sntirt - forgotten books
TRANSCRIPT
”
(the 1& 3“t Sntirtg.
REPORT FOR 1 8 8 9 .
SINCE th e publication of our last Report we have h ad todeplore th e loss of Sir Hen ry Yule, for many years Pres iden tof the Society. Be sides th e works he edited for our serie s ,
(MARVELS DESCRIBED BY FRIAR JORDANUS CATHAY AND
THE WAY THITHER, 2 vols . ; an d the D IARY OF WILLIAM
HEDGES,3 vols ) , b e revised an d assisted in several of our
re cen t volumes. His learn ing in all that con cern ed th e
ge ography of th e East and h is remarkable memorymade h iswork very valuable .
Shortly before h is death h e se n t for M r . Clemen ts Mark
ham,and expressed the wish that h e should succe ed h im in
th e office of Presiden t . Mr . M arkham kindly con sen ted to
unde rtake these duties,an d was duly elected at a me e ting
of Coun cil on Novembe r 27th ,1 889 . A graceful complimen t
was thus paid to on e who h as worked more for the Societythan anybody else during the many years he held the postof Hon orary Secretary.
We have also to mention with sin cere regret th e death of
Mr . P . A . Tie le , of Utrecht , who, upon the decease of th e
late D r . Coke Buruell, comple ted the editing of LINSCHOTEN’
S
VOYAGE.
Th e Congress Of Orien talists, held at Stockholm and
Christian ia in 1 889, afforded an opportun ity to our Coun cilOf pre sen ting a set Of the Society
’s works to King Oscar II ,Hon orary Preside n t Of that Congress. H is Maje sty was
graciously ple ased to accept this gift, and to express h issatisfaction in adding these books to h is Royal Library.
Th e destruction by fir e of the Toron to Un ive rsity,wh en
the whole of its valuable collection Of books was en tire lydestroyed, led to an appe al being made to the learn ed
Socie tie s in this and other coun tries to come forward with
gifts Of their publication s. Th e Coun cil of the HakluytSociety,
re cogn ising the claims so worthy an Object h ad uponits gen erosity, and taking in to con sideration that this Un ive rsity was among the oldest Of its subscribe rs, authorised the
presen tation Of a set Of its works to the Restoration Committe e . This was accordingly don e, and a grateful ackn owledgmen t has been received by the Hon . Se cretary.
Th e Coun cil is glad to be able to an n oun ce that th efollowing works have been undertaken A n ew edition (th efirst being out Of prin t) Of Sir R . Sch omburghk
’
s RALEIGH ’SEMPIRE OF GUIANA ,
edited by M r . Everard Im Thur n , O f
British Guiana ; THE LETTERS OF PIETRO DELLA VALLE,
tran scribed from the early English version by G. Have rsand edited by M r . Edward Grey,
late Of the Indian
Civil Service ; THE TRUE H ISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OF
NEW SPAIN, by Bern al D iaz, tran slated from the Span ishand edited by Rear-Admiral Linde say Brin e ; THE VOYAGEOF ULRICH SCHMIDT TO LA PLATA
,tran slated from th e
origin al German edition (1 567) and the COMMENTARIES OFCABEZA DE VACA
,GOVERNOR OF THE PROVINCE OF LA
PLATA,tran slated from the original Span ish edition (Valla
dolid 1 555)— the two last edited by D on Luis L . D ominguez,Argen tin e Min ister to theCourtOf St.James
’s,are in progress
and th e VOYAGE OF FRANCOIS LEGBAT TO THE ISLAND or
RODRIGUEZ , edited by Captain S. P. Oliver (n early ready) .
Th e following Members retire from Coun cilMr . CECIL S. FOLJAMBE, M .P
Mr . E . BURNE JONES, and
Mr . TYSSEN AMHERST, M .P.
Th e following are elected in their placeProfessor E. B. TYLER,
D .C.L ,
D r . ROBERT BROWN ,M .A. , Ph .D . , and
M r . E . A . PETHERICK.
Th e Statemen t of Accoun ts shows a balan ce of
£235 1 63. 1 1d. The number Of Subscribers is 278 .
N.B.
—Th e election Of Mr . Markh am to the Presiden cyleaves an other vacancy on the Council not yet filled.
W O R K S I S SU E D B Y
111398 38 5131t 5 0mm.
THE VOYAGE
F RA N CO I S P YR A R D .
NO . LXXX.
TH E VO YAGE“
381 4g
F RANCO I S PYRAR D
O F LAVAL
TO THE EAST IND IES, THE MALD IVES,THE
MOLUCCAS AND BRAZIL .
TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH FROM THE THIRD FRENCH E D ITION OF 16 19 ,
AND ED ITED , WITH NOTES,
B Y A L B E R T G R A Y ,
FORM ERLY O F TH E C BYLO N C IVIL SERVIC E .
ASSISTED
BY H . C . l ’. BE LL ,
0? TH E CEYLO N C IV IL SERV ICE .
I N TWO VOLUrlIES .
— VOL . 1 1 , PAR T
L O N D O N
P R INT E D FO R T H E IIAKL UYT SO C I E T Y,
4, L INCOLN ’
S INN FIELDS,w .C .
LONDO NWR IT ING AND CO . , SARDINIA STREET , L INCOLN'
S INN FIELD S.
C O U N C I L
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
CLEMENTS R . MARKHAM , E SQ. , C .B PRESIDENT .
MAJOR-GENERAL SI R HENRY RAWLINSON ,LL .D . ,
ASSO C IEETRANO EB D R L’
IN STITUT DE F RANC E , V IC E-PRESIDENT .LORD ABE RDARE , LATE PRES. B .G .S .
JOHN BARROW, E SQ. , F .R .S E .S.A .
WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH , E SQ. , F .S .A .
REAR-ADM IRAL L INDESAY BRINE .
ROBERT BROWN , E SQ. , M .A . , PH .D .
TH E R IGHT H ON . S I R MOUNTSTUART E . GRANT DUFF ,
ALBERT GRAY , E SQ.
R . H . MAJOR , E SQ. , P . S.A .
E . A . PETHER ICK , E SQ.
ADM IRAL S IR F . W . R ICHARDS, K .C .B .
LO RD ARTHUR RUSSELL .
E RNEST SATOW, E SQ. , M INISTER RESID ENT IN URUGUAY .
S . W . SILVE R , E SQ.
COUTTS TROTTE R , E SQ.
PROE . E . B . TYLOR , D .C . L .
SI R CHARLES WILSON , R .E . , an d LL .D .
E . DELMAR MORGAN , HONORARY SECRETARY .
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME .
(PART I I . )
AD DENDA ET C ORR IGENDA
H EAD INGS OF CHAPTERS
V OYAGE PART T H E SECOND (continued)
T REATISE O F ANIMALS,T REES, AND FRU ITS
ADV ICE FOR TH E V OYAGE TO TH E EAST IND I Es
D ICTIONARY OF SOME WORDS O F TH E MALD IVE LANGUAGE
APPEND IX
A . Early Notices Of th e Maldives
B. Notice s O f th e Exiled Kings of th e Maldives
C . Th e H istory of Kunhali , th e Gr eat Malabar C orsai r
D . L ist Of Kings Of th e Maldive Islands since th e Conve r
sion to M ahomedan ism
E . D edicatory Epistle to M . Guillaume
G ENERAL IND EX
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
P orte Beuch e r esse , Laval
Maldive Chart Of th e Coasts Of South India and C eylon
to f ace p ag e
Attack on Malé by th e Portugue se unde r D om Fe rr e ira Be lliago
in 1 631 (from th e R ese nde MS. ) to f ace page
Kottakkal, the T own and Fortre ss Of Kunhali , th e Malabar
C orsair (from th e R e sende M S. ) to f ace pag e
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME .
(PART II . )
CHAPTER XXII I.
R e turn Of th e Author .—Th e Island of D iego Rodr igue Sighte d .
—Fearful storm.—P itiab le O ccurr en ce s .
—Th e land Of Natal .—T h e Cape of Good Hope .
—T empe sts and calms
CHAPTER XXIV.
T h e Island of Saint H e le na ; a description t he reof, and what
b e fe ll us th e re
CHAPTER XXV.
D epartur e from Saint H e lena—Accide n t to th e sh ip .—A Fr e n ch
D ive r .—Arrival at Brazil
,an d loss Of th e ship
CHAPTER XXVI .
O f Brazil, and th e singular itie s th e r e of, and what b efell durin g
th e sojour n Of th e Author th e r e
CHAPTER XXVII.
D epartur e from Brazil ; Of Fe r nambuq ; Islands Of th e Acor e s ;
Br e lin gue in Portugal g reat storm th e'
Islands Of Bayon n e ;
journ ey to St. James ; r etur n Of th e Author,and h is ar rival
in Fran ce
TREAT ISE O F ANIMALS,‘
TREES,AND FRUITS.
CHAPTER I .
O f E leph ants and T ig e rs
CHAPTER 1 1 .
O f C rocodiles and Turtle s
CHAPTER I II .
O f th e Fish Of the Indian Sea, and mor e particularly those O f th e
Maldives
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER Iv.
O f Parrots, and a wondrous Bird that is b r ed in C h ina
CHAPTER v.
O f P eppe r and Ginger , Mace and Nutmegs, C loves and C innamon 355
CHAPTER VI .
O f An il or Indigo, Musk , Amb e rgr is, Be n join , Sandal, and M oss
wood
CHAPTER VII .
O f Tamar inds, Cassia, and Mirabolan s
CHAPTER VIII .
O f th e Arb re T r iste , Ebony, Bete l, and th e Cotton -tr e e
CHAPTER IX.
O f Bananas , or Indian Figs and P in e Apple s
CHAPTER X.
O f D arions , Ramboutans , Jacks , an d Mangos
CHAPTER XI .
O f nume rous T r ee s and Plants that g row at th e Maldive s
CHAPTER XII.
A most particular de scription Of th e admirable tr e e that b ears th e
Indian nut,called Cocos
,and alon e produces all commoditie s
and th ings n ecessary for th e life Of man
Advice to those who would unde rtake th e Voyage to th e E ast
I ndies . Th e order and police Ob se rve d by th e Fr e n ch in
th e ir n avigation , th e gr eat faults and e xce sses committe d by
th em , with example s th e r e of , and a word Of caution again st
th e like
D ictionary Of some Words Of th e Maldive Languag e
290 THE ISLAND D IEGO RODRIGUEZ .
Sumatra, and Java. And SO the Portuguese were again at
e ase , and we also.
On the 1 5th March 1 610we sighted the island Of D iego
l’toolr igue ,1 which is at the altitude Of 20degrees south of the
equinoctial lin e, and about 40 leagues east from the islan dOf St. Lawren ce. We sighted it at break of day ; it is
uninhabited.
While in View Of this island we experien ced so heavy and
violen t a storm that we could hardly carry our lower sails .
Th e wind was dead again st us and drove us on the island , sothat we had some difficulty in weathering it. An d muchdid we apprehend to meet our end there, and with good
reason , seeing that the se a was so heavy and tempestuous,the win d so violen t an d con trary, and we driven so closeupon an unkn own islan d. M ost Of the Shrouds both Of th e
mainmast and Of the foremast began to give , thereby causingus great an xiety, for these shrouds ar e the cordage and
tackling that hold an d stay the mast, which withoutthem would not stand uprigh t and steady a Single hour. In
this storm a good marin er fell overboard,an d it being im
possible to save h im , he was drown ed.
Th e storm,after raging for the space Of five days, at length
passed away and left our Ship leaking badly. Our master,fearing that as we coasted the land Of Natal an d roun dedthe Cape Of Good Hope we should meet other storms,as is usual in those parts, ordered all the can n on ,
as also th eboat, to b e taken below, an d the ship to be girt with cablesin th ree places, viz., at the poop,
midships, and bows. Th ese
1 D iego Rodr igue z, in lat. 1 9° 41 ' S. ,
long . 63°
23’E . , is now a British
possession , as a dependen cy Of M aur itius pop . in 1 88 1 , chieflyd e scendan ts Of slave s. It is ch iefly famous as th e hab itat Of th e
e xtinct b ird,the solitair e (Pezophaps solitar ius ), wh ich died out with
its Mauritius cousin,th e dodo , aboutth e e nd Of th e seven te e nth century .
T h e on ly r epr es entation of it is in a cut in L eguat, a copy Of wh ich is
given in th e E ncyc . B r it. (9th edition , art. R e cently a good
many ske letons have b e e n discover ed in th e lime ston e .
THE CAPE SIGHTED . 29 1
cables grip the ship all round on the outside and under thekeel, an d , b eing brought up,
are join ed with two or threeturn s and then made fast by capstan s : they hold thevessel well together. It is with these cables belayed to thean chors that the vessel rides when at an chor :thi s methodof lashing the ship is called Vauter .
l Some days after thisstorm an Indian M etice lady, the wife of a Portuguese lord,wh o was also on board, a han dsome woman aged aboutthirty, was brought to bed ; both she and her child di ed
, and
got n o other burial but to be cast overboard . Soon after Isaw an other piteous acciden t befall on e of the appren tices,wh o was
,on e fin e day, as usual on the main -top. There
being a heavy swell but n o win d , the vessel was roll ing fromside to side as though she would capsize, and this poor boy,
in a heedless momen t, falling upon the deck was dashed to
pieces and killed in a momen t .
At length we skirted the land of Natal, and met with n o
storm un til on th e 8 th of April 1 6 10we sighted the Cape ofGood H Ope .
As we n eared the Cape it became bitterly cold, with muchsn ow ,
frost, and thick fogs. These caused us in tolerabledi stress , for we h ad been so long in India that we hadforgotten what it was to be cold ; moreover, we had only light
garmen ts of cotton and silk , with n othing to keep out thecold and rain ; and the seas so con tinually and in suchvolume swept in upon us that frequen tly I was as thoroughlysoaked as if I h ad just emerged from the deep se a :and
though these cold and wet garmen ts chill ed us to the bon e,we had to let them dry upon us . Nor had I a place to ge tunder cover
,nor any change of clothes or linen . At times
indeed we got fairly warmed by working at the pumps and thebuckets , and by doing other services ; otherwise we h ad di ed
of cold. Nor had we too much to eat—that is, we foreign ers1 Perhaps th e Fr . bitter , to put a pack
-saddle on an an imal ; th e
word is not given in Jal’s Gloss . Naut.
292 HEAVY GALES AT THE CAPE .
on the other hand , in the matter of thirst we were a triflebetter off in the cold weather, for the water was like ice to themouth an d te e th , and so far was bette r to the palate . But I
can n ot de scribe all the hardships and mise ry we en dured inthat Cape passage . Among others, on e day, n ear the Cape ,a strong and violen t gale struck us and split our great yardin twain : this gave us much trouble an d labour
,for the
Portuguese are n ot properly equipped with rigging , materials,or with good tackling , or with rope s and other furn iture
,
as are th e Fren ch and Hollan de rs, so that when any acciden thappen s to the ir ships they ar e grievously thwartedD uring this gale also there fell out a great quarrel an d
dispute , for it being re solve d to je ttison all boxe s,baggage,
an d goods that we re on deck,so as to lighten the sh ip and
save us from peril, they began with th e first and n earest thatcame to h and, whereupon arose such an uproar and mutinyamong the ship
’s company that they came to blows with theircutlasses, and the captain was at length con strain ed to laymady by the heels and put them in iron s . This storm lastedw ell-n igh two whole mon ths, which time we took to doubleth e Cape , accompan ied with many other misfortun es an d
hardships. When we first sighted it, if the fair wind h adcon tinued for but six hours more, we should have doubled itwith good success ; but, when quite close to it, we were drivenfar away. Thus we remain ed till the e n d of May,
unable tomake headway again st the heavy gales an d con trary win dsduring all that time . Th e cause of this misfortun e was thatwe were too late in leaving Goa, it being customary alwaysto set out towards the end of D ecemb er or begin ning of
January. V erily w e were in dire peril, for gales so.heavy
and furious, and of so long duration ,had n ever been seen‘
before, as on e of our pilots said wh o h ad made th e voyagemany a time . Our great yard was brok e n asunde r twice,our sails we re torn more than thirty times, and th reemarin ers and two slaves fell overboard and were drown ed .
A D IFFERENCE or OPINION. 293
Th e ship was so shattered by the sea and leaked in suchsort th at for the remainder of the voyage we could n ot leaveth e two pumps n ight or day. And even so
,the sea came in
in such quantity that we could n ot manage to empty herwith th e buckets, though every on e
,even the captain , worked.
In this extremity, being without remedy,the captain ,
gen tlemen , and merchan ts took coun sel and resolved toreturn to India, seeing we could make no way, and that theKing of Spain forbade any to tarry there attempting to doublethe Cape after the 20th of May. But the master-pilots ,marin ers, and othe r sailors were n ot of this thinking , sayingthat our ship was not fit to return and repass the Natalcoast, where storms are con stan t. Upon which advice we tookresolve to hold on and, awaiting the mercy of God, to battlewith th e sea. We h ad on board a goodly n umber of oflice r s
of sh ips which h ad b een captured or lost, and these preferredrather to die than to return to India
,and of the same min d
were we ; indeed, th e gen eral voice was to get to Portugal or
perish in th e attempt. An othe r argume n t was that it isimpossible for the great Portuguese ships , on accoun t of theirsize
,to take the land at the Cape of Good Hope, as do the
smaller vessels used by the Fren ch and Hollanders in theirn avigation s.Then did an other grievous mischan ce befall us : for , being
quite close to th e shore, a calm overtook us , in such wise thatour sails served us n ought to ge t us back in to the de ep sea.
So were we born e by the curre n t toward the shore an d with in
a great bay, called by the Portuguese Enseada , or, as we say,
an ce .
1 We were then so close to th e shore that we saw n o
prospect of b e ing able to ge t out or to double the two head
lan ds, and our on ly hope was in the mercy of God and in
th e compassion of the inhabitan ts. Everyon e got h is arms
and other things ready, with the in ten tion of attempting toreach the land in case the ve ssel broke up :which even t the
1 Fr . anse , a little bay or cr e ek .
294 THE SIGNS OF THE CAPE .
savage n atives all along the shore awaited in keen expectation ,
an d I believe all the composition we should h ave been ableto make with them would h ave been to b e a meal for them ,
SO eagerly, to judge from the ir appe aran ce , did they await us .
Th e crowd on th e beach was vast beyon d coun ting . Thereupon ,
howeve r, it pleased th e D ivin e goodn ess to save us
from this peril by mean s of a li ttle win d which then arose
an d carried us outside the bay, an d so preserved uS and our
ship .
Th e coast of this Cape is very dangerous by reason of th e
con trary w inds that ve sse ls usually e n coun ter. You see
gre at and h igh moun tain s all of bare rock ,with precipices ,
an d lofty peak s which se em to touch the clouds.Th e first Sign of th e Cape on coming from India is th at
,at
thirty or forty leagues from lan d, you see a vast n umber of
se a-wolves moving in ban ds ; also numbers of great birds,wh ite , like swan s, but with the tips of the tail and wingsblack
,an d on that accoun t called by th e Portuguese Man
ouas dc Vellado, that is , “velvet sle eves” .
1 Th ese wolvesan d birds ar e , as it were, the sen tin els which God h as been
pleased to place there, as also ar e th e Tr ombas,or reeds
,
whereof I have spoken elsewhere .
2 Th e poor marin e rs aremuch con soled thereby, for the se an imals n ever fail to comeand salute the vessels. An d when they are se e n ,
the lead isat on ce tak e n in hand and soun ding proceeds without ceasingun til th e Cape is Sighte d . Also
,when the Portuguese mari
n ers thin k themselves n e ar,in con tin en tly they run to get
re ady their lin e s for the fishing : for it is impossible tocon ceive a greate r quan tity of fish than ex ist in this se a, alle xcellen t an d of all k inds, amongst them on e called Cunallo.
Th ey cast their lin e s sometim e s to the depth of 80 and
100fathom s to catch these fish and on this occasion somewe re caught that four me n could hardly carry. This Cape
Se e vol. i, p . 2 1 .
2 Se e vol. i, p . 20.
REJOICINGS ON DOUBLING THE CAPE. 295
o f Good Hope is called the Lion of the Sea, because it is sofurious.This Cape, or rather that of the Needle s (A iguilles), which
proj e cts still farther , is at 35 degre es from the equin octiallin e towards theAn tarctic Pole that which is properly calledthe Cape of Good Hope, is at degrees. Th e pe ople whichinhabit this coast, and as far as M ozamb ic, are ex ceedingbrutish and un civilised
,utterly dull and without in te lligen ce ,
black and misshapen ,with n o hair upon their he ads, and
with eyes always ble ared .
They cover their shame with beasts ’ Skin s in their n aturalstate . Their back s are covered with a large whole skin ,
join ed at the n eck in fron t ; from it hang the beasts’ tails in
such w ise that from a distan ce the me n themselves seem tohave tails . Th e women have long b reasts, and dre ss in thesame style . They e at human flesh an d be asts ’ flesh all raw,
also guts an d en trails without washing them,like very dogs .
Th e me n have n o othe r arms but certain sharp javelin sw ith iron heads . For the rest, they live without law orreligion ,
and just like beasts .
At le ngth , havin g en dured the travail of so many storms ,it pleased God to se n d us a favouring wind , that so, on th elast day of M ay 1 6 10, we h ad the good fortun e to doublethe Cape . On the morrow ,
finding we had passed it, weindulged the hope of reaching Portugal and re turn ing to theIn dies n o more : for on th e return voyage n on e e n tertainthis hope till they have passed the Cape, eve r expecting tob e obliged to retrace the ir way ; an d in like man n er dothose proceeding from Portugal to th e Indies . On that day,in token of our rejoicing , w e sang a Mass wi th a Te D eum,
so to render th ank s to God . And on the Sun day followingwas repre sen ted a very pretty comedy that h ad be e n got
re ady and rehearse d during the voyage from Goa to theCape , to b e played whe n we passed it ; thus had we gooden tertainmen t for th ree days after passing th e Cape.
RESOLUTION TO MAKE ST . HELENA.
It was indeed an almost impossible and unhoped-for
even t for a ship to pass the Cape so late in the season on
th e return voyage ; and h ad not a fair wind come we h adme t our deaths there without hope of safety, for it wasaltogether out of the que stion to re turn to India, or to sur
vive that passage of Natal, with a ship leaking as did ours .
Three days later that is , about the 5th of Jun e—a coun cil
was assembled to determin ewhetherwe oughttomake straightfor Portugal, that is , if we h ad fresh water en ough , and if our
ship was fit for the voyage , or whether we should go to St.Helen a or the Kingdom of Angola in Africa for refreshmen t.At le ngth , after much discussion ,
it was resolved to makelan d at St. Helena for refr eshme n t and for refitting the ship .
That island was the n earest land, and the wind was fair forreaching it, though it was distan t from the Cape 600leagues.
An other reason was that it lay on our way, whilst Angoladid n ot.
This resolution taken , a fear arose lest we should meetthe Hollan ders at this island ; wherefore all the cann on thath ad b e en put below were remoun ted and the sh ip put inorder for fighting . We h ad in all forty pieces of heavy ironcann on .
CHAPTER XXIV .
Th e I sland of Sain t H elena a descr iption ther eof , and what
befell us th er e.
On the 25th of th e same mon th of Jun e we arrived at
the island of St. Helen a, where we found no ships, but on lysome le tters in the chapel, left by
'
the three other carrack'
sthat had passed there in company. We also foun d someletters left by a caravel sen t by the King of Spain to ge tn ews of us ; having given up hope of our coming , Sh e h ad
gon e home .
298 THE ENGLISH PILOT OF THE CORBIN.
although she was n ot making so much wate r. Th e cause ofthat was that the leaks were stopped with sand, and we wereafraid lest, when Sh e got out in to de ep sea and began tostrain ,
the le aks would reopen and we should thus go to thebottom . Nevertheless, in this state of fe ar and un certain ty,
we made up our min ds to we igh an chor and set sail forPortugal, as our resolution was ; but, as it pleased God, wewere hin dered therein by a strange misfortun e that befellus
,as I shall describe hereafte r.
But before leaving the islan d of St. Helen a I will tellwhat I learn t more particularly of it on my return voyagefor on my first voyage we h ad n ot the same leisure or opportun ity.
This islan d is,as I have already remarked, at some 600
leagues fr om the Cape of Good Hope, in a westerly direction ,
an d some sixteen degrees beyond th e equin octial. It is verydifficult to fe tch on the way to India, and many have soughtit in vain for they take n ot this route on the voyage to theEast, but on ly on th e re turn
,whe refore it was a mere chan ce
that we fell in with it on our voyage out, and the Portugueseand Hollan ders were much surprised. It was also con traryto th e opin ion an d n otion s of our pilot ; for , when we gotclose upon it, our gen eral aske d h im if he h ad ever beenthere b e fore
,an d be ing an swe red ye s , inquire d in what road
stead he ought to cast h is an chor. Th e pilot did n ot kn owwhe re he was , and the in formation was got from h is valet
,
a Hollande r lad, wh o h ad also be e n the re . This cause d our
gen eral to have gre at distrust of this pilot, as being a bad
bargain , an d th is afterwards proved to b e‘ too true. And all
th e while he h ad h is wages of 100 crown s a mon th,h is
bellyful at th e captain’s table , an d h is allowan ce of bread
and a quart of -win e a day, w ith a valet that was rated an d
fed as a marin er ; besides all he h ad alre ady cost for h is ke eping at St. Malo
,for Six or se ven mon ths
,h im and h is wife .
1
1 T h is bad b argain was an En glishman . (Se e vol. i, pp . 49 ,
NATURAL PRODUCTS OF ST . HELENA . 299
This sh ows how carefully the pilots should be chosen for so
importan t a voyage .
But to return to this islan d —it h as a very good roadstead ,an d ships, even carracks, can approach quite close to theland. Th e island is about five or six leagues in circuit. Th e
air is good and healthy, the water very excellen t, descendingfrom the moun tain s in many abundan t streams that fall in tothe se a. On the heights of the moun tain are many ebonyand r ed-wood trees. The re are many sorts of an imals
,such
as goats, hogs , white and r ed partridges, wood-pigeon s,turkeys, pheasan ts,
1etc . O f fruits there ar e lemon s
,oranges,
and figs in great quan tity. All aroun d the island there isan abundan t fish ery among othe rs is on e sort of fish called
by th e Portuguese Queualo, which is of the shape of our
breams ; it is salted and pickled for use at se a. There ar ealso plen ty se a-eels
,and of many kinds.
When the Portuguese approach this islan d they preparetheir lin es for a gen eral fishing an d while some go a-fish ing
oth e rs go a-hun tin g on the moun tain , an d SO they lack n ot
fle sh n or fish . Th e fle sh can n ot be kept for long in salt ;but must b e eaten promptly, or carefully protected from theflies
,otherwise it is soon all covered with worms. Some of
us that kn ew n ot this,an d laid some pie ce s of meat aside
for an hour or two, foun d them afte rwards all full of worms .
Fish,howeve r
,ke eps we ll in salt.
All the island is surroun ded by great rocks again st whichth e sea ever be ats furiously,
and chiefly whe n th e tide risesan d there ar e some grottoes, too , whe re th e water is thusdriven in and from time to time spouts out from a higherven t, an d sometimes it is long ere it is spurted forth ; so itbefalls that
,while it is held the re
,the sun
,which is con tinu
ally beating on th e rocks, forms a very white an d e xce lle n tsalt n o great quan tity,
in de ed, but e n ough for the n on ce .
1 Th e partr idg e is th e Caccabis chullar (Gray) ; th e ph e asan t,orquatus ; the turk ey, Me leagr is gallop avo (Lin n . ) (Ill e lliss , pp. 94,
300 DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLAND .
This island is exceeding small, but h as great commodities,and is ve ry conven ien t for the East India voyage , whi ch itwere very difficult, nay, almost impossible, to make withoutfetching it. So I think th at God h as been pleased to fix itin this place as a halfway house in th e midst of th e greatocean
,that so we should give to all the In dian peoples a
kn owledge of the faith,and obtain kn owledge of all the
wondrous th ings to be seen in those far -distan t lands . To
this e nd h as Provide n ce bestowed upon it all that is best ofair
,earth
,an d water ; and n owh ere in the world
,I believe,
will you find an islan d of its Size to compare with it.
Be fore the Portuguese wen t to the Indie s the re were in thisislan d n o an imals n or fruits
,but on ly fresh water, and the
trees which the soil n aturally produce s.Th e islan d is very dry of itself, ye t it rain s often . Th e
moun tain s ar e ex ceeding high and difficult to climb , and
were it n ot that the vast number Of goats and pigs , bytrampling , wear th e hill- side s in to paths, it would be impossible to ascend
,an d still more to descend . I have often
see n men in such difficultie s that they cried pity, an d but
for timely succour h ad n ever been able to get away. In thevalleys th e heat is exce ssive, while on the moun tain-tops, byreason of the chilling winds, it is wondrous cold . We werecon strain e d to get to the le e of th e win d
,and to make fire s
,
though the sun was at th e time right overhead . Most fr e
que n tly w e h ad to ascend crawling upon han ds and kn e es,and to descen d sliding on our back s. But for these difii
cultie s there h ad remain e d no an imals in the place, for allth e passing Ships would have taken wh at they listed, and
th e Hollande rs, n ow that they go the re regularly, wouldsoon make a Clean sweep. Th e con seque n ce is that n ow
fruits ar e found on ly by ch ance, and most of the trees ar e
broke n down or cut to pieces : for th e passing Ships takeaway the fruits, though still in flowe r , on th e plea that
’
tis
b e tter thus than to leave th em for the Hollanders an d
METHOD OF ENTRAPPING C OATS AND PIGS. 301
English which peoples act in like sort toward the Portuguese.
So is the land changed Sin ce othe rs than the Portuguesehave resorted there. It was a won drous fair prospect at thetime of our arrival in 1 601 , compared with the Se e n e of
ruin— to wit,of the chapel an d th e cross, th e trees and cottages
—that m et my eyes on my return in 1 610. Now there is n ocultivation of fruits and whe reas in former days I observedinfin ite store of mustard, n ow there is hardly any at all.
Th e Portuguese are won t to leave their sick there,an d at
presen t the Hollanders do th e like. Provision s ar e le ft forthem
,such as biscuit and oth er ship
’s victuals as for fleshand fish , they have n o lack . Th e an imals have become
,so
used to it, that whe n th ey see the Ships come in they all
go off to the moun tain s, an d when they see them departthey return to the valleys, an d espe cially to that where thechapel is , which is the fairest and most spacious groun d, andh as always some plan ts growi ng , which they come to e at.
Th e men that are left to sojourn there then catch thesean imals in this crafty wise these garden s ar e en closed withwall s and doors, which they leave open , an d, when the an imalsh ave en tered, a man con cealed at a distan ce draws a cordfas ten ed to the door and Shuts them in thus they catch as
many as they please and let th e rest go. These sick folk sr emain there till other ships come and take them off
,for
w ithout fail they recover their health in that exce llen tclimate , n or has a single man been kn own to die there
,so
far as I could learn . But they must n ot leave there any
e xcept the sick, th e King of Spain having expre ssly forh idden it, for fear lest they Should make themse lves mastersand take possession of the islan d :which would in truth bea grievous hardship to the poor voyagers that come thereworn outwith the travail of ship-life for either theywouldfind n o re freshmen t and n o materials for their refitting, ore lse they would have to pay dearly for th e same, and SO theywould be obliged to leave part of the profits of their voyage
302 PEOPLE NOT ALLOWED To SETTLE ON THE ISLAND .
behind them th ere . I have heard the Por tuguese te ll h owthat once upon a time a certain hermit took up h is abodethere for some years, but th e King of Spain ordered that heb e brought back to Portugal, because he drove a great tradein goats
’ skin s , having kille d so great a number that in timehe h ad certainly cleared th e islan d .
1 They told me alsothat at an other time two men and two women
, all of themslave s, escaped and hid themselves in this island, and werethere a long wh ile ere they could b e foun d, for when theysaw any ships in the offing they wen t an d hid themse lves inthe boskiest and most in accessible places . There theyin creased and multiplied even to the n umber of twen ty, and
made the island on e great waste ere they could b e caught ;but at last they were taken ,
an d Sin ce then there has beenn o inhabitan t. When the vessels arrive there all go ashore
,
some to the chase,some a-fish ing , others to ge t water, to
wash lin en , to gather fruits, herb s, mustard, e tc . , everyon e forhimself. Mass is celebrated every day, and every man
receives the sacramen t. All that land there out of con ce itcut their n ames on the bark of a fig
-tree, which endure as
long as the tree itself ; the letters ar e scored across eachother sometimes half a foot in length . Some of these in scription s are of the years 1 51 5 an d 1 52
Two Portuguese men and two slaves along with an Indian
woman of our Ship h ad made a secret design to remain at
this islan d, an d h ad even got ashore all their baggage, andh ad con cealed themselves in the moun tain s
,with some pro
vision of arquebuses, ammun ition , an d fi sh ing-lin es, but they
were discovered an d brought back to the ship.
1 Lin schoten says th is h e rmit sold at leas t five hundr ed or six
hundr ed skin s a year .
3 All this de scription of St. H e le na follows close ly that O f Lin schote n ,
whi ch Pyrard or h is patron s must h ave r ead .
AN ACCIDENT To THE ANCHOR . 303
CHAPTER XXV .
D epar tur e fr om Sain t H elena —Acciden t to th e ship—A
F r en ch diver .—A r r ival atBrazil, and loss of th e ship .
On the poin t of our departure from the island of St.
Helena an accide n t happen ed that was like to ruin us . We
h ad weigh ed our an chor at the Shore e n d, and were about toweigh that toward th e se a, when by ill-luck this latter wasfound to be fouled with an old cable wh ich h ad been at thebottom of the se a a long while . This cable h ad b e en left,as was said, by some Hollander ships it caused our an chorto run along its whole length , while we though t it was stillholding to the bottom, an d so the mischief arose.
Th e con sequen ce was that the more force we applied then earer our sh ip approached the Shore . This we did n ot
n otice till we were quite close in then the captain , pe rce iv
ing the cause, gave order to cut the cable forthwith,and to
leave the an ch or behind and to set sail at on ce. Th e foresailand Spritsail were immediate ly set but this we h ad hardlyman aged ere the wind, which h ad till n ow b e en Off sh ore
,
sudden ly changed, and, coming from the sea, drove the shipon the ground, where Sh e lay bedded in Shallow water forthe space of five hours. We were at our wits’ end, especiallywhen we saw some of the planks and boards of our hullcome off, and, indeed, we gave ourselves up for lost . How
ever, we lighten ed th e Sh ip of the fresh water we h ad Obtain edat the islan d, and of some other thin gs of small value, an dth en sen t some an chors far out to sea, so as to work the Shipout by hauling . So
,after many prayers to God, an d after
much travail , at length she began to float, and was workedout to sea.
They had brought to the foot of the mainmast the imageof Notre D ame de Jesus, from whom the ship was n amed ,
304 INVOCATION OF OUR LADY AND ST . FRANCIS.
and all the company invoked h e r with prayers. The Fran
ciscan s , too , th at were on board brought the image of St.
Fran cis and h is girdle, and so , after much hard work and
easing the ship, we began to take heart. There were manywh o said they h ad ob served a fish all the time at the rudder,and that as soon as the image and girdle of St. Fran cis werebrought it made off. Some did therefore believe that St.
Fran cis h ad don e this miracle ; others, however, held that itwas Notre D ame de Jesus ; but in this dispute I thoughtour preservation was due to th e hand of the Almightyalon e .
1
M eanwhile the Ship was making much more water than
usual,and we doubted whether we ough t n ot to remain at
the island : and what is more , we h ad no fr esh water, n orany casks to Obtain it withal. Hereupon a coun cil beingassembled, it was settled that we should remain ,
dischargethe ship on the islan d
,and make a pinnace of the galion ,
which was to make for the Bay de Todos San tos , on the Brazilcoast, with some of our crew they were to look out for otherships and get them to come and take off the rest of us , an dthe merchandise, can n on ,
and furn iture of the carrack ,which
was to b e left where it was . But at a subsequen t coun cilit was resolved to ve n ture to reach the said Bay of All Sain ts,wh ich is the capital town of Brazil
,and where the Portuguese
viceroy resides, a distan ce of 550leagues .This resolution taken , it was deemed un advisable to leave
behind a little image in relief of the child Jesus, which a
Portuguese gen tleman h ad presen ted to the chapel of theisland. Everyon e said that had b een th e cause of our mis
fortun e, and that the image of Our Lady,which we had
, was
n ot willin g to leave her son behind her. Having determin ed
1 P . D ella Valle r e lates that wh en h e was on a Portugue se sh ip,wanting a good win d , th e sailors , as was th e ir last r esort in such cir cum
stances,bound the imag e of St. An thony, as it we re to impr ison h im
till h e should g rant th e ir praye r .
306 DEPARTURE FROM ST . HELENA.
w e Should have been lost. Th e rudder h ad been thus badlyinjured by th e storms at the Cape of Good Hope . Whe n itscondition was discovered
,we had to un fix it with great
trouble, which was all we could do with the two capstan sand all h ands
,so he avy and un wie ldy was it. By good
fortun e , some suitable bolts an d hinge s we re foun d h an dy ;for the Portug uese carry n o armourer or blacksmith as we
do. Whe n it was men ded and refitted, a colle ction was madeth roughout the Sh ip on behalf of our St. Malo diver ; he gotn o mon ey,
but In dian me rchan dise,such as cotton ,
clothsand cin namon , amoun ting in all to twe lve or fifte en crown sworth.
All this don e, and the Sh ip being refitted, after a de lay of
ten days Sin ce the acciden t, we took in as much fresh wateras we could, an d at le ngth se t sail from St. He len a
,with th e
in ten tion to make straight for Brazil. It was n ow the 14thof July, an d by God
’s grace we h ad the win d fair, othe rwisewe had without doub t be e n lost . We we re also obliged totow our boat or galion beh ind us with a he avy cable
,though
this is again st th e ordinan ces of the King of Spain , and in de ed ,
except for taking in water an d re fre shmen ts at St. He le n a,
th ey would have left it at Goa. Th e custom and th e e x
press orde rs ar e to Sink it,or break it up at that islan d,
because sometimes the boat is th e cause of a vesse l’s loss ,inasmuch as it makes the captain s, Officers, and chief me n
of a ship careless, out of th e confiden ce th ey h ave of escaping in the boat, as soon as th ey see th e Sh ip in dange r ,
in stead of using all the ir e n e rgies to save the Ship. We
thus made a good voyage from St. He le n a to the land of
Brazil,crossing over in about twenty-four days :yet was it
n ot without much fear an d apprehen sion ,for we n eve r left
the pumps the whole time , so Shattered and leaky was our
vesse l.On the 8th August w e began to Sight the coast of Brazil
,
which is very white, like sheets, or ble ach ed cloth s,or
ARRIVAL AT BAHIA. 307
sn ow ; wherefore the Portuguese call it the land of She ets .
