the members of the Hamük who were amongst the Turkish nobi l i ty (there was a c ity called Hamük-ordu i n Arğu).4 7 The Türgis prince Kül Cur 4 8 who had been or had become "ruler of four thousand kubbah" (domed Turkish t e n t ) 4 9 (pi. X / l ) toop up warfare against Muslims i n H . 121/739, i n the areas of Merv, Samarkand and Taşkent. I n this last encounter the Muslims of Buhârâ, Samarkand Kes and Usrüsanah were led by the Arab governor Naşr b. Sayyâr. Kül Cur's army was composed of fifteen thousand mercenaries whose individual monthly allowance was a cut of silken fabric. Hârith b. Suraidj, the pur i tan Muslim, had j o in ­ed forces w i t h Kül Cur and started hostilities by shooting an un ­successful arrow against Naşr b. Sayyâr, across the river of Taş­kent. Kül Cur and his soldiers, pushing i n front a flock of sheep, effected a night attack i n which they shouted loudly. B u t the Mus­lims h i d i n the darkness and remained unscathed. As Kür Cul rode last of the cavalcade, 'Âşim b. 'Umayr of Samarkand overpowered h im. Kül Cur was then an old man wearing a sibr (span) armour. I t appears that Kül Cur's armour was of the longer lamellae variety (pis. V a , V i l a ) , perhaps a span longer than the usual length or of the breast-plate or corselet k i n d equally seen i n Central Asian Turkish representations (pis. V l l b ; V I I I / l a , V I I I / 2 c , X / l ) .

Kül Cur wore further a pair of brocade ran50 (long, soft boots without hard soles) decorated w i t h rings, perhaps of the variety often seen on Uyğur depiction of princes (pis. V I I b , X / l ) and a kaba (kaftan: Kâsğarî) of silk, equally lined w i t h brocade (dîbâdj). The use of gold brocade (ihkirti) and silk (turku), as well as linen (boz) is attested i n Turkish texts . 5 1

4 7 Hamük o r d u : Mukaddasi , p. 263. 4 8 See note 22 supra. 4 8 See E s i n , " Q u b b a h " . 6 0 See note 40 supra. 8 1 O n Central A s i a n brocades: A . M . B e l e n i t z k i y - I . B . Bentoviö, " I z istrorii Sredne-Aziatskogo seltkotkacestva k identifikatzii t k a n i z a n d a n a c i " , SA 1961/2. iskirti: B a n g - G a b a i n - R a c h m a t i , T T V I , line 391. Uyğur gold brocade w i t h flower a n d tree p a t t e r n : P i n k s , p. 111. Texti les w i t h flower pattern a n d embroidery made in Uyğur period T u r f a n : J u l i e n , L e s "Oîğo-u r s " , p. 57. I l lus trat ions : L e Coq, Chotscho, p i . 5 (musician figures i n Mani -chean Uyğur m s . ) .

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When Kül Cur was conducted to Naşr b. Sayyär the prisoner beseeched the Arab general not to k i l l an old man and offered i n exchange for his release a thousand Turkish horses and camels. The Muslims inclined to let h im go when Naşr asked h im his age which he did not know. Kül Cur knew however that he had attended thirty-seven campaigns including one i n which the Muslims were made to suffer the pangs of thirst . Naşr b. Sayyär then refused to release h im. Divested of his r ich clothing and ready to die Kül Cur who i n darkness had not seen his captor asked: "Who over power­ed me ?" Kül Cur could not believe that Naşr b. Sayyär, a man of small stature or a young man whom Kül Cur disparagingly quali­fied of " f i l t h y ch i ld " could have caught a man such as he, st i l l capable of k i l l ing seven opponents. His last words were: " I would not have suffered from the stroke of death i f he who overpowered me had been a knight from amongst the knights of the Arabs."

