the precautionary principle: a european perspective

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Human and Ecological Risk Assessment, 6 : 3 (June 2000), pp. 445-458 The Precautionary Principle: A European Perspective Peter H. Sand Institute of International Law, University of Munich Address: Elisabeth-Str. 38 D-80796 Munich, Germany Phone (49-89) 180-645 Fax (49-89) 123-3985 e-mail <[email protected]> 1

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Human and Ecological Risk Assessment, 6 : 3 (June 2000),pp. 445-458

The Precautionary Principle: A EuropeanPerspective

Peter H. Sand

Institute of International Law, University of Munich

Address: Elisabeth-Str. 38D-80796 Munich, Germany

Phone (49-89) 180-645Fax (49-89) 123-3985

e-mail <[email protected]>

1

ABSTRACT

The ‘precautionary principle’, as formulated in the 1992 Rio

Declaration on Environment and Development, calls for

regulatory action in the face of serious environmental risks

even in the absence of full scientific certainty. This paper

traces negotiation of the principle at the Rio Conference,

and its history in Europe, from 1969 Swedish legislation to

the latest directives of the European Union. As illustrated

by recent court cases from Germany and France, in particular

(on nuclear power plants, electro-magnetic fields, and

genetically modified organisms), judicial interpretation of

the principle has tended to be restrictive. Future law-

making in this field is likely to focus on public access to

environmental risk information, and on the development of

new ‘right-to-know’ instruments such as mandatory product

labelling and transnational pollutant release inventories,

an area where Europe can still learn from North American

experience.

2

KEY WORDS

biosafety standards

environmental risk management

European Union

hormone-beef dispute

international environmental law

public access to information

3

The precautionary concept has been described as “the most

important new policy approach in international environmental

cooperation” (Freestone, 1991, 36). After making its

international debut in a number of ‘soft law’ statements in

the 1980s – including the World Charter for Nature (UNGA,

1982), ministerial declarations at the 1984 and 1987 North

Sea Conferences, and in the Governing Council of the United

Nations Environment Programme (UNEP, 1989) –, it has since

found its way into at least fourteen ‘hard’ multilateral

agreements (Cameron and Abouchar, 1991; Nollkaemper, 1991;

Hey, 1992; Scovazzi, 1992; Hohmann, 1994; Freestone and Hey,

1995; Primosch, 1996; McIntyre and Mosedale, 1997; Martin-

Bidou, 1999):

the 1991 Bamako Convention on the Ban of Import into Africa and the

Control of Transboundary Movement and Management of Hazardous Wastes

within Africa, article 4(3)(f);

the 1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, article

4

3(3);

the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity, preamble;

the 1992 UN/ECE Convention on the Protection and Use of

Transboundary Watercourses and International Lakes, article 2(5)(a),

and its 1999 London Protocol on Water and Health, article 5(a);

the 1992 Paris Convention for the Protection of the Marine Environment

of the North-East Atlantic, article 2(2)(a);

the 1992 Helsinki Convention for the Protection of the Baltic Sea Area,

article 3(2);

the 1994 Oslo Protocol (on sulphur emission reductions), the

two 1998 Aarhus Protocols (on heavy metals, and on persistent

organic pollutants), and the 1999 Gothenburg Protocol (on

acidification, eutrophication and ground-level ozone) to

the 1979 UN/ECE Convention on Long-Range Transboundary

Air Pollution, preambles;

the 1995 Agreement implementing the 1982 UN Convention on

the Law of the Sea, relating to Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly

Migratory Fish Stocks, article 6(2);

the 1996 Syracuse Protocol (to the 1976 Barcelona Convention)

for the Protection of the Mediterranean Sea against Pollution from Land-

5

Based Sources, preamble; and

the 1996 London Protocol to the 1972 Convention on the Prevention of

Marine Pollution by Dumping of Wastes and Other Matter, article

1(3).