When we first Sighted it we we re ye t twelve league s Off.On the 9th of th e said mon th w e cast an chor at four
le agues distan ce from th e en tran ce of th e bay, which we
dared n ot en ter, as we did n ot kn ow it,our pilot saying he
h ad n ever bee n the re . Th e galion was therefore de spatchedwith seven or e ight han ds to give word of our coming to th eV ice roy, and to ge t pilots to take us in . M eanwh ile
,as we
awaited th e re turn of the galion ,the cable of our an chor by
misfortun e broke th rough wearing upon a rock in the s ea ;
the wind was then from th e sea,and was like to drive us
ashor e , and we were in gre at peril . AS soon as it was pe r
ce ived that we were n earing th e shore, we set sail, and thus
got out to se a again ,and there awaited the galion
’s re turn .
Th e following n ight we saw Signal-fire s , which were to in form
us that three caravels were on their way to succour us withrefreshmen ts
,an d pilots to take us in . When the se at length
arrived we were all greatly rejoiced, se eing it was n ow six
mon ths sin ce we h ad left Goa , an d we we re accordinglyutterly exhauste d with the labour s of the se a. There remained
of our company about 550pe r son s, m e n and wome n,whe reof
th e most part were sick .
On the 10th,in the morn ing , we e n te red th e bay on the
n orth Side . O n th e Shore on the right-han d is a fortressand a fin e church of St. An thony,
where ar e a numbe r of
monks,whom w e saluted with a volley of can non . The
en tran ce of the bay is about te n league s in width. Aboutmidway across is a little island , four league s or so in circuit,and vessels can en te r on e ithe r Side of it. We took th e
n orthe rn course,th e safe r of the two, and proce eding up
three le agues we cast an chor, an d again with our can n on
saluted the town an d th e vice roy,where to the vice roy
r espon ded with a salute of all h is can n on . This was followed
by much cann on ading and fireworks , which lasted all th e
n igh t long.
308 ABANDONMENT OF THE CARRACK.
Th e n ext day,the 1 1 th ,
the Coun cil ordered that the sh ipb e got n eare r in
,b e cause we were n ot safe where we were ,
both on accoun t of th e English an d Hollan de rs, an d of th e
weather ; whe re fore we we ighed our an chors , so as to ge tn eare r the town ; an d while we were under sail , the V ice roy an d
some of th e Ch ief men of the town were coming to visit us .
But just as th ey were about to board us,by misch an ce our
ship took th e groun d on on e of th e many san d-banks whichar e a gr e at danger in this bay. Th is we could n ot havefore seen
,though we h ad two good pilots of the country.
The re appe aring n o mean s whatever of saving th e Sh ip ,
although we worked hard for the‘
Space of Six hours, we we readvised, in orde r to save th e merch an dise and th e company,
to cut down th e mainmast, which was don e forthwith . Th e
vice roy in con tin en tly de spatche d th ir ty or forty caravels andothe r small craft, wh ich clustered round the carrack , torece ive th e company an d the goods . Wh en th e goods we re gotin to the carave ls
,and th e ship thus lighten ed , she began to
float, an d approache d with in can n on -Shot of th e town ,whi ch
is calle d Sain al Salvador .
M e anwhile our ship was in worse state than eve r,an d
was making water at such a rate that the re was n o hope ofmoving her from where sh e was
,still less of ge ttin g h e r to
Portugal. SO it was re solved to discharge her e n tirely, andto land the remain de r of the goods . Upon our arrival, a
despatch carave l had been sen t off to Lisbon ,to take the
n ews of our coming to Brazil, an d the condition we were in .
Wh ereupon the King of Spain sen t out a number of galion sand caravels to br ing home all the can n on and mun ition s ofwar
,along with th e crew and me rchandise, for it was foun d
that the Sh ip was use less by reason of the heavy storms sheh ad e n coun tered, let alon e the fact th at she h ad taken th e
ground two or three times, and h ad h e r mainmast out. Our
Fren ch carpen ter did good service also on this occasion ,for
he was required again to dive in order to get th e cable s
RECEPTION BY THE GOVERNOR . 309
down to th e bottom of the sea,SO as to re cover the an chors,
rudder, and other things n eeded :for this service the viceroygave h im fifteen crown s
,and told h im if he wen t to Portugal
he would get the equivalen t of 1 50crown s to en sure whichthe viceroy and the captain gave h im a cer tidon or certificate .
They told us that h ad he be en a Portuguese he would have
got more th an 300ducats, and would, moreover , have obtain edan Office on board a Portuguese ship boun d for India.
AS soon as we set foot on land in this bay, an d at the cityof S. Sa lvador , my compan ion s and I sought the viceroy,
and showed h im our passport, gran ted by th e viceroy and
the Viador de fasienda of Goa on sight whe reof he received
us with much courtesy, and bade us come and eat, drink ,
and Sleep at h is house. This we did, and, for tun ately for us ,this vice roy h ad a Floren tin e maitr e d
’
hotel wh o h ad bee n
in Paris, an d proved a good friend to us all the time we
were the re . But I will postpon e for the n e xt chapter all
that I remarked of this lan d of Brazil durin g our sojourn
there.
CHAPTER XXVI .
Of Brazil, and the singular ities th er eof , and what bef ell duringth e sojour n of th e Author ther e .
Th e Bay of All Sain ts in Brazil is 50or 60leagues broad,situate in the altitude of 1 3 degr ees from th e equinoctialtoward the south. In this bay are many little islands ;among othe rs, on e they call l
’
I sle des Fr an eois , be cause theFren ch w e re the first to discover Brazil, an d here theyre tired for security from the ambuscades of th e savages.In to this bay fall many fin e rivers, which ar e n avigable
far in land for boats and barques, and serve to supply thecoun try with commodities .
310 DESCRIPTION OF BAHIA.
Th e city of St. Salvador1 is high-
pitched on the summitof a moun tain of diffi cult ascen t , which on th e seaside issheer . Eve rything brough t to the town or exported in grossh as to be raised or lowered by a certain engin e . NO waggon sar e use d
,b e cause it we r e too trouble some an d expe n sive ,
where as by this machin e th e cost is Slight .
At the foot of this moun tain ,for more than a quarte r of
a league, ar e we ll-built houses on both h ands, forming a longand han dsome stre et
,we ll crowded with all man n er of
me rchan ts, craftsmen , and artisan s. There also ar e th e
cellars an d warehouses for th e receipt an d despatch of me r
ch an dise,wheth er of th e king or of private person s. And
1 Th e following de scr iption of mode rn Bah ia is perhaps th e b e st com
mentary on th e above
“ Along th e shor e is th e C idade Baixa, or lowe r town , th e mor e
an cient portion Of th e city. H e re ar e th e lofty ston e house s of th e Old
colon ists,with an tique church es of massive and quaint arch itectur e .
T h e lowe r city is built on a n arrow str ip of land along th e wate r at
th e foot of a ste ep b lack clifl some 240 fe e t h igh . O n e g r eat str e et
str etch e s along th e b e ach , kn own as th e Praya ; it is four mile s lon g ,
with a tramway run n ing down its e ntir e le n gth . This P raya pr esen ts
a ve ry an imated appe aran ce , for h e r e ar e th e huge stor e s,magazin e s ,
and war ehouse s,an d along th e quays are moor e d th e native craft,
th e que er e st imaginab le , with th e ir gaudy paint, lofty ste rn s,strange
r ig , an d s emi-nude n e gro cr ews . Be hin d th is Praya , as I said, r ise s
a cliff,n ot a smooth bar e cliff
,but rugg ed , with quaint h ouses let
in to it,an d r ich vegetation fi lling eve ry cr evice . O n th e summit of
th is clifi is th e plain , on wh ich is built th e C idade Alta,or uppe r
city, w ith its n ar row stre ets , n ear ly e ach with its tramway-lin e,its
b road squar es, and th e cath edral. A ste ep r oad winds from th e Praya
to th e uppe r city ; but th e r e is also an oth e r mean s of ascen t pr e
par ed for an indolen t population ,that will n ot walk te n yards if such
ex e rtion can b e avoided . From th e se a an imposing-lookin g towe r is
ob se rvab le , built fr om th e lowe r town to th e uppe r , alon g th e cliff -side ,
and te rminating in a b road platform on th e summit. T h is is th e
E levator,or par af usa , as it is called
,b e in g me r ely on e of our now
common hydraulic h ote l-lifts on a larg e scale . A smar t Yan ke e h it
upon th is speculation , and it has proved successful.”
(E . F . K n igh t,
Cr uise of the Fa lcon , pp . 57 Pyrard shows that th e smart Yanke e’
s
n otion must b e con siderably antedated .
DESCRIPTION OF EAHIA. 31 1
by this engin e whereof I h ave spoken th e merchandise israised up in to the town , according as it is sold for distr ibution . To lift a cask of win e costs 20 sols
, an d th e same tolower it : that is , 40 sols a turn ; for every time a cask orother weighty thing is raised, an other of th e same we ight islowe red. It is like the two weights that asce nd and desce ndin a we ll, and is in the fashion of a cran e.
Th e city is walled and we ll built ; it is a b ishopric , an dcon tain s on e college of Je suits1 (beside s others in thecoun try) , a monastery of Fran ciscan s, an other of Be n e
dictin e s , an other of Carme lite s :all these have handsomelybuilt churches. Great numbers ar e con tinually conve rted tothe Christian religion ,
albeit they are n ot so firm in th e faithas are th e East Indian s after their baptism, but remain as
fickle an d hare-brain ed as before .
There is a hospital in the town , ordered after the man n e rof Spain and Fran ce . Also a Misericordia, and a very fin ecathedral church or Assee, with a dean an d can on s
,but n o
Inquisition ,
2 for which cause there are the re great numb ers
of Ch r istianos nuevos—that is , Jews, or Jews turn ed Christian .
Itwas said the King of Spain de sired to establish it, where at
all these Jews took great fright. For the rest,th e Por tu
gue se in Brazil conduct themselves in all respects as in
Portugal, an d n ot as in th e East Indies. Th e King of
Spain main tain s in the town of St. Salvador three compan ies
of in fan try of 100 men e ach ,whereof on e is on guard
every day at the residen ce of the viceroy, or Govern or of
Brazil.Th e coast of Brazil exten ds about 800or 900league s . It
is a rough and savage coun try,well-n igh all covered with
woods and even about and around th e town s it is all for e st,
swarming with apes and monkeys, which work much misch ie f ; also other an imals an d b irds.
1 Now used as a hospital.
2 Bahia larg ely owed its prospe r ity to th is fact.
31 2 THE SUGAR TRADE.
Th e Soil is un fruitful,and suflice s not to main tain th e
Portuguese , all k inds of provision s being importe d fromPortugal, th e Azores
, and th e Can ary Islands ; in somuchthat
,were it n ot for the quan tity of sugar made in Brazil
,
it were usele ss to live there . Th e poun d of sugar is soldthere at two sols six de n ie rs ; an d what in the way of pro
vis ion s or clothes we can buy in Fran ce for five sols, is worthforty in Brazil. Th e coun try
’s riche s lie prin cipally in sugars,wherewith
,as I have said elsewhe re
,the Por tuguese lade
their ships. I believe the re is n o place in all th e worldwhere sugar grow s in such abun dan ce as there . In Fran cewe hear on ly of the sugar s of M adeira and of th e island of
St. Thomas ; but these ar e n othing in comparison with that OfBrazil
,for in th e islan d of M ade ira there ar e but seven or
eight sugar-en gin e s, an d but four or five in St. Thomas.Ther e is indeed a large quan tity refin ed in those two islan ds ,b e ing carried there for th e purpose. But in 1 50 leagues ofth e coast of Brazil there are to my kn owledge n earlyand the whole coast is n early 800le ague s. Ye t is n ot all there st of th e coast like th e se 1 50 le ague s, whereby I meanfrom 25 league s this side of Fer n ambn q to the distan ce of
25 leagues beyon d the Bag/a de Todos San tos . Each of theseengin es or m ills turn s out yearly about ar r obes of
sugar (an arrobe weighs 32 pounds, and four arrobes go to a
quin tal, wh ich fe tche s 1 5 fran cs on th e spot) . It is sold tous in Fran ce for Made ira sugar , an d is as good ; but it isrefin ed an d made in to Shape here, it h aving been n ecessary,
in orde r to pack it in che sts,to break it up an d poun d it ;
whereas , as loaf, it could n ot b e pack ed, an d half h ad beenlost. For the se reason s it is refin ed afterwards . Neve rth e
le ss, the sugar itse lf, if brought over in loaf, would be b e tte r ,being pure r , for the refin ers h e re add an equal portion of
alum an d lime .
1 Lope z Vaz, some twe nty year s b efor e this, state s that th e r e we r e
forty sugar-mills in th e town of Bah ia itse lf .
314 EXTENT OF THE PORTUGUESE OCCUPATION.
levies n o dues, subsidies, or imposts upon any man n er of
merchandise sold retail in th e coun try. M oreover,th e Sites
for the ir man sion s cost them n othing, for they pay n e itherre n t n or tax . Imports an d exports pay but th re e pe r cen t
,
an d all goods, whether sugars or fruits, th e produce of thecoun try, pay on ly th e tithe, which the King of Spain h as
obtain e d of the Pope for the following cause Som e coun tr ie sar e i'ich and oth ers poor thus the ecclesiastics would be inthe on e case rich and in th e other poor , though the ir cure smight be the same.
1 Whe r e fore they are all paid alike,th at
is , according to their rank an d office, so that n on e hath
groun d of complain t.In n o coun try that I have seen is silver so common as in
this lan d of Brazil ; it come s from the river of la Plata, 500
le agues from this bay. You n e ver see small mon ey the re,but on ly pieces of eight, four, and two reals ; also of on e
re al, which is worth five of our sols. They bring th e se
pie ce s 82 five sols an d of six blanks to Portugal to se ll th e refor small mon ey, and make profit thereby. The re they use
little other mon ey than silve r.Th e Portuguese lack me n to people this lan d of Brazil ;
th ey hold all the coast , along which are a numbe r of town s ,fortr e sses , an d n oble man sion s, and about 20 or 30 le ague sof th e coun try inland. Some of the lords have greatdomain s
,with many sugar-mills,
°
which th e King of Spain
h as given them in recompen se for some particular se r vice .
The se domain s carry with them a title of some dign ity,such
as baron , coun t, etc . Th e said lords demise the se lan ds toothe rs, wh o ar e willing to live upon them and plan t thesugar-can e, on condition of bringing the can e to th e mills ore ngin es of the said lords, an d receiving its price. They also
1 A diffe rent r eason is assign ed by th e Carmelite Philippus a San ctiss.
T r in .
“ In India th e king colle cts th e tith e through his m in iste rs ; for
inasmuch as th e g reater part of h is subjects ar e Gentiles , th e king’
s
office rs can perform that task mor e easily than th e e ccle siastics .
”
(Fr en ch
tran s , p .
THE CASSAVA PLANT . 31 5
give them licen ce to cut timber for the use Of the millfurnaces , an d pay them the same price as if it h ad been gote lsewhere. Th ey build fin e man sion s on their domain s
,with
garden s an d all mann er of fruit-trees , and re ar much cattle,
poultry, etc .,as do our farme r s here. They also plan t rice ,
millet,maize , th e Mandoc root, batatas , an d oth e r vegetables .
For the re st, the revenues of Brazil are more th an sufficien tto main tain all th e garrison s , the viceroy, govern or s, captain s ,soldiers, and judiciary— inde ed, all the royal officer s n or is
there any n ee d to send mon ey from Portugal for these pur
poses . On th e con trary, the King Oi Spain draws large
an nual profits as well from th e Brazil-wood as from dues on
sugars and other merchandises.
Th e Brazilian s an d likewise the Portuguese there, for theirsustenan ce (inasmuch as bread is very scarce and dear, an dflour h as to be imported ready-made from Portugal) make akind of flour of the root of a tre e called Mandoc
,
1 which th ey
1 Th e we ll-kn own cassava-plant (M anihot utiliss ima ) . T h e r e fer ence
in the text to th e n utr itive and poisonous qualitie s of this plan t will
b est b e e xplain ed by a de scription of its pr eparation by th e Indian s of
Guiana. T h e roots ar e first pe e le d and th en scraped upon a g rate r .
Th e cassava th en,in th e form of pulp, is collected and placed in a
matapie”
,or cassava-sque e ze r , wh ich han gs from th e roof. Th is is a
cylinde r e ight fe e t long and fi ve or six in che s in diamete r , made of closely
woven strips of pliant bark. Th r ough a loop at th e lowe r e nd of th e
matapie”is th rust a h eavy pole , on e end of which is allowed to r e st
on th e ground , faste n ed by a h eavy ston e ; the oth e r e nd , passed th rough
th e loop , b e ing in air . A woman th e n sits upon the raised e nd of the pole ,
and by h er we igh t str etch e s th e “ matapie” downwards . Th e pr essur e
thus exe rcis ed forces th e poisonous juice of th e cassava th rough th e wallsof th e “matapie
”. T h is juice , colle cted in a pot on th e ground , is b oiled ,
and b ecome s cassa r eep , a th ick , tr eacle-like liquid wh ich is no longe r
poisonous . T h e cassava , now dry and fr e e from juice,is taken fr om
th e matapie”
,b roke n into a sie ve and sifted
,so that it b e come s a
coarse flour . T h is is e ith e r wrapped in le ave s and put away for future
use , or is at on ce made into b r ead . Wh en made in to th in cakes,don e
upon a griddle or flat plate , and th e n sun -dried , th e cassava br ead is
de scr ib ed , by th e travelle r from whom th is accoun t is borrowe d, as
h aving th e flavour of fre sh ly-gath e red nuts . (E . F . im Thurn
,Among
the Indians of Guiana ,London ,
1 883,8 vo . , pp . 260
31 6 PROVISIONS AND THEIR COST.
e at and live upon ; it eats well crummed with meat, being likedried chestnuts bruised . I have lived upon this fare in lieuof bread for six mon ths—that is
,in the coun try and aboard
ship— ou my re turn home , when we h ad n o other biscuit.This root has a strange prope rty : eaten in a dry powde r it isvery wholesome , whereas e ate n gre en it will kill you. Ther eis such store of it that they lade cargoes of it for th e k ing
dom of Angola, on th e Guin ea coast,when ce come the Slaves
for the West Indie s .As for flesh , the common est is pork ,
which is exceedinggood, SO much SO that the physician s orde r it for th e sickrathe r than mutton
,chicken
,or othe r. For all that
,living
is vastly dear in Brazil. A poun d of pork costs 10 sols,of
beef 7 sols 6 den ie rs, of mutton 10sols ; a fowl like oursa crown . The re are n umb e rs of turk eys} wh ich th e Por tu
gue se call P er on ; they cost two crown s apiece . You ge t a
couple of eggs for five sols , and a pot of Canary w in e for 40.
They make also a cheap k ind of win e from th e sugar-can e ,but that is on ly for the slaves an d n ative s. There is abundan ce of fruit
,such as orange s, lemon s , ban an as, cocos, etc .
Th e Portuguese have fin e garden s well stocked with e x celle n t vege tables, such as lettuces, cabbages, capital me lon s
,
cucumbers,radishe s
, e tc . Th e Vin e does n ot succeed th e re,because of th e in numerable an ts which eat the fruit. Th e reis a kind of rice
,like ma iz or Turkey wh eatz ; but it is on ly
1 In or ig . p oulies d’Inde . Th e Por tuguese is Per u . Th e turkey is
an Ame rican b ird . Our n ame turkey”is as e r ron e ous as th e n ame s
g ive n in oth e r languag e s than ours to maize (se e b e low) but D e Can
dolle (Or ig . of Cult. P lants,Inte rn . Sc . Se r .
, p. 389) goe s too far inascr ibing a similar e rror to th e Fr en ch poule d
’
In de”
:h as h e for
g otte n that th e r e ar e two Indie s
2 No doubt maize itse lf :th e passag e is curious as showin g th e e ff e ct
of an e rron eous n ome n clatur e . Maize—th e plan t as we ll as th e name
- is in dig e n ous to Ame rica, and was unknown in Europe be for e th e
discove ry Of th e N ew World . It was in troduced in to th e se ve ral
countrie s of South e rn Europe and took dive r s name s,th e most w ide
spread b e ing that g ive n by th e Fr en ch,blé de -Turquie . T h e fi rst
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BRAZILIANS. 31 7
given to cattle . Th e Span iards in th e We st Indies do n ot so,
for th ey mix it with corn and mak e bread of it. There is avery profitable fish e ry of whale s
,from which oil is drawn in
such great abundan ce that they lade ships with it an d dr ivea very gre at comme rce there in .
Th e Brazilian n ative s wh o live among the Portugue sesubsist more upon fish than on augh t else . They do but
little in th e way of hun ting , th e coun try bein g so woody an d
full of w ild beasts that they se ldom ven ture the re for fe ar ofbeing eate n .
Th e coun try is thickly people d ; the n ative s ar e of middle
stature,big
-headed, large - shoulde red, an d of a re ddishcomplexion . Th e wome n are equally we ll-proportion e d ;th ey wear th e hair long , whe re as th e me n we ar th e irs shor t.Th e me n have n o pride in beards, whe re fore th e wome n pluckth em out for them . The y go as n aked as wh e n they came
from their mothe r ’s wombs :n ak ed ar e they born , n aked theylive
,and n ak ed they di e ; on ly th e ir private parts they cover .
Such as ar e in th e service of the Portugue se w e ar a whiteshirt.They h ave n either flax n or Silk . Be it added
,that they
have all things in common ,having n o prope rty of patr i
mon ial lan ds. Nor have they any form of marriage , all
man n er of lewdn e ss be ing permitted ; an d it is th e wome n
that ar e most addicted to lech e ry. They can have as many
wives as they list , an d in their in tercourse ar e regardle ss of
kin ship, an d that as publicly an d sh ame le ssly as if theywere brute beasts . This I he ard from r e side n ts in th e
inn er coun try, for those that live among the Portugue se ar e
occur ren ce of th is nam e is in Rue llius , D e Nat. Stirpium By
the e nd of th e cen tury pe ople h ad g rown up to r egard it as T urkish
wheat ; and Pyrard , wh e n h e goe s to Brazil, finds a kind of r ice like
maiz” . D e Candolle n otes some of th e oth e r e rron e ous assignme nts
of or ig in :thus , in Lor rain e , maize is calle d Roman corn in Tuscany,
Sicilian corn in th e Pyr en e es , Span ish corn . l n Sicily, as in E ngland ,
it is mor e corr ectly called Indian cor n .
31 8 CANNIBALISM.
more civilised. They have n o temples or religion ,worship
ping n either god n or idol. They carry on n o comme rce , n orare acquain ted w ith mon ey. Ye t ar e they given to war , fortheir arms using bows an d arrows and massive club s of
Brazil-wood,wherewith they slay on e an oth er, tearing the
flesh of their en emies, and roasting and eating it as dain tyfood ; and white men
’s fle sh they relish more than othe rs. I
have heard it said by some that were baptised (a gre atn umbe r having been converted by th e Jesuits) , th at theyh ad eate n many me n
,an d that the most delicate parts were
the hands and feet.l
Th e Portuguese n ever go without the town s save w itharms, for fear of me e ting these savages in the forests .
The se people live long by reason of th e excelle n t air ;’
tis
said they live to full 1 50years . They ar e also ve ry healthy ;
you n ever see any Sick,and when any fall ill they cure
themselves with the juice of certain herbs which they kn owto be suitable to them ; n or have they any physician s orsurgeon s ?
All about this bay they ar e much subject to the small-pox ,
but, forasmuch as they possess the Gayac,3 which promptlycures them,
they think little of this ailmen t.
1 For a similar statement se e Han s Stade , Jour na l, p . 93, wh e re
Burton quote s a h or r ible an e cdote from Vascon e llos (i, In
modern times the same appe ars in St. John’s Hayti, or the Black
Republic .
2 Much th e same account of th e Brazilian s was given a hundr ed
years b efor e Pyrard’s time Women and men appear e ith e r entir ely
n ake d or clad with inte rwoven leaves and th e feath ers of b irds of
var ious colours . T hey live tog eth e r in common , without any r e ligion
or k ing . Th ey ar e continually at war among th ems e lve s . T hey eat
th e human flesh of captive s . T h ey exercise so much in th e salub rious
air th at th ey live mor e than on e hundr ed and fifty years . T h ey ar e
r arely sick,and th en th ey cure themse lve s sole ly with th e r oots of
plants .
"(Note on Ruysch
’
s map contain ed in Ptolemy’
s G eogr aphy,R ome
,1 508
, quoted in We ise’
s D iscove r ies of Amer ica , 1 884, p .
3 Gaiacum oflicinale , L .
THE JIGGER OR CHIGOE . 31 9
There is another malady, called by th e Portuguese Bisch e}which causes he adache and pain s in th e limbs
,resulting ,
if
not promptly remedied , in an ulcer at th e anus,and in death .
When on e is se ized with it,forthw ith for remedy he applies
a quarter of a lime or Citron to that part three or four time s,and so cures it spee dily. On e of my compan ion s fe ll ill ofthis complain t, an d cured himself with this recipe .
Ther e come also a man n e r Of worms2 on th e feet,which
with time grow as big as th e tips of the finge rs ; an d if theybe n ot ex tracted , produce large ulcers and gangren e, butw ithout pain . I have se en some lose the ir fe et by them , ye t
ar e they e asy to e xtract if on e kn ows th e me thod. For thiscause e ve ry four days everyon e e xamin es h is feet an d castsout the se creature s . They live on th e groun d ,
an d attachthemse lve s to th e fe e t of such as go bare foote d, wh o ar e themost liable ; for these worms le ap like fle as and bite folk ’slegs . I was myse lf much afflicted with them
,an d h ear
the ir mark s on my legs an d fe et to this day.
Th e propertywhereof the Portuguese in Brazil make mostaccoun t is that of Slaves from the coast of Afr ica an d th e
East In die s, be cause they durst n ot attempt to e scape, seeingthey would be caught and eaten by the n atives of thecoun try. Th e n atives are n ot at all prized as slaves , inasmuch as they work n eithe r w e ll n ot w illingly. It is a gre at
pleasure on feast-days an d Sun days to se e all th e Slave s,1 In th is paragraph h e se ems to be de scr ib ing dysen te ry, th ough th e
name se ems to be lon g to th e n ext. Vieyra thus explain s th e Port.
bicho A worm also a small in se ct in Brazil, as b ig as a flea,b r ed
in th e dust, wh ich cre eps in b etwe e n th e nails and th e flesh of th e fe e t,
etc . , and, if n ot taken out immediate ly, grows as b ig as a pea, an d is
th en ve ry troub le some to g et out.”H e may, howeve r , have in tended
to use th e Port. bichoca,
a b oil,a b lotch ” (Vieyr a) .
2 T h is is th e far -famed j igg e r or ch igoe (Pulex p en e trans ) . A r e ce n t
trave lle r de scr ib e s th e swe lling caused by th e flea,wh ich in cr eas e s
with e ggs . as about th e size .of a pea ; furth e r , th at it is eas ily extracte d
by raising th e skin and pullin g it out with a n e edle . (E . F . im
Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana , 1 883, p .
NEWS OF THE DEATH OF HENRY IV .
men and women ,assembled, dan cing and enjoying them
se lve s in th e public places and stree ts , for on those days theyare n ot subject to their masters . But I n eed say n o more ofthe characteristics of this coun try,
both be cause I h ave
alre ady’ spoken Of it in the chapter of the Portugue se traffic
the re,and because it h as been much writte n of by our own
coun trymen wh o have Visited it.1
I must,however, de scribe h ow ,
at th e time of our ar rival,
all the Portuguese were in great fear and trembling on
accoun t of the report that our King Hen ry th e Gr e at was
preparing a n aval armada, most of the vessels of which wereb e ing equipped in Hollan d to make war upon them . Th e
alarm reached n ot on ly to the Bay of All Sain ts, but to all theothe r places of th e Indies where were any subj e cts of theKing of Spain . An d wonde rful it was to obse rve the greatesteem wherein our king was he ld of all brave me n of war ,
an d the admiration they h ad for h is con summate valour and
other qualities. But, to our misfortun e, at th e begin n ing of
September arrived a small vessel de spatched expre ss fromSeville, bearing the sad an d deplorable n ews of th e disastrous death of our most gre at an d n oble king , whom God
absolve ? By this n ews the Portuguese we r e put again at
their ease, and told us the n ews in a style of mocke ry, asthough they de spised us
,while we kn ew n ot what to think
or b e lieve. Ye t did oth e rs make demon stration of greatsorrow ,
and the b rave captain s and soldiers and all me n of
judgmen t said that h e was a great loss, for that he w as thebrave st and most valian t prin ce in the world ; an d, in de ed,the Jesuits and other ecclesiastics In their sermon s and services bade all th e people to pray for h im,
saying that he wasa most Christian an d Catholic king .
3
1 Probably r e fer ring to th e works of Le ry and Th e vet.2 H enry IV was assassinated by Ravaillac on th e 14th May 1 6 10.
3 T h e praise b e stowed upon H en ry IV by th e Je suits afte r h is death
may b e ascribed to the libe rty wh ich h e had g ive n th em sh ortly b e for e
322 SMUGGLING OF RED -WOOD .
be st for this work . When we arrive d th e re on e of the twosh ips that h ad come that year h ad left the Bay two mon thsbefore, and we foun d there on ly th e smalle r on e
,wh e r e of
most of th e crew we re from Bayon n e and othe r place s in theBasque coun try of Fran ce. I made gre at frie n ds with them,
an d wen t to visit them often . As for M . Julian M ichel, h elived in the town during th e fishing , just like a burghe r of
th e place . Each of these ships had a captain who was in
command for th e voyage . On e n ight, th e captain ,wh o hap
pe n ed to b e there , was minded to we igh an chor and se t sail,though h is ship was but half laden with whale-oil. He was
going to star t se cr e tly,with out cocket or passport of th e viceroy,
which is con trary to the ordin an ce , an d en tails confiscation
and corporal pun ishmen t. Th e occasion of this conduct wasthat h e had a secre t treaty with a me r chan t
,wh o was to se ll
and de liver h im a large quan tity of red wood , that beinge xpressly prohib ited, and was to load it at a place 200le aguesto the south of the Bay. But the V ice roy got w ind of it,
an d straigh tway sen t overland to se ize th e Ship an d tak e all
th e men prison er s. This was don e ; th e sh ip was brought backto th e Bay, whe re the captain an d chie f Officers were cast in to
prison in iron s . Th e ve sse l was disman tled of all her riggingan d appare l, an d was still in the Bay whe n we le ft . Many
of th e se prison e rs and othe rs that were at libe rty gave me
le tte rs to bring to the ir kindred an d friends, if pe radve n tur eI should happen to pass th rough th e ir coun try, or meet withany that were to do so this I did
,as I Shall re late hereafte r .
Julian M ichel was n ot made prison e r w ith th e oth e rs , forh e disavowed th e captain ,
saying th at h e h ad n ot acte d uponh is orders . He tre ated us w ith great courte sy an d much
k indn e ss, and when w e we re re ady to embark ,h e made us
pre se n ts of some provision s, such as me al Of man doc, an d
among othe r things some salt beef from th e river of La
Plata , than which n o meat can be more rich,te nde r, or
b e tte r flavoured . Th e oxen are the fi nest and large st in
THE AUTHOR IS TEMPTED To REMAIN. 323
ex isten ce ; they come from Peru . A large trade is don e inthe ir hides , and th e he rds ar e so vast, that most of them ar e
killed for the hide s alon e . They salt th e fle sh, cutting it inbroad but thin strips, of th e thickn e ss of two in che s at most.After be ing in th e salt it is take n out without washing , andwell dr ied in the sun
,an d in this con dition will ke ep for long
without spoiling , provided it be kept dry ; for if allowed to
ge t we t without be ing thoroughly dried again in the sun ,it
goes bad and bre eds worms.While I was in this Bay I made the acquain tan ce also of
a Fr e n chman, a n ative of Proven ce , n ear Marse illes , who was
servan t to on e of the greate st lords of the coun try, called
Mangue la botte} that b e ing th e n ame g iven h im by th e
n egroes of Angola ,mean ing the great and valian t captain ,
because he had be en vice roy. In a war again st thesen egroe s this lord had quitted himself so valian tly that hewas greatly feared among them . H e was also said to b eworth more than crown s , drawing large reve nuesfrom many sugar-mills which he h ad . This Fren chman wholived with h im was a musician and player of in strumen ts,and that lord h ad engaged h im to teach 20or 30slaves , whotogethe r made a con cert of voices an d in strumen ts when everrequire d . This lord praved and besought me to remain with
h im, prom isin g me an appoin tme n t of 100 crown s and good
provision s, if on ly I would take command of a certainnumber of Slave s at the ir work . H e also said that a yearlater h e was going to Portugal, and inde ed was building a
very fin e large vessel of 500 ton s burthen for the purpose .
He was also making a collection of all the strange an imalsand othe r raretie s he could fin d
,to make a pre sen t to the
King of Spain . Among othe r s, h e had two of the an imal
1 M r . R ivara th inks that th e pe rson h e r e r e fe rr ed to was pe rhaps
J Furtado de Me ndoca, who was gove rn or of Angola from 1 594to
1 602 . I do not unde rstand th e me an in g of the sob r ique t.
324 ACQUAINTANCES MADE IN BRAZIL.
called esur e} whereof I make me n tion in my treatise of
an imals. I should willingly have accepted h is con dition s ,but the mischief is , that after on e is engaged with th e se lords,when on e wan ts to come home they will n ot allow you .
I also me t there an in nke eper an d h is wife , n atives of th editch of Nan tes. They we r e well disposed towards us
,but
themselve s were by n o mean s well Off they kept a tavernan d sold goods . They lost n o oppor tun ity of assisting us sofar as the ir mean s permitted . They
.
had been in Brazil
upwards of 35 years, and were of great age . The r e w e re
oth er Fren chmen residen t he r e and there about th e coun try.
Now having discussed sufficien tly of this Bay, I must n otforget to say a word about the viceroy, wh o was SO good an d
gracious a friend to us , as in dee d to every on e he was a mostkindly an d courteous gen tleman . This lord was a w idowe r ,an d h ad with him h is two son s, wh o were both held in highe steem. Th e father was called D on Fr an cisco de Men aissa .
While I was there h is e lde r son was found abed with a
Portuguese lady and surprised by th e husband, wh o wounde dh im Slightly ; he, however , escaped. Th e wife h ad five or
six sword-cuts, wh ich , strange to say, did n ot prove mortal.
I kn ow n ot h ow the affair ended.
Nor must I forget to men tion an adven ture that b e fe ll
myse lf the re. On e day,as I was walking in th e town quite
alon e ,‘ habited in silk in the Por tugue se mode of Goa, which is
differen t from that of the Portugue se of Lisbon and Brazil,
I met a slave girl, a negre ss of Angola, wh o, without furthe rintroduction or ceremony,
bade me follow h e r with all
assuran ce,saying Sh e would lead m e to a kin dly ge n tleman
wh o de sired to Speak with me . Thereupon ,I paused to
reflect awhile whether I ought to go, and trust to h e r words .
At le ngth I resolved to follow h e r and see what tran spire d .
Sh e le d me by a th ousan d tur n ings and windings of th e
1 Th e zeb ra.
CIVILITIES OF PORTUGUESE LAD IES. 325
narrow lan es, every step in cre asing my fear and raising in
me a resolve to go no further. Sh e , however, gave me
courage , and at length brought me to a large an d handsomehouse, n obly furn ished and carpeted, where I saw n on e buta young Portuguese lady,
wh o gave me a warm reception ,
and in con tin en tly bade prepare an agreeable repast. Seeingthat my h at was but a sorry on e
, she took it Off my headwith her own han d, and gave me a n ew on e of Span ish wool,with a handsome cord, and made me promise I would comeand see h e r again ,
for that Sh e would assist me and provideme with amusemen t SO far as Sh e could. Th e which I failedn ot to do , and we n t to see her Often while I was there
, and
she did me a thousand good offices.I made the acquaintan ce and friendship also of an other
young Portuguese lady,a n ative of Por to in Portugal, by
n ame Mar ie Men a ,wh o kept on e of the be st tave rn s in th e
town,and I lacked n ot meat an d drink ,
for she gave me bothwhen I was in n eed
,with her husband’s kn owledge , supply
ing me with mon ey to pay ove r to her. Sh e called me her
Camarade” . I made her prese n ts of the little store I hadbrought from the Indie s such th ings they highly e ste em in
those parts, more so than at Lisbon itself. Th e women there
are far more affable and frie ndly towards strangers than theme n ,
wh o are usually exceeding j e alous.
I will n ow re late anothe r affair that befell us there. As I
have said, the Vice roy,on our first arrival, bade us come for
our victuals an d b ed to h is house, which we failed n ot to do forsome ten or twelve days. But se e ing that we we re n ot well
accommodated th ere , and had bad sleeping-room ,we spoke
to that Italian of Floren ce who h ad the con trol Of th e
house, and h e ordered a woman who lived hard by th e
viceroy’s man sion to take us in . Thither we caused to b e
con veyed all our baggage an d th e small store of provision sthat remain ed to us , amongst others two large parcels. of
326 A GRASPING LANDLADY.
In dian rice, of the description called Gir asal} wh ich is
small,but the best in the world . This had been given us by
th e master pilot of our ship for our assistan ce on th e
voyage ; each parcel we ighed full on e hundred poun ds .
Neverthe less , we used to go for our meals at the Vice roy’s
house when we were so min de d. This woman , our hoste ss,having a great fan cy to possess this rice, which is gr eatlyvalued the re, would n ot le t uS take it with us whe n we wer eabout to leave, saying that Sh e h ad bought it for a certain
price—half, indeed, of what itwas worth—and wan ted us to
pay at that rate ; but we r e fusing, and she in sisting to th econ trary, we were con strain ed to carry our complain t to th eOydor , or town
’s magistrate . Eve ryon e said we should taken othin g by going to law with th is woman
,for that Sh e was
in great credit and favour by r e ason of certain good office sren de red by her to the viceroy,
h is son s, and others, in the iramours. Nevertheless, these availed her n ot again st our
word. Sh e was adjudged to re store us our rice,and to pay
th e costs. This she promptly did without more ado,out of
fe ar lest sh e should b e attached and taken before the magistrate
,who kn ew full well what trade she had been driving .