After he was killed the body of Kül Cur was crucified on the river-side from whence the Turks situated across the water could see h im. The Turks then proceeded to perform the national mourn­ing ceremony described i n the Sixth to N i n t h centuries i n Byzan­tine, Turkish, Arab and other sources52 and often represented i n art (pi. X / 2 ) . The Turks cried, cut their ears and slashed their faces w i t h knives. L ight ing a fire or torch they burnt i n sign of mourning a domed edifice which must have been transportable and could have been a domed Turkish tent (pi. X / l ) . Would they have incinerated the corpse i f they had been i n possession of i t ? The custom of burning the dead i n a pavilion loaded w i t h offerings was attested i n the Sir D a r y a - A r a l 5 3 area and amongst5 4 the Kök-Türk. However 6 8 T u r k i s h customs for mourning of the d e a d : O r k u n , index, s .v . " y u ğ " . Incinerat ion of the dead in pavilions along the S i r - d a r y a and b y the Kök-Türk: J e t t m a r , p. 180. L . R . K i z l a s o v , Istoriya Tuvi (Moscow 1969), p. 33. Similar scene represented on a Pendj ikent m u r a l (a site where reigned a T u r k i s h d y n a s t y : see note 16 supra.) Be leni tzkiy , " V o p r o s I ideologii " , p. 81. Belenitzkiy compares this scene to the accounts of the mourning of the dead by the T u r k s in T a b a r i , vo l . I I , pp. 1520, 1691. Inc inerat ion of dead digni­taries by the T u r k s : L i u , Ost-Türken, p. 9; T o g a n , I b n Fodlan, E x k . 87b (p. 235) a n d L . J i s l , Balbals, Steinbabas und andere Steinfiguren als Äußerun­gen der religiösen Vorstellungen der Ost-Türken (Academia , P r a g 1970), p. 36. Some T u r k s were fire-worshippers: see references in Slovak ( "Moğoö") a n d I b n Çurdâdhbih, p. 262. T h e body of the Çaladj T u r k i s h prince Diväätiö (see note 16 supra) was crucified on a nâuıs a n d stüpalike näws burials were found at Pendj ikent as well as in the area of I l ek populated by T u r k s ( I b n H a u k a l , p. 487) : Ni l ' sen , figs. 31 -33 . 8 8 See note 53 sup. 8 4 T o g a n , Ibn Fadlän, pp. 277-78.

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when about to leave the shores of the river of Taşkent. Naşr b. Sayyâr ordered that Kül Cur's body be burnt so that the Turks could not relinquish his bones, as they wanted to do.

Kül Cur's bones would either have been kept i n a nawshh (ossuar-ium) as also practised i n Turkish regions of Central Asia (pi. X c , d ) or perhaps i f he were a member of the Hâkân dynasty and possessor of the so-called white bones interred i n a special cemetery.56

Twenty-seven years after Kül Cur's death the Türgis lost to the K a r l u k their supremacy i n the Turkish world.

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1965). SA - Sovietskaya Arxeologiya. Skul'ptura - Skul'ptura i jivopis' Pyandjikenta (Moscow 1959). Slovar' - V . M. Nadelyaev - D . M. N a s i l o v - E . B . Tensev - A . M . Séerbak,

Drevneturskiy Slovar' (Moscow 1968).

T A B A R l ' S R E P O R T O N T H E W A R F A R E W I T H T H E TÜRGIS 149

O. I . S m i r n o v a - Katalog monet s gorodisöe Pendjikent (Moscow 1963). O. I . Smirnova , "Türgis " - " O klassifikatsii i legendam Türgesskix m o n e t " ,

UCeniya Zapiski X V I (Moscow 1958). S P A W - Sitzungsberichte der Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. R . Şeşen - A b u 'Osmän 'Amr b. Bahr el-Câhiz'in Hilâfet ordusunun menki-

beleri ve Türklerin faziletleri, Türk kültürünü Araştirma Enstitüsü seri I I I , sayı A 8 ( A n k a r a 1967).