According to a landmark 1996 decision by the Indian Supreme

Court, the precautionary principle is already considered

part of customary international law (Vellore case, 1996,

confirmed in five subsequent judgments by the same court;

Anderson, 1998). Yet invocation of the principle as a basis

for global risk management remains controversial –

sometimes explosively so: witness the collapse of

negotiations for a biosafety protocol at the Cartagena

meeting in February 1999, where disagreement on

‘precautionary’ draft provisions was a contributing factor

(IISD, 1999, 3). Even after the compromise reached in

Montreal on 29 January 2000, the new protocol

<http://www.biodiv.org/biosafe/BIOSAFETY-PROTOCOL.htm> leaves a wide

deficit of interpretation.

6

The standard English translation as ‘precautionary

principle’ is but an all too imperfect approximation of the

Vorsorge-Prinzip from which it was derived, since it fails to

bring across some of the linguistic ‘hyperlinks’ associated

with the original German concept – such as Besorgnis (concern)

and Sorgfalt (care, in the sense of diligence), let alone the

mystical figure of Sorge (care, in the sense of worry) from

Goethe’s 1832 drama, Faust (Part II, Act V, Scene IV),

recently re-discovered by American environmental lawyers

(Rich, 1994, 318; see Burdach, 1923). To avoid some of the

semantic confusion noted by critics (Gündling, 1990, 26;

Bodansky, 1991), let us take as a starting point the core

definition as formulated in Principle 15 of the Rio Declaration

on Environment and Development (UNCED, 1992, 6; Mann, 1992; Koh,

1994; Porras, 1994):

“Where there are threats of serious or irreversible

damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be

used as a reason for postponing cost-effective measures

to prevent environmental degradation.”

7

Save for the not-so-innocuous rider ‘cost-effective’ – which

originated in article 7 of the Second World Climate

Conference (WMO, 1990; Kovar, 1993, 134), and which was

slipped into the Rio text by the US delegation, over the

objections of the European Union and Japan,1 – that sentence

in Principle 15 was a verbatim quote from the 1990 Bergen

Declaration by 34 environment ministers from Europe and

North America.2

1 While the ‘cost-‘prefix had not been part of the original US draft

proposal submitted to Working Group III of the UNCED Preparatory

Committee during its 4th session (A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.21 of 4 March

1992, principle 6), it was added as an oral ‘correction’ by the US

delegate, State Department lawyer Jeffrey D. Kovar, on 12 March 1992.

Even though the delegates of Portugal (on behalf of the European Union)

and of Japan on 24 March 1992 proposed to delete the rider, Working

Group III retained it [within square brackets] in the Chairman’s draft

of 31 March 1992 (A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.33, principle 12) which served

as the basis for the final text at Rio (A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.33/Rev.1,

principle 15). 2 Ministerial Declaration on Sustainable Development in the UN/ECE

Region (Bergen/Norway, 16 May 1990), article 7, Yearbook of International

Environmental Law 1 (1990), 431; also incorporated in article 3(3) of the

1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Inclusion of that same

sentence, with only minor variations, was formally proposed in the pre-

Rio negotiations by the USA (see note 1), by the European Union

(A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.25 of 6 March 1992, principle 6, revising an 8

Predictably, therefore, the principle was eyed with some

suspicion by Third World countries (the so-called ‘Group of

77’), who always considered it a typical ‘Northern’ demand

and who swallowed it without enthusiasm at the time, and

only in return for the acceptance of other ‘Southern’ points

in the bargain.3 It is all the more ironic now, eight years

after Rio, to see the United States and its ‘Miami group’ in

the biosafety negotiations opposing the precautionary

principle – and the Group of 77 (now called the ‘like-minded

group’) defending it, with diplomatic support from the

earlier proposal submitted at the 3rd PrepCom session, and replacing

‘should’ by ‘shall’), and by the Scandinavian countries

(A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.27 of 9 March 1992, principle 11). 3 The original proposal submitted on 4 March 1992 by China and by