In this affair we h ad some good friends, who recounted to th eOydor all th e life of this good lady, an d he forthwith se n ton e of h is officers with us to see the judgmen t carried out.
Th e Portuguese of this coun try also showed me a gallowstree, upon which , some years be fore , th irteen Fren chmen h adbe e n han ged. They were men of Rochelle
,who we re take n
with their Ship. On e of the captain s was named Pain dc
mi l,an d the other Brifan t. I saw there also an Englishman
that was seized with them,wh o was led to the gallow s
1 Th is r ice is mention ed by Linschoten as b e ing of th e b est quality.
“ It is b rogh t in round bundels , wrappe d in strawe,and b ounde about
with corde s T his r ice is b e tte r th en that which commeth n ot in
Farde n s,and is called Girasall R ice
,wh ich is th e b est, and b ear e th the
h ighest price .
" D r . Burn e ll notes th at it is th e Mahr . jir esal cummin
(like ) r ice , so called from its sme ll (L insch ,i,
AN ENGLISH RESIDENT. 327
with the rope round h is n e ck re ady to be hung with the rest,but was spared because the Fren chmen prote sted that h eh ad bee n forced to come with them , having been take n at
se a in an English ship : as inde ed the truth was . ThisEnglishman was worth more than a thousand crown s, andlived w ith a Portuguese lord , whom h e served at h is sugar
mills.
CHAPTER XXVII .
D epar tur e fr om Brazil of F er n ambug I slan ds of th e
Apor es Br elingue in Por tugal gr eat storm th e islands
of Bayonn e journ ey to St. James r etur n of th e Author ,
and h is ar r ival in Fr a nce .
At le ngth , when I h ad be e n in Brazil for the space of twomon ths
,and was longing to re turn to Portugal, three brave
an d gallan t Portugue se ge n tleme n , wh o bore me much affe c
tion, promised to ge t me on board with them . These th re e
gen tlemen we re a ce rtain D on Fer nan do de Syl-va de
Men a issa (wh o had be e n ,as I have alre ady said, ge n e ral of
the galiots of the North at Goa1), and h is two b rother s-inlaw
,who h ad bee n on board the same ship w ith me
,the
on e2 having bee n captain and govern or of th e island and
1 Se e p . 264. Th is is th e captain who captur ed on e of th e H ector ’s
boats at Surat with seve n te e n E nglishmen , and who on that occasion
exchanged e loque n t me ssage s of defian ce with Capt. William Hawkin s
(Hawkin s’ Voy. , p.
2 H is name was P e dr o Alvar e z de Ab r eu . T idore was captur e d by
Van de r Hag e n on th e 19th May 1 605 , afte r seve ral un successful
assau lts , in wh ich th e Portugue se fough t with de te rmin e d valour . T h e
fort was fi nally taken by r e ason of th e explosion of th e magazin e by a
D utch sh e ll,seven ty live s b e in g lost by th is accide n t (Rec . de s Voy. ,
pp. 79 Pr ior to th e siege , M iddle ton h ad be e n th e guest of Capt.
de Ab r e u,and on th e sur r e nde r in te rceded e ffe ctually w ith V . d er H ag e n
for the live s of th e pr ison e rs (M iddle ton’
s Voyage , Hak T h e
D utch captain promis e d to se nd th em to th e Man illas . D e Ab re u,
328 OFFER OF A PASSAGE.
fortress of Tidor e , when th e Hollanders took it (an d theyhold it still) ; th e other, be ing younger, h ad on ly had com
man d of a galiot.D uring th e voyage th ese three lords had often given me
testimony of their great affection , and all the way from Goato Brazil had frequen tly assisted me in little ways, such as
w ith clothes and win e, and many a time had we foregathe redfor a chat. And even in Brazil I con sidered myself as one
of their household , their house being Open to me at all
hours,when I cared to go the re .
They had chartered a carave l to carry them ,the ir suite
,
baggage , and me rchandise, straight to Portugal, to Obtainthere of the King of Spain the rewards and recompen sedue for their good service in th e Indies, with th e in toution afterwards to return there, for they were all marriedin In dia
I h ad been looking for some favourable Opportun ity of
return ing, but the difficulty was that a passage costs in all
more than a hundred or a hundred and twe n ty livres ; andour carrack be ing lost, I had n o further claim upon theship
’s Office rs—as,indeed, my passport stated ; so that e very
person had to shift for himself. At this juncture these
kindly gen tlemen offered to pay my passage, which was te ncrown s, and to feed me at their table free of all charge . Withthe se assuran ces, when th e caravel was ready I was aboutto embark with my baggage , but the maste r of the ve sselrefused to take me , say ing h e h ad on ce carried a Fre n ch
man wh o had bee n taken in a Hollander prize, and this
Fre n chman had bee n more trouble than all th e re st,
where fore he h ad made an oath he would n ever carryan othe r. Hereupon a great dispute arose be tween th e vice
admiral and the master on accoun t of me . For the Vice roy
afte r h is r eturn to Portuguese India, and b efor e leaving with Pyrard,
was captain of th e fort of Mombasa (Bocar ro, p. What is knownof h is furth e r h istory appear s b e low.
330 ANOTHER OFFER ACCEPTED .
regret and sorrow,by reason of th e good friendship they
bore me .
Frustrate in this quarter, an d in great trouble for myreturn home
,I had the good fortun e to mee t with two
Flemings, n aturalised Portugue se, who were also glad en oughto find us. They were in partn ersh ip, and posse ssed a ve ry
fin e hulk built at D unkirk ,wh ose arms she bore ; she was
of 250 ton s burthen . They asked us if we h ad a min d
to go with on e of them,for the other was remain ing at St.
Salvador. This proposal we gladly accepted, offering to goas the oth er sailors, but with out wages. We con side red our
se lves lucky en ough to be allowed to work Our passage ;while they were pleased to have found us , for we suppliedth em with three hands without pay. When we we re thuscome to te rms, they bade us ge t our passport an d lice n se
in writing from the viceroy. This Obtained, we w en t on
board the hulk , which was laden with sugar, and we ll
equipped with can non and all other provision of arms an d
mun ition s. We numbered about sixty person s on board, in
cluding my two compan ion s and myse lf, and also the Fleming ,
n omination provided, howe ve r , such pe r son b e satisfactory to me or
to my vice roy of India . H e is also to have th e hab it of C h r ist, with 20
mil-r e is allowan ce h e must, howe ve r , proce ed to India by th e Sh ips of
th is pre sen t year , and not oth e rwise ; if h e wills th e ofiice to a son , that
son must b e fi t for th e office , and must prove th e bequest, producing
th e will ; if to a daughte r , th e pe rson she is about to mar ry must,
b e for e th e mar r iage , pr e se n t h imse lf b e for e th e Pr e side n t and C oun
cillors (of th e India Council) and prove h is fitn e ss for th e office , and
afte r th e mar r iag e , must prove th e marriage according to th e form of
th e Sacr ed Coun cil of T r ent. Th e second a lvara auth orise s de Ab reu,
in case h e leaves n o leg itimate issue , to b equeath the Oflice to whomso
e ve r h e will,on condition of paying h is debts. T h e n omin e e must
,
howe ve r,b e a fidalgo, an d approved by th e king . D e Ab r eu did not
,
in fact, proce ed to India till 1 61 6 , on th e 1 9th March of wh ich year
th e king gave h im a le tte r of r ecommen dation to th e vice roy, r eque stin g
th e latte r (b esid es ob eying h is orde r s as to the galiots ) to employ de
Abr eu in any service s , as occasion may offe r (Ar ch. Por t. 0r .,Fasc . 6 ,
Nos . 208 , 321 , 322 ,
D EPARTURE FROM BAHIA . 331
wh o had be en in our carrack . We le ft the Bay on the 7thO ctober
,1 610.
We h ad the wind con trary at the first,whereby we we re
delayed five -and-twen ty hours e r e we could double th e Capeof St. Augustin e , which is 100le ague s from the Bay, in th e
altitude of eight degree s south of th e equin octial. O n th e
3rd November we doubled th e Cape in gre at peril, becauseof the shallows and reefs
,which we approached quite Close .
The same day we sighte d th e town of Fe rn ambuq} whichbelongs to th e Portugue se of Brazil it is a very we ll-builttown , and h as some fin e churche s.Two days afterwards w e Observed a caravel under sail
,
wh ich put all our people in gre at fe ar, as they believed sh e
was a pirate , wherefore we all assumed our arms afte rwards,however
,she was discove red to be a Portuguese.
Th e fifth of D ecembe r we r e -crossed the equin octial lin e,coming toward the Arctic Pole . I have crossed it te n or
twelve times during my voyage.
On the 25th of the same mon th we began to se e floating 011the sea some goymon
,or gre en moss, wh ich the Portugue se
call Sargasso? This he rb grows at th e bottom of the sea,
and is a Sign con tinually se en in those parts :th e wholeocean is covered with it, and is as gr e en as a me adow . It
begin s at th e 2 1 st degre e , an d exte nds to th e 30th .
On th e 5th January 1 6 1 1 we Sighted th e Aeor e‘
s ,3amongst
1 Pe rnambuco .
“ It is th e g r eate st town in all that coast”,says Lopez
Vaz in 1 58 6,
“and bath above th r e e th ousand house s in it, with se ven ty
Ingen ios for sugar , and g r eat stor e of Bras ill-wood , an d abundan ce of
cotton, ye t ar e th ey in g r eat want of victuals , for all th e ir victuals come
e ith e r from Portugal or from some place s on th e coast of Brasill”
(Hakluyt, iii, It is th e ch ie f town of th e pr ovin ce of th e same
name,and h as a population of n early
2 Floating seawe ed (f ucus natans), which cove rs a larg e ar e a of th e
Atlantic,ofi th e cur r en t of th e Gulf Str eam.
3 T h e Azor e s fi r st appear on th e Ge noe se map of 135 1,n ow in th e
Laur entian L ibrary at Flor e n ce . T h ey.
we re e ffe ctually r edi scove r ed ,
or rath e r “ found”,by th e n avigato rs of P r in ce H e nry in 1432 . T he
332 JEW MERCHANTS.
othe r s th e islands of Cor bo, Flor es , and Te rceir a , which is th echie f on e , in the altitude of 395 degrees :here we began tofe e l the cold, to us a strange sen sation .
O n the 1 5th January we de scried the coast of Portugalat Br elingue} a place eight or te n leagues n orth of L isbonth is was in the morn ing at day
-break . We thought we w e r estill sixty league s off, because the wind was from th e south
,
an d it blew a strong gale.
Our de sign was to en te r at Lisbon ,but we could not by
reason of th e con trary winds whe reupon arose a gre atde bate be twe en the captain and a Jew me rchan t, or, as th ePortuguese would call h im, Ch r istian o Nuevo (the sh ip was
a Flemish bulk of 250 ton s , as already de scr ibed) . Th e
captain was a Hollander that h ad h is re side n ce at Lisbon,
and was in partn ership with anothe r Hollande r,to whom
be longed th e greate r part of the goods . Th e Jew h ad morethan crown s’ worth of merchandise , most of it h is
own,the rest put in h is care by the prin cipal me rchan t and
othe rs. Th ere was also an other Jew on board as rich as h e ,
and four or five other Jew me rchan ts . Th e profits they makeafter being n ine or te n years in those lands are marve llous
,
for they all come back rich many of these n ew Chr istian s,
fi rst two discove red we re Santa Mar ia and San M igue l (from wh ich we
have our St. M ichae l orang e s ) . T h e th ird , thus named T e rce ira , was
or igin ally called th e Island of Je su Ch r isto its town An gora b ay”
)is th e capital of th e group. T h e oth e r islands are Graciosa
,SaO Jorg e ,
Fayal, Pico , C orvo , and Flore s. O n th e r ed iscove ry th ey we r e n amed
la s ilhas dos Apores , th e1 ‘ kite islands” , from th e numb e r of those birds
s e e n th e r e . T e rce ira, Fayal, and Pico we r e colon ise d unde r g rants from
th e D uch e ss Of Burgun dy, to whom th e king had ass ign ed th em,by
emig ran ts from Flande rs,and th e whole g roup thus got th e n ame of
th e F lemis h Islands , wh ich has g ive n r i s e to th e e rron eous statemen t
that th e fi rst discove re rs we r e from th e Low C ountries (M ajor ’s P r inceH enry the Navigator , pp. 1 30 T h e Azor es are still a Portuguese
posse ssion , and h ave a population of about
1 T h e Be rlingas Islands in our char ts , and by our sailors kn own as
th e Burling s . T h e ir light is we ll known to all sh ips coas ting Portugal.
ALTERCATION ON BOARD . 333
Jews by race, but baptised, being worth six ty, e ighty,an d
even ove r a hundred thousand crown s ; ye t are they slightlye steemed withal. It was , inde e d, long sin ce a vessel h adarrived with so rich a fre ight as th is h ad. So, being in View
of Bre lingue , w e de termin ed tomake it, the con trary wind n otwithstanding . We we re thus tacking abou t con tinually, n owto landward , n ow to seawar d, whe n sudden ly a Violen t squallovertook us, th e wind be ing con trary,
and we close ash ore .
Th is put us in great fe ar , in somuch that the Jew merchan tcame and said to th e captain that, with such we ath er and
wind,the re w as n o likelihood of reaching Lisbon . Th e cap
tain in reply bade h im give h im an act sign ed un der h is han d ,
con tain ing a promise that h e would h e ar h is Shar e of all
e xpen ses , damage , in te re st, and risk s atte n ding th e delay ;othe rwise h e (th e captain ) would remain out at se a wh e r e th ewe ath er was fin e en ough ,
and would await the sub siding of
the storm an d a fair win d. Th e me rchan t re fuse d to givethis assuran ce , and de sir ed h im to ste e r a course for th eBayon n e Islands , which we r e distan t some e ighty le ague s,Off Galicia. SO saying ,
he took th e he lm himse lf, an d broughther round before th e wind, whereupon arose a mighty conte ntion
,with much abuse and hard words on both Side s ; but
at length peace was made, an d the merchan t Sign ed th e act,
and we stood away for the Bayon n e Islan ds off Galicia . M e
thinks th e storm h ad most to do with appeasing their ch ole r .
We took about five days from Br e lingue to these islands,the gale heavy all th e while, n ay,
rathe r in creasing . Hereupon an oth ermischan ce b e fe ll us , to wit, our ve ssel began tomake water in such sort that it could n ot possibly be keptdown
,and we were driven so close in Shore that we we r e in
double apprehen sion . On e day, amon g oth e r s , some of th e
marin ers led us to belie ve we w e re on th e righ t Side of
the bay, and said they kn ew it well :wh ich be lie f was like toruin us for
,as we we re stan ding a course righ t up it with
th e w ind fair , and quite close ash or e,w e foun d it was n ot th e
334 LAVISH vows MADE AT SEA.
bay. It was a very miracle that saved us , for th e w in d was
from the sea, and we were so close ashore that we had gre atdifficulty in doubling the poin t and getting out. I believemore than crown s’ worth of vows were made, wh ich
were afterwards duly paid. Th e prin cipal merchan t made
on e of 800cruzados to wit, 400for an orphan girl to marryw ith al
,and 400for a lamp and oth er uten sils for a shrin e of
Our Lady that is hard by. As soon as he ’set foot on lan d hesough t out an orphan girl, and fulfilled h is promise to h e r , asalso to the churchwarden s of the said church. Many othe r s,too
,did the like ; n or did any fail therein ,
according to h ismean s and the ex ten t of h is vows. It is a custom of th e
Portuguese, when they ar e in pe ril, to make these vows but
the worst of it is that it makes them indolen t and careles sabout working stoutly to save the ir lives.In short, from Lisbon to these islan ds, we th ought we
were lost more than ten times on accoun tof the un se aworth in e ss of our ship and the prox imity of the shore, towardswhich th e sea-wind was dr iving us with such violen ce thatit tore all our sails :in such e xtreme peril was I placed at
th e end of my te n years’
voyage . So indeed it ofte n s h appen s that, after many long , distressful, dange rous voyage s,me n come to be lost at the very port , as has been seen in thecase of many Viceroys, who, after the ir endless course of larce ny and robbery in the In dies, at le ngth ,
come to be lostat th e ve ry port of Lisbon ,
themselve s an d all their gain s .
Whe n we were at last on th e poin t of en tering the bay of
th e Bayonn e Islands} on the coast of Galicia, we met a small
ve sse l on the same course, th e sight of which gave us greatfear and apprehen sion ,
though we we re well equipped w ithcann on and arms
, and numbered sixty me n for I may say
1 Islas de Bayona, at th e e ntran ce to th e Bay of Vigo , wh ich th ey
prote ct as a b r eakwate r , so called from th e town of Bayona on th e
main land . More prope rly th ey ar e called th e C ies , Ciecas , th e C icm
of Pliny.
LAND ING AT THE BAYONA ISLANDS. 335
with truth that th e Portuguese are n ot men of valour on th esea , nor , for th e matte r of that, on land either. They ar e
good merchan ts, marin e rs, and pilots , and that is all. I am
sure fifte en or twen ty Fren chmen ,English , or Hollan de rs
could e asily have taken us ; and the vessel was worth morethan crown s . Th e day be fore , a cruize r h ad take n a
caravel in the same place, an d when we en te red the two wereat an chor there together, the caravel discharging. Theywere
,however
,on the on e side
,while we passed to the other
and made for the town . There are th re e or four little town sin this bay.
1
Thus happily landed, the 1 5th of January 1 6 1 1 , I remem
bered th e vow I h ad made while ye t in th e Indies (asalready to wit
,that if God gave me grace to come
again to Spain , I would make th e pilgrimag e of St. James inGalicia . To th is e nd did I con tinually with stout he art Offermy praye rs to God while at sea,
and that it might ple ase HimI should lan d at any other place than Lisbon ,
for the ce rtainfear I h ad lest we should be held prison e rs there. Indeed ,
all
the other foreign e rs that had come from th e Indies had be en
given in charge to th e captain s of the ships by the V ice royof Goa ; ye t, forasmuch as our ship was lost in th e Bay of AllSain ts, our captain was n o longe r respon sible for us
,an d we
were fre e . Neverthe le ss , had we lan ded at Lisbon ,we should
have been arre sted as prison e rs all th e same . But theD ivin e Provide n ce was pleased to bring us in safe ty to the seBayon n e Islands, where , casting an chor, we found a numberof Fren ch ships riding there for purpose s of traffic . As soonas the ir crews w e re aware of our arrival
,they all came out of
wonder to se e us,an d itwas the n we le arn t all that had passed
in Fran ce . Itwas now te n years sin cewe h ad had ce rtain n ews .We wen t ash ore
,and spen t some days in re fre shing our
1 It doe s n ot appear wh eth e r h e lan ded at Bayona , V igo, or at
C angas .
2 See vol . i , p . 310.
336 THE AUTHOR’
S PILGRIMAGE To COMPOSTELLA.
se lve s with th e Fren ch and Por tugue se th ere , and the n bade
good-bye to the Portugue se of our ship, return ing them our
thanks, and espe cially to the captain ,wh o out of kin dn e ss
gave me some pieces of mon ey. I then resolved to ae com
plish my vow , so, leaving the re my two compan ion s , wh owe re unwilling ye t to le ave th e place, an d wh om I haven eve r seen again ,
I took my journ ey straight for St. Jame s ,which is ten league s Off
, passing by the way th e town of
Ponte Vedr a} a han dsome and busy place .
The re we re some vesse ls of Bayon n e an d St. Je an de
Lutz2 be ing at an ch or at th e time,and I the n rememb e r e d
that I had some letter s ofmy coun tryme n wh o we re de tain e dat the Bay of all Sain ts in Brazil. I got in formation of th e
various pe rson s to whom the letters we re addr e ssed, and bygood fortun e meeting them there
,delivered to them th e
le tters, and told them all the n ews of their frie nds,whe reof
they were exceeding glad. They gave me good che e r on
board th e ir sh ips, keeping me to spen d th e n ight ; and on th e
morrow , after good en tertainmen t, they made me pre s e n ts of
some mon ey, and came to escor t me a full quarte r of a league
out of th e town . I the n took my le ave, thanking them
warmly for th e ben efits an d hon our I h ad re ce ive d of th em ,
and th e n took my way towards 0amp ostelle3 to pay my Vow
1 Ponte vedra,a pictur e sque Old town ,
n ow of in hab itan ts,at
th e h e ad of th e n e x t r ia , or bay, n orth of that of Vigo .
2 Bayon n e and St. Je an de Luz,th e Fr e n ch town s of th e d epar tmen t
of th e Bas s e s Pyr en ee s .
3 T h e bon e s Of St. James we r e d iscove r ed n e ar th e Site of th e pr e se n t
city in A .D . 835 by B ishop T h e odomir , an d a cath edral-sh r in e was
fi n ish e d in 874. Composte lla (Jacom’h OSpite lla) rapidly b e came on e
of th e two or th r e e ch ie f place s of pilg r imag e in C h riste n dom . In th e
Mar itime O rdin an ce s o f T ran i (A .D . 1063) it is m en tion ed alon g with
th e Holy Sepulch re and Rome . With E nglishme n it was th e favouritefor e ig n pilgrimag e , a Sain t Jame s e n pe le r in ag e ou a aucun autr e
lieu”
(Black Book of the Admir alty, R olls Se r ie s , i , It was on e of
th e Ch ie f place s on th e Wife of Bath’
s list‘ At Rome sch e badde b e n , and at Boloyuc
In lalice at scyn t Jams , and at C oloyn e .
(C hauce r , I’roh ,
338 ARRIVAL AT LA ROCHELLE .
an other town called Betan ce} there was a small Rochelle
barque of 35 ton s, lade n with oranges, and ready to sail. I
took the road forthwith but,on arriving at th e place, found it
quite otherwise, for the barque was not half laden ,n or was Sh e
fully so for twe lve days there afte r. However, se eing n o othe rme an s
,I resolved to wait
, praying the maste r to give me a passage when he Should go. This h e promised most willingly,regrettin g that he could n ot leave for fiftee n days. Thisn ews afflicted me sore ly on accoun t of th e expen se , my pursehaving but small store of mon ey. Ye t was it we ll for me
that living was n ot so dear th ere as in a b ig town ,an d also
that at the time ther e was on e of the greatest catche s of
fish I have eve r seen,chiefly sardin es of the fin est and
largest description ,in somuch that you got them for almost
n othing ; for a sou I got more than I could eat in a wholeday. Moreover
,I used freque n tly to go with the skippe r to
the coun try, and accompan ied h im in h is buying and col
le cting of oranges an d lemon s. We wen t tw ice or thrice toBetance togethe r , and he would n ot have me pay for any
thing whe n in h is company.
I also lodged with a kin d host and hostess,wh o tr e ated
m e with much civility, an d did n ot make me pay h alf th ecost of my living . Having thus waite d te n or twe lve days ,I was on e even ing n otified by the master of the barquethat he would be ready to take me on board th e followingday, and that I should make some provision for my victuals,for as to my passage, he would tak e n othing . Whe n h e
heard all my adven tures and fortun e s he was much ple asedat this r en con tr e . Having thus embarked, we h ad th e win d
so fair that we were but six -and-thir ty hours in crossingover to Roche lle
,where , thanks to God, we happily arrived
the 5th of February. Th en praising God with all my he art,I had assuran ce of seeing on ce again th e land of Fran ce ,
for which I had prayed with so much de sire . Th e master
1 Betan zos.
RETURN To LAVAL. 339
wh o gave me this passage was n amed Jean Ar noul,and was
of the island of Ole ron .
1 He deemed himse lf lucky tohave brought me , an d gave me good cheer at La Rochelle,willing n ot that I should take lodging e lsewhere than at h is
house , and took gr e at pride in showing me th e Sights of thetown ,
and presen ting me to h is friends, wh o greatly caressedme an d did me much h on our. After some days I bade h imfarew e ll, and took the road to th e town of Niort,2 where thefair must be h eld. Here I met with many merchan ts of myn ative place, which is the town of Laval in Brittany, an d
thithe r I retur n ed with them the 1 6th day of February,
in th e year 1 6 1 1 , for which God be praised
1 A small island opposite th e mouth s of th e Char en te an d Sandra,
ch iefly famous for its an c ie n t mar itime court, wh ich gave its n ame to
th e ce leb rated code of me diaeval sea-laws known as th e “ Laws of
O le ron ”. Th e earlie st kn own manuscr ipt (ear ly 14th cen t.) is pr e
se rve d in th e Guildhall ar ch ive s of th e C ity of Lon don . (Se e th e laws
th emse lve s,in th e B la ck B ook of the Admir a lty, Rolls Se ries .)
2 O n th e r ive r Sevr e,ch ief town of th e departmen t of th e D eux
sevr e s .
Louange a Di eu .
Ports Beuch s rs ss s , Laval.
TREATISE
AN IMALS,TREES, AND FRU ITS.
Tr e atise an d D e scr iption of th e an imals, tr e e s ,
an d fruits of th e Eas t Indies,observed by
th e Author .
ALTHOUGH many have writte n amply of the nature , forms ,and habits of many an imals to us un kn own
,and of the tree s
and fruits of the East Indies n e ve rthele ss,having seen and
kn own them SO thoroughly an d for so long , and havinghan dled them n ot on ce but coun tless time s
,an d having
lived upon them ,I have fe lt myself con strained to put in
writing the results of my long experience , assur ing myselfthat n one
, pe rhaps, will have observed their n ature with th esame particularity.
CHAPTER I .
Of th e E lepha n ts an d Tiger s.
THE e leph an t is th e largest of all an imals, with th e most
judgmen t an d in te lligen ce on e m igh t eve n say he posse sse sth e use of reason ; h e is also of vast profit and se rvice to man.
If it be de sired to moun t h im , this an imal is so supple ,obedien t, and disciplin e d to th e se rvice of man ,
to w it, of
such as he is willing to se rve , that h e will be nd low and
himse lf assist on e to moun t w ith the aid of h is trunk .
This an imal love s of all things to be praised an d caressed ;this don e , he is humble and obedien t ; n everth e le ss
,h is
stre ngth is so gr e at that without e xpe rien ce n on e can kn owit. I h ave se e n on e with h is tusks carry two me tal cann on s
,
344 THE ELEPHANT IN MALABAR.
tied and bound round about with rope s, and weighing e achth re e th ousand weight. H e lifted them all alone , and carr iedthem some 500paces. I have also seen an e lephan t draw Sh ipsan d galleys ashore, or laun ch them afloat. 1 The se e lephan tsare of a w onde rful n ature , se e ing they w ill Obedie n tly do
whate ver they are required , provided on ly they be treatedwith kindn e ss.Through out all the Malabar coun try,
and even in th e r e alm
of D ealcan or D ecan ,I have remarked th at on ly th e Nairs
tame and train this an imal and at Cale cut I have se en littleNair boys caressing little elephan ts, and leading th em hithe rand th ither
,an d so becoming familiar with them . On ly
Nairs con trol them, give them the ir food,an d lead them
about th e town or elsewh ere, and n on e othe rs would dar e toCome n ear them . Le d by h is Nair, n o an imal is moredocile or tractable ; he does all that is told h im , care sse s anyon e poin ted out to h im
,admits all sorts of per son s to moun t
h im,ex te nds h is trunk
,which serve s h im as a hand, and assists
th em to moun t,or
,in th e case of a ch ild
,lifts it with h is
trun k and place s it on h is back . But if th e Nair is n ot
th ere,n on e is so bold as to touch h im ; such a on e h e
would kill. On h is n ose he car r ie s a great trunk ,wh ich is
ve ry long and like a gut (boyau ) , wh ich h e sways about ; itse rves h im for a han d to convey h is food to h is mouth , andfor other use s ; ye t is it SO strong that with it h e will seizea man
,lift h im high in air
,an d then dash h im to the
groun d ; thus in deed are male factor s ex e cuted at Cale cut? I
was also told of on e at Goa that some time ago killed many
1 Varth ema,a ce ntury b efor e this time , de scr ib e s th e b eaching of
ve sse ls at Cann anor :“ T h ey put th e s ide of th e vesse l for emost, and
unde r th e said sh ip th ey put th r e e pie ce s of wood,an d on th e s ide
n e xt th e sea I saw th r e e e lephants kn e e l down and with th e ir h eads push
th e sh ip on to dry land”
(p.
2 T h e employme nt Of e lephan ts as execution e rs date s from ve ry ear ly
times . T e nn e nt quote s 3 M accabees,v,42
, and E lian,H is t. Anim. ,
V lll,IO.
346 THE ELEPHANT HAS JOINTS.
k ings keep them is because of the cost of th eir main tenan ce}and in the ke eping of many is shown their magn ificen ce and
power ; for this an imal is of great service, even in war . I
have seen a n umber in possession of th e King of Cale cut.
Th e King of Bengala h as and the Grand M ogor,otherwise called Acoubar (which mean s the Gre at as
I heard from many Indian s and others wh o h ad been at h is
court,main tain s as many as
Furthe r, it is a remarkable fact that this an imal n eve rcovers th e female , in whatever heat he be
,while any on e is
by. Some will have it th ey have n o join ts in the ir legs,3 andthat they n eve r lie down ; but this is false , for they b e ndth emselves and lie down at the ir pleasure. I n eed say n o
more, seeing th at many have already writte n Of them.
Of tigers there ar e a vast n umber in the Indies ; indeed, theyar e common e r than wolves here . It is a most ferocious andmischi evous an imal, which will not fle e from men exceptth ey be in great numbers , but, on the con trary, will pursue,
centur ies : ‘
plan tain’ was more g e n e ral in th e Span ish West Indies .
Cur iously e nough ,‘
plantain’is th e common word in Anglo-India , pro
bably b e cause E nglish conne ction with the We st I ndie s pr e cede d th at
with th e East ; while‘ banana
’is n ow th e pr evailing te rm in th e London
fruit marke t. Th e plan t is of Asiatic or igin ; but th e stateme nt of its
ex isten ce in Peru b efor e the Conque st, made by so h igh an authority as
Gar cilasso , has given r ise to some doubt. Th e subje ct is discussed byD e Candolle (Or igin of Cult. Plants , pp. 304
1 Eme rson T en n en t says that an ordinary e lephan t e n grosse s th e
attention of th re e men,and that th e daily cost of h is ke eping amoun ts
to about 33. 6d. (Ceylon , ii,Se e vol. i, p . 327 , and above , p. 251 .
3 T h is fallacy, as Sir T homas Brown e says, is“not th e daughte r of
latte r times . but an old and grey-headed s rrour , even in the days of
Aristotle ” (D e An im.,lib . I I , C . i) , who got it from Cte sias . Th e tex t
ab ove shows that th e n otion was still cur r e nt, r equir ing pe rsonal te sti
mony to confute it. About th e same time Shakespe are is on ly half
convin ced
Th e elephan t hath join ts ; but non e for courte syHis legs ar e for n ece ssity, notflexure .
”
(Tr oilus and Cr essida , Ac t u , so.
TIGER HUNTING. 347
attack,and devour them . Th e kings take great pleasure
in hun ting tigers , both for the purpose of ridding the coun tryo f them and saving the poor people , and also because there in
ar e th e valour and bravery of their n oblesse Shown forthand proved . Th e Nayre s are continuallv hunting them ,
engaging them with sword an d buckler ; n or is this withoutdanger, for the beast is bold and savage . Th e Nayres havingslain h im ,
drag h im before the king with great hon our and
triumph . I have seen many bring their spoil before h imthus, and many too that were g rievously wounded in th e
en coun ter.1 These tigers ar e of th e height of a mastiff,but
longer, with big he ads resembling that Of a cat. Th e skin is
passing fair, all marked with white , black ,and r ed. Th ey
live by hun ting their prey, and ar e especially fond of fowls.
CHAPTER I I.
Of Cr ocodiles and Tur tles.
There are vast numbers of crocodile s in ‘ the rivers of th eIsland of St. Lawren ce , of the Bengal coast, th e Malabar
coun try, an d of Guin ea and Angola.
Th e crocodiles live in fre sh water ; they are of great size ,
and being covered with scales, are there fore very difficult tokill
, but the belly is tender and easy to pierce. They havean odour of musk , as we perceived from those we killed at
the Island of St. Lawre n ce 2 ; for as soon as they were struckall the air was , as it we re, perfumed with musk
, and even thebanks had th e same odour. Th ey who have eate n th e fleshsay it is very delicate and good ; but, for my part, I n evertaste d it, and had n o fan cy to try it.
3 Th e mouth is garn ishedwith very sharp teeth, those of the lowerjaw ove rlapping and
1 Se e vol. i , pp.2 Se e vol. i, p. 37 .
3 “ T o my tas te”, says Sir S. Bake r ,
“noth ing can b e mor e dis
gusting than crocodile flesh . I h ave tasted almost eve ryth ing , but
348 TURTLES AT THE MALD IVES.
tran spiercing the upper‘
jaw ,which is all marked with th e
cavitie s wherein to th e teeth pass, and it is the upper jaw thatworks .
1
Th e turtle s float on th e surface of the water in order tobask in th e sun ; some are of such a Size that the she ll of on ewould suffice to roof a little but or cot
, and to cover te n ormore person s sitting
? The re ar e vast numbers of them at
the Maldi ve s, and some little islan ds you may see inhabitedby n o other an imals than these great turtles, but coveredwith th em . On our arrival at theMaldives we caught a gre aton e with 500or 600 large egg s, like yellow hen
’s eggs. We
boiled th em in fresh water, and ate them indeed,we lived
upon them for three or four days, our company numbe ringfor ty person s , and with n othing else to eat. Th e flesh is veryrich and de licate, like veal ; but as we ate it without bread
,
salt, or oth e r dressing , many fell sick , and for my case,I was
ve ry ill, vomiting con tinually,and sometimes spitting blood .
3
Th e islanders make use of th e she ll for their bucklers and
othe r uten sils and commoditie s .
At the Maldives there is an oth er smaller kin d,
4but eve nthe se ar e three or four feet in diameter, more or less . Th e
she ll is brown , part of it runn ing to black , part to red , ve rysmooth and shin ing, and so wonderfully pattern ed that whe n
polished it is an article of great beauty. Th e reason why it
is greatly sought after by all the kings, lords, and rich peoplein the Indie s, and chiefly by those of Cambaye and Surat, isthat it is made in to boxes an d caskets garn ished with goldan d silve r , also in to bracelets and other ornamen ts .
5 It is
although I have tas te d crocodile,I could n eve r succe ed in swallowin g
it. Th e combin e d flavour of bad fi sh , rotten flesh , and musk is th e
car te de diner offe r ed to th e e picur e .
1 T h is is an old b e lie f—unfounded,of course .
2 This is the loggerhead tur tle (Couanea olivacea ) , Maldive mus imbi .
As to its size , se e Te n n en t’
s Ceylon ,ii,1 90.
3 R e peate d from vol. i, pp . 65 , 66.
4 Probably th e hawksbill tur tle (Ca r etta imbr icata) , wh ich supplie s th eto rtois e sh e ll of comme rce .
5 Se e above , p . 248 .
HOW TORTOISESHELL IS OBTAINED . 349
foun d on ly at the Maldives an d at th e Philippin e s or
Man illas, and is on e of the most valued articles of merchandise
e xpor ted then ce . Th e n ature of this an imal and its tenacityof life ar e indeed remarkable ; for the islanders, wh en th eycatch on e , put it n ear th e fire , and then take Off th e shell,separating it from the turtle in pieces, the largest being the
best, an d fetching the b e st price s. They do n ot remove th ewhole in on e piece, as in th e case of the common tortoises .
Nex t they put back the turtle all alive in to the sea,where
it grows a fresh shall, it being prohibited to kill them .
1
Furthermore,they n ever eat any kind of tortoise
,be cause
, say
they,this an imal has some kind of con formity and kin sh ip
with man ?
CHAPTER I II .
Of the Fish of the Indian Sea , and mor e par ticular ly those
of th e Ma ldives.
Th e sea under the Torrid Zon e bears some strange fish ,very
differen t from those of our se as. Amongst others, strange tosay, are certain fish that eat and devourme n . At the Maldive sare many of these, for they love th e shallow water the re , an droam in great numbe rs. Th e fish is very large, n in e or te n fe etin length , and big in proportion ,
i .e . more than a man ’ s armfulit has n o scales, but is cove red with a kind of b ids of a darkhue , albe it white under th e b e lly,
though n ot of th e same
1 “ If take n from th e an imal afte r death and decomposition , th e
colour of th e sh e ll b e comes cloudy and milky, and h ence th e crue l
expedie nt is r esorted to of se izin g th e turtle s as th ey repair to th e shore
to deposit the ir eggs , and suspe nding th em ove r fi re s till h eat make s
th e plate on th e dorsal sh ie lds start from th e bon es Of th e carapace , afte r
wh ich th e cr e atur e is pe rmitted to e scape to th e water .
”
(T e n n e n t,C eylon , ii,2 Th is is not quite true of th e Maldivians ; M r. Be ll informs me that
th ey eat ce rtain varietie s .
350 Two SPECIES OF SHARKS.
thickn ess or toughn ess as that of the whale. Th e head isround, high, and somewhat broad, garn ished with a numbe rof great poin ted teeth set in many rows. Th e inhab itan ts ofthe Maldives ar e much in commoded by these an imals
,for
they come and devour them as they fish and bath s , or , at
least, dock their arms or legs. You see there many of the
pe ople that have lost a leg or an arm,or a hand, or have b e e n
wounded elsewhere in their bodies by the bites of the se fish .
I have seen many at the Maldives thusmaimed ; inde e d, I havesee n some of these fish caught with whole limbs of me n in
the ir bellies. E very day some acciden t happen s, because itis the usual custom of th e people to bath s and wash in thesea. On e day I was like to have been seized by th em as I
passed from on e island to an other by a narrow fe rry. Th e
Maldivian s have assured me that the se fish go in troops, an dhave many a
'
time attacked little boats and fishers’ whe rries,
and capsizing these, have de voure d the me n . This n eve rhappen ed while I was there, but every on e de scribed th e
affair as a thing certain they say that God se nds the sean imals to pun ish them for their sin s. They call these fishPa imon es .
1 There is also an other smaller kind, called by thePortugue se Tuber ons?which have the head broad and round
,
the mouth exceedingly large , with a number of tee th inseveral rows, and also covere d with a skin in stead of scales
,
just like th e former ; they also eathuman flesh , and devour or
maim such as they find bathing or swimming in th e sea.
They are found in all th ose se as,and sometimes follow ships
in se arch of their prey, e ve n e ating sh irts and sheets that arele ft to soak in the water. An d it is a wondrous thing tore late that they have always about them certain little fish of
a dark Skin,and rough unde r the belly, which by mean s of
this roughn ess fasten themse lves to the tube ron , and can n otb e eaten by him .
