the precautionary principle: a european perspective
TRANSCRIPT
Human and Ecological Risk Assessment, 6 : 3 (June 2000),pp. 445-458
The Precautionary Principle: A EuropeanPerspective
Peter H. Sand
Institute of International Law, University of Munich
Address: Elisabeth-Str. 38D-80796 Munich, Germany
Phone (49-89) 180-645Fax (49-89) 123-3985
e-mail <[email protected]>
1
ABSTRACT
The ‘precautionary principle’, as formulated in the 1992 Rio
Declaration on Environment and Development, calls for
regulatory action in the face of serious environmental risks
even in the absence of full scientific certainty. This paper
traces negotiation of the principle at the Rio Conference,
and its history in Europe, from 1969 Swedish legislation to
the latest directives of the European Union. As illustrated
by recent court cases from Germany and France, in particular
(on nuclear power plants, electro-magnetic fields, and
genetically modified organisms), judicial interpretation of
the principle has tended to be restrictive. Future law-
making in this field is likely to focus on public access to
environmental risk information, and on the development of
new ‘right-to-know’ instruments such as mandatory product
labelling and transnational pollutant release inventories,
an area where Europe can still learn from North American
experience.
2
KEY WORDS
biosafety standards
environmental risk management
European Union
hormone-beef dispute
international environmental law
public access to information
3
The precautionary concept has been described as “the most
important new policy approach in international environmental
cooperation” (Freestone, 1991, 36). After making its
international debut in a number of ‘soft law’ statements in
the 1980s – including the World Charter for Nature (UNGA,
1982), ministerial declarations at the 1984 and 1987 North
Sea Conferences, and in the Governing Council of the United
Nations Environment Programme (UNEP, 1989) –, it has since
found its way into at least fourteen ‘hard’ multilateral
agreements (Cameron and Abouchar, 1991; Nollkaemper, 1991;
Hey, 1992; Scovazzi, 1992; Hohmann, 1994; Freestone and Hey,
1995; Primosch, 1996; McIntyre and Mosedale, 1997; Martin-
Bidou, 1999):
the 1991 Bamako Convention on the Ban of Import into Africa and the
Control of Transboundary Movement and Management of Hazardous Wastes
within Africa, article 4(3)(f);
the 1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, article
4
3(3);
the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity, preamble;
the 1992 UN/ECE Convention on the Protection and Use of
Transboundary Watercourses and International Lakes, article 2(5)(a),
and its 1999 London Protocol on Water and Health, article 5(a);
the 1992 Paris Convention for the Protection of the Marine Environment
of the North-East Atlantic, article 2(2)(a);
the 1992 Helsinki Convention for the Protection of the Baltic Sea Area,
article 3(2);
the 1994 Oslo Protocol (on sulphur emission reductions), the
two 1998 Aarhus Protocols (on heavy metals, and on persistent
organic pollutants), and the 1999 Gothenburg Protocol (on
acidification, eutrophication and ground-level ozone) to
the 1979 UN/ECE Convention on Long-Range Transboundary
Air Pollution, preambles;
the 1995 Agreement implementing the 1982 UN Convention on
the Law of the Sea, relating to Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly
Migratory Fish Stocks, article 6(2);
the 1996 Syracuse Protocol (to the 1976 Barcelona Convention)
for the Protection of the Mediterranean Sea against Pollution from Land-
5
Based Sources, preamble; and
the 1996 London Protocol to the 1972 Convention on the Prevention of
Marine Pollution by Dumping of Wastes and Other Matter, article
1(3).
According to a landmark 1996 decision by the Indian Supreme
Court, the precautionary principle is already considered
part of customary international law (Vellore case, 1996,
confirmed in five subsequent judgments by the same court;
Anderson, 1998). Yet invocation of the principle as a basis
for global risk management remains controversial –
sometimes explosively so: witness the collapse of
negotiations for a biosafety protocol at the Cartagena
meeting in February 1999, where disagreement on
‘precautionary’ draft provisions was a contributing factor
(IISD, 1999, 3). Even after the compromise reached in
Montreal on 29 January 2000, the new protocol
<http://www.biodiv.org/biosafe/BIOSAFETY-PROTOCOL.htm> leaves a wide
deficit of interpretation.