Pakistan (on behalf of the Group of 77, A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.20) made

no reference to the precautionary principle, but eventually took it on

board – albeit with a rider reserving the special socio-economic

situation of developing countries, again drawn from the ministerial

declaration of the Second World Climate Conference (WMO 1990) – in a

revised compromise draft on 19 March 1992

(A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.20/Rev.1, principle 12). The United States

reserved its position on some of the ‘Southern’ points (by way of an

‘interpretative statement’ at the time of adoption of the Rio

Declaration, A/CONF.151/26, vol.IV, paragraph 16), but did not object to

Principle 15 (Kovar, 1994, 122; Sand, 1999, 67). 9

European Union

Not that Europeans have been all that unanimous about it all

this time. In 1995, when the precautionary principle was

for the first time invoked before the International Court of

Justice – in the Nuclear Tests case brought by New Zealand

against France –, the French Government responded that the

legal status of the principle was ‘uncertain’ (ICJ, 1995, p.

56; Bothe, 1996). And not so long ago, the UK Government had

even less kind things to say about the principle when it was

invoked by the European Commission as a reason for

precautionary trade restrictions against the risk of bovine

spongiform encephalopathy (BSE), popularly known as ‘mad cow

disease’ (Giddens, 1998, 29; Giddens, 1999, 9). Principles

are principles – alas, the French bomb is the French bomb;

and British beef is British beef.

From the point of view of comparative law, a country-by-

country study commissioned by the German Federal

Environmental Agency came to the conclusion that there are

indeed two distinct camps in the modern industrialized world

10

(Rehbinder, 1991): ‘precaution countries’ (including

Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland, along

with the United States); and ‘protection countries’

(including France and the UK, along with Japan).

Historically, to be sure, the precautionary approach in

Europe goes back much further than the often-quoted German

parliamentary report on the environment (Umweltbericht, 1976;

von Moltke, 1988; Boehmer-Christiansen, 1994; von Lersner,

1994) or the Swiss Federal Environmental Protection Act

(Umweltschutz-Gesetz, 1983, article 1/2; Koechlin, 1989).

Sociologists have long diagnosed a ‘crisis of the provident

state’ as Europe had come to know it in the 19th and early

20th century (Rosanvallon, 1981). François Ewald, at the

Collège de France, notes a transformation from traditional

social security to ‘insurance society’ (Ewald, 1986) in the

new welfare state which Anthony Giddens, at the London

School of Economics, now sees as ‘a form of collective risk

management’ (Giddens, 1999). Ulrich Beck, at the University

of Munich, comes to the opposite conclusion: What he calls

‘risk society’ or ‘world risk society’, in the wake of

11

globalization (Beck, 1986, 1992, 1995, 1996, 1998; Lagadec,

1981), is actually un-insured (versicherungslos), he says; for

paradoxically, post-modern society’s insurance coverage

seems to decrease as the risks increase (Beck, 1991a, 122).

Be that as it may – it was in Scandinavia, at the peak of

that region’s own experiment with the welfare state, where

the precautionary principle was first translated into a

general legal rule: The Swedish Environment Protection Act

(Miljöskydds-Lag, 1969; Sand 1972, 6; Westerlund, 1981) –

enacted half a year before the US National Environmental

Policy Act (NEPA, 1970) – introduced the concept of

‘environmentally hazardous activities’ (miljöfarlig verksamheter;

Westerlund, 1975, 1977), for which the burden of proof is

flatly reversed; i.e., the regulatory authorities “do not

have to demonstrate that a certain impact will occur;

instead, the mere risk (if not remote) is to be deemed

enough to warrant protective measures or a ban on the

activity” (Westerlund, 1981, 231). That, of course, is

nothing less than what international legal experts today

12

define as the most radical variant of the precautionary

principle (CSD 1996, 18). It has been the law in Sweden for

the past thirty years, and is also reflected in the

legislation of other Nordic countries, including Denmark’s

1973 Environment Protection Act, Norway’s 1981 Pollution

Control Act and Finland’s 1992 Environmental Permits Act

(Lindgard, 1998). (The idea of subjecting hazardous

industries to precautionary permit conditions can, of

course, be traced much further back in European

environmental law, including the 1906 Alkali and Other Works

Regulation Act in Great Britain, 19th century French

legislation on installations classées, and Prussia’s Gewerbe-

Ordnung of 1845).