1 M . f emunu ; se e vol. i, p . 96 .
2 Port. tuber do, M . miyar u. Sir R . Hawkins g ive s a good de scr iption
of th e “sh ark or tibe run e ” (Hawk. Voy. , pp . 250
FISH AT THE MALD IVES. 35 1
Th e Maldives abound in fish more than any place in theworld . Th e n atives are exce edingly dain ty,
an d e at on ly th ebest and most delicate, de spising the re st. There is a littlefish about a foot or the reabouts in length , square at the fourcorn e rs, and cove red w ith a She ll of on e piece , so hard that itrequires a hatchet to break it, with on ly the poin t of its tailturn ed back to serve it for a he lm the shell is of a ye llowish
colour, and marked with dark stars. On this score some callit th e star-fish .
1 It is the most de licate eating imagin able ;the flesh is white, firm , an d with out any bon es. You wouldsay itwas chicke n , so good is it. You see the re
,too
,many rays
of vast size , some from s ix to seven feet broad ; th e n atives,
howe ver, take n o coun t of them ,and n ever eat them
, con sidering this fish n ot to b e good. I have
,however
,eate n it
,and
found it as good as it is he re. But, as I have said , they ar e
so dain ty and n ice,and have SO abundan t a supply, that they
disdain to e atmost of th e fish that ar e like ours,finding them
n ot good en ough for their tastes. Th e large r rays , however ,they Skin , and with th e e dried skin
,after it is we ll stretched
,
they make their drums , using n on e othe r.
2A number of
their fishes have a hard shell ; thus th ere are crustacean s of
all sorts, and some of great Size ; some I have seen whoseshells blazed out in to dive rs colours, and were ve ry beautifulto se e ? O f the se th e re is o n e kind like that called by thesailors cr abes
, which aboun ds at the Maldive s, an d is of extraordinary size it freque n ts both sea and lan d ,
where it hollowsout great hole s for its retreat. I have seen some with clawsbigger than the two fists. Some islan ds are full of them ,
tothe great an noyan ce an d in conve n ien ce of th e in h abitan ts
,
wh o Often ge t wounds th rough be ing caught in th e ir clawsand in some of th e islan ds n on e durst go about at n ight,because th e se creature s are the n ab road , and. swarm every1 Probab lyon e of th e skate s or rays M . ma di
,Sin . madu) .
2 Th e Maldive tar i or tambour ine is still made of th is skin . M r . Be ll
has give n a spe cime n to th e C olombo Museum.
3 T h e M aldives , like th e Laccadive s , ar e a“pe r fe ct paradise for
crabs” , as Mr . Allen H ume says in Stray F ea the rs,iv, p. 435 .
352 WATER SNAKES AND FLYING FISH .
whe re . Thus did it happen to me on ce to b e wounded byth em as I was walking about by n ight . Th e people suffe ran n oyan ce also from anothe r large fish } all covered with hard ,
poin ted spikes like awls, four in che s in len gth n or is th e r eany part of its body that is without them. When the people
go a-fish ing b etimes, on e tre ads upon on e of them,and run s
h is fee t upon these spikes, the wounds of which are con
side red ven omous .
Th e se a in those parts is full of vipe rs or sea serpe n ts?which h its those they me e t. AS for flying fish ,
3 they ar e
me t with everywhere un der th e Torrid Zon e, and chiefly n e arth e equin octial lin e. Be sides those I saw at se a during our
voyage , I have seen many at the Maldives ; but having Spok e nof th em in my relation of our voyage, I will not repe at he rewh at I have there written .
M oreover, I have been aston ished to see so many diffe ren tk inds of fish to us unkn own ,
small and great, and of all
shape s, whereof some are attired in gaudy colours , othe r s
glitter as if they were covered with gold ; in short, a dive rsityso multitudinous that on e can on ly wonder and con fess thatthe marvels of our Creator are more apparen t in the sea th anin any other portion of His handiwork .
CHAPTER IV .
Of th e Pa r r ots, and a wondr ous Bird that is br ed in Ch in a .
All India,Africa, Brazil, and th e islands adjace n t th ere
to abound (amongst many other sorts of birds) with vastnumbe r s of parrots of all kin ds . Some are of a grey and
1 Th e sea-h edgehog , M . Karin -buraf a ti (Kadu sea ; burafati any
th in g with points that turn s round, e .g . , a weath er cock ) .2 M r . Be ll
,in h is R eport, mention s two kinds
,Hydrophis spirah s
(M . f en -ka r ufa) and Pe lamis bicolor (M . ma’
r idé ) , as be ing much dr eade d
by th e native s .
3 Se e vol. i, p . 9 .
354 ZEBRAS.
distan ce of more than leagues . He then wished to seeit tried
,and sometime s h ad its n eck tied and bound round .
le aving on ly en ough room for breathing , so that it should
n ot swallow the fish,but sh ould come back with its pocke t
'
full this is the artifice employed in China. I have seen it
in this man ner go in to the se a for a long space, and retur n
laden with fish . It used to go out to se a for a con side rabletime
,sometimes remain ing away a whole day, which leads
me to believe it n ot impossible that it had come from China,
for it loves th e sea and tarrie s there a long time , catch ing fishfor its food. In addition to this
,I have been assured by num
b e rle ss Indian s of all parts that fowls of this kind are bredin Ch ina alon e .
1
In Brazil,on my arrival there, I saw two ve ry rar e
an imals. They were of the form,heigh t, and proportion s of
a small mule,but n ot of th e same n ature, for th is Spe cie s
of an imal is distinct, enge n de ring and bringing forth
young after h is kind. Th e skin is wondrously fair to se e ,
b e ing smoOth and shiny like ve lve t ; th e hair is Shor t,an d,what is more strange , it is composed in bands of pure whiteand de ep black, so orde rly arranged , even to the ears
,
th e tail, and other ex tremitie s, that on e can on ly say of its
whole aspe ct that the art of man could hardly effe ct th e like .
More ove r, this beast is ve ry wild, and is n eve r quite domes
1 Buffon r e fe rs to th is pas sag e , H ist. Nat. des Oiseaux , ix, p . 1 7 1 .
With r e spe ct to th e pelican fi sh ing for its maste rs h e quote s Lab at
(Nonu. Voy. aux ik s d’Ame
’
r ique , tom . viii , p . who state s,on th e
authority of Fath e r Raimond,that th e b ird was so train ed by the
C ar ib s . T h e r e is n o g round for discrediting Pyrard’
s te stimony as an
eye-witn ess
,and ther e is no improbab ility in th e fact. I am n ot awar e
,
howeve r,of any author ity cor rob orating h im as r e gards th is use of th e
b ird in Ch ina,wh e re th e employmen t of cormoran ts in th e same
capacity is common enough . M r . P . L . Sclate r,
in forms me that
th e b ird descr ib ed as visiting th e Maldive s was probably a P . onocr o
ta lus , wh ich , as Je rdon state s (Birds of India,iii
,
“ is a r egular
visitant to India dur ing th e cold weath e r,sometimes appear ing in con
s ide rable flocks .
”
VARIETIES or PEPPER . 355
ticated ; in the n atural state they are passing savage , and
devour men . They are called by the n ame give n them in
their own country, that is , es zcr es .
‘ They are bred at An gola,in Africa , when ce they had bee n brought to Brazil to b eafterward presen ted to the King of Spain ; they we re take n
quite young and small, an d had be e n tamed a little n everth ele ss , there was but on e man wh o tended them , or durstapproach them. In fact, just a little while before my arrival,on e of th em
,that h ad by chan ce got loose, killed a groom ,
and would have devoured the body, h ad it n ot been torn
from between h is teeth. Th e ke eper, too, showed me a
number of marks where they h ad bitten h im ,though they
were tied with a very short halter. Th e skin of this an imal
is certain ly on e of the most beautiful things imagin able .
CHAPTER V .
Of P epp er and Ginger , Mace and M ask,Gloves and
Cinnamon .
Pepper2 grows in abundan ce at Cochin , Calecut, Canan or ,
Barce lor,and all along the Malabar coast. It is then ce on ly
the Portuguese take it, and n on e others dare buy it in those
parts. The re is also great storeof it in the islands of Sumatra
an d Java, when ce the Arabs an d all other Indian s, and latterly
1 Probably for sevr es zebres . Th e word zebra is said by L ittré to
b e of E thiopian origin .
2 T hese paragraphs on th e varietie s of peppe r ar e ve ry accurate .
Both black and wh ite pepper ar e obtain ed from th e same climb iug
plan t, Pip er nigrum, wh ich is indig enous in Malabar . Th e white is
obtain ed by r emoving th e dark oute r layer of pe ricarp , th e r eby de
priving it of a part of its pung en cy (Yule , Gloss .) As to long peppe r ,
wh ich is th e fruit-spik e of th e sh rubs Pip er ofiicinarum and Pipe r
longum, se e above , vol. i, p . 328 . In th e African trade it se ems to have
gon e unde r th e name of manigue ta (se e above , p.
356 PEPPER AND GINGER .
the Hollanders , English , an d othe rs th at voyage thither, inde spite of the King of Spain ,
supply themselve s withal ; itis bigger and heavier than that of Malabar, and the In dian s
prize itmore the Portuguese, howeve r, boast theirs to b e th eb e st, saying it h as more stren gth . The re ar e three kin ds ,black
, white , an d long . Th e long grows in Be ngala, Brazil,and Guin ea.
Th e black an d white pepper (these being th e same) comesfrom a plan t or tree like ivy, which is plan ted at th e foot ofan other tree ; as it grows it e n twin es itself an d climbs up tothe top of the tree
,just like the vin e, th e h op, the ivy, or any
other climb e r . Th e leaf re semble s that of th e orange . Th e
fruit grows in little bun che s, rath er long , in fact, resemblin gr ed curran ts. At first it is gre en , when n early ripe itbecomes r ed
,and when dr ied, black . It is gathered in th e
mon ths of D ecember and Jan uary.
Ginger1 is commoner than pepper, an d is found all overIndia, also in Brazil and at the island of St. Lawre n ce. I
h ave n ot b e en at any place in th e Indie s th at I did n ot find
ginger. Th e King of Spain prohibits the export of it in
bulk ,because otherwise it would in te rfere w ith the sale of
h is peppe r, in asmuch as many would con te n t themse lve swith the former . It is a root that grows in the ground liketh e iris plan t. Th e Indian s make of it a great varie ty of
con serves.
1 T h e root of Z ingiber ofi cinale , th e word b e ing th e Arab ic za‘
njabil
(Yule , Gloss . ) T h e cultivation of th is plant was ve ry wide-spr ead in
th e old world e ven in classical time s, but it doe s not se em to have b e en
found in its wild state . D e Candolle,curiously, doe s n ot d iscuss th e
plant at all in h is Or igin of Cult. P lants . It was introduced in to Brazil
afte r th e discovery, an d , as stated above (p. th rove g reatly th e r e .
T h e appr e h en sion that th e export of gin g e r would inte rfe r e with th e
sale of peppe r is cur ious . T he r e ason was that th e vir tue s of both
w e r e similar,Paludanus ob se rving of peppe r ,
“ it warmeth th e mawe,
and con sume th th e cold slymen e s th e r e of”
; an d of ging e r , it b eate th
a cold mawe,and is good again st humour s
”
(L inschote n , ii , pp. 75,
NUTMEGS AND GLOVES. 357
Nutmegs1 an d mace grow on ly in the islan d of Banda,
which is distan t twen ty-four le agues from th e Moluccas,but
in such quan tity there that this island supplies the world.
Th e n utmeg ripen s thrice a year, n amely,in April, August,
and D ecembe r, th e April crop being the best. Th e tre e ismost like the peach the fruit is covered with a rin d or verythick skin ; whe n ripe it open s like a nut,an d the n utmeg
is discovered with an othe r rind,which is the mace :this is
of a r ed colour, but as it drie s it comes away, an d the colour
turn s to orange . This mace is of great virtue in fortifyingand warming the stomach , in expe lling wind, and in digestingfood.
Cloves2 grow on ly at the Moluccas. Th e leaves of thetree re semble th ose of the laurel ; the wood, and even thele ave s
,have almost th e same taste as the fruit, or but slightly
differen t. All around th e tree grows n o othe r herb , be causeth e roots are so h ot th at they attract all the humidity. This
is prove d by placing a sack of cloves ove r a vessel full of
wate r the water is con sume d and dimin ish ed, while thecloves ar e in cre ased in bulk .
Wh ile the flowe r of th e clove is blooming it is white ;then it turn s to yellow ,
and at length to red, and it is then
the clove is begotte n in the flower, and th e scen t is strongestand be st. Th e odour is the sweete st and most de ligh tful
that can be imagin ed ; and on e standing within th e full forceof the se flowe r s would say the wh ole air was perfumed withth e scen t.
1 Th e n utmeg doe s g row at th e Moluccas,but not so luxuriantly as
at Banda .
2 Ca ryophyllus a r omaticus , L . T h e clove is probab ly indig e nous in
th e Moluccas , wh e r e alon e it was found to e xist th re e ce n turie s ago (D e
Candolle , p . I t is cur ious that th is spic e se ems not to have b e e n
known to th e R oman s , n or to an y E uropean s till th e discove ry of th e
Moluccas by the Portugue se . T h e clove itself is th e calix or flowe r
bud of the plant.
358 GLOVES AND CINNAMON.
Whe n the clove is ripe it falls to the ground . Theyare gathered and steeped in sea-water, th en dr ied uponwicke r-trays unde r which fire is placed, the fumes turn ingthe clove black, which before was r ed.
Cin namon grows on ly in the islan d of Ceylon , and there inso great abundan ce that the most part of the country iscovered with it,l as ours here is with underwood an d fore st .
Th e tre e is like th e olive , the le aves like those of th e laur e l ;
it bears a white flower, and a fruit like a ripe olive. It h as
two barks ; the first is worth less, the secon d is th e tr uecinn amon ,
which is stripped on the tre e, and allowed to drythe re afterwards
,when dry, it is gathered. In othe r two or
three years it grows again ,without the tree suffe ring any
harm.
2
This tree will n ot grow without being plan ted. In thatcoun try is so great a store of cin namon that a pound of it
is worth on the Spot n o more than six den ie rs .
1 A mistake : th e cin namon (Cinnamonum zeylan icum) gr ows on ly
on th e we ste rn coas t of C eylon , b etwe en C h ilaw and Matura,and
ch iefly in a small ar ea around Colombo . T h e auth or probably argues
from what h e saw of th e cinnamon garde ns of Colombo. For a full
account of the h istory of cinnamon as an article of comme r ce,se e
Fluckig e r and Hanbury, Pharmacograph ia , p . 467 .
2 T h is may h ave b e e n th e forme r me th od of gath er ing th e b ark , but
it is n ot th e mode r n practice . Th e fi n e st g rowth of bark is that of th e
young e r shoots of about th r e e ye ar s . Th e b ran ch e s of th is ag e ar e
lopped , and th e bark th en r emoved in str ips (se e full accoun ts of th ecultivation and pr eparation in P e r cival’s C eylon , p. 340; Cordin e r ,Ceylon , ii, p . 405 Thunb e rg , Tr ave ls , iv, pp . 1 94
IND IGO , AMBERGRIS, AND MUSK.
CHAPTER VI .
Of An il or Indigo, Musk,Ambergr is, Benioin , Sandal, and
Aloes-wood .
Th e An il, otherwise called I nd igo,1 is foun d on ly in th e
kingdom of Cambaye an d Surat.2 It is a herb th at grows
like rosemary, and come s up from se ed when gathered it is
dried,then ste eped an d dr ied again several time s un til it
becomes blue . It is gre atly prized as a dye , and is on e of
the best commodities of th e Indie s.Ambergri s3 is produced from the se a, and chiefly un de r the
Torrid Zon e ; I have se e n gr eat quan tities of it at the M al
dives, whe re it is found on the sea-beach . Non e of then atives of the coun tries visite d by me kn ow for certain
when ce it come s or h ow it grows . It is on ly known th at itcomes from th e se a.
Musk“ come s from China alon e. It proceeds from a littlean imal of th e size of a cat. To ge t the musk they kill th isan imal
,an d beat it all ove r in its sk in
,an d so let it rot ;
when rotten they make little purses of th e skin ,and fill
them with the fle sh,min ced small
,an d thus se ll it. Th e
Chin e se drive a gr eat trade in this commodity, but they mixand adulterate it, like eve rything else that comes from the ir
1 An il is th e Por tugue se name , from th e Ar . a i n il, which itse lf is th e
San sk . nzla,b lue ” . Indigo is from th e Gr e ek
’lv8uco
'
v,an d th e Latin
I ndicum, probab ly th rough th e Italian (se e Yule , Gloss ,
unde r both
n ames). T h e n ative place of th e cultivated var iety (Indzglof e r a tinc
tor ia) is unknown , se ve r al wild spe cie s b ein g found in India, but n ot in
the parts wh e r e th e forme r is cultivate d . (D e Candolle , p .
2 In corr e ct much was th e n,and is still
, g rown in Agra provin ce .
3 Se e vol. i, p . 229 .
4T h e musk de e r (Moschus moschife rus ) is found in th e H imalayas andn orthwards to T ar tary, at a h igh e le vation
, g en erally ove r fe e t.
(Yule , Gloss . ) It is at least as large as a roe buck . T h e proce ss de
scr ibed is also quite e r ron eous .
360 BENJAMIN. SANDAL , AND ALOESWOOD .
hands. Wherefore it is n ever seen in its pure and n aturalstate.
C ivets l are found in great quan tity throughout all theIndie s.Benjoin 2 proceeds, like every other gum,
from a very loftytree ; it is highly aromatic. It is produced chiefly atMalacca
and in Sumatra.
White Sandal3 is a tree that grows in the Indies, and in
gr e at abundan ce at the island of St. Lawren ce ; red sandalis also found ther e. Th e In dian s use it to rub their bodies ,to give them a pleasan t scen t, and to refre sh the skin wh e nthey ar e hot. Th e tree bears n o fruit.There are two sorts of aloe s-wood‘ in the Indies ; on e the
Indian s call Calamba , the other Gar oa . They use thesewoods to rub their bodies, and for perfumes.
1 Viverr a Indica .
2 A kind of in cen se de r ived fr om th e r e sin of Styrax benzoin . Th e
n ame is a corruption of the Ar . luba’
n -jawi, Java frankince nse . Anoth e r
common form was benjamin . (Yule,Gloss .)
3 Wh ite sandal is th e frag rant wood of th e Santalum a lbum,L . T h e
old English name was Sander s wood . I t is doubtful wh eth er th e red
sandal of th e middle ag e s was a varie ty of th e Santalum,or was anoth e r
spe cie s , th e Pter ocarpus santalina,a South Indian tr e e of inodorous
wood, to wh ich th e te rm
“r ed san dal” has also b e en applied. T h e
latte r wood was used large ly for its colouring prope rtie s. (Yule ,Gloss . )4Th e eag le wood of comme r ce . Calamba or Calambak is given by
Crawfurd as Javan e se,but probably b e longs to th e language of Champa
(or S. Coch in -Ch ina) , from th e kingdom Champa ,wh e nce th e wood was
obtain ed . This is th e fin e st kind. T h e name garoa se ems to come th rough
th e Malay gahr u, from th e San sk. ayuru. The Malayalam form is ayil,whe nce th e Portugue se aguila , wh ich led to aquila, and fin ally to th e
Fr en ch bois d’
a igle , and the Eng . eagle-wood. T he b e st ince n se is oh
tain ed from th e wood of th e Aloezglon aga llochum in a dis eased condition .
(Yule , Gloss .,unde r n ames Aloe s” , C hampa
”
,Calambac
”
, and
Eag le
362 ARBRE TRISTE AND EBONY.
CHAPTER VIII .
Of the A rbre Tr iste , E bong , Betel, and th e Cotton-tr ee .
That tree called Tr iste, 1 which is produced in the East
Indies , i s so named b e cause it blooms on ly by n ight. As
the sun se ts you see n o flowe rs upon the tre e, then ,half-an
h our afte r the sun is be low the horizon , the tr e e flowe r s all
ove r ; and when th e sun r ises,in con tinen tly all th e flowe r s
fall Off, nor doe s on e abide . Th e tree is of th e size of a
pe ar-tree the leaf re semble s that of the laure l, save th at it
is somewhat slashed. Th e seeds are useful for soups , forthey colour it like saffron ; and the water distilled from th e
flowe r s is use ful again st the eye -disease .
Th e ebony-tree is of the size of th e olive,h aving a le af
of th e form of sage , and bear ing a wh ite flowe r lik e a rose .
Th e wood is exce eding hard ; it is foun d in gr e at quan tityat Mozambic ,
2and that is the best ; also at the island of St.
Helen a, but there it is n ot so good, be ing full of kn ots.Be tel is a plan t se t at the foot of oth e r tre e s , wh ich it
clasps like as does pepper or ivy : the leaf is about as b ig as
that of the r ib-wort (plan tain ) , but h arder and thicker,an d fullof little n e rve s or filamen ts. The re is great store of it in th e
East Indies, and chiefly at the Maldive islands,for th e re th ey
cultivate it with e xtreme care. Th e Indian s make gr e at useof it, everybody chewing this le af almost perpe tually : theymingle it with a little lime (in de fault of oyster or othe r se ashe ll) , which they call onn g ,
3and a fr uit th ey call a r equa f in
order to temper its bitte rn e ss . It is this which cause s th e
1 Se e vol. i, p. 41 1 .
2 Th e Portugue se th e r e fore called it p do de i ll ogambique (se e above,
p . 224)3 Maldive un i
,Sin. har m, th e chun am of In dia.
‘1 T h e se ed of th e Ar e ca ca techu palm.
BETEL AND BETEL-CHEWING . 363
r ed colour produced in the chewing . They say they use it
for their health, and that they could n ot otherwise live,1
for that this leaf is hot, and aids dige stion ; wherefore theychew it at all hours, having some of it in their month s at
all times, e xcept when they sleep. Moreover, it is of good
taste and pleasan t odour , and perfumes the breath ; in such
wise,that a man would n ot kiss a woman un less her mouth
savoured of betel, nor would a woman a man . In truth,its
odour is pleasan t an d agre e able ; and, furthe rmore , it pro
vokes and incites the passion s of love .
2 And though it isthus hot, n evertheless it is refreshing to th e mouth , quen ches
th e thirst, and save s them from con tinually drinking , whe re tothe great heat would otherwise compel them. Having suckedth e juice, they spit out the remnan t. I made use of it
while I was among them, and found it salutary. I t driesthe brain and the evil humours of the body. Also it preserves the tee th so well, that I n eve r kn ew on e that used itwho h ad toothache , or h ad lost a single tooth it makes th ete eth as r ed as coral, in de ed, but th at they deem a beauty.
3
They think so much of it, that we re on e to en ter a house with
out b e ing ofl'
e red some betel, he would take it for an affron t
and a disgrace ; and so, when friends mee t by the way, out of
politen ess and in token of good will,they offer on e an othe r
bete l. In a word,at all feasts
,banque ts, an d rejoicings, it
is the first and chiefest item of all good che er, as good win e
is with us .
1 Probably th e Maldivian s’own words
,just as th e Sin halese would
say, bulat nolcaevot imla ba e , on e couldn ’t live without ch ew in g b e te l
L in sch ote n says th at th e Portugue se ladie s e xpre ssed th emse lves to th e
like efi e ct (ii,2 So D e Or ta
,f. 37d.
3 M r . Be ll in forms me that th e Sinhale se have a prove rb , Gilima le t
aeti da ta saddo’
,eve n in Gilimale (a village fame d for its b e te l) th e r e
ar e pe ople with wh ite te e th”
,as we Speak of eve ryflock having its black
sh e ep.
364. COTTON TREES AND BANANAS.
Th e plan t which b ears the cotton is of the he ight of rosetre e s he re. Th e leaf is like that of the maple , the flowe r slike rose-buds. Within the flower , as it fades, expan ds a
pod, which throws out the cotton , an d amid this is th e seed,which th e people sow as we do in n urseries, thus getting a
con tin ual supply of cotton ,wherewith they make the ir
cloth,having n o other material, n either flax n or hemp,
as
we have here. And of th e se cotton cloths they make n o
accoun t except of th e ve ry fin est. There is also an othe r kind
of cotton 1 that comes from a tree large r than the pre ceding ,
like an ash ; this tree produces ce rtain pods full of cotton ,
wh ich , by r eason of its sh ort staple, is good for n othing but
to make pillows for their beds.
CHAPTER IX.
Of Bananas, or In dian Figs and Pin e App les .
Th e ban an a is a tre e n in e to ten fe et h igh, very commonin India, an d wondrous tender, like a cabbage-stalk , an d ye t
as big as a man’s thigh. It is all covere d with seve ral
sheathings on e over the othe r, like our leeks ; when th ese
are removed th e heart remain s,of th e thickness of the arm
,
wh ich is used for mak ing soup ; the leave s ar e of an e ll an d
a half in le ngth an d half an e ll in width. Th e Gen tileIndian s use these leave s in place of table-cloths and platesin taking th e ir meals, an d the same leaves n eve r serve twice .
Th e fruit i s very de licate an d precious ; little children ar e
fed upon it as pap. Each tree produce s but on ce , an d is
then cut down but soon it casts forth n ew shoots, e ach of
which produces the same fruit on ce a year. Th e tr e e ex istsin great quan tity. Th e fruit grows in a bun ch con tain ing
1 Th e silk cotton -tr e e (Bombax M a labar icum) , Hind . semal.
THE PINE -APPLE . 365
as many as 200or 300; e ach is as thick as the arm ,an d a
foot long , an d very good an d we ll -flavour ed to e at ; it is to be
got at all season s at first it is green , afte rwards it b e come s
ye llow , an d'
then is ripe. Th e Maldivian s h ave largeorchards full of it.Pin e -apples1 grow upon a very low plan t which n ever
ex ceeds three or four fe e t in he ight. Be n e ath it is like a
b ush ; the le aves are n arr ow,long , and poin ted , an d
spread out all round . Th e fruit resemble s an ar tichoke,or
rathe r a pin e-con e, save that it is somewhat bigger. Whenthe fruit is ripe it is ye llow ; th e in side is very te nder and ve ry
good to e at. Atop of the fruit is a bun ch of le aves, whichif plan te d produce s n ew fruit
, and this may be left fiftee ndays out of the earth with out de caying , by reason of its
gre at power of ke epin g moist. I f,afte r cutting th e fruit,
you le ave the kn ife without w iping it,it w ill become
all rusty in a single n ight, so b iting an d pe n etrating is thejuice. Some Indian s betime s make of it a kind of win e likeour c ider
,but bette r , be ing stronge r an d more e xhilarating .
1 H e doe s n ot se em to b e awar e that th e pin e -apple was a r e ce n t im
por tation in to In dia from Ame r ica. Th e name Anana s , by which th e
Portuguese introduced it (prob ab ly, as Col. Yule says , from th e Bra
zilian na n a ) , has b e e n n aturalised in all th e Indian d iale cts , as we ll as
in all E ur ope an languag e s, ex cept E n g lish , although T homson did h is
Witn e ss , th ou b e st An an a, thou th e pr ideO f vege table life , b eyond whate
’
e r
Th e poe ts imaged in th e golden ag e .
”
(Summer . )
366 THE DURIAN,RAMBUTAN
,AND JACK.
CHAPTER X .
Of P ar ion s, Ramboutans , Jacks , and Mangos .
The D arion -tree1 n early re sembles a pear-tr ee in Size ; th efruit is as big as a m e lon . The Indian s esteem this fruit tobe on e of the best and dain tiest in th e Indies . To thosewh o ar e unaccustomed to it, it is disagreeable , having a stinklike that of our on ion s , but th e taste is far more e xcelle n t.Ramboutans 2 are fruits with a thorny husk like the chest
nut. Their colour is r ed , the in side of th e size of a waln ut,furn ished with a ke rn el like an almond an d of similar tasteover this is a flesh or pulp of a very agr eeable taste , whichme lts in the mouth . Th is fruit is greatly e steemed in theIndies.Th e Jaque s
3 is a tree of the height of a chestnut, which
produces a fruit as big as a pumpkin . It is attached all
round th e trunk of the tree,n ot at the e nd of the bran ches ,
as all other fruits ar e ; at a distan ce on e might say theywe re b ig pumpkin s fasten ed to th e tree . Th e outside is likea pin e-con e of a yellow colour. When ripe it is very sweetto the taste, yet over-laxative . Within and about th e fruit,in place of a nut or pip, you fin d a numbe r of che stnuts as
good and tasty as th ose of Fran ce ; an d these , con trary toth e nature of the fruit
, ar e of a bin ding quality. So th at
1 The D ur ian is a n ative of th e Malay pen in sula an d islands . Th e
love r s of th is extraordinary fruit ar e ge n e rally at a loss to de scrib e its
vir tue s to th ose who have not tasted it it is a comb in ation of all th e
most exce lle n t flavours in th e world . Its e n emie s have le ss d iflicultyin e xpr essing th e ir opin ion s : it is like rotte n on ion s , rotten eggs ,
car rion , etc .
2 Nephe lium longana , th e Malay rambatan . It is common e st in th e
Malay countr ie s , but g rows we ll in C eylon .
3 Full notes on th e jack (Por t. jaca ,from th e Malayslan chakka ) will
be foun d in Yule’s Glossary.
THE MANGO . 367
after having eaten some of the fruit, in order to avoid evileffects , on e has but to eat a raw and un cooked kern e l.Mangos grow in trees which are of the height of walnuts
in these parts, albeit the leaves are smaller and n arrower. Th efruit is of the shape of plums, as big as the fist. Within isa ston e which is not by any mean s easily separated from thefruit ; when ripe the latte r is yellow. There ar e vast quan tities of this fruit in the In die s
,n ot however at the Maldive s. 1
While they ar e still green th e n atives salt th em as we do
olives,an d thus ar e they kept the year round. For this fruit,
like the jaques, ramboutan s , dar ion s , and pin e-apples , has itsce rtain season , an d does n ot b e ar all the year round, like thebanana and coun tless others .
CHAPTER XI.
Of numerous Tr ees and Plan ts that grow at th e Ma ldives.
Th e Maldives are very fertile in all mann er of fruits, an dbeside those already described, which grow there, ar e many
oth ers, whereof I should wish to mention some,as well
because they ar e altoge ther alie n to the specie s he re, as thatI have myself made use of them an d Observed them moren arrowly at the Maldives than elsewhere . I would n ot say
that some of them may n ot grow e lsewhere in India, n or thatI may n ot have seen them ther e .
In the first place, I did much marvel to observe thevery remarkable n ature of a kind of root, peculiar to th e
Maldives , which they use much with their food , and dressve ry cun n ingly. It grows as big as a man
’s thigh . It is
sown and cultivated and what is aston ishing is , that th eycut the root alon e in to a number of exceeding small piece s
1 M r . Be ll says th is is not quite accurate though scarce , th e man go
is n ot unknown at th e Maldive s .
368 THE YAM,AND CERTAIN MALDIVE TREES.
an d plan t th ese , in somuch that it grows n ot from se ed butfrom a morsel of the root— a strange fact, and con trary to th en ature of oth er plan ts .
1
There ar e many sorts of tr e es, some bearing fruits, oth er son ly flowers . Among those be aring fruits ar e cocos
,ban an as
,
pomegran ates, limes, and orange . O f trees less kn own thatbear fruit, here are some ob se rved by me . The re ar e
,for
e xample, mor an gue gusts ,2 as th ey are called in their languageit is a very great tree, w ith e x te n sive bran ches an d leave s
quite roun d and small ; the fruit is of the form of long bean
pods. Th e leaves and fruit serve to season th eir broth, an d
they ar e tasty en ough .
Th e tree called congn ar e3 is an other
, with widely ex tendedbran che s ; Its leaves ar e roun d, with little spikes th e fruitis like small plums, an d very delicious eating . It is much
esteemed at the Maldives , an d eve n at Goa. This tree bearsfruit at all times, an d, just as with oranges, you se e it in
flower as well as with fruit, some just set, some half ripe, andoth e rs ripe, all at the same time.
Th e p apos‘1 is of middling height, w ith leave s like th e fig
its fruit grows like the cocos, n ot attached to the bran che s
1 Th e r efe r en ce is to th e Maldive hita la (Sin . hir itala ) , th e yam
(D ioscor ea Oppos itifolia) . Ibn Batuta r e fe rs to its g reat value as a diet
of th e islands (se e b e low,App. A) . T h e flour made from this yarn is
r e fe r red to above (vol. i , p. 1 1 1 ) as itelpoul bitala-tu) , Pyrard’s
aston ishme n t at th e me thod o f gr owing th e yam se ems to sh ow that he
had n e ve r se e n th e potato, th ough it had b een in troduced into Fran ce
some ye ars b e for e h e left.
2 M . mor aga-
gas (th e muraga-tr e e) Sin . mora (th e Asclep ias a cida ) .3 M . kuund r a , th e Sinhalese ma san (Z izyphus jig
'
ttba) .4T h e papaya or papaw (Car ica Pap aya , T h is nasty, in sipid
fruit, which in taste b ears n o compar ison with th e melon , is a n ative of
Ame r ica . Th e name is said by O viedo to be Cuban ; it trave lled to
most countrie s of th e East In die s with th e fruit, but at th e Maldive s , as
M r . Be ll in forms me , its name is f a lo . Linsch ote n (ii, 35 ) says that
th is fruit at th e fi rst for th e strang en e ss th er eof was much este emed , but
n ow th ey account not of it”.
370 THE BANYAN TREE .
on four on ly ; this does the tree no harm,for it in con tin en tly
puts forth others. Th e flower is a foot long , big , white, an dben t back
,and casts an ex ce llen t odour. The fruit is as
large as a pumpkin ,and quite roun d the rind is somewhat
hard, and divided in to partition s which reach the heart , inth e mann er of a pin e
-con e ; but the differen ce is that the se
por tion s are of fruit, and very exce llen t. It is of a de ep
carnation colour the bulk of the fruit is n ot eate n , but it is
full of kern els , which ar e passing sweet and much b e tter thanthose (of our pin es) here . Th e leave s are an e ll an d a half in
le ngth, an d a span broad. They divide them in to two str ips,an d write upon them as upon parchmen t with ink . Th e
timb e r is good for n othing ,be ing too sappy, porous, an d
full of filamen ts.At th e Maldives the re is great store of the tree which the
Portuguese call the w ild Indian fig1; it h as a leaf like a
walnut,and b ears a small fruit which is used for n othing
save that they burn it and produce a dark Oil, which theyuse to blacken th e ir Ships in place of pitch an d tallow .
What is won de rful in the n ature of this tre e is that th eb ran ch es, after they have spread aloft
, cast for th little rootsat their ends ; the se be nd naturally and en ter the ground ,
wh en ce they produce other bran ch es , and so on to in fin ity,in such w ise that this tre e would soon fill a whole countryun le ss itwere cut down . The timbe r is used on ly for firewood.
As for flowe ring tree s, some ar e of great size , producing on lyflowe rs
,which ,
howeve r,ar e most sweet and odoriferous. Such
is the I n n ap a ,
2 th e le aves ofwhich th e Maldivian s bruise, an dthen rub upon th eir feet and hands to mak e them r ed, which
1 M . n ilca ; Sin . nuga , th e b anyan (F icus indica ) . T h e Portugue s e
also called it arvor e de raiz,
the tr e e of roots” . Th e poetical de s cr iptions of th e banyan tr e e by M ilton and oth e rs ar e give n by Col. Yule
in h is Glossary.
2 M . hind (Lawsonia ine rmis ). T h e innapa of th e text is h i’
i idf a i , h in dleaf . T h e innamaus
, b e low,is kind 1nd h inaflowe r . It is th e henna
of wr ite rs on th e E ast.
VARIOUS FLOWERING TREES. 37 1
they esteem a great beauty. This colour does not yield toany washing , nor un til the nails grow,
or a fresh skin comesover the flesh , and then (that is , at the e nd of five or six
mon ths) they rub them ag ain . Th e flower is called Innamaus it is very small but of a strong smell. The same istrue of the tree called Onn imaus ,1 wh ich bears no other fruitthan white flowers of a very sweet and agreeable smell. Theylast but four-and-twen ty hours upon the tree and the n fallbut the tree produces them un ceasingly all the year round .
There is an other tree of a very singular n ature ; it is calledI roudemaus,
2 which in their language mean s“sun -flowe r” ; it
comes out and appears on ly at the rising of th e sun in themorn ing , and at sun set it falls
,which is con trary to the
n ature of th e arbre triste” . This flower is the mostexcellen t of all, and has the best smell, and is ordinarilyserved to the kings and queen s. There are e ndless othersorts of flowe rs that bloom at all season s of the year, andof so excelle n t odour and perfume that the best of ours
,
or of our n eighbouring coun trie s, are n ot to be comparedwith them ; the reason is that they are n igher to that which
gives flowers their chiefest lustre ; and this is more the
cas e at the Maldives than elsewhere . Th e coun try folk there
are exceedingly fond of flowers, binding them in their hair,and every day cove ring their beds and garmen ts with themthey are also wonderfully cunn ing in the making of prettybouquets, chaple ts, wreaths, an d garlands.
1 M . Un i-ma, th e flower of th e un i tr e e . Th is tre e is identifi ed by
M r . W. Fe rguson as th e Oue ttarda spec iosa , th e St. Thome flower
tre e .
2 M . irade -md ; n ot, however , th e Sin . sur iya lca'
nta’
,nor th e “ four
o’clock flower ” (M irabilis jalappa ) , but on e of th e jasmines
, probab ly
e ith e r Jasminum gr andiflorum, or Jasminump ubescens .
372 THE COCONUT PALM .
CHAPTER XII .
A mostp ar ticular descr ip tion of th e admir able tr ee that bear s
the I ndian n ut,called Cocos, and alon e p r oduces all
commodities and th ings n eces sary for th e lif e of man .
In all the Indies th ere is no tree which serves so many
purposes of the n ourishmen t and con ven ien ce Of man as
th e tree which produces the cocos or In dian nut.
Th e Portuguese call this tree Pa lmer o,1 and th e fruit Cocos .
2
Th e Maldivian s call it Rou l,3and the fruit Car é.
4 Th e
Malabars call it Tengua ,
5and th e Guze rats Na r guilly.