6
The standard English translation as ‘precautionary
principle’ is but an all too imperfect approximation of the
Vorsorge-Prinzip from which it was derived, since it fails to
bring across some of the linguistic ‘hyperlinks’ associated
with the original German concept – such as Besorgnis (concern)
and Sorgfalt (care, in the sense of diligence), let alone the
mystical figure of Sorge (care, in the sense of worry) from
Goethe’s 1832 drama, Faust (Part II, Act V, Scene IV),
recently re-discovered by American environmental lawyers
(Rich, 1994, 318; see Burdach, 1923). To avoid some of the
semantic confusion noted by critics (Gündling, 1990, 26;
Bodansky, 1991), let us take as a starting point the core
definition as formulated in Principle 15 of the Rio Declaration
on Environment and Development (UNCED, 1992, 6; Mann, 1992; Koh,
1994; Porras, 1994):
“Where there are threats of serious or irreversible
damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be
used as a reason for postponing cost-effective measures
to prevent environmental degradation.”
7
Save for the not-so-innocuous rider ‘cost-effective’ – which
originated in article 7 of the Second World Climate
Conference (WMO, 1990; Kovar, 1993, 134), and which was
slipped into the Rio text by the US delegation, over the
objections of the European Union and Japan,1 – that sentence
in Principle 15 was a verbatim quote from the 1990 Bergen
Declaration by 34 environment ministers from Europe and
North America.2
1 While the ‘cost-‘prefix had not been part of the original US draft
proposal submitted to Working Group III of the UNCED Preparatory
Committee during its 4th session (A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.21 of 4 March
1992, principle 6), it was added as an oral ‘correction’ by the US
delegate, State Department lawyer Jeffrey D. Kovar, on 12 March 1992.
Even though the delegates of Portugal (on behalf of the European Union)
and of Japan on 24 March 1992 proposed to delete the rider, Working
Group III retained it [within square brackets] in the Chairman’s draft
of 31 March 1992 (A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.33, principle 12) which served
as the basis for the final text at Rio (A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.33/Rev.1,
principle 15). 2 Ministerial Declaration on Sustainable Development in the UN/ECE
Region (Bergen/Norway, 16 May 1990), article 7, Yearbook of International
Environmental Law 1 (1990), 431; also incorporated in article 3(3) of the
1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Inclusion of that same
sentence, with only minor variations, was formally proposed in the pre-
Rio negotiations by the USA (see note 1), by the European Union
(A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.25 of 6 March 1992, principle 6, revising an 8
Predictably, therefore, the principle was eyed with some
suspicion by Third World countries (the so-called ‘Group of
77’), who always considered it a typical ‘Northern’ demand
and who swallowed it without enthusiasm at the time, and
only in return for the acceptance of other ‘Southern’ points
in the bargain.3 It is all the more ironic now, eight years
after Rio, to see the United States and its ‘Miami group’ in
the biosafety negotiations opposing the precautionary
principle – and the Group of 77 (now called the ‘like-minded
group’) defending it, with diplomatic support from the
earlier proposal submitted at the 3rd PrepCom session, and replacing
‘should’ by ‘shall’), and by the Scandinavian countries
(A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.27 of 9 March 1992, principle 11). 3 The original proposal submitted on 4 March 1992 by China and by
Pakistan (on behalf of the Group of 77, A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.20) made
no reference to the precautionary principle, but eventually took it on
board – albeit with a rider reserving the special socio-economic
situation of developing countries, again drawn from the ministerial
declaration of the Second World Climate Conference (WMO 1990) – in a
revised compromise draft on 19 March 1992
(A/CONF.151/PC/WG.III/L.20/Rev.1, principle 12). The United States
reserved its position on some of the ‘Southern’ points (by way of an
‘interpretative statement’ at the time of adoption of the Rio
Declaration, A/CONF.151/26, vol.IV, paragraph 16), but did not object to
Principle 15 (Kovar, 1994, 122; Sand, 1999, 67). 9
European Union
Not that Europeans have been all that unanimous about it all
this time. In 1995, when the precautionary principle was
for the first time invoked before the International Court of
Justice – in the Nuclear Tests case brought by New Zealand
against France –, the French Government responded that the
legal status of the principle was ‘uncertain’ (ICJ, 1995, p.