In less radical garb, precautionary policies also made their

appearance in the emerging quasi-federal law of the European

Union, starting with some early environmental ‘directives’

adopted in the wake of the 1976 accident in Seveso/Italy

(‘Seveso Directive’, 1982; Hancher, 1995), and culminating

in more recent enactments such as the 1990 GMO Directive,

13

the 1997 ‘Novel Foods Regulation’ and the 1998 Biotechnology

Directive (Rehbinder, 1999), where EU law-making – because

of trade prerogatives in the intra-European common market –

has to a large extent superseded national regulatory powers.

The 1992 Maastricht treaty amendment, which may be said to

have elevated the precautionary principle to the rank of

European constitutional goal,4 was merely a logical

consequence and formal recognition of that trend. There is

no doubt that its impact will be felt well beyond the

geographical scope of the EU, as the latest row over

‘hormone-beef’ imports from the United States illustrates.5

Indeed, the precautionary principle “seems to loom as a

4 Article 130(r )(2) stipulates that EU environmental policy “shall be

based on the precautionary principle”; International Legal Materials 31 (1992),

247 (Epiney, 1997, 98). Pursuant to the 1997 Amsterdam consolidation of

the Treaty (effective 1 May 1999), article 130(r) has now been

renumbered article 174; Official Journal of the European Communities (1997) C

340/145. See also the Communication from the Commission on the

Precautionary Principle, COM (2000) 1.5 After the Appellate Body of the World Trade Organization (WTO) on 13

February 1998 found the EU ban on US ‘hormone beef’ imports contrary to

the WTO Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS, in force

since 1995; Walker, 1998), the EU submitted new scientific evidence in

May 1999 to maintain the ban, which now faces countervailing trade

measures by the United States. 14

major new controversial issue on the trade and environment

horizon” in negotiations in the World Trade Organization

(ICTSD, 1999, 8; von Moltke, 1999), with the European Union

pleading for clarification and expansion of the principle,

and the US calling for sanitary and phytosanitary measures

to be based on ‘sound science’.

Mind you, as we say in German, “we never eat our soup as hot

as we boil it.” European political and even legislative

pronouncements of the precautionary principle are one thing,

application by courts and administrative authorities is

quite another. So far, the European Court of Justice has

sanctioned the principle only implicitly, when confirming

the validity of EU Council Regulation 345/92 on Driftnet

Fishing, which had been challenged in a French court

(Mondiet case, 1993; Hey, 1998, 6). In Sweden, “even if the

principle is well and explicitly founded in law, the

authorities are often reluctant to make use of it – even

though in theory they are obliged to do so” (Westerlund

1981, 231). In the United Kingdom, where the principle was

15

formally endorsed by a Government White Paper (Department of

the Environment 1990, 7; Haigh, 1994), attempts at

establishing it in the courts have been notoriously

unsuccessful in at least two instances (Duddridge case,

1994; Gateshead case, 1996), and inconclusive in others

(McAlpine Homes case, 1994; Bodansky and Brunnée, 1998, 16).

In the Netherlands, two judgments involving wastewater

discharges and offshore drilling permits, respectively, did

invoke the precautionary principle but may also be founded

on other existing rules of Dutch environmental legislation

and administrative due process (Wadden Sea cases, 1996-97;

Nollkaemper, 1998; Backes and Verschuuren, 1998). The French

Council of State, in an action for closure of a nuclear

power plant on the Swiss border near Geneva, initially

refused to consider the precautionary principle formulated

in the Maastricht amendment (see note 4 above) as self-

executing in the member states of the European Union

(Superphénix case, 1997, 229; Colson, 1998), but has since

accepted it as “serious ground” to justify suspension of a

ministerial permit for the cultivation and marketing in

16

France of bio-engineered corn (by a Swiss corporation, tit

for tat: Transgenic Maize case, 1998).6 However, what

remains of the principle after it was transformed into

French national law reads rather different from the original

Rio text:

“Lack of certainty, taking into account scientific and

technical knowledge at the time, shall not delay

effective and commensurate measures, at economically

acceptable cost, to prevent the threat of serious and

irreversible damage to the environment” (Loi Barnier,

1995).7

The focus of the precaution debate in France (Godard, 1997)

has thus shifted to legal definitions of ‘irreversibility’,

6 Final judgment on the merits has been postponed, pending a request to

the European Court of Justice for determination of compatibility with

applicable EU law, in light of earlier decisions (97/98 and 98/294) by

the EU Commission to legalize genetically modified corn, Official Journal of

the European Communities (1997) L 31/69 and (1998) L 131/33. See case No.