6 It
grows only in coun tries that are within th e two Tropics ,b ecause it requires n othing but a warm and humid soil ; and
yet it is n ot found throughout the whole Torrid Zon e , but on lyin certain places, where it is a marvel to se e it growing all
n aturally and without cultivation"; and on e of its chie f
1 More corr ectly palmeira .
2 T h e orig in of th e word coco is involved in some ob scur ity. Col.
Yule gives th r ee choice s,— (i) th e Sp. and Port. coco
,a mask or bogey
“e nOs os Portugue zes, por te r aque lle s tr e s buracos . lhe pozemos o
nome de coco:porque par ece rosto de bugio ou d’outro an imal”
,says
Garcia de O r ta (f. 66b)“an d we Portugue se , b e cause of those
th re e eyelets , give it th e name of coca, as r e semb ling th e face of a
monkey or oth e r an imal”:this is th e accepte d Sp . and Port. de r iva
tion . (ii) th e old Sp. coca , a she ll Lat. concha and Fr . coque th is is
Col. Yule’s own sugge stion , an d, except as to gender , se ems probab le
en ough (iii) th e an cie nt Egyptian kuku, foun d by Goodwin as applied
in particular to th e fruit ; th is word se ems to appear again in th e
mixe s of Th e oph rastus, applied to a palm of E th iopia.
3 M . r u’
,Sin . r ule or r ulca ,
“ tr e e”
; th e ordin ary M . word for tree is
gas (Sin . gaha ) , but th e coconut is Ica rhi-r u’, th e nut-tr e e ”
4M . kcir l u'
,cf . Gre ek xdpvov,
“nut
”
; Cosmas de scrib e s coconuts as
xdpva’
Iu6ucd.
5 T am. tengku or tenglca-maram (ma r am tr e e ) .3 San sk . nar ilce la ; wh e nce P e rs . na rgzl.
7 T h is may be so as r egards th e Maldives , but in C eylon th e coconut
tre e is rar ely se e n far from human h abitation s T h e natives have a
374 USES OF THE TREE AS TIMBER .
have spoken ,which ar e so big, and a great an noyan ce both
in regard to this tree and to win e-jars, and othe r ve ssels used
for catching and drawing th e win e. Th e se cre ature s will
b reak and crack th e ve sse ls in their de sire to drink the win e ,most frequen tly spilling iten tirely. Th e people are also muchmole sted in all the islands by an ts, which make their tun n e lsbeneath these trees, trave rsing all the roots , and displen ishingthem of earth SO much as to caus e them to fall .
This tree is loftier n ot on ly than any tre e of these parts ,but even than any of the Indian trees, being about twe n tyfathoms high.
1 It is quite straight, without any bran che s upto the summit ; it is n ot of proportion ate thickn e ss, but ve rysmooth, thicker towards the roots, and dimin ish ing up to thetop. I have n ever See n on e quite straight, n or any but waswithout bran ches up to th e top. It h as but little root
,and
so has n o strong foothold, and a high win d is sure to blowsome down ; and, as I said, these sometimes fall upon th e
house s,in whose ruin s the people w ithin are ove rwh elmed,
the houses being low and little able to resist SO great a
weight. Th e bark is light in colour, and the trun k very
pithy, an d full of filamen t . The timbe r is used for buildinghouse s, yet but half the tree can be used for th e purpose ,that is , the lower or thick half, for the re st is on ly pith , an d
too te nde r. Of the lower part of th e tree wh e re it is th icke sta length of about three fe e t is cut, and th e n h ollowedout to make bucke ts for keepin g hon ey, wate r, and othe rcommodities. Th e b e st of the timbe r is used for makingships, which are altogether composed of it n o other is used,n or is a particle of iron employed.
Th e bran che s ar e all aloft,in a bun ch at the top of th e
tree. Th ey are exceeding long , flat, and straight . Th e
leaves grow equally on both sides, and close toge th er, with
1 Th e question as to th e gre atest h e ight attain ed by th e coconut palm
h as re cen tly b e en raised in th e Ceylon Observe r ; th e loftiest tre e mea
sured was found to b e 1 1 7 fe e t.
GROWTH or THE LEAVES AND FRUIT . 375
only th e in terval of an inch be tween . They are half a
fathom or more in length, fin ishing in a poin t, two in chesbroad on each side ; for they ar e folded in two at th e middle
,
where there is a stalk of wood, very slender, but very strong ,
giving support to the leaf. They are of a white colour whenthe leaf first opens , afterwards they become green ,
and
latte rly, when dry, brown . Th e fruit n ever grows upon thebran ches, but on ly on the trunk of the tree at the spring of
the branches. There it gr ows , and waxes in cluste rs,each
cluste r hanging from th e tree by a stalk as th ick as thearm,
of a due length, and very stron cr . By this stalk hangthe nuts or cocos, usually to the n umber of fifty or sixty,
more or le ss ; and what is more wonderful than all, thetree produces a cluster of cocos every mon th, in such wisethat sometimes it is charged with te n or twelve cluste rs of
nuts , some ripe, others half ripe, and others just begin n ingto set, all in the order of their growth ; and they become
perfectly ripe in six mon ths. Thus it has ripe fruit all th e
year round, and is always in season .
1
This tree requires low,humid, and watery ground, and
marshy or sandy places ; whe re fore it grows well at theMaldives, the ground being low, and wate r being found at
three or four feet deep, so that these trees are always keptfresh and n ourished. On the other hand, on the main land
it is some trouble to ge t them reared, and it is nece ssary touse wate r-chann els, or to irr igate them by the hand-labour ofslaves n ightand morning . For plan ting , the fruit must be take nwhe n n aturally ripe upon th e tree, n or too much so, for if tooripe an d dry, the water in side will have dried up ; and it is
1 T h e produce of th e tre e in full h ealth and prope rly te nded is
much depe ndent on soil and climate . T he ave rage may b e put down
at 1 20n uts in th e twe lve mon th s , wh ile in a low and sandy soil it will
amoun t to 200, and wh en plan ted in grave l and late rite foundation s not
60 th e most productive mon ths ar e from January to Jun e , th at is for
r ipe nuts , th e h eat b ringing th em quickly to matur ity”
(All About the
Coconut Pa lm,Colombo
,1 885 , p.
376 STAGES or THE NUT-GROWTH .
the wate r alone which ge rminates, and not the ke rn el. Th e
whole fruit must be laid in humid soil, with its Shell and
husk , an d it suffices to cove r it with earth. Without thehusk the tree cann ot possibly grow , because othe rwise th eearth would rot th e shell ere the germ and root we ren ourished
, and the plan t had sprung above the ground . It
bears fruit at six or seven year s. They that would gath e rthis fruit can , by rapping the finge rs or other thing again stth e husk
,judge in what condition it is, whether hard or soft,
ripe or un ripe. When it is be coming ripe the water joggles an dstirs within
, but when n ot ripe , or only begin n ing to ripe n ,
th e water gives no sound ; and in measure as it become s overripe, the water dries up un til it is exhausted ; the kern e lthen becomes hard and dry, and when pressed, n o longe r
yields milk, but only oil, and separates from the she ll. In
place of being white within it then becomes Of a leaden h ue ,while the outer surface turn s brown like the shell.Th e trees growing n ear the close of the royal palace and
other houses at th e Maldives are ascended on ly by n ight : itis forbidden to do so by day,
for th e climbers would overlookth e close, which hath not walls of the heigh t of these tree s.Inde ed, th e gatherers of this fruit, who are called R avery,
1
dare not climb them by day at any place where they couldoverlook the close of the humblest dwelling, ere they havefirst given a loud shout three times, standing at the foot of
the tre e. This is don e for th e sake of the women wh o
bathe and wash themselves, all n aked ,in their ponds and
in the closes of their houses. This rule is Observed verystrictly amongst them,
and it is forbidden to the r avery to
climb th e tree un til the wome n have don e their bathing and
have withdrawn .
Marvellous indeed ar e th e commodities drawn from th is
tree , of which there is n o morsel or particle but serves some
use . Th e bran ches are Split in two and are made in to laths
1 M . ré -ve r i,
“ toddy-men
378 USES OF THE LEAF-STALKS.
ing of lin en . When they would make a presen t of flowers ,betel, or th e like, they put this in a kin d of baske tmade of these leaves ve ry n eatly. When it is required totake out the con ten ts
,they cut an Ope n ing with a kn ife and
cast away the basket. Th e Slende r stick in th e middle of
the dry leaf becomes very hard , in somuch that of it theymake be somsl to swe ep withal, an d use n on e oth e r. Th e se
slight stalks also serve to make box e s and cases ; they are
plaited togethe r, an d ar e quite strong , and such boxes ar e
fasten ed with lock and key.
O f these stalks are also made the Shafts of weapon s, suchas small Spe ars , javelin s, etc . they bind toge ther the littlestems , which are n o thicker than an iron spike , and about a
half fathom in length, packing them togeth e r to the requiredthickn ess
,and placing them e nd to e nd to th e required
length .
2 These sticko
s dimin ish in size from th eir thickere nd, which is the lower e nd of th e leaf
,up to the poin t,
wh ich is n o b igger than a little n e edle . They dispose theselittle sticks with such art, that th e shaft con structed of themis n o longer weak ,
n or stouter in on e place than an oth er.
Nex t, when well polishe d , th ey cover these Shafts with a
varn ish called by th em Las ,3which they possess in all colours,adorn ing them with n umberless figures an d patte rn s at their
pleasure ; these shafts are called Z icon ti . ‘1 They ar e of thethickn ess of a good- sized thumb , and are staun ch and strong,
yet will bend soon er than bre ak . They are made as thick
an d long as required, an d are also used for making bows .
When these pe ople wan t n e e dles they use n on e other than
1 T h ese b rooms are called in M . ilorhi-f a ti, and in Sin . ila pata .
2 M r . Be ll wr ites I won de r ed much at the plian cy of th e ir long e r
jave lin s ; those used in th e sports quiver ing strang e ly in th e han d wh e n
r eady for use .
”
3 M . lti , H ind. ld lch , San sk . ld lcshti ,“ lac”
,th e r e sin ous incr ustation
produced on ce rtain tre es by th e pun cture of th e Lac insect, Coccus
lacca (Yule , Gloss ).4C f . H ind . senti,
“ jave lin ’
MANUFACTURE OF COIR. 379
these little stems,fashion ing and poin ting them with their
kn ives.Th e nut is covered with a husk or shell some ar e of the
size of a man’s head, and some le ss. The husk h as a yellowish
hue ove r the green whe n it is ripe, and is three or four in chesthick . This husk is composed of fibre
,whe reof they make
their rope. They remove th e husk when green ,as we should
that of a nut, and lay it to steep in th e sea,covering it with
sand. After it has been the re for the space of three we eksthey take it out an d be at it with woode n malle ts, such as wehere use for flax or hemp. Thus, having separated th e fibre s,they expose it to the sun . Ne x t, th e women twist and spinit in to rope with the hand on the n aked thigh , for th e me n
take no part in the labour of rope -making . Th e ropel thusmade serves for all uses, and n on e oth er is employed throughout all th e Indies . Th e same husk ,
when dry, se rve s tocaulk the ships withal.O f the same sub stan ce
,too
,are made matches for arque
buses ; it keeps alight well and makes good charcoal,be tter
indeed than ours but in making matches it is prepared diffe re ntly from the rope for the husk or sh ell must be driedwith the fruit
, and n ot plucked gree n ,n or steeped, n or
beaten, an d th e fibre is spun and twisted with th e whole of
the rind, an d very fin e ly twin ed . It is of th e colour of tan,
wherewith leathe r is tan n ed ; and all about th is fibre is a
sub stan ce like sawdust. M ore over,in dwellings, at guard
houses,and elsewhe re , they employ this dry husk for pr e
serving fir e , as it keeps aligh t for a long while , an d a small
spark applied to it will convey th e fire , wh ich will n ot go
out so long as th ere is th e least substan ce le ft. Wh e n th eyhave made their match
,th ey boil it with ashe s, as we use
here th en they fold it toge ther in to th ick hanks , like rings ,of th e thickn ess of an arm ; through th e se th ey thrust th e irarm when they are carrying the ir arquebuses. They n e ve r
1 Coir -rope .
380 THE NUT AND ITS CONTENTS.
cut it, but merely snuff it as it burn s away, as we do candle s.They use n o other mann er of match, eithe r in the se islan dsor e lsewhere in India ; in some place s, however, where cottonis common an d cocos scarce, they make their matches of
cotton .
Th e n ut, when separated from th e husk , or, as we call it,
she lled”
,is still so big that, empty and clean ed out, it will
hold two or three pin ts of water or other liquid ; for some ofthem ar e of divers smaller sizes, and the least are of the sizeof a lemon .
The shell is exceeding hard, and as thick as two testoon s,or a whit more. Th e Indian s use it to make their porringers,
pots, pin ts, and other measures, and also uten sils such as
spoon s an d the like. Moreover,of this shell they make
charcoal for their forges, and use n one other.All around th e in side of this shell comes a thick an d firm
white substan ce, which is tasty like an almond, and verygood ; they use it in divers ways. First
,the Indian s eat it
as we eat bread along with other viands, whethe r flesh orfish . Nex t
,from this same white stuff they e xtract a milk
which is as sweet as our milk sugared, or rather as our milkOf almonds. To obtain this milk they poun d the ke rn el in tomeal, then strain an d squeeze it ; the milk thus caused toflow is passed through a sieve . This milk is very laxative ;it is served with honey or sugar, and drunk fasting n o other
purgative is used.
From this same milk Oil is obtain ed, for whe nboiled it changes and thicken s in to Oil it is verygood for frying , and n o other is used by the people ,whe ther for season ing their meats or mixing with theirsauce s. Th e same is used for lamps, and not on ly at th e
Maldives, but throughout all the East In dies ; even th e
Portuguese use n on e other. It is also very good for woundsand ulce rs, and is th e prin cipal recipe at the Maldives. I
myself was cured by it. It is a sove re ign remedy again st th e
382 TODDY AND JAGGERY.
found at the base of the bran ches be tween the trunk of th e
tree and the fruit cluster. Th is tissue th e In dian s employ tomake their sacks. Also
,be ing of fin e me sh ,
it is very properfor strain ers to pass any liquids through .
This tre e also yields a liquor which se rves in place of win e .
1
For when you cut the thick spathe of the cluster, le aving it
on ly of a foot’s le ngth,the re drops there from a liquor passing
sw e et and luscious, just like hypocras, saving that it is quitefresh . At the Maldives th is liquor that flows from these cutbran ch e s is drunk in stead Of win e— for they dare n ot drinkthe oth er sort ; but it will n ot keep sweet without turn ingsour for more than four-an d-twen ty hours. Each bran chusually yields about a quart a day,
though some will yie ldtwo or thre e or more, and this bran ch, dropping con tinually,
lasts for the space of six mon ths. To rece ive this liquor th eyattach a pot, also Of cocos, to the bran ch or spath e , in suchwise that the win d cann ot carry the droppings away.
With this liquor they make hon ey and sugar . Th ey
collect it in a pan and boil it with ce rtain white porous
pe bble s that ar e foun d in the sea. When boiled for sometime it becomes conve rted in to hon ey,
as e xcellen t as ordinaryh oney, or, rather, as the fin est syrup imagin able ; it is yellow
like wax , but they make it clear or thick as th ey please .
2
From th is hon ey also is manufactured sugar, by boilingw ith oth er pebbles and th e n drying it : thus is produced a
fin e sugar , either white or candy,where in is much traffic
young tr e e s . T he le ngth an d e ve n n e ss of th e th r e ads or fibr e s,th e
r egular man n e r in which th ey c ross e ach oth e r at oblique angles, th e
e xte n t of surface , and th e th ickn ess of th e pie ce , cor re sponding with
th at of coarse cotton cloth , th e singular man n e r in wh ich th e fibres ar e
attach ed to each oth e r,cause th is cur ious sub stan ce
,wove in th e loom
of n ature,to r epr e se nt to th e eye a r emarkable r e semblan c e to cloth
spun an d wove n by human in g e nuity (E llis , Polyne sian Re sear ches ) . It
is much used for s ieve s , and also in th e South Se a for makingc loth s .
1 Sara,id r i
,or toddy
2 T h e Maldivian s make th e ir jagg e ry in this man n e r still .
ARRACK. 383
don e,both at the Maldives and also at Cael an d Ceylon .
But this sugar is n ot by any mean s so white as can e sugar,th ough in some places it is whiter than at others .
Also if of this liquor th ey de sire n ot to make hon ey orsugar, they put it on the fire and make an excelle n t b randy,
called by them Ar d e,
l which is quite as strong as ours h ere.
Th is bran dy, or arac , the Portuguese use for a beverage ,but they add thereto raisin s from Persia, putting about 30or 35 pounds of them in a cask , and mixing the whole to
geth er to redden an d sweeten it. Th e Portugue se drink n o
other win e,and call this vin dc passe
2; it is very good and
cheap. Great lords sometimes drink Span ish win e , wh ich isve rv dear out the re. I f vin egar h e wan ted , this liquor is leftfor te n or twe lve days to turn sour , and the vin egar so madeis as strong as th e b e st we have he re .
Thus from the same tree can b e Obtain ed fruit an d win e ;but, to say truth, the fruit is in that case n e ither so goodn or so plen tiful. Wh ere fore at th e Maldives, where the setre es are SO numerous , th ey set apart certain Of th em sole lyfor the production of w in e ; and then , a single tree can nothave more than two or three of these distilling taps goingat on ce. Neverth ele ss
,some win e can be drawn from a tree
which is left to bear fruit, but a small quan tity on ly.
Th e tr e e h as yet an other commodity,viz.
,that at the top
it throws out a tende r shoot3 about two or three feet lon g ,
which is ve ry good eating , an d as swee t as an almond . I haveeate n it many a time. Wh e n the tre es ar e fe lled for the
purpose of building , this tendril is promptly cut, but n everex cept th en .
An other extraordinary thing is that whe n the cocos is ripe1 From Ar .
’
ara l; , pe rspiration T h e toddy is twice distilled,
givin g on e -e ighth of its quan tity in ar rack .
2 Se e above , p. 73,note .
3 T h e so-called coconut cabbag e”
,M . r ule-kur i
,Sin . pol
-bada .
Wh e n b oiled it is ve ry de licate , with a n utty flavour . T h e natives pre
se rve it in Vinegar and use it as a pickle .
384 COPRA,AND BLACK DYES.
and dry,if you put it in some damp place, or in the groun d ,
for th e space of three weeks or a mon th , the wate r withinforms itse lf in to a k ind of apple, yellow on the surface andwhite ben eath1 ; this is as tender and sweet as can be , an d
melts in themouth. Th e dain ty and curious among the in h abitants eat this Often
,esteeming it most delicate fare, an d eve n
give it to their little children . This apple is the germ of th e
cocos, which would shoot forthwith and engender a tree we reit left a while longer, for the kern el that is all around theShe ll in man n er de scribed has naught to do w ith th e germin ation of th e cocos, but on ly the wate r within ; this it iswhich furn ishes th e substan ce. Th e rest of the cocos rots,and is good for n othing more.
Further,the n atives make a sort of merchandise out of th e
fruit of the cocos, which fin ds a market all over India, an dfetches a high price too ; they call it suppar a .
2 Th ey takethe fruit, break it in two parts , and dry it in the sun ,
whichcauses it to shrink mightily and it will thus keep as long asthey wish . They pack it in sacks and send it to all parts .
It is of good flavour, and serves for sauces and soups. It is
carried in quan tities to Arabia, an d th e oil extracted from it
is much better and will keep longer than that drawn from
quite fresh fruit.Black dyes are Obtain ed from the sawdust of cocos it is
steeped in the water and h on ey of this same tree , and le ft inthe sun for some days ; a very black and excellen t dye isthus produced.
3
Of th e stalks of the fruit are made pain t-brushes for
1 M . mudi, Sin . pa ela made.
2 Probab ly misprint for lcuppara ; M . kuf a r d , Sin . kopar a , Eng .
cop ra. C eylon exports an nually about cwts . of copra , and a
small quan tity is sometime s exporte d from th e Maldives to C eylon .
3 M r . Be ll says th ey make two kinds—(a ) bobi-de li, charcoal bur n t
from th e soft she ll,mixed w ith coconut O il, and used for pain ting boats,
e tc . (b) ndr hi c de li, charcoal from th e h ard Sh e ll, mixed with wate r , and
us ed as ink .
38 6 THE AUTHOR’
S KNOWLEDGE or THE COCO TREE.
the se cocos trees ; the fruit of the on e when young beingsweet and tender as an apple, that of the other n ot so. Th e
ten der and sweet ar e very rare, an d held in great esteem , but
wh en they are ripe they are not so good as the others .I have given an ex ten sive description of this tree
,as being
on e of the greatest marvels of th e Indies ; also because Isojourn ed five years at the Maldives
,wh ere it is th e chief
source of wealth , food , and all commodities, and where they
ar e better experien ced in drawing its produce and in apply
ing it to th e divers petty amen ities of life than elsewhere inIndia. Nor have I on ly seen all this a few times. I haveeaten this fruit and lived upon it regularly. I myself possessed a great numb er of tree s, and those of the very be st,and myself produced all these commoditie s which I havedescribed. Wherefore, I have thought it not otherwise than
proper that I Should describe with all particularity that
which I have learn t by an experience so long and so wellapproved.
Advice to th ose who w ould undertake th e voyag e
to the East Indies. Th e order and police observed byth e F re n ch in th e ir navigation , th e great faults and e xce sse s
committed by th em,w ith e xamples th e r eof , and a
word of caution against th e like .
INASMUCH as it is expedien t and n ecessary for those whowould undertake the voyage to the East Indies to kn ow th e
proper times and season s for setting out, both on the outwardand th e homeward voyage, the th ings whereof they ough t tomake provision , and the man n er of th eir govern an ce, wh erebyto avoid the acciden ts which hourly befall, as indeed I havemyself experien ced many and many a time—ou these mattersI will give a short discourse which may serve for a conclusion to my voyage, and will treat in some measure of theexcesses and lack of order attending our navigation , and themean s of remedying the same. I begin by saying thatvoyagers must above all things take care to set out in seasonin order to successfully weather the Cape Of Good Hope andthe coast of Natal, where the win ds and storms are both veryfrequen t an d very dangerous, an d the more so when the passage of these region s is made out of season .
It behoves them also to be provided with good and e xpe
r ienced sea-
pilots, wh o have made th e voyag e several times,and have a practical kn owledge of it, for it is certain that ifwe had had a good pilot our voyage had come to happy issue.
They must make choice of good ships that are inured to thesea,
and have already made some voyages ; because, if on a
long voyage any acciden t befalls a n ew ship that has not
been proved at sea, it can n ot be repaired. Further , for a
388 SHEATIIINC OF SHIPS.
comple te voyage there must be a company of four or fiveships at the least, on e of th e se to carry victuals, ship
’s uten sils,and other furn iture and mate rial for the repair of the othe rships in case of n eed
,and to make fitting distribution of h e r
me n and provision s as occasion may r equire :when sh e is
thus emptied she may b e abandon ed . Also it is ve ry de sir
able to have a small pinnace , which is of infin ite se rvice in
approaching close to land an d in re con n oitring .
I have n ot found it of use to sheath the ship with le ad as
ours was . For although this may be good again st worms ,
pre ven ting them from piercin g th e timb e rs, ye t for all that it
clogs the vessel ove rmuch. Th e Portuguese use it on ly at
the seams and join ings of th e timber s. For th is purpose tinwould seem to me the most suitable .
1
Moreover,it is r equisite to make good provision of fre sh
water rathe r than win e,se eing the heat is so veh emen t that
the drink ing of wine rath e r enhan ces than que n ch es th ethirst ; n evertheless , you must take some , and some brandyalso
,to dr ink when you approach th e Cape of Good Hope ,
wh ich is a cold n eigh bourhood, and also to keep for the returnvoyage when you begin to reach th e altitude of Spain an d
1 T h e Portuguese had forme r ly used complete le ad sh eath ing , but pro
bably it had b e e n give n up for e conomical r e ason s . Sir R . Hawkin s
has some in te r e sting r emarks on this subject (Hawkin s ’ Voyages , p . 203)In Spain s and Portingall, some sh eath s th e ir shippe e with lead ; b e side s
th e cost and waight, alth ough they use th e th inn e st sh e e t-lead that I
have se e n e in any place , ye t it is n oth ing durable , but sub je ct to many
casualties. Anoth e r man n e r is used with double planke s , as th icke
w ithout as within , afte r the man n e r of fur r ing , wh ich is little be tte r than
that with le ad for b e side s h is waight, it dureth little , because th e
wo rme in small time passe th through th e on e and th e oth e r . A th ird
mann e r of sh e ath ing hath b e en used amongst some with fin e canvas ;
wh ich is of small con tinuance , and so n ot to b e regarded . Th e fourth
pr e vention ,wh ich now is most accompte d of
,is to burn s th e utte r
planke till it come to b e eve ry place like a cole , and afte r to pitch it
th is is not had .
” H e th en de scr ib es th e C hine se method of varn ish in g ,
and lastly th e E nglish mode , viz.
,by th in sh eath ing boards ove r laye r s
fi rst of tar and th en of hair . T h e most approved mod e r n sh e ath ing is
Coppe r ove r fe lt.
390 ACUE AND SCURVY.
mouth of the stomach, which is thereby in con tin en tly swollenwith these throes. This illn ess sometimes lasts twen ty-fourhours in my case the worst of th e pain lasted on ly three orfour hours. Yet does it make itself felt for three or four daysthereafter , and the on ly r emedy is heat, viz. , by drink ing goodSpan ish or Canary win e, or bran dy, cin namon water, or other
arden t liquids.For a protection again st this disease on e must b e clad
warmly,and well covere d at n ights, and above all care must
b e taken n ot to sleep in the dews of sundown and n ight.Th e head must be swathed, the legs well and warmly e n closed,and the stomach in like mann er. For this purpose theywearbroad bands sufficien t to cover the stomach, quilted and
stuffed with cotton,
land handsomely powde red with scen ts.
It is inde e d a strange thing that in the hotte st places thebody become s quite cold and bereft of heat.Now with regard to an othe r malady, called scur but by th e
Hollande rs and the gum disease by the Portuguese ;2we Fren ch
call it“ le mal de terr e ”
,I kn ow not why, for it comes on at
sea and is cured on land. It is a very common ailmen t inall par ts of the voyage, and is con tagious, even by approaching or bre athing an other’s breath. It is ordin arily broughtOn by the great length of the voyage, and the long sojourning at sea
,and also by the wan t of washing and clean lin e ss,
and of changing linen and oth e r clothes by th e sea air and
water,by the corruption of th e fresh water and the victuals ,
wash ing in se a water without washing afterwards in fresh ;by cold, and sleeping in the n ight dews,— all these cause thisdisease . Those attacked become swollen as by dropsy, an dthe sw e lling is as hard as wood ,
chiefly on the th ighs and legs ,cheek s and throat, all the surface being suffused with darkblood, of a livid an d leaden hue , as though it were all
tumours and contusion s, ren dering the muscle s and n erves
1 A descr iption of th e Cumme rbund” .
2 Port. Ala l alas gengivas .
SYMPTOMS or SCURVY. 39 1
impoten t and stiff. Besides th is the gums are ulcerated and
black , the flesh all swollen,the te eth displaced and loose, as
though they h ad but a slight hold ; indeed ,most of them fall
out. Add thereto a breath so foetid and disgusting that on e
can not approach it can be smelt from on e e nd of the vessel
to the other. Th e appetite is not lost, but the distress of thete eth is such th at on e can on ly eat slops, wherewith th e shipis but ill furn ished ; indeed, on e becomes so famished and
gre edy that it would seem as if all the victuals in the worldwould n ot suffice to produce satie ty. Th e discomfort is , infact, greater than the pain ,
which is confin ed to the mouthand gums. So it is that full often a man dies at h is talking ,drinking , and eating , without kn owledge of h is approachinge nd. The n ,
too , this malady makes aman so opin ionative andfractious that n othing pleases h im. Some die in a few days,others endure a while longe r e r e they die . They be come of
a white or ye llowish colour,and whe n first ove rtaken w ith
th e disease the thighs and legs are covered with little pustule san d spots like flea-bites , which is th e black blood issuingthrough the pores of the skin ; the gums begin to rise , andto become can cerous. Th e patie n t is subj e ct to syn cope,fain ting , convulsion s, and n ervous swoon ings. While we
we re at the Islan d of St. Lawren ce there died three or four ofour men of this malady, and whe n the ir heads were open edall th e brain was found to b e black ,
tain te d, and putr ified .
Th e lungs become dry and shrunk like parchme n t that is he ldn ear th e fire . Th e liver and sple e n wax immode rate ly large ,and become black and covered with apostume s full Of th e
most loathsome matte r. D uring this sickn e ss a sor e n eve rhe als or close s up ; on the con trary,
it run s to gangre n e and
putre faction . When a man is se ized at sea, le t h im use
what remedie s he will, all are use le ss, and n othing avails but
to get ashore wherever possible, an d gain re fre shmen t of
swee t and fre sh water an d fruits, with out wh ich n on e can
b e cured , do wh at he will. It is a te rrible thing to se e th e
392 REMED IES AND PREVENTATIVES.
big lumps of foul flesh that have to be cut from the
gums.1
Such are the maladies to which me n ar e most subj e ct on
th is voyage , an d whereof they must be well advised so as to
guard again st them ,or cure them as best they can .
But it is especially n ecessary before setting out to make
provision Of orange an d lemon juice in order to their pro
te ction again st this scurvy, because there i s n othing more
sover e ign to resist it than the refreshmen ts Of th e land, th e
which con sist -
of fresh water,oranges, and lemon s ; this I
h ave Observed and experien ced many a time .
M ore over, it behoves men to be sober as well in drinkingas in eating, an d whe n they h appen upon some islands whe rethey can obtain fresh viands, it is not good to e at ove rmuchth e r eof
,
‘
n or even of the fruits.On e must n ot sleep too much ,
for that is unwhole some ,especially Sleeping by day. M oreover
,as I said before
,there
is a proper time and season for setting out, to wit, at the be
gin n ing of March, for if you do not ge t away then you will
find calms at the equinoctial lin e, an d currents at th e coast ofGuin ea, which bring about the loss of th e voyage, as inde edwas our case , for we did n ot set out till the mon th of May,
n ay, till the 1 8th of that mon th, and so were de layed bycon trary winds off Guin ea for more than four mon ths . H ad
we started soon er we had made the passage e asily en ough .
Th e coast of Guin ea is in temperate and unhealthy, and th osethat go to the Indies must take care n ot to ge t out of the ircourse on the Guin ea coast, for it is the most unh ealthy placein the world, an d ve rv difficult to ge t out of by reason of th e
calms. Furthermore, as they n e ar the Cape of Good Hopethey will usually fall in with Violen t storms and con trarywinds .Likewise they must take warn ing n ot to touch land on this1 Compare Sir R ichard Hawkins
’
accoun tof scurvy and its pr eve n tion
in the H a vokins’
Voyages , pp. 138 -42 .
394 POWERS AND DUTIES O F THE CHIEF OFFICERS.
th e le ss , the re is n o in crease of pay hereby, but Of hon ouron ly : for in our Ships pay is n ever in creased or dim in ish ed
,
and if a man should die th e first day afte r going on boardh is he irs would b e paid for th e whole voyage. In our
voyage wage s wer e paid mon thly,thr e e mon ths b e ing
advan ced to each man be fore we sailed . Th e pay amoun tedto half as much again as the English or Hollanders (whoobse rve th e same orde r in their Ships as we ) give to th ei rseamen .
So then the captain has powe r over all, and th e factor orch ie f merchan t h as con trol ove r the merchandise , havingunde r h im a cle rk
,who is appoin ted, according to mar itime
practice, by the lords or burge sses to whom th e ship belongs ,and so with the other office r s. But this clerk hath n ot th e
same trust and power as on th e Portugue se ships. H e me re lyregisters the merchan dise lade n upon and discharged fromth e ship in th e way of traffic , and has n o oth e r Office . As for
the pilot, h is offi ce is on ly in what con ce r n s th e n avigation ,
and he is n ot he ld in th e same awe as ar e th e Portuguese
pilots. Th e mate has comman d ove r all th e se amen,an d th e
care of the ship, an d all h e r uten sils and victuals . Th is Ihave found a bad arrangemen t, in asmuch as he appoin ts
purse rs that are at h is beck .
Th e mate and se condmate take a hand at jobs just like th emarin ers. The re are also two stewards, chosen by th e captainand the mate from among th e best and most capable of th e
mar in e rs. They ar e appoin ted to have charge of the r ope s ,sails, tackle , and othe r ship
’s furn iture,and
’
tis th ey wh o cutand me nd all th e se whe n n e ce ssary. They ar e chie fs ove r allth e seamen n ex t afte r the mate and se cond mate
,and are ve ry
n e cessary. They have command ove r all th e youn g marin e rsand Ship
’s boys , to whom th ey alon e can give th e lash. As
for th e surgeon s and apothe car ie s, they have to do on ly wh atappertain s to th e ir own calling , h aving n o rank in th e sh ip
’scompany like th e oth e r Office rs . For it is n ot with us as
DIVISION INTO MESSES. 395
with the Portuguese , seeing that (with us) all the othe r me n ,
wh ether gunners , pursers , cooks , coopers , carpenters, blacksmiths, sail-menders , and others ar e rated as marin ers
, and
do all the like work. For, saving the captain and h is lieutenan t
,the merch an t, the clerk ,
and th e surgeon s, all theothers take their turn at th e n ight watches and work liketh e rest
,whatever their birth. I have seen many scion s of
good family that came to se a sole ly for their pleasure, and
drew n o pay, ye t were liable to the same labour and fatiguesas th e rest .As for the pursers, there b e two of them to assist each
othe r, because they take n ight watches, and every four daysserve out to each man a portion of bread
,w in e
, and water,begin n ing with th e captain ,
and en ding with the boy or page ,to all equally,
viz., three pounds of biscuit, a pot of Span ish
win e, and thre e pots of wate r on ly to each for four days .O ther victuals are supplied by th e two cocks to th e whole
company, th e pursers distributing th e same in platte rsequally,
that is , on each platte r'
a mess for six person s, an deach on e takes the n ce h is own share of biscuit and drink . At
the captain’s table th ere is always something better and out
of the ordinary. Also more th an six person s are providedfor at h is mess, for all pe rson s Of h onour and quality ar e
received there. Ne ither th e mate nor th e pilot cats at th e
captain’s table. Six person s of like quality are ch osen to
mess together. Such was our mann e r of living on boardour ships ; but the r e was , as I found, on e default amongstothe rs
,which was this, that the burgesses and own ers of th e
ship ough t to have appoin ted a superin tenden t of the provision s , wh o sh ould be under th e command n either of th e
captain n or of th e mate ; inasmuch as they appoin te d to
be purse rs whom they would— ill-conducte d fe llows, who
dared n ot re fuse them anything they asked ,for fear of being
remove d from the ir of fice . This was th e cause that our
victuals we re full soon e aten up,and a clean swe ep made of
396 FRENCH MESS-MATES”
them ,and e very day arose perpetual bickerings and quarre ls
on this subject.The n ext day after departure , the captain and mate call
th e whole ship’s company to make the matelotage
”
, that is ,to arrange the seame n in pairs, like comrade s on shore ,beginn ing with th e captain and lieutenant down to th e
humble st boys ; and thereafter these call each othe r on ly by thename of matelot. 1 This “ matelotage
”
con sists in these succouring and aiding on e an other like brothers, according to th ecustom O f th e sea,wh e n soe ve r required. So
, too, all th e seamenar e divided in to two partie s, the mate having on e and th e
second mate the other, for purpose s of relief. For , when one
party is asle ep, the other is on watch , and does the work forthe space of four or five hours. O n board our Fren ch shipsthere is n o diffe ren ce be twe e n the several mariners , as withth e Portuguese all are equal, though the re be some of
greater age and capacity than othe rs, yet is there no diffe re nce
made in n ame or quality, save only that the former receivea higher wage.
Furthe r, I must in all candour men tion on e matter, which
I have alre ady touched , although it be little to th e hon ourof the Fre n ch, ye t do I men tion it as a war n ing , and to th ee nd it may be corrected, and a better disposition made. It
is this, that I have n ever seen mariners of such ill an d vicious
behaviour as ours. In our voyage th e greate r part of th e
officers andmarin ers were of St. Male , and we ll-n igh all kin s
me n ; n otwith standing wh ich there was ordinarily naught butstrife and quarrel betwix t them, n or did I eve r se e any two
me n bear to on e another any goodwill, friendship, or re spe ct.Non e was willing to obey those that were in command. To
this add— and here in is my chief complain t—that they werethe greatest sweate rs and blasphemers of th e n ame of God
anywhere to be me t with ; in somuch that I ceased to fe e lsurprise that our voyage succee ded so ill, se eing what gre at
1 As our sailors say messmate and mate
398 UNFAVOURABLE COMPARISON WITH OTHER NATIONS.
music, and volleys of can n on :all this was an affair of h on ourw ith the captain s. The ship which had given the fe ast firedoff all its gun s by way of adieu
, when any return ed to h isown vessel. The Hollande rs told us it was th em w e h ad
sighted on the coast of Guin ea off Se r seylyon n e .
l In truth,
it must he con fessed they are worthier to make that voyagethan we , for the Fren ch ar e more delicate, and le ss capableof fatigue, and worse husbands of their resources also theye at too much , whereas the Hollanders keep what littlerefreshmen t they have un til they fall in with their frie nds ,or fa’
ll sick ,while our me n n eve r care to eat the ship
’ s victualsso long as they have any of their luxurie s le ft. Th e
Hollanders also make shift to do without win e,and drink
water alone . Those we met had but on e quart of win e infi fteen days, while we had four. Their b iscuit was all black ,
while ours was like chapter-house bread. On this coast of
Ethiopia we saw all n ight long many fires on the tops of theh igh moun tain s.But I must n ot forget to men tion that when ships are
sailing in company or me et on e an other at se a, and are yet
afar Off, and those on board cann ot speak by word of month ,
this de fault may b e supplied on both sides by the use of
trumpets, whereby in tellige n ce may be given as well as byth e voice. This is observed on ly on the ships of th e Fren ch ,
English , an d Hollanders .
But to return to the disorde rs of our voyage th at which
gave me the worst pre sage was, as I have said,the great
sin s Committed daily by our crew. Th e service of God
was in n owise Ob served, as I have seen it Obse rved as
well among the Portuguese as th e English and theHollanders ; and eve n among the Indian s, wh o are moreobservan t of their religion than we of ours. Among us was
n oth ing but quarrelling , even among our chief me n ; as , forin stan ce, between the captain and the chief merchan t
, wh o
1 I .e .
,Sie rra Le one .