56; Bothe, 1996). And not so long ago, the UK Government had
even less kind things to say about the principle when it was
invoked by the European Commission as a reason for
precautionary trade restrictions against the risk of bovine
spongiform encephalopathy (BSE), popularly known as ‘mad cow
disease’ (Giddens, 1998, 29; Giddens, 1999, 9). Principles
are principles – alas, the French bomb is the French bomb;
and British beef is British beef.
From the point of view of comparative law, a country-by-
country study commissioned by the German Federal
Environmental Agency came to the conclusion that there are
indeed two distinct camps in the modern industrialized world
10
(Rehbinder, 1991): ‘precaution countries’ (including
Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland, along
with the United States); and ‘protection countries’
(including France and the UK, along with Japan).
Historically, to be sure, the precautionary approach in
Europe goes back much further than the often-quoted German
parliamentary report on the environment (Umweltbericht, 1976;
von Moltke, 1988; Boehmer-Christiansen, 1994; von Lersner,
1994) or the Swiss Federal Environmental Protection Act
(Umweltschutz-Gesetz, 1983, article 1/2; Koechlin, 1989).
Sociologists have long diagnosed a ‘crisis of the provident
state’ as Europe had come to know it in the 19th and early
20th century (Rosanvallon, 1981). François Ewald, at the
Collège de France, notes a transformation from traditional
social security to ‘insurance society’ (Ewald, 1986) in the
new welfare state which Anthony Giddens, at the London
School of Economics, now sees as ‘a form of collective risk
management’ (Giddens, 1999). Ulrich Beck, at the University
of Munich, comes to the opposite conclusion: What he calls
‘risk society’ or ‘world risk society’, in the wake of
11
globalization (Beck, 1986, 1992, 1995, 1996, 1998; Lagadec,
1981), is actually un-insured (versicherungslos), he says; for
paradoxically, post-modern society’s insurance coverage
seems to decrease as the risks increase (Beck, 1991a, 122).
Be that as it may – it was in Scandinavia, at the peak of
that region’s own experiment with the welfare state, where
the precautionary principle was first translated into a
general legal rule: The Swedish Environment Protection Act
(Miljöskydds-Lag, 1969; Sand 1972, 6; Westerlund, 1981) –
enacted half a year before the US National Environmental
Policy Act (NEPA, 1970) – introduced the concept of
‘environmentally hazardous activities’ (miljöfarlig verksamheter;
Westerlund, 1975, 1977), for which the burden of proof is
flatly reversed; i.e., the regulatory authorities “do not
have to demonstrate that a certain impact will occur;
instead, the mere risk (if not remote) is to be deemed
enough to warrant protective measures or a ban on the
activity” (Westerlund, 1981, 231). That, of course, is
nothing less than what international legal experts today
12
define as the most radical variant of the precautionary
principle (CSD 1996, 18). It has been the law in Sweden for
the past thirty years, and is also reflected in the
legislation of other Nordic countries, including Denmark’s
1973 Environment Protection Act, Norway’s 1981 Pollution
Control Act and Finland’s 1992 Environmental Permits Act
(Lindgard, 1998). (The idea of subjecting hazardous
industries to precautionary permit conditions can, of
course, be traced much further back in European
environmental law, including the 1906 Alkali and Other Works
Regulation Act in Great Britain, 19th century French
legislation on installations classées, and Prussia’s Gewerbe-
Ordnung of 1845).