6/99, Official Journal of the European Communities (1999) C 71/17 (Bojic

Bultrini, 1998, 484; Douma and Matthee, 1999, 157).7 Article 1(1)(3) [my translation and emphasis]. Curiously, the

authentic French text of Principle 15 of the 1992 Rio Declaration did

not contain the ‘cost-effective’ US rider (see note 1 above), an

omission for which the 1995 French statute more than compensates.17

as a criterion for distinguishing tolerable from intolerable

risks – so far with less than conclusive results (Fritz-

Legendre, 1998; Prieur,1998).

Germany has had the largest share of court cases involving

the precautionary approach, in response to the plethora of

federal environmental legislation enacted since the 1970s,

much of it sector-specific and anything but uniform or

consistent. Among the most heavily litigated precautionary

laws were the Federal Act for Protection against Pollution

(BImSchG, 1974, article 5/1/2), and the Biotechnology Act

(GenTG, 1990, article 6/2). The overriding tendency of the

courts has been to limit the margin of administrative

discretion which the precautionary principle inevitably

confers and which critics see as potentially ‘boundless’

(uferlos: Rehbinder, 1991, 11). E.g., as regards operating

permits for nuclear reactors, the two leading judgments by

the Federal Constitutional Court (Kalkar case, 1978) and the

Federal Administrative Court (Wyhl case, 1985) ostensibly

confirm the executive’s power to take precautionary measures

18

against identified ‘dangers’ as well as against as yet

unidentified ‘risks’, but then go on to define a lower-level

‘residual risk’ (Rest-Risiko) which the public (and the

plaintiffs adjoining the power plant) will have to tolerate;

and in a more recent decision, the Federal Administrative

Court considered leucemia risks in a power plant’s

neighbourhood too remote to warrant revocation of a lower

court’s permit approval (Krümmel case, 1998). Similarly, in

several appellate judgments concerning electro-magnetic

fields of mobile phone networks, actionable health risks

were distinguished from mere ‘concerns’ (Besorgnis) deemed

insufficient to invalidate operating permits.8 In a case

involving production of erythropoietin (EPO hormone) from

bio-engineered mouse cells, the Administrative District

Court of Giessen held that precautionary measures with

regard to genetically modified organisms were warranted only

“up to a degree which in light of risk assessment on the

8 Decision of 18 May 1993 by the Munster OVG (Administrative Court of

Appeal), Neue Zeitschrift für Verwaltungsrecht [New Administrative Law Review] 12

(1993), 1115; two further judgments reported ibid., 1116-1119 (Di Fabio,

1995); and recent cases following the 1996 German federal regulations on

electro-magnetic fields (Kirchberg, 1998).19

basis of the best available scientific and technological

information is sufficient to ensure control of the risk”

(EPO-Mouse case, 1992; Appel, 1996; Jörgensen and Winter,

1996). And in a landmark case concerning forest damage

attributed to acid rain, the Federal Supreme Court had in

1987 already dismissed attempts at invoking the

precautionary principle as a basis for holding the federal

government liable for ‘legislative inaction’ (Waldsterben

case, 1987; Rest,1997, 414). There is indeed a wide range of

legal and procedural constraints on precautionary action –

including the Administration’s duty to make full use of all

available information; the duty to undertake benefit-risk

assessments; the duty to motivate and disclose assessments;

and general due process rules such as the requirement that

precautionary measures be commensurate with the risk, and

not excessive (Von Moltke, 1988, 68; Rehbinder, 1991, 253;

Ladeur, 1995, 99; Di Fabio, 1996, 572).