QUARREL OF THE CAPTAIN AND MERCHANT . 399
struck on e another, an d were for more than six mon ths without speaking or eating togethe r ; and but for the storm thatovertook us off the coast of Natal, which aroused their conscien ces, I believe they would n ot have spoken dur ing thewhole voyage : and when they did so, it was n ot out Of
apprehen sion of death , though we saw that to be as n ear aswell could be . All we could do was to crave pardon of God
and man , and pump th e Ship free of wate r ; and for four daysand four n ights we were without sails, helm,
and masts.But the cause of their be ing b rought toge the r again was thatafter the storm was over a coun cil was held, and advicetaken what we ought to do, and where we ought to go for our
refreshmen t, an d for the repair of the ship. To this coun cilthe merchan t would n ot come whereupon the other oflice rs
took an attestation of the whole ship’s company, to make their
report of the matter on the con clusion of the voyage toth e Hon ourable Company, forasmuch as a private quarrel,
quoth they, ought n ot to prejudice the gen eral con cern , nor to
preve n t them from doing th e duties of the ir Offi ces . This
brough t about their recon ciliation .
The ir quarrel arose out of n othing but th e placing of a
chest ; for the captain’s brothe r, seeing a place vacan t
,h ad h is
che st placed there without more ado, whereas the merchan t’s
chest two days ago had been remove d from th e same spot,because, as I be lieve , it in terfered with the whipstaff of thehe lm. Thereupon the merchan t come s and remove s thechest
,and on h is own authority replaces h is own . Forthwith
the two come to high words, an d at length to blows, and withsome difficulty they were separated . We being then at an chorat th e island of Aue bou,
our captain straightway despatchedour galion to the Cr oissan t to give word to Mon sieur de laBarde liére of the occurren ce , and begging h im to come and
restor e order. Th is he did, an d when he h ad he ard the pleason e ithe r part, and taken coun sel thereupon with all the chiefoffice rs Of the two vessels, he ordered the chain to be fe tched.
400 EVIL CONSEQUENCES OF SAILING ON FRIDAYS.
Hearing this, th e merchan t, without a word, ran to h is cab into prime an d cock h is pistol. Whe n the chain was broughtthe gen e ral gave order that h e be chain ed by the fee t to th emainmast , which is th e usual place for chain in g m isde
me anants ; but fir st that he should be straitly reprimandedfor having dared to attack h is captain . But as they we n t tose ize h im h e pre sen ted h is pistol re ady cock ed, protestingh e would kill th e first man that laid a hand upon h im .
Whereupon the gen eral, in great wrath ,vowed h e would n ot
take h is departure till he should be se ized ; but our captain ,
be ing of a mild and b e n ign dispos ition ,n otwithstan ding that
he had bee n in sulted,himself besought the gen eral to pardon
h im, an d so did both ships
’
compan ies . Th e gen eral yieldedto this request ; the m e rchan t, however, was not appeased ,
for he was the proude st and haughtie st man I e ve r saw,and
the most revenge ful, and had quarre ls with everyon e .
In short,to return to my discourse, it was very pitiable to
see so much wrangling , to hear th e utteran ce of so muchblasphemy, and to witn e ss so many larce n ie s and revenge fulde e ds as were don e amongst us . O fte n out of revenge theywould cast overboard on e an oth er’s baggage by n ight, or cut
the cords that kept the ir linen an d shirts toge the r ; in a word ,the re was n o wickedn ess or malice they we re n ot guilty of.
When on e fell sick th ey mocked h im w ith the utmost inbuman ity, and when on e died they rejoiced, an d
,in stead of
praying God for h im,said the re would be so much victuals
to spare. They even cursed th e voyage , an d all who had a
h and in the undertaking : in somuch that I altoge the r despaired of any succe ss to an en te rprise where in was n e itherlaw
,n or discipline , n or fear of God. But if I may be pe r
mitted to make a conjecture of the sin iste r n ature of days , Iwill men tion what I ob served, viz.
,that I le ft St. Malo on a
Friday,and that I left Goa, the Maldives, St. Helen a, and
Brazil all on the same day,and n ot on e of my voyages was
fortunate,as I have already told.
402 QUALITIES NECESSARY IN A CAPTAIN.
force, there will be risk of revolt. Next, the me n whom hechooses must be of proper quality, n ot give n to win e , n ormutinous, n or quarre lsome , for a single mutin eer in a sh ipin fe cts the whole crew . Next le t h im appoin t for pursers trustworthy men , and le t h im as little as possible hector h iscrew
,especially those th at hold respon sible posts. Le t h im
Show favour to the well-de se rving , and rathe r to goodmarin e rs than to good soldie rs. To my kn owledge, some of
our me n ,in revenge for a single cuff which th e mate gave
to a Flemish gun n er, made a plot, whe n we should b earrived at Sumatra
,to lay a Slow match to blow up all th e
powder in th e ship be fore deserting ; SO they afte rwards con
fe sse d to us , whe n we were wreck ed at th e Maldive s. And
n otwithstanding that we we re all in the like captivity, theyspoke all th e ill they could of us to th e king of th e M al
dive s, saying we we re all robbe rs and pirate s, and h ad
brought them by force . This h ad n ot much effe ct , be causeth e Maldivian s could n ot h ave tre ated us worse than theydid. But thus it is se e n h ow the reckle ssn ess of a singleman can sometimes ruin a whole commun ity,
and also h ow
dangerous it is to give the command of a vessel to on e thathath n ot Sk ill to exercise it well.M ore than all
,a good marin er can n ot b e too highly prize d
an d rewarded, for h e is se ldom to be had. You will fin d
plen ty of raw hands , th at is , fe llows to haul on th e rope s ,but th e marine rs are th ey who r ig an d h andle the ship,
an d
ar e always ready to go aloft to the mast-he ads. A goodmar in e r is much more able to save a ship than a goodsoldier is .
Finally,a captain ought to establish good order in h is ship
from the ve ry first ; he should b e care ful above all that
praye rs be duly said, and to th is effect should take with h imsome e cclesiastics (as I said before ) , an d Sh ould require r e
spect to be paid to them,for th e seame n will te nder re spe ct
an d hon our to n on e unless con strain ed thereto. He must
QUALITIES NECESSARY IN A CAPTAIN. 403
also rigorously pun ish all the fts, and ch iefly those of me atand drink ,
wherein great robberies ar e most common ly pr actised.
Such are th e disorders and trouble s that most usually arisein our ships, and cause all our e n te rprises to succee d so ill.Let us, then ,
take warn ing to remedy the same, as , indeed,may easily be don e by th e me an s which I have describe d, somay th ese h e of some mate rial se rvice to all wh o shall inthe future undertake voyages of the like nature.
God be p r aised.
406 D ICTIONARY OF SOME WORDS OF
course with othe r n ation s. Be sides this vulgar tongue, theyuse also th e Arabic language for the affairs of religion an d
matte rs of scie n ce , just as Latin is employed with us ; it is
spoken and un derstood on ly by th e prie sts and th e le arn ed . I
might have made a complete dictionary of th e n ative lan
guage , inasmuch as my long sojourn gave me a suffi cie n tlylarge and e xact acquain tan ce with it ; but in orde r n ot towe ary my re aders, I will con ten t myse lf with giving heresome of th e prin cipal an d more n e ce ssary words, which may,
I trust,satisfy the ke en e st curiosity .
1
1 In th e following vocabulary th e mode rn forms an d note s are,for
conve n ien ce , placed side by side . Th e fi rst two column s r epr esent th e
tex t. T h e th ird column sh ows th e words as n ow wr itte n and used .
It will see n that,in many cas e s—such as Ka ldge
“ God”,hulagu wind
”
,
kadu sea”
, e tc .—th e n of Pyrard
’
s time is no lon g e r wr itten it is,
h oweve r,still sounded in spe ech , giving th e con sonan t
,wh ich forme r ly
followe d it, a Slight n asal ton e . T he case s wh er e th is pron un ciation
occurs will b e found by r efe r e n ce to th e words in th e fi rst column .
T h e few in stan ce s in wh ich Pyrard has misappr eh end ed th e exact
mean ing of words will b e n oted in th e four th column , wh e r e also ar e
g ive n th e Sinhale se equivalents and some Of th e mor e obvious de r iva
tion s .
Some years ago, b efor e I had the advan tag e of M r . Be ll’s assistance,I
publish e d th is vocabulary in th e Journal of th e R . Asiatic Soc iety (N. S.,
vol. II, p. In te stimony of Pyrard’s accuracy, I th en supplied the
mode rn equivalen ts from th e vocabulary compiled by L ieut . Ch r istoph e r ,
in 1 821 , an d pub lish ed in th e J . R . A . S.,vols . v
,vi . Th is list
,wh ich is
fuller than Pyrard’
s,and th e on ly oth e r as yet pub lish ed , should b e r e
fe rr ed to by anyon e de sir ous of fur th e r studying th e Maldive dialect. As
it coin cide s,with but few exceptions , with M r . Be ll
’
s list of equivalen ts
in th e th ird column , it has b e e n thought th at spec ialmen tion of it in th e
fourth column is hardly r equir ed e xcept in cas e s of var ian ce .
Some valuab le sugg e stion s as to cog nate Sin hale se words have b e en
supplied by B . Gunas eke ra Mudaliyar , Ch ie f Gove rnment T ranslator at
Colombo,and F. M . Wikramasinha
,Assistant Librar ian
,Colombo
Museum.
THE MALDIVE LANGUAGE.
Pyrard'
s Vocabulary.Calangue
Sin
Love'
ie t
Will r ohon
Law ,r e ligion D ime
Un de rstan d ing bouddy
Soul P ou rune
Wor ld D ania
Sky C addoa
Sun Yr ous
Star Ta ry
Star of th e Gaza
North
Star of th e Cally
South or 8 .
Cross
P lan ets Ne que ta na ka t
Olangou hulagu
407
Mode rn . Notes .
(Ma’
) Ka ldgc Lit. th e Great On e ; pe rh aps
th e same word as callans ,
v. in fra.
Sin . and Sansk. srva rga .
Sin . na raka .
Ar . rub , soul, spir it. An g e l
is e rron eous th e word is
th e Arabic equivale n t of
f ur ana , inf ra.
Ar . Sha itdn .
Sin . p réta , gob lin ,spr ite .
Ar . iblis .
Sin . and Sansk . dha rmma .
Pe rhaps th e Sin . a luyamchd
r e , th e obse rvan ce dur in g
th e morn in g watch .
Sin . p dpa .
t mute .
Sin . r ih i , wish or desir e .
Ar . din .
Sin . buddh i
Sin . p r dna .
Ar . dunyd.
Sin . uda , above .
Sin . i ru .
Sin . ta ru .
Sin . gaha (N6.m,) th e North
Star .
Sin . kdli (sec Clough ) .
Sin . nahat. In Mald ive th e
final t is almostmute .
Sin . utur u.
Sin . dakunu.
I .e ., th e sun-rise quarte r . I ru,
sun rod , comin g .
I .e ., th e win dwar d quar te r ;
of . Sin . sulanga or hulanga ,
wind .
Of . Sin . cliya , ligh t, an d
p dad for p ahana , mean ingalso ligh t or c lear s igh t.
Th e Sinhale se say e lip an
veld ,“ th e lig h t h avin g
appeared”
,t.e . , wh e n it is
dawn .
408 D ICTIONARY OF SOME WORDS OF
Pyrard’s Vocabulary.
P enna
B in
Candouc
l’
ilas
gougourow
Noon medur ou
Midn igh t meda n
Morn ing indunon
Even in g aui r c
Future p aon duas
Hour
ka du
r i ld
gugur i
mendava
me ndamu
h edunu
havi ru
Notes .
Sin . p an .
Sin . bima ; c f . also Sin . gam
bin, lan ded pr ope rty.
Cf . Tam . ha da l .
Sin . va ld .
Sin . g ig i r i , g iguru , or g ig i r a
an d gugur anavd , to th un de r .
Sin . vidu .
Sin . vaha r é.
Sin . r d .
Of . Sin . vissd ra or visd r i, th e
r eg ion of th e win d .
Sin , p in i .
Sin . dava l an d davala .
Sin . r ec . Th e Maldivian s say
r é-gadu , th e nigh t part (of
th e day) , just as th e Sin
ha le se use rw-bdya , with
th e same mean in g .
Prob . meda i ru, th e middle
sun .
Sin . maddhyama (r dtr iya ),th e middle (of th e n igh t) .
Cf. Pali a ha uda na Sin .
udé sana ,morn i ng .
Pe rh .=ha r a-iru , wasted sun
of . Sin . ha r asa or sa r asa .
Sin . ada .
Sin . iyé.
Sin . iha or isa, be fore ; an d
dam s, days . Cf . also , Sin .
ayu, past.
Of . Sin . p ahu-darvas , th e fol
lowin g day, th e mor row .
A space of th r e e h ours ; Sin .
ydma . An h our is sdya
(Ch r . sakada ), Ar . sa’
at.
Sin . Aditiya , th e Sun (God ) .Sin . Sénta or Mma , th e Moon .
Sin . Angaha ruvd , Mars .
Sin . B uda , Me rcury .
Sin . B r i hasp a ti , Jupite r .
Sin . Si kurd , Ven us .
Sin . Se na sura, Satur n .
Sin . md sa and mam .
410 D ICTIONARY OF SOME WORDS OF
Pyrard’s Vocabulary. Mode rn . Note s .
Tr e e s ga ts Sin . gas , gasa , and ga ha . In
Mald . gas , sin g . and p l. , in
Sin . only plura l n ow .
H e rbs Sin . p ita , tre e , and p ili ,
leave s .
Cat boulau
Sh e ep (m .,f . ) baca ry
Pig eon coto r ca hotta ru
Sin . mas .
Of . Sin . si vup dva, quadruped .
Sin . sinha .
Sin . (e ta.
Sin . otuvd San sk . otthaka .
Sin . as and am aya.
Sin . g e r i .
Sin . are .
Sin . ba lu an d ba llet. Th e na
gou ba lou is an amus in g
mistake . Th e r e w e r e n o
dog s at th e Mald ive s (se e
vol . i, p . bu t th e e x
pr e ss ion nagu-ba lu
,taile d
dog was an d
is still a te rm of abuse .
Sin . ba la lct ; Sans k . bilala .
Ar . ba ha ra ; but of . Sin . ba lsa
laya , a stran g e or distorted
an imal.
Sin . miyd .
L it. civet-cat
Sin . r aga .
Of. Sin .pulli , th e spotted on e .
Sin . hukulo,fowls
,but kuhu .
ld, cock , an d kiki li , h en .
Sin . swvul.
Sin . led , th e on e th at canvs
th ough it may b e th e
b lack on e from ka lu ,
b lack , th e a b e in g some
time s le n g th e n ed in Sin . ;
e .g . , kdla -go
'
laya, th e n ick
name of a b lack sh or tman .
Mr .Be ll thi n ks th is too is on e
matopoe ic ,and c ite s aVedda
son g , in wh ich th e cooin g
of dove s is r epr e se n ted ku
tu run , kutur un h iyanna n”
.
THE MALDIVE LANGUAGE. 41 1
Pyre rd’
s Vocabulary.Parrot gour ayH e ron macana
Cocon ut tr e e r out
fruit ca ré
timbe r or y
leave s p an
flower maoe
r oot maul
top coury
Coco-h on ey acour ou
Bee s’-h on ey ma mouy
Sugar ous -courou
lone acour ou lunu-hakur u
Peppe r mir ou
Cinnamon
tacoua
Cloves car amp ou
Gin g e r ingour cm.
O ran g e s nar igua
Lime s lomboyPomeg ranate s ana r e
Date s od dourou
r htm
r ih i
f an ,fm}
mirus
f onitor h i
tahdva.’
r an,r ap
r ih i
Note s .
Sin . g ird .
Of . Sin. ha nd holed , th e paddy
b ird (L owia or izivora ) .
Sin . rub and m int .
Not th e timb e r , but on ly th e
m id r ib or stalk of th e
bran ch es
Sin . p ap, leave s used for plait
in g or th atch ing .
Sin . ma la .
Sin . mula .
Sin . h/uru .
Sin . ha kuru and sakuru .
Sin . r id i .
oudu tima r a hudu-tima ra Th is is Wh ite lead . Malaytime
, and Sin . and Mald .
hudu, wh ite .
Sin . uh, sugar-can e , and ca lm
ru.
Lit. salt-sug ar . It is lump
sugar , with some saltmix e d
with it.
Th e M . r d is swe et toddy
th e Sin . r d is fe rmen te d .
Sin . mi r is , ch illie s , gam-mi r is,
peppe r .
Lit. th e swe e t (f on i) bark
(tor ki ) . M .f oni = Sin . p aen i
in pwnid oda n , swee t oran
g es . Pyrard in se rts anbu ,
making it th e bark of th e
swee t mang o.
Sin . ha rdbu, Tam . ha rdnp u.
Sin . inguru .
Sin . na r a n-ged i . Ar . nd ranj .
Cf . H in d -Por e . limit.
Pe r s . and r .
Hin d . hhdjur .
41 2 D ICTIONARY OF SOME WORDS OF
Pyrard’s Vocabulary.
ca lloth ima ra
Coppe r ramvanloe ranvan-lo
My son
My daugh te r ma ndw
My wife ambye
Husban d p i r is
Full broth e r or heobande
s iste r
Son -in -law dami
Fath e r -in -law hour s
housse
Male r e lative lien
Female r e lative p anary f ahave r i
Moth e r amaé
Gran dmoth e r mamon ia
Daugh te r -in lis
law
E lde r b roth e r bee
Note s .
Lead prope r . Malay tima ,
an d M . an d Sin . ka lu,b lack .
Sin . yakada .
Thi s is cast ste e l .
A mix tur e of me tals .
Sin . lé, and lo'
ha,me tal in
ge n e ral .
Th e gold-like me tal .
Sin . p i r imi .
Sin . angana .
Sin . dar u.
In th e n orth e rn atolls th ey say
mag s da r ifulu but mag s
f utd is stillused in th e south .
Sin . mag s p utd=my son .
Cf. Sin .ma ng i , youn g e r siste r
used to any youn g g ir l.
Sin . p ir imi .
Lit. ch ildren of on e womb .
Half b roth e rs and s iste r s on
th e fath e r’s side are de badu .
Cf . H ind .jamd’
i .
Th e ordinary expre ssions ar e
baf dkalége , fath e r-ln -law,
and mdd d itd , moth e r-ln
law . Th e words g ive n
se em to be th e Pfili sasura
an d cased .
Really siste r’
s h usband or
wi fe’
s broth e r .
R eally broth e r’
s wife or h us
band’
s siste r .
Sin . bapa .
In th e south e rn atolls hdf dfath e r
’
s fath e r,and mdf d ,
moth e r’
s fath e r .
Sin . ant/1nd and ambd .
In th e south e rn atolls mdmd
moth e r’
s moth e r, an d
munnd , fath e r’
s moth e r .
Sin . léli .
414 DICTIONARY OF SOME WORDS OF
Pyrard’
s Vocabulary. Mode rn . Note s .
m kamuga i r ada ige n innavd, h e wh o is car ryin g on th e
gove r nme n t and D ive h i Rdjé ruchama vad a ig e nvd ,“ h e
wh o is car rying on th e gove rnmen t of th e Maldive
realm”
.
Quee n r ene guilague r a n i-kilage Th e h ila is probab ly of Pe r
s ian orig in .
ha ld (f dnu) Cf . Pe r s . ha ldn, g r eat.
Prin ce ss hama na Cf . Sin .H aemin i , lad y ; San sk .
hamin i, woman .
Common to Pe r s . ,H in d , e tc .
O r ig . Ar . Sd h ib, compan ion .
Se e vol . i, p . 58,note .
Young lady bibis Pe r s . bibt, lady.
calogue
woman camuloguc
I .e . , with out th e h on or ific
sufi x as in th e pr ec ed ing
te rms .
Low-born man calla
woman cama lo
Pe r s . sa rdd r .
Ch r . wr ite s hanggube from
San sk . anga , an arm, a
limb ; h e n ce chatur -a nga ,
th e four arms , an army.
Figh ting
Malay h r is .
Sin . p ib iya .
Cf . H ind . senti .
Sin . min ihd .
Sin . alum) , but of. bola .
Of. Sin . rili .
Of. Sin . vedi .
Sin . r edi-bét.
Th e -tuva’
is eviden tly th e Sin .
tuvakkum, a gun . Mr . Be ll
sug g e sts that th e fi r st syl
lab le may repr e se n t M la ,
death .
Sin . n adiya or und é.
Port. la nga .
Sin . kaduva .
THE MALD IVE LANGUAGE. 41 5
Pyr ard’s Vocabulary.
ysta r in
camp at
nam ua lle nwra r d
Note s .
Appar ently“ h ead tre e
Sin . iaa , h ead , and tum
or turu, tr ee ; of. ta r d
(Nam ), can opySin . Immp etta , ear lama ,
p ata , or p etta .
Sin . bwma,Sansk . bhamuka .
Cf . San sk . ldca na,Pali loch
ana, eyes .
Sin . nwhw, naha ya .
I h ad inte rpr e ted nam ualle
as th e “ man ly h air”
,Sin .
mam , male , and 7mm, h air ;
but th e mor e cor re ct num
cd con tradicts th is . Mor e
ove r , Mr . Be ll state s th at
th e latte r mean s not th e
moustach es th ems e lve s , but
th e bare space be tw ix t
th em. Th e h air Of th e
moustach e s is matimus , lit.
uppe r (mati = Sin . matu)b eard (ma s) .
Sin . (lat.
Sin . diva , dim .
Sin . kop ula .
Sin . ka‘
rida .
Sin . at.
L it. th e eatin g h an d Sin .
kamzr d , to eat.
Sin . mmata (vama ,ata ) .
Pe sh . Sin . kayé-bdg e , h alf or
side of th e body.
Sin . wflg i li , a‘
flguli .Sin . n iyap otu .
Sin . ham , pl. M n .
Sin . M ham .
Sin . lé.
Sin . um ,h eart, and mati
,
ove r .
Sin . bur iya .
Sin . bada .
41 6 D ICTIONARY OF SOME WORDS OF
Pyrard’
s Vocabulary.
Kn e e s
Buttocks
Fe et
H eart
Live r
Cloth
Slippe rs
Cloak
Sh oe s
cae oulou
boudcu
p ué
it
mac
moa la:
cambali
guitan
Iibasse
p aena s e
ca ban
camboc
kittd n
kaclwh e
f a i td n
Note s .
Sin . ka kul, leg s .
Of . Sin . puduva .
Sin . p d , p aya , p ig/a .
Sin . had a .
C f. Tam . kaohcha i Ch r . g ive s
Ar . libd s se e vol. i , pp . 1 6 7 ,
372 .
Sin . p aya , foot, an d m ha n,
cover or dre ss .
Sin . top iya , fr om H in d . tap t.
Th e te a is called tdkihd .
Ar . Iga bd , an d h e n ce Port.
cabaya . Se e vol. i , p . 372 .
Pe r s . saka lldt, th e syklatoun
O f Chauce r , pe rh aps th e
Or ig in of our scar le t it
appear s sometime s applied
to silk and some time s to
woolle n stuffs . Se e Yule ,
Glam , 9 . v. Sucld t, and
sup ra , vol. i, p . 244.
Sin . p i li .
Sin . sudu, hudu.
Sin . ka gu.
San sk. ha r idu, ye llow .
Sin . r ata , ratu, m t.
Ch r . g ive s blue = mz, Sansk .
n il. Mr . Be ll says f e h i =
g r e e n , as applied to g re e n
mould .
Appar e ntly a s ilk -th r e ad .
Sin . hug/a , th read .
Sin . kap u.
Sansk . kamba la , th e An g lo
In dian “cumb ly
”
, a coar se
woolle n blanket. Se e Yule ,
Glam ,un de r th is h ead .
Ar . ka ttd n . Pe r s . Ica td n cot
Port. ce lmio.
41 8 DICTIONARY OF SOME WORDS OF
Pyrard’
s Vocabulary.Pr ecious ston e s es
D iamon d a limas
Ruby yacouth
Em e rald akika
Turquoise p e r si
P ear ls
Ambe rg r is
Compass camoa
Loadston e n iami rgau
niamyr
Marin e r calassi r
Mar in e chart mouraban
C ross -staff for p i lagaha
takin g h e igh t
of th e star s.
Sh ip
Galley
An ch or nagua’
lly
Mode rn .
goma
samuga
(mtg/amin
yaw)n iyamin
Ch r . ha sfi la th e gaha is tr e e
or rod .
1 Th is may probably b e th e or ig inal form ; but f i r oza victor ious
and that se ems to b e th e tran sformed mean ing .
Notes .
Sin . we lit. eye s
Pe r s . a lmd s .
Ar . yak/at.
Cf . Ar . akika ,blood ston e .
I .e . ,th e “ Pe r sian
”
ston e , as
we call it th e Tuirk ish ’
hl
Sin . mutu, matya , or ma ttika .
Sin . mudu .
Sin . va la,vala .
Cf . Sin . p atta ban dag e ,
ligatur e .
Sin . géma , cowdun g see vol
i, p. 229 .
Sin . an d San sk . kastar i .
Ar . an d Pe r s . za bad .
In ce n se .
”
Of . Sin . ka sa, sulph ur .
Sin . r a ha-dz’
ya , lit. movi n g
wate r”
.
Ar . shabb.
Sin . Sansk . tuttha , tatthaka .
Tam . samukkd , Sansk . chum
baka .
Lit. pilot-ston e but n ot
used n ow .
Prob . Sin . n owa , sh ip , an d Ar .
emi r,ch ie f ; Ch r . g ive s n i
yameng mate or lieute n
an t
Ar . Kha las i
Cf . Tam . (Adam.
Ar . H in d . ghurab se e vol . i,
p . 31 2 .
Mr . Be ll sugge sts Sin . nan
gur ama , an ch or , or nagula , tail. It
may ,h owe ve r , b e sh ip
-ch ain ; of .
Sin . me s a , ship, and guilli , above
tran s lated n e ck le t.
THE MALDIVE LANGUAGE. 41 9
NOTE ON THE MALD IVE NUMERALS.
It is clear , from th e numb er s give n above,that th e Maldivian s
, on
th eir separation from th e Sinhale se , took with th em to th e ir islands
th e de cimal system Of n otation . Th e ir numb e rs,n ot on ly up to 10,
but also b eyond (ekolohe’
eko-laha 1 10, an d doloke’ do-laha:
2 10, we r e th e same as th e Sin hales e , and th e common inh e rit
ance Of Aryan race s. Since the separation , th e remote situation Of th e
islande r s has e n abled th em to evolve for th emse lve s a complete duc
decimal system,founded upon th e words Of th e Old decimal system.
T h is native system,bor n Of commer cial conve n ien ce
,afte r flour ish in g
for seve ral ce n tur ie s,has in its turn b e en compe lled to yield to th e
n e ce ssitie s Of inte rnational inte r course , an d a de cimal system ,in which
th e numb e rs afte r 10ar e borrowed from th e mode r n tongue s Of In dia,is said
'
to b e ousting th e practice Of counting by twelve s .
A perusal Of th e chapte r on th e art Of counting , in Mr . Tylor’s
P r imitive C ulture,shows clearly e n ough that if Natur e had but en dowed
th e human hand with an extra finger , the use Of duode cimal coun tingwould now b e almost un ive rsal. AS it is
,digital counting Obtain ed tOO
strong a hold on th e practice Of primitive race s to b e displaced by a.
n otation founded on th e numb e r twe lve ”,th e advan tag e s Of wh ich , in
poin t Of divisib ility, would n ot b ecome Obvious until a race arrived at
th e commer cial stage . Th e perman e n ce Of th e de cimal system is also
large ly due , n o doubt, to th e use Of figur e s , or wr itten symbols for num
b e rs,and more e spe cially to th e discove ry Of th e ciph e r . Wh e n th is
stag e was r each ed, and numb e r s we r e employed in ar ithmetical calcula
tion s for a larg e dive rsity Of purpose s, it was th en cefor th impossible to
alte r th e common use .
Th e Maldivian s,however
,we re favour ably situated for making th e ir
gallant expe r imen t in numb er s . T h e ir comme rce con sisted ch iefly in
cowrie s , th e ir tran saction s in which would,in n early all cas es
,b e con
ducted orally. At an ear ly pe riod Of th e ir separate n ationality th ey
must have found th e advantage Of th e numb er 1 2 , though th e growth Of
th e n ew practice can not b e clearly traced . Ibn Batuta,Our on ly
Maldive auth or ity b e for e Pyrard , does not give us a. list Of numb e rs ,
an d those stated may b e in exact. Among them,howeve r , is the word
4‘cotta” (catty), which , h e says , meant a parcel Of cowries . Th is is
an indication Of th e use Of twe lve in tran saction s , though we cannot te ll
wh eth e r,in th e Moor ish travelle r’s time , th e numb e r th irte en was r epre
sen te d by 1 2 1,and n o lon ge r by 10 3. Th e title Of th e Sultan
,
as given by Pyrard (vol. i, p. and evidently an an cient formula,
Shows th e two systems in competition . H e was called Sultan Of
islands and 13 atolls” , th e words b e ing dolos assa ral lands) ,K 2
420 D ICTIONARY OF SOME WORDS OF
an d te r a athe lon 13 atolls) . NOW th e assignme n t Of th e numb e r
to th e Maldive s is m e r ely evide n ce Of th e prevalen ce Of th e num
b e r 1 2 , and indicative Of a vast numb e r,stated w ith con scious wan t Of
precise n e ss . T he n umb e r ter a, on th e oth e r han d
,is th e Old Sin hale se
for 13 (te r a or te les It was probab ly Ob solete in g en e ral
usag e in Pyrard’s time
,for th e common word , as h e intimate s in h is n ote
following th e numb e r twe lve”in th e vocabulary, must h ave b e en th e
duode cimal dolos-eke ’.
Whateve r we r e th e steps in th e tran sition , th e duode cimal system ,
based on th e d e cimal Words ; attain ed its completion with some cur ious
anomalie s . Th e M aldivian s we r e probab ly as un con scious that dole s
was do- laha 2 10,as ar e most E n glishmen who use th e word , that
doze n is “ duo-d e c im”
; and th ey proce eded With th e ir s econd dozen ,
dolos -eke ’, dole s -de’
, e tc . ,just as we , if we we r e to adopt th e same system ,
should probably say doze n -on e”
,doze n -two”
,etc . T h e fi rst an omaly
come s at 24,wh ich
,if Sinhale se we r e followed , should b e visi-hatara
th e word used is f assche , wh ich is th e Sin . p aswt‘s i,25 . Th e n ext come s
at 48,for wh ich f anas (Sin . p anas , i.e . , two mor e th an th e actual four
dozen ) : 50, was forced to do duty. SO,tOO , 7 2 is r epr e sented by
f ahz'
ti (Sin . paha-he tte
’
75,i .a. , th r e e more than th e actual Six dozen ) ,
and 96 by hiya (Sin . s iya 100, i.e . ,four mor e than e ight doze n ) .
While thus 2 , 4, 6 , and 8 doze n ar e r epr esented by th e Sinh alese equi
valen te Of numb e rs gr eate r than th e se by 1 , 2, 3, and 4r e spe ctive ly,
th e alte r n ate dozen s , 1 2, 36, 60, and 84ar e r epr e sen ted by cor r e ct
duode cimal words,doloke ’ (twelve ); tin -dolos (th r e e dozen ) , f as -dolos (five
doze n ) , and had-dole s (seven dozen ) . T h e b est e xplan ation Of th e se
an omalie s wh ich occur s to me is , th at on th e adoption O f th e duode cimal
system , th e de cimal words for 100, and its quarte rly subdivision s 25 ,
50, an d 75 , had Obtain ed tOO stron g a h old to b e easily displaced , an d
w e r e accordingly tran sfe rr ed to th e n e xt r espe ctive multiples of twe lve .
Th e larg e r numb e rs , has (960or Sin . ddsa) and laklca , wh ich
sh ould b e n e ith e r a million n or ten time s but ar e n ece s
sar ily somewhat indete rminate .
'We now ar r ive at th e th ird stage Of th e h istory Of Maldive numer als .
Mode rn comme rce with th e main land Of India,involving th e gr eate r use
O f accounts and wr itten calculation s , has, in quite mode rn times, caus ed
a r etur n to th e de cimal system.
“ T h e in conven ien t duode cimal mode
Of nume ration”
,says Mr . Be ll—though I would point out that its
in conven ie nce aros e sole ly from the use by oth e r nations Of th e de cimal
system was former ly e xclusively used by th e Maldivian s ; but though
still in vogue h er e an d th e r e , it is gradually dying out, an d rar e ly em
ployed in busin e ss calculation s. Beyond 10 a. modifi ed form O f th e
Hindustan i decimal nume ration is th at in common use . Some con fusion,
howeve r , ar ises from th e cc -existen ce Of th e two systems ; thus , f anas
422 SOME WORDS OF THE MALDIVE LANGUAGE .
Duodecimal. Decimal. Duode cimal.
had-dolor
85 ha d o dolos-eke’
86 etc .
8 7
88
424 EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
cove re rs would be able to return to th e ir village s on th e change of th e
mon soon,b ear ing th e in te lligen ce Of th is strang e cluste r of islan ds ,
wh ich , th ough pr e se n ting n o attraction s Of an agr icultural cha
racte r,had r ich e s of its own in fish , tortoise -sh e ll, cowr ie s, and
amb e rgr is . For a con side rable time , it may be that th e Galle
fish e rmen made annual voyage s , and main tain ed a dual h ome .
If th ey sojour n ed at th e Maldive s for th e pe r iod Of a mon soon ,
th e tran sportation of wive s and familie s,wh ich would be a con
d ition of th e system ,would e ven tually le ad to a pe rman en t
settlemen t Of some portion at least Of th e adventur e rs .
But wh eth e r we assume a single or iginal occupation in force ,
or a gradual settleme n t such as is surmised above,we ar e met by
an argumen t wh ich se ems to te ll,if at all
,in favour of th e latte r
hypoth e sis . Ne ith e r th e Mahavan so n or any oth e r Sin hale se
r e cord as yet discove r ed th rows any light upon th e or ig inal occu
pation Of th e Maldive s or .upon th e early r e lation s Of th e Mal
divian s with th e ir Sinhale se cous in s .
l If th e conque st had be e n
e ffe cted by any war like ope ration s , it is on ly like ly that th e
cr edit would have b e e n attr ibuted to th e Sin h ale se king Of th e
pe r iod . On th e oth e r han d , we can imagin e th e gradual pro
g re ss Of a fish e r colony from occasion al visits to a pe rman e n t
settlement,and latte rly to th e status of a con stitutional gove rn
men t. Nor, con side r ing th e distan ce of th e atolls
, th e troubled
con dition of C eylon ar ising from pe r iodical in vasion ,and th e
b ijou ch aracte r of th e n ew posse ssion , n e ed we fe e l any surpr ise
that th is distan t colony was allowed to work out its de stiny n u
aided or un ch e cked by Sin hale se procon suls . Th e Maldive tradi
tion ,as r e corded by Pyrard, was that th e atolls we r e colon ised
from C eylon some 400 ye ar s b e for e h is time,i . e . ,
about th e
b eginn ing Of th e th ir te en th ce ntury A .D . NO r elian ce can,
1 In th e Sultan’s palace at Malé is said to b e pr eserved a nation al
r e cord styled Tdr ikho (Ar . tar ikh) or Muskuli f oi, in wh ich all import
an t eve nts an d matte r s Of State h ave b e en faithfully note d for ce n
tur ies in th e Old Maldive character (dive s akuru) , in Arab ic , and in th e
mod e rn n ative ch aracte r (gaba li tana )”
(Be ll, p . T h e se archives
contain th e list Of th e Sultan s,wh ich will b e foun d on a subseque n t
pag e , b ut ar e b e lieve d to contain no in formation as to the pr e
Mahommedan time s .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
subseque n t inve stigation Of th e islands leads to th e discove ry Of
Buddh ist r emain s,th e characte r of those r emain s mayafford e vi
den ce that th e colon isation took place so late pe rhaps as th e fourth
or fifth ce ntury A D .
2 . Th e author of th e P er ip lus [A .D . 90’
l] , in de scr ib ing th e
tr ade of th e Malabar coast, men tion s tortoise -sh e ll, both that
called Chrysonesiotike, and th e kind from th e islands Off Lim
ur ike”
,th e latte r be in g th e name given to Malabar , or a particular
portion Of it.
3. Ptolemy (cir ca A .D . 1 50) says Ove r again stTaproban e lie
a multitude Of islands , said to n umb e r Th e following ar e
some of th e name s given Vauga lia (or Vangan a) , Kana th r a ,
Aig idion , Orn eon , Monache,Ammine
,Carkos (or Ko rkos), Ph ili
lcus (or Phe lilcus), E ir ene, Ka laiadua (or Kalandr adr ua ), Abr an a
(or A r ana ) , Basso , Bulalca , Alaba , Gumar a , Z aba , Bizala (or
Z ibala) , Nagadiba (or Nagadena) , and Suen am .
”Th e position
assign ed to thdislands n amed shows .that, according to h is in forma
tion , th ey lay roun d about Taproban e on all side s . Mr . Be ll has
brave ly, an d in som e in stan ces , I th ink , succe ssfully, identified
ce rtain Of th e se islands .
'In h is view th e list in clude s some of th e
group Off th e n orth -we st coast of Ceylon , and some Of th e Lacca
dive s , wh ile n on e Of th e name s can b e satisfactor ily ass ign ed to th e
Maldive s . Th e following sugge stion s have some appearan ce Of
probab ility Kan ath ra Kavarath i ; Aigidion Agath i, or
pe rhaps Angediva C ruson Unde r u Monache Min ikai
Ammin e Amin i Kalaiadua Karativoe .
4. Ammianus Marce llinus (A .D . 320-390) r e cords that in th e
year 362, ambassador s came to th e Empe ror Julian from th e D ivi
an d th e Ser endivi . Th e passage'run s thus Legation e s undi
que solito ocius con cur re ban t ; h in c Tran stigr itan is pacem Obse
crantibus et Armen n s , in de nation ibus Indicis ce rtatim cum don is
optimate s mitte n tibus an te tempus , ab usque D ivis e t Se r e ndivis .
”
Th e name Se r en divi—a form so s imilar to th e Se r endib of th e long
1 Lib . xxii, c . 3.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
subseque nt Arab pe r iod—is linked to it by th e inte rmediaryM32
11
“
Sielediba of Cosmas . Th e Se rendivi we r e n o doubt th e Sin hale se .
But wh e th e r th e D ivi (D ivi Mald . divehi-mihun ) ,“ th e
islande rs”
(se e above , vol. i, p. we r e th e Laccadivian s or th e
Maldivian s , or both , or n e ith e r , must r emain un ce rtain .