V . A . S iskin - Varaxia (Moscow 1963). T a b a r i , Annales (Leiden 1965). Tarama Sözlüğü - Taniklari ile Tarama Sözlüğü (Türk D i l K u r u m u , 1945-

5 7 ) -Z . V . T o g a n , Eftalit - Eftalitlerin ve Bermekilerin menşei birliği ( i s tanbul

1964). Z . V . Togan , Giriş - Umûmi Türk târihine giriş ( i s tanbul 1970). Z . V . Togan , Ibn Fadläns Reisebericht (Leipzig 1938). Yûsuf Çâşş Hâdjib, Kutadğu-bilicf, ed. R . A r a t ( i s t a n b u l 1947).

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P L A T E I

a Tamga varities on the coins of the Türgis kagans, found at the Buddhis t temple of Ak-bes im a n d at Pendj ikent . After Smirnova , "Türgis" and Katalog.

b-e Statues of woman and m a n found in a k u r g a n of the Western T u r k i s h (652-658), or Türgis (658-766) period at Talaso . L . A l ' b a u m , Balalik-tepe (Taskent 1960) figs. 149, 150.

d Gilded bronze plaque from the Türgis period (658-766) Buddhist temple of Ak-bes im, showing a woman presenting a double-humped camel to a bearded m a n in " r o y a l ease" posture.

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a - b Coins of the T u r k i s h - t u d u n s of T a s k e n t in the Seventh or E i g h t h century (see note 18). Smirnova , figs. 41, 61.

c - d T u r k i s h coins of the S i x t h to E i g h t h century of the type showing the monarch (with long hair a n d moustache) and his katun (consort) found in various parts of northern T u r k i s t a n , and in Saganian . After G . A . Pugacen-k o v a - L . I . R e m p e l ' V'idayusCiesya pamyatniki iskusstva Uzbekistana (Taskent 1960) fig. 166 and G. A. Pugaienkova, XaUayan (Taskent 1966) fig. 78.

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c

a Coin with inscription yapğu attributed to Hân Yabğu T a r d u Sad (see n.3) the T u r k i s h Yabğu of Tohâristân around 630-044. R . Ghirshman, L e s Chio-nites-Hcphtalites (Cairo 1958) coin 45. Gobi E m . 206 read the inscription as Tigin (title then given to T u r k i s h princes of the kağan dynasty , including the son of the Yabğu of Tohâristân).

b Coin wi th inscription Ybgw bhlk'an (yabğu of B a l h ) attributed to the E i g h t h century. Gobi E m . 265, 266.

c Coin marked V A H İ T I G I N A and tgyn' hwr's'n MLK' attributed to W u -san T i g i n - S a (see note 2). Gobi E m . 208/4.

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a Reconstitution of K a s a n (Mugh-tope), castlo of the T u r k i s h kings of F a r -ganah in the E i g h t h century . T h e right proper part of the castle is earlier, while the left proper is of the T u r k i s h period. B e r n s t a m , MIA 26, fig. 97.

b F r a g m e n t of mural from K a s a n (Mugh-tepe) showing a warrior in armour on horse back. Jivopis', pi . V .

c Kargu (tower where fire signals were l i t : note 35) in H v a r i z m . S. P . Tolstov, Auf den Spuren der altkhorezmischen Kultur (Berl in 1953), fig. 85.

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a

b

a Scene of battle on a mural of Pendj ikont . SkuVptura, pi . I V .

b Scene showing two figures p laying a game of dice on a mural of Pendjikont . SkuVptura, pi . X I V .

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a Si lver plate at the E r m i t a g e Museum on which it is thought that the enthronement of a T u r k i s h king of the E i g h t h to N i n t h century has been represented (sec note 39). Pugacenkova-1 iem|><T. lie. 153.

b T u r k i s h dignitaries in procession on an U y g u r mural from B c z e k l i k , Temple 9, dated in the I X - X I I t h centuries. L e Coq, Chotscho, pi . 30.