In less radical garb, precautionary policies also made their
appearance in the emerging quasi-federal law of the European
Union, starting with some early environmental ‘directives’
adopted in the wake of the 1976 accident in Seveso/Italy
(‘Seveso Directive’, 1982; Hancher, 1995), and culminating
in more recent enactments such as the 1990 GMO Directive,
13
the 1997 ‘Novel Foods Regulation’ and the 1998 Biotechnology
Directive (Rehbinder, 1999), where EU law-making – because
of trade prerogatives in the intra-European common market –
has to a large extent superseded national regulatory powers.
The 1992 Maastricht treaty amendment, which may be said to
have elevated the precautionary principle to the rank of
European constitutional goal,4 was merely a logical
consequence and formal recognition of that trend. There is
no doubt that its impact will be felt well beyond the
geographical scope of the EU, as the latest row over
‘hormone-beef’ imports from the United States illustrates.5
Indeed, the precautionary principle “seems to loom as a
4 Article 130(r )(2) stipulates that EU environmental policy “shall be
based on the precautionary principle”; International Legal Materials 31 (1992),
247 (Epiney, 1997, 98). Pursuant to the 1997 Amsterdam consolidation of
the Treaty (effective 1 May 1999), article 130(r) has now been
renumbered article 174; Official Journal of the European Communities (1997) C
340/145. See also the Communication from the Commission on the
Precautionary Principle, COM (2000) 1.5 After the Appellate Body of the World Trade Organization (WTO) on 13
February 1998 found the EU ban on US ‘hormone beef’ imports contrary to
the WTO Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS, in force
since 1995; Walker, 1998), the EU submitted new scientific evidence in
May 1999 to maintain the ban, which now faces countervailing trade
measures by the United States. 14
major new controversial issue on the trade and environment
horizon” in negotiations in the World Trade Organization
(ICTSD, 1999, 8; von Moltke, 1999), with the European Union
pleading for clarification and expansion of the principle,
and the US calling for sanitary and phytosanitary measures
to be based on ‘sound science’.
Mind you, as we say in German, “we never eat our soup as hot
as we boil it.” European political and even legislative
pronouncements of the precautionary principle are one thing,
application by courts and administrative authorities is
quite another. So far, the European Court of Justice has
sanctioned the principle only implicitly, when confirming
the validity of EU Council Regulation 345/92 on Driftnet
Fishing, which had been challenged in a French court
(Mondiet case, 1993; Hey, 1998, 6). In Sweden, “even if the
principle is well and explicitly founded in law, the
authorities are often reluctant to make use of it – even
though in theory they are obliged to do so” (Westerlund
1981, 231). In the United Kingdom, where the principle was
15
formally endorsed by a Government White Paper (Department of
the Environment 1990, 7; Haigh, 1994), attempts at
establishing it in the courts have been notoriously
unsuccessful in at least two instances (Duddridge case,
1994; Gateshead case, 1996), and inconclusive in others
(McAlpine Homes case, 1994; Bodansky and Brunnée, 1998, 16).
In the Netherlands, two judgments involving wastewater
discharges and offshore drilling permits, respectively, did
invoke the precautionary principle but may also be founded
on other existing rules of Dutch environmental legislation
and administrative due process (Wadden Sea cases, 1996-97;
Nollkaemper, 1998; Backes and Verschuuren, 1998). The French
Council of State, in an action for closure of a nuclear
power plant on the Swiss border near Geneva, initially
refused to consider the precautionary principle formulated
in the Maastricht amendment (see note 4 above) as self-
executing in the member states of the European Union
(Superphénix case, 1997, 229; Colson, 1998), but has since
accepted it as “serious ground” to justify suspension of a
ministerial permit for the cultivation and marketing in
16
France of bio-engineered corn (by a Swiss corporation, tit
for tat: Transgenic Maize case, 1998).6 However, what
remains of the principle after it was transformed into
French national law reads rather different from the original
Rio text:
“Lack of certainty, taking into account scientific and
technical knowledge at the time, shall not delay
effective and commensurate measures, at economically
acceptable cost, to prevent the threat of serious and
irreversible damage to the environment” (Loi Barnier,
1995).7
The focus of the precaution debate in France (Godard, 1997)
has thus shifted to legal definitions of ‘irreversibility’,
6 Final judgment on the merits has been postponed, pending a request to
the European Court of Justice for determination of compatibility with
applicable EU law, in light of earlier decisions (97/98 and 98/294) by
the EU Commission to legalize genetically modified corn, Official Journal of
the European Communities (1997) L 31/69 and (1998) L 131/33. See case No.