5 . Mose s Chor en e n sis , on th e supposed information Of on e Pappus Mos e.h
of Alexandr ia,wr ite sl Taproban e Is th e gr eate st Of all islands Sif
te r”
it h as also smalle r islan ds round about it, to th e numb e r
Of Th e numbe r h e re is on ly six le ss than that given by
Ptolemy, and is eviden tly a me r e var iation .
6 . Fah H ian , th e Ch in e se trave lle r , who visited Ceylon early in Feb Hie
th e fi fth century, adds to h is de scr iption Of th e island th e follow
ing2 On eve ry side are small islan ds
, pe rhaps amoun ting to
on e hundr ed In numbe r . Th ey are distan t from on e an oth e r ten
or twe nty li , an d as much as two hundr ed li . All of th em depe nd
On th e g reat islan d . Most of th em produce pr e cious ston e s an d
pe arls . Th is passage has b e e n taken to r efe r to th e Maldive s,
but th e small numb e r,th e allusion to pe ar ls , and th e depen d
en ce upon Ceylon , would se em more applicable to th e islands at
th e n orth and north -we st Of Ceylon , in th e n e ighbourhood of th e
pear l fish e ry.
7, Cosmas th e monk , sum amed In dicopleuste s (A .D .
000mm
wh o h imse lf visited Ceylon called Sielediba by th e Indian s , and
Tapr oban e by th e Gr e eks, adds to h is de scription3 “ Round
about it ar e a n umb e r Of small islands, in all of wh ich you find
fr e sh wate r and coco-nuts (dpye’
AMa corruption of Skt. nar ikeli,
Pe rs . narg il) . Th e se ar e almost all set close to on e anoth e r .
”
Th is is a clear e r r efe r e nce to th e Maldive s,be ing somewhat
mor e characte r istic, and,except as to th e “
round about it”
,
cor re ct.
1 Geogr aph ia , 367 , Wh iston’s edition
,London
,1 736 .
2 Se e Beal’s Buddh ist Pilgr ims , London , 1 869 , 8vc .
3 Montfaucon , Colle ctio Nova Patrum,etc .
,vol. ii ; and se e extracts
in Yule’s Cathay, p. clxvii.
ad ius .
eiman .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
8 . He re may be ente red a passage from th e tract SO-called of
Palladin s , D e Br agmam’
bus,a work of un ce rtain date and or igin .
Th is island (Taproban e ) is th e seat of th e greate st Indian king ,whom all th e r e st Obey as satraps . SO Scholasticus r e late s on th e
information of anoth e r,for h e was n ot allowed h imse lf to en te r th e
islan d . Round about it (un le ss th e r eport be false ) lie a th ousand
oth e r islands,th rough wh ich th e R ed Sea flows. In th e se islands ,
wh ich ar e called Man ioloe,th e magn e t
-ston e wh ich attracts iron is
produced so that if any Sh ip built with iron n ails should approach
th e se islands,itw ill by th e virtue Of th is ston e b e drawn th ith e r
an d stayed in its cour se . Wh er e for e those wh o sail to Tapr oban e
employ sh ips built with woode n bolts spe cially for th is voyage .
”
Th is tract, though pe rhaps n ot ge nuin e , is n o doubt ve ry an cie n t,
an d g ive s on e of th e ear lie st re fe r e n ce s to th e Sh ips of south e rn
Asia built with out th e use Of iron . Th is ph e nomen on h ad to
b e explain ed , and th e fable of th e magn e tic rock se rved th is
purpose .
9 . Th e gap b etwe en Cosmas, th e last of th e classical auth o
r itie s,in th e sixth cen tury, and th e Arabs of th e n in th
,is still
un br idge d. In th e colle ctionOf n ote s Of Arab ian trave lle r s , pub
lish ed first by th e Abbé R e naudot, and afte rwards by Be in aud ,
occur s in th e portion attr ibuted to Sule iman a n otice Of th e Se a of
H e rke nd , wh ich extended from th e D ibajat,1 i .e . , th e Maldive s , to
Sumatra2
Th e th ird Se a be ars th e name of th e Sea of H er lcen d . Betwe e n
th is sea an d th at calle d Al-lar evy th e r e ar e a vast n umbe r of
islands,amoun ting , so it is said, to Th e se islan ds separate th e
two se as,Al-lar evy and H e rkend th ey ar e gove rn ed by a woman .
3
Th e s ea throws up on th e Sh or e Of th e se islands big lumps Of
1 D ivehi-raja,
th e island kingdom’
,th e Maldivian s’ own name for
th e islands .
2 Se e R e inaud,Re lation de s Voyag es , etc. ,
Par is,1 845
,1 2mo . ,
'
pp. 4,5 .
3 T h e Maldivian s,like th e Sin hale se
,allowed female s to succe ed in
d e fault of male h e ir s . SO far as is known,on ly th re e women have in
fact ruled , but th e ph e n ome n on was SO strang e to th e Arab trave lle r
that b e in fe r r ed a r egular succe ssion Of female s . It w ill be se en that
Sule iman is followed by Mas’
udi,and partly by E d r isi.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
th e sea is troubled, it throws up from its bosom fragments of
rock and sh ingle , and at th e same time pieces of ambe r . Th e
inhab itants of th e se islands are all subject to on e gove rnmen t.
Th ey are ve ry n ume rous, and can put an innume rable army in th e
fie ld . Each island is separated from its n e ighbour by a distan ce
Of a mile,or on e , two, or th re e parasangs. Coco-nuts flourish
th e re , but th ey have not th e date palm.
”
[Here follows a discour se on th e COCO-tre e ]To r e turn to th e se islands : th e r e are n on e whose n ative s are
more skilful artisan s, in th e man ufacture Of stuffs , in strumen ts ,
e tc. Th e que en has n o oth e r mon ey but cowr ie s, wh ich ar e a
kind Of molluscs. Wh e n sh e se e s h e r tr easur e dimin ish ing , sh e
orde rs h e r islande r s to cut coco-b ran ch e s with th e ir leave s , and to
throw th em upon th e surface of th e wate r . To th e se th e creatur e sattach th emselve s, an d ar e th en colle cted and spr ead upon th e
san dy be ach , wh e re th e sun rots th em, and leave s on ly th e empty
sh e lls, wh ich are th en car r ied to th e tr easury. From th e se
islands, wh ich are known by th e name of D abihat,1a large quan tity
of Z andj or coco is exporte d .
1 1 . Albe run i2 (A.D . 1030) classifies th e islands of th e oce an
wh ich stretch e s from Africa to Ch ina in th r e e groups .
Th e easte rn islands in th is oce an , wh ich ar e n ear e r to Ch ina
than to India, ar e th e islands of th e Z tibaj, called by th e H indus
Suvarna-Dvips , that is , th e gold islands Th e we ste rn islands in
th is ocean are those Of th e Z anj (Negros) , and those in th e middle
ar e th e islands Ram a an d th e D iva islands, to wh ich be long also
th e Kumair islands . It is pe culiar to th e D iva islands that th ey
r ise slowly : first th e r e appear s a sandy tract above th e surface of
th e oce an it r ise s mor e and more, and e xten ds in all dire ction s ,
till at last it become s a firm soil, wh ilst at th e same time an oth e r
island falls into decay and me lts away, fin ally is subme rg ed , and
disappears in th e ocean . As soon as th e inhabitan ts be come aware
of th is proce ss , th ey search for a n ew island of incr easing fe rtility,
tran sport th ere th e ir coco-n ut palms, date palms , ce r eals,and
1 Mor e probably B ihd ja l.
2 Albe runi’s India , by D r . Edward C . Sachau (Tr iibn e r’s O r . Se rie s) ,
London , 1 888 , 2 vols .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
household goods, and emigrate to it. Th e se islands ar e , according 4110011 1111
to th e ir products , divided in to two classe s—th e D iva Ktldha,
1 th e
islan ds of cowr ie s , b e cause th e r e th ey gath e r’
cowr ie s from th e
b ran ch e s Of th e coco-nut palms , wh ich th ey plant in th e se a an d
D iva -Kan bdr ,2 th e islands of th e cords twisted from coco-nut fibre ,
and used for fasten ing togeth e r th e planks of th e ir sh ips .
”
Th is is a ve ry accurate de scr iption of th e Maldive s and Lacca
dive s, th e groups be ing distinguish ed by th e ir ch ie f
“
exports .
. 1 2 . Our n ext author ity is Edr isi [A.D . 1099 H is Edr isi
account, wh ich is altogeth er compiled from pre vious auth or itie s
; hnd th e in formation of oth e r s , is as follows3
To th is section belong th e islands in dicated in th e ir place ,
amongst oth e rs , those called E l R oibahat [r ead D ibajtit] , wh ich ar e
ve ry close to on e anoth e r,and innume rable . The gr eate r part Of
th e se islan ds are de sert. Th e larg e st of th em,howeve r , wh ich is
called An be r ia,is flour ish ing and pe opled with a great numbe r of
inhab itan ts , who cultivate both it an d th e n e ighbour ing islands, E l
Comor . All th e inhab itants of th e se islan ds are subject to a ch ief,
who convoke s th em, and prote cts and de fe nds th em to th e be st of
h is powe r . His wife admin iste rs justice , and spe aks in public un
ve ile d,afte r an e stablish ed custom from wh ich th ey n eve r vary.
Th e n ame of th is que en is D emhe ra sh e wears for ornaments a robe
of gold tissue , and on h e r h ead a crown of th e same metal , e n rich ed
with pearls an d pr ecious stone s . Sh e wears gold slippe rs , such as
non e oth e r may use unde r pain of h aving th e ir fe et out Ofi . Th is
que en , on solemn feasts and oth e r gr eat occasion s , appears in pub
lic,along with h e r maids of hon our , with a gr eat array Of e lephan ts ,
trumpe ts , an d flags. He r husband and th e viziers follow h e r at a
ce rtain distan ce . Th is que en has wealth deposited in ce llars,to
be distributed in due course to th e poor of he r domin ion s. No
1 O r Kaudha,cf. Hind. Kaudz
’
,Kaar t
’
. Th is passage is re fe rred to
above,vol. i , p . 237
,but there th e word is misprinted Kandha .
2 T his form,which appears also in Ib n Batuta and oth er Arab write rs ,
is con side r ed by Col. Yule (Gloss ,S. v . Coir ) to ar ise from some misr ead
ing of th e Indian te rm,Malaya] . Kdyar . Th e explanation is corr e ct,
Kdyar b e ing from Kayaru, to b e twisted .
3 Geographic d’Edr t
'
s i, par P . A . Joube rt, 2 vols .
,Par is , 1 836 .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
distribution Of alms is made but in h e r pr esen ce and under h e r
eye . Th e inhab itants Of th e country suspend silk stuffs along h e r
path , and at place s wh ich sh e is to pass, for sh e ke eps up gr eat
state,as we have explain ed . Th e king and que en of th e se islan ds
r e side at Anber ia .
Th e prin cipal production of th e se islands is th e tortoise -sh e ll
called zabl,1 wh ich can b e parted into seve n pie ce s , Of wh ich four
we igh a mina,t hat is
,260drachmas. Th e h eavie st we igh h alf a
mina each:With th e se sh e lls ar e made dive r s orn amen ts for th e
women’s dr e ss
,also comb s
,se e ing that it is th ick , tran sparen t, an d
ve ry var ied in colour .
“ Th e women of th is islan d wear th e ' h ead un cove r ed and th e
h air plaited, and e ach of th em use s ten combs (mor e or le ss) in h e r
h air ; it is th e ir pr in cipal adornment, as with th e women Of E l
Sahab, whose inhab itan ts ar e without r e ligious b e lie f, as we shall
te ll h e r e afte r .
Th e islands known by th e n ame E l R oibahat [D ibaja t] ar e
pe opled . Th ey cultivate th e r e th e COCO-tr e e'
and th e sugar-can e .
Comme rce is car r ied on by me an s of sh e lls . Th ey ar e distant
from on e anoth er about s ix m ile s . Th e ir king pr e se rve s th e se
sh e lls in h is tre asury, an d h e posse sse s th e°
gr e ate r por tion Of th em .
Th e inhab itants ar e in dustrious , adroit, an d inte lligent,Th ey
manufacture wide tun ics , Ope n at th e n e ck and supplied with
pocke ts . Th ey build sh ips with ve ry slen de r timbe r . Th e ir
h ouse s an d oth e r importan t buildings are of ve ry durable ston e ,
but th ey also employ, in th e con struction Of th e ir dwe llings , timb e r
wh ich come s ove r se a,an d also scen ted woods . Th ey say that th e
sh ells wh ich compose th e royal tr easur e ar e found on th e surface
Of th e wate r in calm we ath e r . Th ey th row into th e se a pie ce s of
coco -wood,and th e sh e ll-fish attach th emse lve s th e r eto. They are
called E l Kendi [probably Kaudha ] . In some of th e islands is
foun d a substan ce r e semblin g liquid pitch -r e sin , wh ich burn s th e
fish at th e bottom Of th e sea and is extinguish ed at th e surface .
Th e last of th e se islan ds is ove r again st Se re ndib , on its most
n or th e rn side , in a sea calle d H erkend.
”
1 Mald . Kahabn,tortoise -sh e ll.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
e xtract is Of no value except as giving fre sh curr en cy to th e
traditional Maldive numb e r ,
1 5 . In th e geograph ical work of Pr ince Hayton ,th e Arme n ian ,
1
d ictated to N ich olas Faulcon in 1 307, occur s th e following dub ious
r e fe re n ce to th e Maldive s
“ To th e south th e Ocean e xte n ds a g reat way, and th e r e is
found th e re in a quan tity of islands , whose in hab itan ts are black .
Th ey gO n aked by r e ason Of th e h e at, an d in th e ir folly worsh ip
idols . In th e se islands ar e foun d pr e c ious ston e s , pe arls , gold ,
an d many kinds Of simple s use ful in medic in e to th e human race .
In th is r egion also is s ituate an island calle d Ce lan,
”
e tc .
1 6 . Fr iar Jordan us ,2 who
.
vis ited th e east twice,viz .
,in 1 321 -3,
and again afte r 1 330,is as vague as th e e ar ly classical ge o
g raph e r s
“ In th is India b e many islands,and mor e than of
th em inhab ited , as I have h e ard wh e r e in ar e many world’
s
wonde r s . For th e re is on e calle d Silent (C eylon ) , wh e r e ar e
foun d th e be st pr e c ious ston e s in th e whole world,an d in the
g reate st quan tity and n umbe r , and Of all kinds .
”
Batuta . 1 7 . With Ab I'
I Abd-Allah Muhammad, commonly called Ibn
Batuta,th e Moor of Tang ie r , we ar rive at mor e in te r e sting mate r ial.
Th is pr in ce of trave lle rs was bor n at Tang ie r in 1304, and died at
Fe z in 1 37 7 . At th e age of twe n ty h e s et out on h is trave ls Of
th irty years, dur ing wh ich eve ry par t of th e kn own East was
e xplor ed . Th e following is a summary Of h is route s3E
From Tang ie r h e trave lle d across Afr ica to Ale xandra , and
in Pale stin e,Syr ia, and Arab ia down to th e e ast coast Of Afr ica
to Quiloa :across th e Indian Ocean to Muscat, Ormuz
,Kish
,
Bah r e in and E l Catif : th rough Ce n tr al Arab ia to Me cca an d
Jedda :an d again in Egypt an d As ia Min or,an d ac ross th e
1 C ompr ised in Recue il des diver s Voyages Cur ieux , L eyden , Vande r
As,1 7 29 .
2 F r iar Jor dan us , by Yule (Hak . p. 28 .
3 Ab r idg e d by D r . Birdwood,in h is R ep or t on the M isc . Old Recor ds
in the India Ofi ce,fr om Yule
’
s Cathay.
EARLY NOTICES OF TIIE MALD IVES.
Black Se a to Cafl'
a or Th e odosia , and by Azov or Tan a on pastIbn Batu
th e h ills of th e Russian s to Bolgar on th e Volga—b ut n ot dar ing
to pe n e trate furth e r n orthwards into th e land of Darkn e ss’
.
R e tur n in g south to Haj-Tarkh an (Astrakh an ) h e pr oce eded in th e
suite of th e wife of th e Kh an of Kipchak , th e dapgh te r of th e
Gr e ek Empe ror An dron icus , we stward to Soldaia an d Con stan
tin iah (Con stan tin ople ) , wh e n ce r e tu rn ing to Bolgar h e trave lled
on e astward to Bokhara, an d th rough Khorassan to Cabul, Multan,
an d D e lh i,wh e re h e r emain ed e igh t years (1334 Be ing se n t
on an embassy to Ch in a, h e embarked at Kin baiat (Cambay), an d
afte r many adve n ture s at Calicut (wh e re h e was hon ourably r e ce ived
by th e Samar i or Zamor in ) an d Hun awar (On or e ) , at th e Mal
dive Islan ds , and in Ceylon and Be ngal, h e at last took h is pas
sage toward Ch in a in a jun k bound for Java,as h e calls it, but in
fact Sumatra. Return ing from Ch ina h e sailed dir e ct from th e
coast of Malabar to Muscat an d Ormuz an d travelling by Sh iraz,
Bagdad , Je rusalem , D amascus , and for th e fourth time to Me cca,
Egypt, Tun is , at last r each ed Fe z again ,afte r an abse n ce of half
h is life -time . Subseque n tly h e spe n t six ye ar s in Spain , an d
Ce n tral Afr ica, wh e r e h e was th e gue st of th e broth e r of a coun try
man of h is own from Ce n ta, wh ose gue st h e had b e en in Ch ina .
What an e n ormous distan ce lay b e twe e n th e se two 1’b e ex
claims .
Ibn Batuta vis ited th e Maldive s out of pur e cur iosity. He
found h imse lf,as b e fr eque ntly d id
, quite at h ome amon g a
Mah ommedan pe ople , and was pr e sse d in to th e ir se rvice as kdei .
Afte r a ye ar -an d-a-half at th e I slands h e crossed ove r to Ceylon ,
and th e n ce to th e Coromande l coast,wh e n ce
,two ye ar s late r , h e
r e tu rn e d to th e Mald ive s to se e a son who had be e n born to h im
afte r h is departur e . With pe rfe ct n onchalan ce h e satisfie s h is
se n se of pare n tal duty by a me r e sight of h is ch ild , whose we lfar e
h e con sults by leaving h im with h is moth e r , and pr oce eds to
Be ngal, con c ious that h e will n e ve r se e the boy again .
His fi rst vis it to th e Maldive s exte n ded from th e b eg inn ing of
1 343 to th e middle of 1 344 h is se cond took place about th e e nd
of 1 346 .
Noth ing se ems to have be e n known in Europe of Ibn Batuta
L 2
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
Bfi tnw till th e end of last century, wh en a copy of th e work was obtain ed
at Fe z. At th e beginn ing of th is cen tury a MS. was brough t from
th e East, of wh ich an abstract in Latin was publish ed at Je na in
1 8 1 8 by Kosegarten . An in comple te Portugue se tran slation of
th e Fez MS. was issued by Moura in 1 845 . D r . Le e’
s tran slation
(Or . Tr an s . Fund ) was made from a sh ort ab r idgmen t b rough t
from th e East by Burckhardt. On the Fr e nch conque st of Alge r ia
many texts we r e acquir ed, of wh ich five ar e in th e National Library
at Par is . Th e se have be e n collated in th e ed ition of MM . D e fre
me ry and Sanguin e tti (4vols .
,Par is , l st edit. , 1 853-9 2n d edit.
,
wh ich is accompan ied by a Fr en ch tran slation,but with
ve ry in adequate n ote s . Oth e r ab r idgme nts and e xtracts h ave
b e en publish ed in dive r s language s , for particulars of wh ich
th e r e ade r is r e fe r r e d to Col. Yule’
s Cathay, p. 430. Th e
passage s de aling with th e Maldive s , wh ich ar e g ive n b elow ,it is
h oped, ar e fairly e xpr e ssive of th e auth or’
s n ar rative ; but it may
b e fe ar ed that ce rtain of th e Maldive n ame s have b e e n distorted
by copyists , and I trust that th e MSS. at Par is may some time or
oth e r be e xamin ed by some on e compe ten t to se le ct th e true st
r eadings .
Ibn Batuta’s accoun t of th e Maldive s an d h is r e side n ce th e r e is
as follows1 °
I r e solved to go to th e D h iba t Almah d l, of wh ich I had h e ard
much . Te n days afte r we had embarked at Calicut we arr ived at
th e D h ibatAlmaha l islands. D h ibat is pronoun ced as th e femi
n in e of DMZ) .2 Th e se islan ds ar e among th e won de rs of th e
world :th ey numb e r about A hundr ed or le ss of th e se
islands lie toge th e r in a circle in th e form of a r ing : th e g roup
has an entran ce as to a harbour , and sh ips g et th rough by that
alon e . Wh en a sh ip arr ive s n ear on e of . th e se islan ds it must of
n e ce ssity have a pilot from among its n ative s , so that it may r each
th e oth e r islands un de r h is guidan ce . Th ey are so close to
1 Voyage s d’Ibn Batoutah , par C . D e fréme ry et le D r . B . R . Sangui
n etti,.2nd e dit. ,
tom . iv, pp. 1 10-85, 1 9 1 -2 , 205 -6
,207 - 10.
3 Arab ic for wolf ” . It is r eally, of course , from th e San sk . dvz’
pa ,
“ island” .
3 V. s . , vol. i, p . 95 .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
Batuta . islan ds ar e de stitute of grain , except that in th e provin ce ofSuma id
th e re is a ce re al like th e auly, wh ich is b rough t th e n ce to Maha l. 1
T h e food of th e n ative s con s ists of fish like th e lyr odn , wh ich th e y
atolls as n am ed in late r days , viz. , M a hal (Male) , T ila’
dummdti (T ila
dummati) , M olu’
lc (Mulaku) , and Suwa id (Huvadu or Suadiva). Next
w e may ob s e rve that th e Moor ish trave lle r g ive s to h is zon es o r pro
vin ce s th e n ame s of par ticular islands . T hus Kannalds , th e se cond pro
vin ce,is th e islan d at wh ich h e lan ds on b oth h is visits to th e Mal
d ive s (se e b e low ) , and may b e ide ntifi ed with Kina los in Malosmadulu
atoll. Ka rd ida may b e cle ar ly ide ntifi ed as Ka’
rhidu (th e Cardiva of
our char ts ) , th e larg e solitary islan d wh ich g ive s its name to th e chan n e l
n orth of th e Male atolls . Tim,whic h h e vis ited afte r le aving Kanna lu
’
s,
and b e for e r e achin g Malé , would se em to b e Ntima in T iladummati
atoll,th e Otee im of th e ch arts ; but as to th is two d ifficultie s sugg e st
th emse lve s—(i) that it lie s far to th e north of Kinalos,and would n ot
b e take n on th e way to Male (ii) th at the ato ll T ilad ummati, in w h ichit is , has alr e ady b e e n n amed . Kandaka l
,th e Ka inde colu of our charts
,
is Ke dikolu in M iladummoduln atoll. T h e r e n ow r emain th e pr ovin c e s
n am ed Bdlibu’
r,Ti ltidi
’
b,H a ladummati, and Bar a idu
’
. T h e th ird of th e se
has b e en , I th ink , satis factor ily ide ntifi e d by M r . Be ll with Haddum
mati,th e fi r st syllab le b e ing a con traction of Sin . he la
,
“ wh ite ” .
In confi rmation it may b e n ote d th at th is province was,dur in g Ibn
Batuta’
s vis it,ass ign ed as a p lace of e x ile , an d we know f rom Pyr ard
that th e south e rn atolls w e re always used as pe nal se ttleme n ts . Balibzir
h as be e n id e n tified by th e Fre n ch e ditor s with F ad tf olu (th e Padyf olo of Pyrard ), and Ba r a idii with F ulidu (Pyrard
’
s Poulisdous ) ; b ut
possib ly b ette r r e adings may produce mor e satisfactory con clusions .
Ti ladi’
b may pe r haps b e m iscopied for N i/ddib, and if th is r e ad ing b e
adopted , th e ato ll inte n de d to b e re fe rr e d to is probab ly N i/andu’
.
E ve n if I bn Batuta is mistake n in attr ibuting th e n ame s Ifannalu’
s,
Kundaka l. and Tim to atolls,h e has probab ly n amed th e most impor
tan t islands in th e atolls to wh ich th ey b e lon g ed . In th e ea rlie st E uro
pean maps of th e s ix te en th ce n tury th e se n ame s appe ar again st th e
M aldive atolls (se e th e mapp e monde of H e n ry II of Fran ce,C i r ca 1 555
,
figur ed in th e E ncyc . B r it 9th e d ition . art. b ut wh e th e r
in te n ded for atolls or islands is un ce r ta in . It is d ifficult to say wh e r e
th e e arly Eur ope an cosmograph e r s got th e M aldive n ame s , th ough it is
poss ible that Ibn Batuta’s b ook may h ave b e e n known in Spain and
Po rtugal.
1 E ith e r th e fin e grain known to th e Sinh ale se as tana hdl (Se ta r iaItalica) , M . urd, or mener i (Pa n icum miliaceum) , M . kudiba i— both of
wh ich ar e found on th e south e rn atolls . Some n ac h e r i or kuraklca n
(Cynosur us cor ocauus ) , M . bimbi,is g rown on th e n orth e rn ato lls .
EARLY NOT ICES o r THE MALD IVES.
call kulb almds . Its fle sh is r ed it has n o gr e ase , but its smell Ibn Batu
r e semble s th at of mutton . Wh e n caught at th e fish ing , e ach fish
is cut up in to four pie ce s , and th e n sligh tly cooked : it is th e n
placed in baske ts of coco le ave s and suspe nde d in smoke . It is
e ate n wh e n pe rfe ctly dry. From th is coun try it is e xpor ted to
In d ia Ch ina,and Yeme n . It is called 15:t d lmais .
1
The Tr ees of the Ma ldives — Most of the tre e s on th e se islands
ar e coconuts th ey fur n ish th e food of th e inhabitan ts along with
th e fish,of wh ich me n tion h as be e n made . Th e n atur e of th e
coconut is mar ve llous . Each of th e se palms produce s an n ually
twe lve crops , on e a mon th . Some are small,oth e r s large : many
are ye llow ; th e r e st ar e gr e e n ,and r emain always so . From th e fruit
ar e obtain ed milk,oil
,and h on ey, as we have said in th e fi rst part
of th is book . With th e h on ey is made pastry, wh ich th ey eat
w ith th e dr ied coconut. All th e food made from th e cocon ut, an d
th e fish e ate n at th e same time, e ffe ct an e xtraordin ar y and nu
equalle d vigour in man hood . In th is matte r th e in hab itan ts of
th e islands accomplish aston ish ing feats . As for me,I had in
that coun try four leg itimate wive s,be s ide s con cub in e s . I visited
th em all e ve ry day, an d spe nt th e n ight with e ach in turn . I
con tinued th is cou r se of life dur ing th e ye ar an d a half that I
spen t at th e Maldive s .
“ Among th e r emarkable tre e s of th e se islands are th e jumiin ,
2
th e lemon , th e lime , an d th e colocas ia. From th e r oot of th e
last named,th e n ative s pr epar e a flour with wh ich th ey make a
kind of ve rmice lli,an d th is th ey cook in coco-milk it is on e of
th e most ag r e eable dish e s in th e world . I had a gr e at taste for
it and ate it ofte n .
3
Of th e I nhabitan ts of these I slands and some of th e ir Customs
D escr ip tion of th e ir D welling s—Th e in habitant s of th e Maldive
islands ar e h on e st and pious pe ople , sin ce r e in good faith and of a
strong will : th ey e at on ly what is lawful, an d th e ir praye r s are
g ran ted . Wh e n on e of th em me e ts anoth e r,h e says , God is my
lord Muhammad is my proph e t I am a poor ign oran t be ing .
’
In body th ey ar e we ak and have n o aptitude for combat or for war ,
1 M . ka lu-bili-ma s . v. S. ,vol . i, p . 1 90.
2 E ugen ia Jambu.
3 V. s . ,vol. i , p. 1 1 1 .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
Batuta. an d th e ir arms ar e praye rs . On e day in that coun try, I orde r ed
th e r ight han d of a robbe r to b e cut off ; wh e reupon many of th e
native s in th e audie n ce -h all fain ted away. Th e Indian pirate s do
n ot attack th em ,and cause th em n o
‘
alarm,for th ey have found that
wh oe ve r take s anyth ing of th e ir s is struck with a sudden calamity.
Wh e n a h ostile fie e t come s to th e ir shor e s , th e maraude rs se ize
what strange r s th ey find, but do n o h arm to th e n ative s . If an
idolate r appropr iate s anyth ing , if it b e but a lime , th e captain of
th e idolate r s pun ish e s h im and b eats h im se ve r ely, so much doe s
h e fe ar th e r e sults of such an action . We r e it oth e rwise,ce rtain ly
th e se pe ople would be a most con temptible foe in th e eye s of th e ir
e n emie s,be cause of th e weakn e ss of th e ir bodie s . In each of
th e ir islands th e r e are fine mosque s, and most of th e ir building s
ar e of wood.
Th e islande rs ar e good pe ople :th ey abstain from what is foul,
and most of th em bath e twice a day, and prope rly too, on accoun t
of th e e xtreme h e at of th e climate and th e abun dance of pe rspira
tion . Th ey use a large quan tity of sce n te d oils,such as sandal
wood oil, e tc .
,and th ey anoin t th emselve s with musk from Makda
shau .
1 It is on e of th e ir customs , wh e n th ey h ave said th e mor n ing
praye r , for eve ry woman to go to me e t h e r h usban d or son with
th e collyr ium box,rose -wate r
,and musk oil. H e smear s h is
eye-lash e s with collyr ium ,
an d rubs h imse lf with rose -wate r an d
musk oil,an d so polish e s th e skin and r emove s from h is face all
trace of fatigue .
Th e cloth ing of th e se pe ople con sists of cloth s . Th ey wrap on e
r oun d th e ir loin s in place of drawe r s,wh ile on th e ir backs th ey
we ar th e stuffs called wi lydn ,2 wh ich re s emble th e ihr dm. Some
we ar th e turban,oth e r s supply its place with a little ke rch ie f.
Wh e n any on e me e ts th e Kdei,or th e pr e ach e r , h e take s h is
garmen t off h is shoulde r s , an d un cove r s h is back,an d so accom
1 M alcdishu or M agadoxo , on th e Zan zibar coast,wh ich Ibn Batuta
had visited (tome ii ,2 A probable cor ruption of M . f éliya (of . Sin . p ili, th e
te rm for th e waist-cloth worn by M aldivian women common ly, and by
soldie r s on spe cial occasion s . T h e Maldive equivale n t for th e ih rdm,
th e attir e of th e Muhammadan pilg r ims , is known as dig it libds .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
Batuta . Th is room h as two doors , on e open ing on th e ve stibule , by wh ich
str ange r s ar e in troduced,th e oth e r on th e s ide of th e h ouse by
wh ich th e own e r e n te r s . N e ar th e room in que stion is a jar full
of wate r,a bowl calle d walen dj,
1 made of th e cocon ut-sh e ll. It
h as a han dle of [on ly] two cub its , wh e r ewith to draw th e wate r
from th e we lls,by r e ason of th e ir little depth .
“ All th e inhab itan ts of th e Maldive s,b e th ey n oble s or th e
common folk,ke e p th e ir fe e t bare . The stre e ts ar e swept and
we ll kept th ey ar e shaded by tre e s , an d th e passe nge r walks as
it we re in an orchard . Albe it e ve ry pe rson who e n te rs a h ous e is
obliged to wash h is fe e t with wate r from th e jar placed n ear th e
mdlam,an d rub th em with a coarse fabr ic of lif"z placed th e r e ,
afte r wh ich h e e n te rs th e h ouse . E ve ry pe rson e n te r ing a mosque
doe s th e same . It is a custom of th e n ative s wh en a ve sse l ar r ive s
for th e kan ddir,
3 i . e . ,th e little boats , to go out to me e t it
,man n ed
by th e pe ople of th e islan d,an d b e ar ing some be te l and ka r an ba
,
‘1
that is to say, g re e n cocon uts . Each pre se n ts some of th e se to
whom h e will of those on board th e sh ip, an d th e n be come s h is
host, car rying to h is own house th e goods be long ing to h im ,
as if
h e we r e on e of h is n e ar r e lation s . Any n e w-come r who wish e s to
mar ry is at libe rty to do so . Wh e n th e time come s for h is
de partur e h e r e pudiate s h is wife , for th e people of th e Maldive s do
n ot le ave th e ir coun try. As for a man who doe s n ot mar ry, th e
woman of th e h ouse in wh ich h e is lodged pr epar e s h is food ,
se r ve s it, an d supplie s h im with provis ion s for h is jour n ey wh e nh e goe s . In r e tur n sh e is con te n t to r e ce ive from h im a ve ry
small pre se n t. Th e r e ven ue of th e tr e asury, wh ich is called
1 T h e M . for th ese coconut b owls w ith long h an dle s is ddm’
(as to
u'
a lendj, cf. Sin . va landa,
T h ey ar e r egular ly used by th e
islande rs for drawin g wate r . T h e ordinary coconut ladle or spoon
th ey call uduli.2 P e r sian for th e stipulae which envelope th e bas e of th e stalks of th e
date -palm le ave s . E gyptian loof ahs (th e same word) ar e now sold in
E n gland for bath use .
3 P lural of kundura . T he old Portugue se h istor ian s spe ak of Mald ive
gundr as , and th e Sin hale se still call a Maldive boat gundara , an d th e
Maldivian s th ems e lve s gandara -har oyo’
,th e gundara
-me n ”.
M . kuruha S. hur tlmba .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
bandar,
lcon sists in th e r ight of buying a ce r tain por tion of all Ibn Batu
cargo on board sh ip, at a fixed pr ice , wh e th e r th e commodity b e
w orth just that or mor e ; th is is called th e banda r law.
2 Th e
bandar has in e ach island a house of wood,called badjan sdr ,
8wh e r e
th e gove rn or , th e hordi wér i ,‘colle cts all such goods ; h e se lls or
barte r s th em . Th e n ative s buy with ch icken s any potte ry wh ich
may b e b rough t a pot fe tch e s five or s ix ch icke n s .
Sh ips e xport from th e islands th e fish of wh ich I have spoke n ,
cocon uts,fab r ics
,th e wiliydn , an d tur ban s th e s e last ar e of cot
ton . Th ey e xport also ve sse ls of coppe r ,5 wh ich ar e ve ry common
th e r e,cowr ie s and co ir (kan ba r ) such is th e n ame of the
fibrous husk wh ich e nve lope s th e coconut. Th e native s make it
un de rgo a pr eparation in pits dug n e ar th e shor e th e n th ey b e at
it with picks , afte r wh ich th e wome n work it in to r ope . Th is
1 Pe r s . bandar,a landing -place or quay ; a harbour a seapor t pro
bab ly conn e cted w ith band (Hind . band ) , an embankme n t. In th e
se n se of quay w e have th e we ll-kn own Ap ollo B unde r of Bombay ; in
that of se apor t, Bunde r A bbas in th e Pe r s ian Gulf. T h e me an ing give n
in th e te xt,i .e . ,
tr e asury, is probab ly de r ivative , th e custom-house be ing
usually at th e quay-side if it is not so to b e e xplain e d , w e migh t b e led
to de r ive it dir e ctly from th e San sk . bhanddra ,“ tr easury
”. Ibn Batuta
,
howeve r,subseque nt ly use s th e word with r e spe ct to C h i law in C eylon ,
wh ich h e calls Ba ndar Se ludt, probably implying on ly tha t th e place was
a seaport.
2 T h e system of raisin g r evenue h e r e de scr ibe d was in force in Pyrard’s
day, and is so s till (s e e vol. i, p . I t se ems to b e ide n tical in pr in
c iple w ith th e cultur e system”
,employed by th e D utch in Java
,wh e r e
it is supposed to have b e e n in ven te d by on e of th e D utch govern or s
subseque n t to th e E ng lish occupation .
3 Now calle d var u-
yé (se e vo l. i , p . 2 13, note ). B ajan sdr (for bagan
sdr ) is e vide n tly a form of th e w e ll-known wo rd ba n/csha ll,as it is
ca lled in An glo-In d ian talk . Se e ab ove
,vol . i
, p . 85 ; vol. ii , p . 48 .
4 Above Spe lt kor duz.
5 It is hard to b e lieve that ve sse ls of coppe r”e ve r formed on e of
th e g e n uin e e xpor ts from th e Maldive s . A few old coppe r pots ar e
occas ion ally se n t ove r to C eylon fo r r epair .
6 E vide n tly an Arab ic co rruption o f San sk . Kavadi cf. Sin . Kavadiya .
T he Kabta rlj of Sule iman (v. s . , p . an d th e Kendi ot Edr isi (p .
are to b e similar ly e xplain e d . T h e San sk . Kauad i b e come s in H ind .
Kaud i o r Kauri, h e n ce our cowry”
.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
11m m cordage is used for join ing th e boards of th e ir sh ips , a nd is also
e xported to Ch ina,In dia
,and Yeme n . Kanba r r ope is wor th
mor e th an h emp . With th is cord th e (timb e rs of) sh ips ar e join edin India and Yemen
,for th e Indian sea is full of r ocks
,and if a
sh ip join ed with iron bolts str ike s a rock,it is b rok e n up ; b ut
wh e n it is faste n ed with th is cord it has e lasticity, an d doe s n ot
b reak.
Th e mon ey of th e islande rs con sist of wada’. This is th e name
of a mollusc , collected in th e se a and placed in pits dug out on
th e b each . Its fle sh de cays an d on ly th e wh ite sh e ll r emain s . A
h un dr ed of th em is called siya , and 700fdl ar e calle d
hotta , and bostii .
1 Bargain s ar e struck th rough th e
medium of th e se sh e lls,at th e rate of four bostd to a dinar of gold .
Ofte n th ey ar e of le ss value , such as twe lve bostd to a dinar .
Th e islande rs se ll th em for r ice to th e pe ople of Bengal, wh e r e
also th ey ar e used for mon ey. Th ey ar e sold in th e same way to
th e pe ople of Yemen ,wh o use th em for ballast in th e ir sh ips in
place of san d . Th e se sh e lls se rve also as a me dium of e xchange
with th e n eg roe s2 in th e ir
'
native coun try. I have se en th em sold,
at Mdli an d at J ’
tij’
ti ,3at th e rate of to a dinar .
Th e Women of th e M a ldives —Th e wome n of th e se islands do
n ot cove r th e h e ad th e sove r e ign h e r se lf doe s n ot so . Th ey comb
th e ir h air an d tie it up on on e s ide .