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a Mural from Kizi ' l dated around the E i g h t h century representing a warrior wi th serpentine emblems and crown, holding in hand a textile dragon effigy with wolf mask, like the T u r k i s h kagan pennons (see note 31). Griinwedel , fig. 287.

b U y g u r m u r a l of about the E i g h t h century from Murtuk representing the kagan's pennon with wolf effigy (see note 31). Griinwedel fig. (»17.

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d B a n n e r surmounted with dragon mask on a n U y g u r mural from Bezckl ik Temple 9 dated in the I X - X I I t h centuries. L e Coq, Chotscho, p l . 21

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a Outline of fragment of Chinese sculpture on stone from the H a n period showing the drums of the god of thunder. After Chavannes , Sculpture, pis. 21, 27.

b F r a g m e n t of U y g u r painting from Bezekl ik , Temple 9 dated in the I X X H t h centuries showing the mil i tary musicians (see note 30) of B a s a m a n (Vaisravana) in an attack against the demon G a r u d a . T h e drum of the warrior in armour (largest figure) is attached to his waist . T h e figure next to h i m holds on his belt what seems to be also a d r u m . T h e third figure facing the two former ones has a cymbol in his left hand. Above the cymbolist , a small figure revolves a wheel around which are attached a succession of drums. L e Coq, Chotscho, pi . 33.

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a Fragment of a n U y g u r mural from Bezoklik, dated in the I X - X I I t h cen­turies showing a princely T u r k i s h tent (see note 31). L e Coq, Chotscho, p i . 20.

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I»

c

b Scene of mourning in T u r k i s h tradition (see note 53) on a mural from P e n d -jîkent dated in the V I I - V I I I t h century. Jivopis', p l . X X .

c Reconstitution of the nâws of the V I I - V I I I t h century in Pendj ikent . Ni l ' sen, fig. 30.

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J O U R N A L OF I N D I A N P H I L O S O P H Y Editor: B i m a l K . Mati la l , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario , C a n a d a . Board of Consulting Editors: K a l i d a s B h a t t a c h a r y a , V i s v a - B h a r a t i , I n d i a ; G o p i k a m o h a n B h a t t a c h a r y a , C a l c u t t a , I n d i a ; Raniero Gnol l , R o m e , I t a l y ; D a n i e l H . H . Ingal ls , H a r v a r d , Cambridge, Mass. , U . S . A . ; H a n s Herzberger, Toronto , Ont . , C a n a d a ; Hidenori K i t a g a w a , Nagoya , J a p a n ; D a l s u k h Malvania , A h m e d a b a d , I n d i a ; J . N . Mohanty , N o r m a n , O k l a . , U . S . A . ; T . R . V . Murt i , H a m i l t o n , Ont . , C a n a d a ; K a r l H . Potter , Seattle, Washington, U . S . A . ; D . Seyfort Ruegg , L e y d e n , T h e Nether lands ; J . F . S t a a l , Berkeley , Calif . , U . S . A . ; J . A . B . v a n B u i t e n e n , Chicago, 111., U . S . A . ; A . K . Warder , Toronto, Ont . , C a n a d a .

Contents of Volume 2, No. 1 J . W . de J o n g / T h e Problem of the Absolute i n the M a d h y a m a k a S c h o o l . — J . W . de J o n g , E m p t i n e s s . — A . Charlene McDermott / Mr. R u e g g on R a t n a -k i r t i . — M a d h a v Deshpande / O n the Notion of S imi lar i ty i n I n d i a n Poetics . Book Review: D a v i d Seyford R u e g g , L a Théorie d u Tathagatagarbha et d u G o t r a . Étude sur la Sotériologie et l a Gnoséologie d u Bouddhisme (Masaaki H a t t o r i ) . — K a r l H . Potter / Bibl iography of I n d i a n Philosophies : F i r s t S u p p l e m e n t . — O u r Contributors . Subscription price per volume of four issues Df l . 100,— including postage. One volume is published year ly .

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