6/99, Official Journal of the European Communities (1999) C 71/17 (Bojic
Bultrini, 1998, 484; Douma and Matthee, 1999, 157).7 Article 1(1)(3) [my translation and emphasis]. Curiously, the
authentic French text of Principle 15 of the 1992 Rio Declaration did
not contain the ‘cost-effective’ US rider (see note 1 above), an
omission for which the 1995 French statute more than compensates.17
as a criterion for distinguishing tolerable from intolerable
risks – so far with less than conclusive results (Fritz-
Legendre, 1998; Prieur,1998).
Germany has had the largest share of court cases involving
the precautionary approach, in response to the plethora of
federal environmental legislation enacted since the 1970s,
much of it sector-specific and anything but uniform or
consistent. Among the most heavily litigated precautionary
laws were the Federal Act for Protection against Pollution
(BImSchG, 1974, article 5/1/2), and the Biotechnology Act
(GenTG, 1990, article 6/2). The overriding tendency of the
courts has been to limit the margin of administrative
discretion which the precautionary principle inevitably
confers and which critics see as potentially ‘boundless’
(uferlos: Rehbinder, 1991, 11). E.g., as regards operating
permits for nuclear reactors, the two leading judgments by
the Federal Constitutional Court (Kalkar case, 1978) and the
Federal Administrative Court (Wyhl case, 1985) ostensibly
confirm the executive’s power to take precautionary measures
18
against identified ‘dangers’ as well as against as yet
unidentified ‘risks’, but then go on to define a lower-level
‘residual risk’ (Rest-Risiko) which the public (and the
plaintiffs adjoining the power plant) will have to tolerate;
and in a more recent decision, the Federal Administrative
Court considered leucemia risks in a power plant’s
neighbourhood too remote to warrant revocation of a lower
court’s permit approval (Krümmel case, 1998). Similarly, in
several appellate judgments concerning electro-magnetic
fields of mobile phone networks, actionable health risks
were distinguished from mere ‘concerns’ (Besorgnis) deemed
insufficient to invalidate operating permits.8 In a case
involving production of erythropoietin (EPO hormone) from
bio-engineered mouse cells, the Administrative District
Court of Giessen held that precautionary measures with
regard to genetically modified organisms were warranted only
“up to a degree which in light of risk assessment on the
8 Decision of 18 May 1993 by the Munster OVG (Administrative Court of
Appeal), Neue Zeitschrift für Verwaltungsrecht [New Administrative Law Review] 12
(1993), 1115; two further judgments reported ibid., 1116-1119 (Di Fabio,
1995); and recent cases following the 1996 German federal regulations on
electro-magnetic fields (Kirchberg, 1998).19
basis of the best available scientific and technological
information is sufficient to ensure control of the risk”
(EPO-Mouse case, 1992; Appel, 1996; Jörgensen and Winter,
1996). And in a landmark case concerning forest damage
attributed to acid rain, the Federal Supreme Court had in
1987 already dismissed attempts at invoking the
precautionary principle as a basis for holding the federal
government liable for ‘legislative inaction’ (Waldsterben
case, 1987; Rest,1997, 414). There is indeed a wide range of
legal and procedural constraints on precautionary action –
including the Administration’s duty to make full use of all
available information; the duty to undertake benefit-risk
assessments; the duty to motivate and disclose assessments;
and general due process rules such as the requirement that
precautionary measures be commensurate with the risk, and
not excessive (Von Moltke, 1988, 68; Rehbinder, 1991, 253;
Ladeur, 1995, 99; Di Fabio, 1996, 572).