That being said, the precautionary principle is alive and

well in Germany. It is perhaps worth recalling that the

20

principle was introduced by a Social-Democrat Government in

the 1970s, and the Social-Democrats are now back in power in

coalition with the Greens. One of their first long-term

policy decisions – to phase out nuclear power production –

was crucially dependent on the Vorsorge-Prinzip as a legal

basis to terminate existing operating permits. The German

Nuclear Energy Act (Atom-Gesetz 1976, article 7/2/3) provides

for ‘conditionally suspended injunctions’ (Verbot mit Erlaubnis-

Vorbehalt) rather than conditional permits, thereby shifting

the burden of proof to the operator. Whether the

precautionary principle will also serve to terminate

Germany’s existing long-term contracts for nuclear waste re-

processing in France and Britain remains to be seen. The

bilateral agreements concluded in 1990 between the German

Nuclear Fuel Re-Processing Corporation (DWK) and its French

and British counterparts (Compagnie Générale des Matières Nucléaires

and British Nuclear Fuels plc), though backstopped by joint

governmental declarations, contain saving clauses in the

event of ‘act or restraint of government’ (‘Gesetze oder

einschränkende Massnahmen der Regierung’ in the German text; Wahl

21

and Hermes, 1995, 34). Significantly, the need to preserve

sufficient flexibility for executive action in transnational

nuclear relations is considered part of the rationale for

the precautionary principle as interpreted by the Federal

Constitutional Court (Kalkar case, 1978, 147).

The legal ramifications of the precautionary principle are

probably most significant when it comes to information

access. It was Peter Bernstein, in his fascinating book

Against the Gods, who said that “risk is not fate, it is

choice” (Bernstein, 1996, 8); and his point seems to be

borne out by anthropologists contending that “we choose the

risks in the same package as we choose our social

institutions” (Douglas and Wildawsky, 1982). It follows

that those who take the risk (and who will potentially

suffer the consequences) should be given equal access to all

information enabling them to know what their choices are.

Hence, information about risk of harm should never be

monopolized, whether by public or private knowledge-holders,

and should by definition be common property.

22

A number of mechanisms are becoming available for this

purpose – from precautionary labelling and life-cycle

product information, to new methods of public and private

risk disclosure. In this regard, most parts of the world

still have a lot to learn from the American experience.

Munich sociologist Ulrich Beck actually considers civil

society ‘disenfranchised in risk matters’ (Beck, 1991b, 68).

Except for Scandinavia, European legal systems have no

equivalent to what has been extolled as “the new Magna

Charta of ecological democracy” (Fischer, 1989, 152): the

US Freedom of Information Act (FOIA, 1966) and its Canadian

counterpart, the Access to Information Act (AIA, 1983), which

together with parallel state/provincial legislation such as

the Ohio Public Records Act and the British Columbia Freedom of

Information and Protection of Privacy Act make government-held

knowledge generally accessible to concerned citizens (CEC,

1999). The European Union’s timid Directive on Freedom of

Access to Information on the Environment (EC Directive 90/313, 1990)

has yet to be transformed into actual administrative

23

practice in most member states (Hallo, 1996; Kimber and

Eckardt, 1999); and the more progressive Aarhus Convention on

Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-Making and Access to

Justice in Environmental Matters (UN/ECE, 1998; Prieur, 1999) has

yet to enter into force.

There is even less international experience with rules on

access to privately-held risk information, by way of

community ‘right-to-know’ and ‘duty-to-warn’ statutes.

Communities outside North America can only dream of the kind

of geographically specific and user-friendly data now

available from the US Toxics Release Inventory (TRI, 1998; Bass

and MacLean, 1993; EDF, 1998) and Canada’s National Pollutant

Release Inventory (NPRI, 1997; UNEP, 1999, 309), which anybody

can download from the Internet. Efforts to extend this type

of risk communication across political boundaries – possibly

through voluntary commitments or ‘codes of conduct’ by

responsible multinational corporations – should be a

priority in making the precautionary principle work

transnationally (OECD, 1998). Rather than the ‘provident

24

state’, it is the provident citizen and the provident

consumer who must be empowered to take informed

precautionary action – so as to exercise the choice of risks

which we are told we have.

25

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