That being said, the precautionary principle is alive and
well in Germany. It is perhaps worth recalling that the
20
principle was introduced by a Social-Democrat Government in
the 1970s, and the Social-Democrats are now back in power in
coalition with the Greens. One of their first long-term
policy decisions – to phase out nuclear power production –
was crucially dependent on the Vorsorge-Prinzip as a legal
basis to terminate existing operating permits. The German
Nuclear Energy Act (Atom-Gesetz 1976, article 7/2/3) provides
for ‘conditionally suspended injunctions’ (Verbot mit Erlaubnis-
Vorbehalt) rather than conditional permits, thereby shifting
the burden of proof to the operator. Whether the
precautionary principle will also serve to terminate
Germany’s existing long-term contracts for nuclear waste re-
processing in France and Britain remains to be seen. The
bilateral agreements concluded in 1990 between the German
Nuclear Fuel Re-Processing Corporation (DWK) and its French
and British counterparts (Compagnie Générale des Matières Nucléaires
and British Nuclear Fuels plc), though backstopped by joint
governmental declarations, contain saving clauses in the
event of ‘act or restraint of government’ (‘Gesetze oder
einschränkende Massnahmen der Regierung’ in the German text; Wahl
21
and Hermes, 1995, 34). Significantly, the need to preserve
sufficient flexibility for executive action in transnational
nuclear relations is considered part of the rationale for
the precautionary principle as interpreted by the Federal
Constitutional Court (Kalkar case, 1978, 147).
The legal ramifications of the precautionary principle are
probably most significant when it comes to information
access. It was Peter Bernstein, in his fascinating book
Against the Gods, who said that “risk is not fate, it is
choice” (Bernstein, 1996, 8); and his point seems to be
borne out by anthropologists contending that “we choose the
risks in the same package as we choose our social
institutions” (Douglas and Wildawsky, 1982). It follows
that those who take the risk (and who will potentially
suffer the consequences) should be given equal access to all
information enabling them to know what their choices are.
Hence, information about risk of harm should never be
monopolized, whether by public or private knowledge-holders,
and should by definition be common property.
22
A number of mechanisms are becoming available for this
purpose – from precautionary labelling and life-cycle
product information, to new methods of public and private
risk disclosure. In this regard, most parts of the world
still have a lot to learn from the American experience.
Munich sociologist Ulrich Beck actually considers civil
society ‘disenfranchised in risk matters’ (Beck, 1991b, 68).
Except for Scandinavia, European legal systems have no
equivalent to what has been extolled as “the new Magna
Charta of ecological democracy” (Fischer, 1989, 152): the
US Freedom of Information Act (FOIA, 1966) and its Canadian
counterpart, the Access to Information Act (AIA, 1983), which
together with parallel state/provincial legislation such as
the Ohio Public Records Act and the British Columbia Freedom of
Information and Protection of Privacy Act make government-held
knowledge generally accessible to concerned citizens (CEC,
1999). The European Union’s timid Directive on Freedom of
Access to Information on the Environment (EC Directive 90/313, 1990)
has yet to be transformed into actual administrative
23
practice in most member states (Hallo, 1996; Kimber and
Eckardt, 1999); and the more progressive Aarhus Convention on
Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-Making and Access to
Justice in Environmental Matters (UN/ECE, 1998; Prieur, 1999) has
yet to enter into force.
There is even less international experience with rules on
access to privately-held risk information, by way of
community ‘right-to-know’ and ‘duty-to-warn’ statutes.
Communities outside North America can only dream of the kind
of geographically specific and user-friendly data now
available from the US Toxics Release Inventory (TRI, 1998; Bass
and MacLean, 1993; EDF, 1998) and Canada’s National Pollutant
Release Inventory (NPRI, 1997; UNEP, 1999, 309), which anybody
can download from the Internet. Efforts to extend this type
of risk communication across political boundaries – possibly
through voluntary commitments or ‘codes of conduct’ by
responsible multinational corporations – should be a
priority in making the precautionary principle work
transnationally (OECD, 1998). Rather than the ‘provident
24
state’, it is the provident citizen and the provident
consumer who must be empowered to take informed
precautionary action – so as to exercise the choice of risks
which we are told we have.
25
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