4 Most of th em we ar on ly a
cloth,cove r ing th em from th e n ave l to th e g round :th e r e st of
the body r emain s un cove r ed. Th us attired,th ey promen ade th e
marke ts an d e lsewh e r e . Wh ile I was inve sted with th e dign ity
of Kazi in th e se islan ds,I made e ffor ts to put an e nd to
‘
th is
custom ,an d to compe l th e wome n to cloth e th emse lve s :but I
1 Siya = M . hiya , Sin . siya , 100. Fdl : M . f dlé, f a’
,or f ar a , Sin .
par a , a bush e l. Cotta M . kotté ; cf . T am . kadda , a b undle . Boatti
M . ba std , P e rs . basté , a bag or sack . C owr ie s ar e still sold in th e
I s lan ds by th e hiya = 96 or 100, th e f a lé = 1,000
,and th e kotté
(bdr a2 I n late r days th ey we re used in e x change f or th e poor n eg roe s ; see
vol. i , p. 238 , note .
3 T wo place s in th e Soudan , afte rwards v isited by th e trave lle r .
4 Pyrard, on th e con trary (vol. i , p . mentions that th is style
distinguish e s th e me n .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
Batuta. faith , an d a n uptial g ift in con fo rmity to th e law is given . Wh en
for e ign sh ips ar r ive th e r e th e cre ws take wive s , wh om th ey r epu
diate on th e ir de partur e : it is a k ind of temporary mar riag e .
Th e Mald ive wome n n e ve r leave th e ir coun try. I have n ot se e n
in th e whole world any women wh ose socie ty is mor e agre eable .
Among th e islan de rs , th e wife e ntrusts to n o on e th e car e of h e r
h usban d’
s se rvice Sh e it is who b r ings h im h is food , take s away
wh e n h e has e ate n ,wash e s h is hands
, pre sen ts th e wate r for h is
ablution s,and cove r s h is fe e t wh e n h e wills to go to sle ep. It is
on e of th e ir customs th at th e wife n e ve r eats with h e r h usban d ,
an d h e doe s n ot e ve n know what sh e cats . I mar r ie d manywive s
in th at country :some ate with me at my r eque st, oth e rs did n ot
and I could n ot succe ed in se e ing th e se take th e ir food, and n o
trick on my part to ge t a s ight was of any avail.
The story of th e motive for the conver s ion of th e I nhabitan ts ofth ese Islan ds to I sldm D escr iption of th e E vil Sp ir its who f ormer ly
wr ought them harm every mon th — Trustworthy men amon g th e
in hab itan ts, such as th e lawye r
’Iga a l-Yama n i ,
1 th e lawye r
and sch oolmaste r’Ali
,th e Kazi
’Abd Allah , an d oth e r s , r e lated
to me that th e people of th e se islan ds used to b e idolate r s , an d
that th e r e appeared to th em e ve ry mon th an e vil spir it, on e of
th e Jinn,who came from th e d ire ction of th e sea . H e r e sembled
a sh ip full of lamps . Th e custom of th e n ative s , as soon as
th ey pe rce ived h im,was to t ake a young virg in ,
to adorn h e r,
and to conduct h e r to a budkhdna,
2that is to say, an idol temple ,
1 I .e ., Je sus of Yeme n .
2 C h r istoph e r g ive s hudu as th e mode r n Maldive for “ image”
(J . R . A . S.,vol. vi, 0. S.
, p. T h e word was probab ly borrowed
f rom th e Pe r sian bad or bod,an idol
, wh ich is probab ly tak e n from
Budah . Bud-
p ar a st idolate r . T h e word bod , too , is a g e n e ral te rm for
a n imag e w ith th e Arab O r ie n tal trave lle r s , and may on ly in dicate that
th e Buddh ist parts of In dia we r e th e fi rst vis ited by th e Arab s (Jour n .
As .
,1 845
, p . Ibn Batuta e lsewh e r e says that th e Jama Masj id of
D e lhi was b uilt upon th e site of a forme r Badkhana ; h e doe s n ot
th e r e for e mean to imply h e r e that th e word was M aldive . AS to th e
que stion w h e th e r Buddh ism pr e vailed at th e Maldive s,se e vol. i, p. 1 23,
note . T h e C r e tan sacr ifice h e r e de scr ib ed had of cour s e n o con n e ction
w ith Buddhism,and
,like ly e nough , is me r e le ge n d : though it is pro
b ab le e n ough that th e temple with wh ich th e leg e nd was conn e cted was
Buddhist.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
wh ich was built on th e sea-sh or e and h ad a window by wh ich sh e Ibn
was vis ible . Th ey le ft h e r th e r e dur ing th e n igh t and r e turn ed in
th e morn ing , at wh ich time th ey we r e won t to fin d th e young
g irl dish on our ed and de ad . Eve ry mon th th ey dr ew lots , an d b e
upon whom th e lot fe ll gave up h is daughte r . At le ngth ar r ived
among th em a Magh rab in1 Be rb e r
,called Abu l -bar alcdt, who kn e w
by h eart th e glor ious Kuran . H e was lodg ed in th e h ouse of an
old woman of th e island M aha l. On e day h e visited h is.
h oste ss
and foun d that sh e h ad as semble d h e r r e lative s , and th at th e
women we r e we eping as at a fun e ral. He que stion ed th em upon
th e subj e ct of th e ir afliction ,but th ey could n ot make h im unde r
stand th e cause,un til an in te rpr e te r , who chan ce d to come in
,ih
formed h im that th e lot h ad falle n upon th e old woman,and that
sh e had an on ly daugh te r , wh o was n ow about to b e slain by th e
e vil Jin n i. Abd’
l-bar alcdt said to the woman I will go to-n ight
in thy daugh te r’
s stead .
’At that time h e was e ntir e ly b e ardle ss .
So,on th e n ight followin g , afte r h e had comple ted h is ablution s , h e
was conducted to th e idol temple . On ar r ival th e r e h e se t h im
s e lf to r e c ite th e Kuran . Pr e se ntly, th rough th e window,b e
holding th e demon to approach , h e con tin ued h is r e c itation . Th e
Jin n i, as soon as h e came with in h ear in g of th e Kuran , plung ed
in to th e se a an d d isappe ar ed an d so it was that,wh e n th e dawn
was come , th e Magh rab in was still occupied in r e c iting th e Kuritn .
Wh e n th e old woman , h e r r e lative s , an d th e pe ople of th e island ,
according to th e ir custom,came to take away th e g ir l and burn
th e corpse , th ey found th e stran ge r r e citing th e Kurhn . Th ey
conducted h im to th e ir King , by n ame Shan dr dzajt’ wh om th ey
in formed of th is adve n tur e . Th e King was aston ish ed :an d th e
Magh rab in both proposed to h im to emb race th e true faith , and
in spir ed h im with a de s ir e for it. Th e n said Shan iir dza to h im
R emain with us till n e xt mon th,an d if you do again as you have
n ow don e and e scape th e e vil Jin n i,I will be con ve rted .
’ Wh e re
for e th e strange r r emain ed with th e idolate r s,and God disposed
1 I .e .
,of Maghreb ; th e n ame g ive n by th e Arab s to th e M oor ish
pr in cipalitie s of North -VVe stAfr ica,n ear ly cor r e sponding with wh at we
n ow call M orocco.
2 C f. Sin . Se na r a t,“ King (C hie f Commande r ) of th e army ,
and Sene
viratna,
“ th e g em-like Gen e ral”
.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
saints . the h e art of th e King to r e ce ive th e true faith . H e b ecame Mus
salman befor e th e e nd of th e mon th , as we ll as h is wive s , ch ildre n ,
and cour tie rs . At th e beg inn ing of th e following mon th th e
Magh rabin was conducted again to th e idol -temple b ut th e Jinn i
came not,an d the Be rbe r r e cited th e Kuran till th e mor n in g ,
wh e n th e Sultan and h is subje cts arr ived and found h im so em
ployed . Th e n th ey broke th e idols , and razed th e temple to th e
groun d . Th e people of th e island emb raced Islam, an d se n t
me sse nge rs to th e oth e r islands,whose in hab itants we r e also con
ve rted . Th e Magh rab in r emain ed among th em ,an d e nj oyed th e ir
h igh e ste em. Th e native s made profe ss ion of h is doctr in e , wh ich
was th at of the Imdm Mdlilc. Eve n at pre se n t th ey r e spe ct th e
Magh rab ins for h is sake . He built a mosque , wh ich is kn own by
h is n ame . I have also r ead th e following in scr iption grave n in
wood on th e e nclosed pulpit of th e ch ie f mosque Sultan Ahmed
Shan iir dza has r eceived th e true faith a t th e han ds of Abd’
l-bar a/cdt
th e B er ber , th e Maghr abin .
’
Th is Sultan assign ed a th ird of th e
taxe s of th e islan ds as alms to trave lle rs,in r e cogn ition of h is
r e ception of Islam th rough the ir age n cy. Th is shar e of th e taxe s
still bears a n ame wh ich r ecalls th is event.
Owing to th e demon in que stion many of th e Maldive islands
we re depopulated be for e th e ir conve rs ion to Islam. Wh en I
r each ed th e coun try I was n ot awar e of th is matte r . On e n ight,
wh ile I was at on e of my occupation s , I h eard of a sudde n pe ople
crying with a loud voice th e cre eds , The re is n o God but God ’
,
and God is ve ry great’
. I saw ch ildre n car rying Kuran s on th e ir
h eads , and women rapping th e in s ide s of basins and ve sse ls of
coppe r .
1 I was aston ish ed at th e ir conduct, and asked, Wh at is
h appe n ing?to wh ich th ey r eplied , D o you n ot se e th e se a'
l’Wh e re
upon I looked , an d saw,as it we re
,a kin d of large sh ip, se em ingly
full of lamps an d chafing-dish e s . That is the demon
,
’
said th ey
t me ; h e is wont to show h imself on ce a month but wh e n on ce
we h ave don e as you have se en , h e tur n s back and doe s us n o
h arm.
’2
1 M . Kali ; se e vol. i, p . 130.
2 V estig e s of this romantic leg end of th e ir conve rsion still live in
the traditions of the islander s . In te rcourse with Pe rsia has,howeve r
,
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
Batuta m e n tion of th e Sultana on F r idays and on oth e r gr e at days, in th e
following te rms O God,succour Thy se r van t, whom Thou h ast
in Thy w isdom pr e fe rr ed b e fore oth e r mortals, and wh om Th ou
h ast made th e in strume nt of Thy me rcy towards all M usalman s ,
n ame ly th e Sultan a'
Khadi’
ia , daugh te r of Sultan Ja ldl uddin,
son of Sultan Saldh ud din .
’
Wh e n a strange r come s among th e se people an d r epair s to th e
h all of audien ce , wh ich is called ddr ,1custom r equir e s th at h e
sh ould take with h im two cloth s. H e make s ob e isan ce b e for e th e
Sultan a,and th rows down on e of th e se cloth s . Th en h e salute s h e r
V izie r,who is also h e r husban d, Jamtil uddin, and th rows down
th e oth e r . Th e army of th is Que en con s ists of about a thousand
men of fore ign b irth , th ough some of th em ar e n ative s . Th ey
come eve ry day to th e h all of audience to salute h e r and th e n go
h ome . Th e ir pay is in r ice,supplied to th em at th e bandar e ve ry
mon th . Wh en th e mon th is e nded,th ey pre se n t th emse lve s at
th e audie nce hall,an d
,saluting th e Vizie r , say, Con vey our
r e spe cts (to th e Que en ) and inform h e r that we h ave come to r e
que st our pay.
’Th e r eupon th e n e ce ssary orde r s ar e give n in
th e ir favour . Th e Kazi and min iste r s , wh o among th e pe ople ar e
e ntitled Vizie rs,also pr e se n t th emse lve s eve ry day at th e audien ce
hall. They mak e a salutation,an d wh e n th e eunuch s h ave tran s
m itted th e ir r e spe cts to th e Que e n ,th ey r e tir e .
Of the M in iste r s an d th eir conduct of Gover nment— Th e pe ople
of th e Maldive s call th e Gran d Vizie r , th e Sultan a’
s Lie uten an t,
Ka lahiz ; and th e Ka’
zi,Ii’
andayar lcdlii .3 All judgme n ts ar e in the
jur isdiction of th e Kazi : h e is mor e h igh ly e ste emed by th e people
th an all oth e r men ,and h is orde r s ar e executed as th ose of th e
Sultan,and e ven be tte r . H e Sits upon a carpe t in th e audie n ce
h all : h e posse sse s th re e islands ,4wh ose r even ue h e place s to h is
1 Ar .
“ house
2 L e,Pyrard
’s Quilague ; v. vol . i
, p. 210.
3 Le Fa diydru Ka ldge-f dn u, Pyrard
’s Pandia r e .
.
4 Cor r e spon ding with n indagam lan ds in C eylon ,th e te n ur e of wh ich
is thus explain ed in Sir J . D’
O yley’
s MS “ Con stitution of th e Kan d
yan Kingdom”
:“N indagama ,
a villag e which , for th e time b e in g . is th e
e n tir e prope rty of th e gran te e , or temporary ch ie f defi n ite ly g ran te d
by th e kin g with sanna s , it b ecome s p araveny,”etc . (p.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
pr ivate accoun t,afte r an ancie n t custom e stablish ed by th e Sultan
Ibn
Ahmed Shan iir dza . Th e Pr each e r is called H andijar i ; th e Ch ie f
of th e Tr e asury, d elddr i ; th e R e ce ive r -Ge n e ral of R e ve n ue ,
Al dfdkalii ; th e Min iste r of Police,F itn dyalc ;
'
and th e Admiral,
Ill a’
ndyalc.’All th e se have th e title of Vizie r . Th e re is n o pr ison
in th e se islan ds cr iminals ar e shut up in woode n h ouse s built to
con tain th e me r chan ts’
goods . Each on e is placed in a woode n
ce ll as we have (in Morocco) for th e Chr istian pr ison e r s .
Of my ar r ival at th ese I s lan ds,and of the vi cissitudes wh ich I
exp er ien ced the r e —Wh en I came to th is coun try I lan ded at
th e island Kan na luis,wh ich is fair to behold , and con tains many
mosque s . I was lodged at th e'
h ouse of on e of th e most pious
in h ab itan ts . Th e lawye r’Ali gave me a fe ast. H e was a
man of distin ction,an d had son s addicted to study. I saw th e re
a man n amed M ohammed,a n ative of D hafdr -ul H umiidh
,who
e n te r tain ed me and said to me,If you se t foot on th e island of
Ill aha l,th e Vizie r will forcibly de tain you ,
for th e pe ople have n o
Kazi .’ 2 My in te n tion at th e time was to pr oce ed from that coun try
to Ma’
bar,
3to Se r e n dib
,to Be ngal, and th en to Ch in a. I had
th en ar r ived at th e Maldive s in a Sh ip wh ose captain was’Omar
Alhin aii r i,who was of th e numb e r of virtuous pilgr ims . Wh e n
we h ad come in to h arbour at Kan n a lus , h e r emain ed th e re ten
days th en h e h ir e d a little barque to take h im th e n ce to M ahal,
b ear ing a pr e se n t for th e Que en and h e r Con sort. I wish ed to go
with h im ,but h e said
,Th e barque is n ot b ig e nough for you and
your compan ion s ; if you will embark with out th em, you ar e
we lcome .
’I de clin ed th is proposal, and
’
Oma r took h is depar tur e .
But th e win d played with h im ,and at th e e nd of four days h e
1 A s to th e s e min iste rs,se e vol. i, pp . 2 10- 1 3, note , wh e r e th e name s
are given accordin g to the Fre n ch e ditor s’tran slite ration .
2 P robably me an in g no duly qual ifi ed Kazi th e existing Kaai is
me ntion ed b e low .
3 T h e name of M a’bar passag e or
“ fe rry ) was given to th e C oro
man de l coast by th e Ar abs durin g th e th irte e n th and fourte en th ce n tur ie s .
C ol. Yule sugge sts that it r e fe r r ed to th e commun ication with C eylon ,
or,as is mor e probab le , to its b e ing at that ag e th e coastmost fr equen te d
by trave lle r s fr om Arab ia and th e Gulf (Mar co Polo, ii , p . T h e
tract of coast called M a’
ba r extended from Cape Comor in to Ne llor e .
Batuta.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
came back to us,n ot with out e xpe r ie nce of travail. He made h is
e xcuse s to me,and implor e d me to go with h im,
my compan ion s
and all. We set sail in th e morn ing , and towards midday d is
embarked on a ce r tain island le aving that, we passe d th e n igh t
at an oth e r . Afte r a four days cruise,we arr ived at th e pr ovin ce of
T im,th e gove r nor wh e r e of was on e H ildl. H e we lcomed m e ,
an d gave me a feast and afte rwards came to vis itme , accompan ie d
by four me n, two of wh om had on th e ir shoulde r s a r od 1 from
wh ich we r e suspended four ch icke n s . Th e oth e r two h ad a s imilar
rod, to wh ich we r e attach ed about te n coconuts . I was surpr is ed
th at th ey th ough t so h igh ly of th e se common obj e cts ; but wasin formed that th ey do th is as a toke n of con side ration an d
r e spe ct.
2
Afte r le aving th e se people we landed on th e s ixth day at th e
island of Othmdn,a man of g r e at distinction and r e ctitude . H e
r e ce ived us with honour , and e n te r tain e d us . On th e e ighth day
we put in to an islan d b e long ing to a V izie r named Talamdi. On
th e te n th , we at le ngth r e ach ed th e island of M ahal,wh e r e th e
Sultan a an d h e r Con sort re s ide , an d cast an chor in th e h arbour .
It is a custom of th e coun try th at n o on e may disembark with out
th e pe rmiss ion of th e inh ab itan ts .
3 Th is was accorded to us ; and
I th en d e sire d to b etake myse lf to some mosque , but th e slave s on
th e b e ach pr e ven ted me,saying , It is n e ce ssary that you Sh ould
fir st visit th e Vizie r .
’
I h ad r eque sted th e captain ,wh e n h e.
should
b e que stion ed about me , to say, I kn ow n oth ing of h im,
’for fe ar
le st th ey sh ould detain m e for I was th e n unawar e that some ill
advis e d babble r had wr itte n out for th em a full accoun t of me ,
stating th at I h ad b e en Kazi at D e lh i. On our ar r ival at th e
audie n ce hall,we took our se ats on b e n ch e s at th e th ird e n tran ce
door . Th e Kazi’
I ga al Yaman i came up and we lcomed m e,wh ile
I saluted th e V izie r . Th e sh ip captain I brdhim" b rought te n
pie ce s of worked stuffs,made a salute befor e th e Que e n
,and th r ew
1 M . dad imdru—th e katlz’
ya of th e Sin hale se .
2 T he Sin hale se p enumlcada , o r pingo, of pre sents of swe etmeats , pro
vision s,fruits
,etc . , is pr esen te d on like occas ions .
3 T h is rule is en forced to th is day.
4Above h e is called’O mar .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
Batuta. ing fin e on e . I asked pe rmission to ente rtain th e fakir s on th e ir
r e turn from visiting th e Foot of Adam,in the island of Se r en dib .
Th is h e granted, and se n t me five sh e ep, a rar e an imal with th e
islan de rs,having to be b r ough t from Ma
’
bar , Malabar , or Makda shau.
Th e Vizie r sen t me also r ice,ch icken s
,me lted butte r
,and Spice s .
I had all th e se carr ied to th e house of th e Vizie r Sule imdn ,th e
Mdndyalc, who took th e gr e ate st car e in having th em cooke d,
augme n ting th em in quan tity, an d se nding me carpe ts an d coppe r
ve sse ls . We broke th e fast, according to custom, in th e palace of
th e Sultana, with th e Gran d V izie r , and I r eque sted h im to pe rmit
some of th e e th e r Viz ie rs to assist atmy din n e r . H e said, I will
come myself too.
’
I thanked h im an d r eturn ed home but h e h ad
alr e ady ar r ived with th e Vizie rs and grande e s of th e State . H e
seated h imse lf in a raised pavilion of wood . All who came,
wh e th e r Ch ie fs or V izie r s , salute d th e Grand Vizie r,and th r ew
down a pie ce of unworked stuff,in such n umbe rs that th e total
r each ed to a hundr ed or th e r e abouts,all of which th e fakirs appro
pr iated . D in n e r was th e n se rved and eaten th e n th e r e ade r s of
th e Kuran gave a r e citation with sonorous voice,wh ich was fol
lowed by singing and dan cing . I had a fi re pr epar ed , and th e
fakirs th en e nter ed and trampled it unde r foot ; some of th em
e ve n ate th e live emb e r s,as on e would devour swe e tmeats , un til
th e flame was extinguish e d .
The Story of some of th e Vizier’s ben efaction s to me .
Wh e n th e n ight was e nde d th e Vizie r we n t h ome and I ae com
pan ied h im . We passe d a garde n be long ing to th e Tr easury, and
th e Vizie r said to me ,‘ Th is garden is for you ; I will h ave a
h ouse bu ilt upon it to se rve for your r e side n ce .
’
I praised h is
kind action , and made vows'
in h is favour . Next day h e se n t me
a young female slave,an d h is me sse nge r said, Th e V izie r b ids m e
say, if th is g irl pleas e s you sh e is your s oth e rwise h e will send a
Mah ratta slave .
’
I like d th e young Mah ratta g irls , so I r eplied ,
I pr e fe r th e Mah ratta .
’
T h e min iste r had on e brough t to me,by
n ame Gulistdn ,wh ich s ign ifie s
‘th e flowe r of th e garde n
’
.
1 Sh e
kn ew th e Pe r s ian tongue , an d ple ased me h igh ly. Th e Maldive
inhab itants have a language wh ich I did n ot unde r stan d .
1 Mor e e xactly, th e parte rr e of flowe rs
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
Th e n e xt day, th e Vizie r sen t me a young female slave from
Coromande l, by n ame Anbe’
r i . l On th e following e ve n ing h e cam e
to my h ouse with some of h is se rvan ts,and e n te r ed , atte nded by
two little boy slave s . I saluted h im ,an d h e asked me h ow I d id .
I made vows for h is we lfare , an d thanked h im. On e of th e slave s
put b e for e h im a Io/ccha (or bolccha ) ,2that is
,a kind of n apkin , from
wh ich h e dr ew some s ilk stuffs and a box con tain ing pear ls an d
tr inke ts . The Vizie r made me a pre sen t of th em,adding ,
‘ If I h ad
s e n t th e se with th e young Slave,sh e would h ave said, Th is is
my pr ope rty I brought. it from th e h ouse of my. maste r . Now
th at the th in gs b e long to you , make h e r a pr e se n t of th em .
’
I
addr e ssed praye r s to God for th e m in iste r , an d r e nde r ed to h im
e xpre ss ion s of my gratitude , of wh ich h e was'
vl orthy.
Of the Vizie r’
s chang e of disp osition towar ds me of the p r oject
wh ich I formed to depa r t ; and of my con tin ued sojourn at th e
Ili a ldives .—Th e Vizie r Sule imdn
,th e Ill dndyalc, had proposed to
m e to e spouse h is daughte r . I se n t to ask th e pe rmission of th e
V izie r J amul ucld in to con clude th e mar r iage . My me sse ng e r
r e turn ed,saying ,
‘ It doe s n ot ple ase h im ; h e wish e s you to mar ry
h is own daugh te r wh e n th e legal te rm of h e r widowhood shall
h ave e xpired .
’I r e fused to con se n t to this un ion ,
fear ing th e
s in iste r fortun e attach ed to th e daughte r of th e V izie r,since two
husban ds h ad alr eady died with out having con summated th e
mar r iage . In th e m idst of th is a fe ve r se ized me,and I was ve ry
ill. Eve ry pe r son who goe s to that island must in e vitab ly catch
th e feve r .
3 1 th en made a firm r e solve to ge t out of th e coun try ;
I sold a por tion of my tr inkets for cowr ie s , and ch arte r ed a sh ip to
take me to Be ngal. Wh e n I we n t to take my le ave of th e V izie r ,
th e Kazi came out to me e t me,addr e ssing me in th e se te rms
,
‘ T h e V izie r ,’said h e
,
‘ b ids m e te ll you th is ,“ If you wish to
go away, g ive us back what we h ave g ive n you, and begon e .
”I
r eplied , With a part of my tr inke ts I have bough t cowr ie s do
w ith th em what you will.’
In a little wh ile th e Kazi return e d to
1 I . e . ,of th e colour of amb ergr is .
2 If th e latte r b e th e cor re ct r eading , it is pe rhaps th e M . bur ayd , a
c loth some time s worn ove r th e face by Maldive ladie s.
3 I’
,s .,vol. i
, p. 83.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
Batuta . me an d said,
"l‘
h e V izie r says , We have given you gold, n ot
cowr ie s .
”
I replied, Ve ry we ll I will se ll th em and will payyou
gold .
’
Accordingly, I sen t to r eque st th e me rchan ts to buy th e
sh e lls from me . But th e V inie r gave th em orde r s n ot to deal
with me for h is de s ign in so conducting h imse lf was to pr e ve nt
me going away from h im .
Th en h e deputed on e of h is household, who had th is con ve rsa
tion with me,Th e Vizie r b ids me r eque st you to remain with us ,
So I said to myse lf,and you shall have e ve ryth ing you de s ire .
’
I am unde r th e ir author ity : if I do n ot stay with a good grace ,
I shall have to stay by con strain t a volun tary sojourn is pre fe r
able to that.
’
I th e re for e made'
r eply to th e envoy, Ve ry we ll
I shall r emain with h im.
’Th e me ssenge r r e turn ed to h is maste r ,
who was de ligh ted with my r eply, and se nt for me . Wh en I
e n te r ed h is pr e sen ce , h e got up and emb raced me,saying , We
wish you to r emain with us,and you wish to go I made my
e xcuse s , wh ich we r e accepted, and said, If you wish me to stay,I will impose upon you ce rtain condition s.
’
Th e V izie r r eplied ,‘We accept th em : please to name th em . I an swe r ed , I am
un able to walk on foot.
’Now it is a custom of that coun try that
n o on e r ide s on h or seback save on ly th e Vizie r . So it was that
wh e n I had a hor se g iven to me and was moun ted , th e whole popu
lation , me n an d ch ildr e n,began to follow me with aston ishme n t
,
wh e r e of I complain ed to th e Vizie r . Accordingly, a don /com was
b eate n , and it was proclaim ed among th e pe ople that n o on e
should follow me . Th e don /com is a‘
kin d of coppe r basin , wh ich
is str uck with an iron or hamme r,an d g ive s a
’
n oise h e ard afar .
1
Afte r it is struck, th e tr ie r make s th en in public h is proclama
tion .
Th e Vizie r said to me ,‘ If you wish to r ide in a palanqu in ,
we ll an d good : oth e rwise we have a h orse and a mar e : choose
wh ich of th e se an imals you pr e fe r .
’I ch ose th e mar e
,wh ich was
b rough t to me at on ce . At th e same time some garme n ts we r e
b rough t to me . I said to th e Vizie r,
‘What shall 1 do with th e
cowr ie s wh ich I have bought?’
H e replied ,‘ Se nd on e of your
1 P robab ly inte nded for koli,“
gon g”
. T h e iron str ike r is calle d
(la (1iga t!u .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
Batuta . brought a litte r , wh ich th e V izie r moun ted . Th e Emirs and th e
oth e r g ran de e s again saluted h im, casting down pie ce s of Stuffs ,
according to custom . Be for e th is time th e Grand Vizie r used n ot
to r ide in a litte r,for th e Kings alon e d id so. Th e b ear e rs th e n
lifte d it ; I moun te d my hor se , and we e n te r ed th e palace . Th e
m in iste r seated h imse lf at a raised dais,having n ear h im th e
Vizie r s an d th e Emirs . Th e slave s r emain e d stan ding , b e ar ing
sh ie lds,swords
,and stave s .
l Food was th e n se r ved, and afte r
wards are ca-n uts and b ete l,afte r wh ich was brough t a little dish
con tain ing sandal molcassir i .2 As soon as on e party of th e gu e sts
h ad e ate n,th ey r ubbed th emse lve s with san dal. That day I saw
upon on e of th e ir d ish e s a fi sh of th e spe cie s of sardin e s , salte d
and raw,wh ich had be e n se n t as a pr e se n t from Kaulam.
3 Th is
fish is ve ry abundan t on th e Malabar Coast.
4 The Vizie r took a
sardin e,and began to e at it
,at th e same time saying to me , Eat
some of that ; it is n ot foun d in our coun try.
’I an swe r ed
,
‘ How can I e at it ? It is n ot cooke d .
’ ‘ It is cooked,’
said b e .
But I r eplied , I know th is fish we ll,for it abounds in my n ative
landf
Of my fll ar r iag e , and of my n omin ation to the dign ity ofKdzi .
—On th e l0th day of Shawwal I agr e ed with th e Vizie r
Sulc
e i'
mdn M dn a’
ya/c or Adm iral, th at I should e spouse his daugh te r ,
an d I se n t to requ e st th e Vizie r Jamal uddin that th e be trothal
Sh ould take place in h is pr e se n ce at th e palace . H e ag re ed, an d
se n t th e customary b e te l, and also some sandal. Th e people we r e
pr e se n t for th e ce remony. Th e Vizie r Sule iman de laye d h is
comin g . H e was se n t for : ah d ye t h e came n ot. H e was se n t
fo r a se con d time,but h e e xcuse d h imse lf on accoun t of th e illn e ss
of h is daugh te r wh e r e for e th e Grand Vizie r said to me in pr ivate ,
H is daugh te r r e fuse s to mar ry ; and sh e is m istr e ss of h e r own
action s . But se e ! th e pe ople ar e assembled : would you like'
to
e spouse th e step-moth e r of th e Sultan a,th e w idow of h e r fath e r ?
’
(Th e Grand Vizie r’
s son was th en mar r ie d to th is woman’s
1 M . addana ; kadi ; dadi .
2 Th e latte r part of th e word is pe rhaps th e M . ka stur i,musk” .
Quilon .
4 It is probab ly th e pos e/re ca rallc of Pvrard ; se e vol. i,
'
pp. 388 , 427 .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
daugh te r . ) I r eplied,‘ Ye s
,by all me an s .
’
H e th en con voke d Ibn Batu
th e Kazi and th e notar ie s . Th e profe ss ion of th e Musalman faith
was th e n r e cited,an d th e Vizie r paid th e nuptial gift. Afte r some
days my wife was b rought tome . Sh e was on e of th e b e stwomen
who e ve r lived. H e r good man n e r s we r e such that wh en I b e came
h e r h usband, sh e anointed me with sce nted oils and pe rfumed
my cloth e s dur ing th is ope ration sh e laugh ed, and allowed noth ing
disag r e e able to b e se e n .
Wh e n I h ad mar r ied th is lady, th e Vizie r con strain ed me to
accept th e fun ction s of th e Kazi. Th e cause of my n omination
was th at I h ad r eproach ed th e Kiwi for taking th e ten th par t of
inh e r itan ce s,wh en h e .made partition among th e h e ir s . I said to
h im, f You ough t to have on ly a fe e
,wh ich you should ag r e e for
w ith th e h e ir s .
’
Th is judge did n oth ing r igh tly. Afte r I was
~ inve ste d with th e dign ity of Kazi,I used all my e fforts to h ave th e
pr e cepts of th e law ob s e rve d . D ispute s ar e not settled in th at
coun try as in ours . Th e fir st bad custom wh ich I r e form e d con
c e r n ed th e sojourn of d ivorced wome n at th e h ouse s of th ose who
h ad r epudiated th em for th e se women did n ot ce ase to r emain at
th e house s of th e ir forme r h usban ds,until th ey got marr ied to
oth e r s . I forbade th is to b e don e un de r any pr e text. About five
an d-twen ty men we r e br ough t to m e who had conducted th em
se lve s in th is sort. I had th em be ate n w ith wh ips, an d had th em
march ed th rough th e bazar s . AS for th e wome n,I compe lled
th em to leave th e h ome s of th e se m e n . Next I e xe rted myself to
g e t praye r s ce lebrated : I orde r ed some men to run down th e
str e e ts an d bazar s immediate ly afte r th e Fr iday’
s praye r s . If any
we r e discove r ed who had n ot praye d , I caused h im to b e b e ate n
an d mar ch ed th rough th e town .,I compe lled th e Imams an d
M uazzin s in posse ssion of fix e d in cumb en cie s to apply th emse lve s
ass iduous ly to th e ir dutie s . I se n t orde r s in th e same se n se to
all th e oth e r islands . Lastly, I e ssayed to make th e wome n cloth e
th emse lve s , but in th is I d id n ot succe ed .
“ Of the a r r ival of the Vizie r’Abd Allah
,son of M ohammed
Alhadh r ami,whom Sultan Sh iha
’
b udd in had ban ished to Suwa id
a ccoun t of what p assed betwe e n us .
— I~ h ad e spoused th e step
daugh te r of this pe r sonag e , an d I love d th is wife ve ry dearly.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
Batuta . Wh e n th e Grand Vizie r r e calle d h im to th e Islan d of M aha l,I
se n t h im pr e sents , we nt to me e t h im ,an d accompan ied h im to th e
palace . H e’
saluted th e °Gran d Vizie r,who lodged h im in a magn i
ficen t h ouse,and th e r e I ofte n visited h im . It h appe n ed , wh e n I
passed th e month of Ramazan in praye r , that all th e in habitants
visited me , except’Abd -Allah . Th e Vizie r Jamtil uddin h imse lf
came to se e me,an d
’
Abd -Allah with h im, but on ly be ar ing h im
company. Enmity arose be twe en us . Afte rwards,wh en I came
out’
of'
my r e tr eat,th e mate rnal un cle s of my wife
, th e step
daughte r of’
Abd -Allah,made a complain t to me . Th ey we r e th e
son s of the Vizie r J amal udd in Assinjar i . Th e ir fath e r had appoin ted th e Vizie r
’Abd-Allah to b e th e ir guardian ,
and th e ir
prope rty was still in h is h an ds,although th ey had by th e law
eme rged from wardsh ip. Th ey demanded h is appe aran ce in
Court. It was my custom , wh e n I summon ed on e of th e con te n ding
partie s , to se nd h im a slip of pape r , e ith e r with or without wr iting .
On de live ry of that th e party r epair e d to th e Court if h e did n ot,
I pun ish e d h im. In th is way I sen t a pape r to’Abd—Allah . Th is
procedur e raised h is chole r , an d on accoun t th e r eof b e con ce ived a
h atr ed for me . H e con ce aled h is e nmity, and se n t someon e to
ple ad for h im . Some un se emly language was r epor ted to me as
h aving b e e n used by h im .
“ Th e islan de r s,both gen tle and s imple , we r e accustome d to
salute th e Vizie r’Abd -Allah in th e same way as th e Vizie r Jamal
uddin . Th e ir salutation con sists in touch ing theground with th e
for efinge r , th e n kissing it,an d placing it on th e h ead . I issued
orde r s to th e public cr ie r , and h e proclaimed in th e Que e n ’
s palace ,
in th e pr e se n ce of witn e sse s,that wh oeve r should r e n de r h omag e
to’Abd-Allah in like man n e r as to th e Grand Vizie r should in cur
s e ve r e chastiseme n t. An d I exacted from h im a prom ise that h e
would n ot allow m en to do so H is e nmity again st m e was n ow
in cr e ased . Me an time,I mar r i ed an oth e r wife , daugh te r of a
h igh ly e ste emed Vizie r , whose g randfath e r was th e Sultan D dud,
th e g randson of th e Sultan Ahmed Shanwrdza .
l Th en I mar r ie d
1 T h is r e lation sh ip fi x e s approx imate ly th e date of Shanu'
r ciza and
of th e Mahomme dan conve rsion ,wh ich may have b e e n as ear ly as 1 200
but— allowing for ear ly mar r iag e s—pe rhaps mor e probab ly about
1 220or 1 230A .D .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
B'
s tuta . violated th e r e spe ctwh ich h e owed to h is maste r wh ile but ye ste r
day you deposed th e Sultan Sh ihdb uddln an d slew h im ,b ecause
h e e n te r ed th e h ouse of on e of h is slave s .
’
Th e r eupon I orde r ed
th e pr ison e r to be b e ate n with bambu switch e s,wh ich produced
mor e e ffe ct than th e wh ip. I h ad h im march ed th rough th e
wh ole islan d with a rope round h is n e ck . Th e me ssenge r s of th e
Vizie r we n t an d in forme d h im of wh at passed, wh e r eupon b e dis
cove red gr eat ag itation an d was inflamed with ange r . H e
assemble d th e oth e r V izie r s , th e ch ie fs of th e army, an d sen t for
m e . I obeyed th e summon s . It was my custom to pay h im
h omage by be nding th e kn e e but th is time I did not do so , on ly
saying ,‘ Pe ace b e with you Th e n I said to those pr e se n t,
‘ Be
ye witn e sse s that I r e s ign my fun ction s as Kazi, b e cause I am
Th e V izie r th e n be ckon in gr ende r e d powe rle ss to exe rcise th em .
to me , I we n t up an d took a se at in front of h im ,and th e n I
an swe r ed in te rms ye t mor e seve r e . Afte r th is r en con tr e , th e
M uazzin made th e call to praye r at sun -down,and th e Gran d
V izie r e n te r ed h is h ouse, saying ,
"Tis said,forsooth
,that I am
sove r e ign b ut se e I h ave s e n t for th is man in orde r to ve n t my
wrath upon h im ,an d h e dar e s to be angry with me . I was on ly
r e spe cted by th e se islan de r s for th e sake of th e Sultan of India,for
th ey kn ew th e pos ition I occupied unde r h im . Alth ough th ey ar e
far removed fr om h im,th ey fe ar h im much in th e ir h earts .
Wh e n th e Grand Vizie r h ad r e turned to h is h ouse,h e se nt th e
d eposed Kazi, an e loquent spe ake r , wh o addr e ssed m e as follows
‘ Our maste r r equire s to know why you have violated,in th e
pre s e n ce of witn e sse s,th e r e spe ct wh ich is due to h im ,
an d why
you h ave n ot r e n de r ed h im h omage ?’I r eplied , I saluted h im
on ly wh en my h e ar t was satisfied with h im ; but n ow th at dis
satisfaction has supe rven ed , I have r e n oun ce d th e usag e . Th e
salutation of Mussulman s con s ists on ly of th e asse’
ldm,and that I
h ave pron ounced.
’
Subsequen tly th e V izie r se nt th is pe r son a
se con d time ; h e th en said,You have n o oth e r aim but that of
le aving us ; pay th e dowr ie s of your wive s , an d wh at you owe to
th e m e n,an d go wh e n you will.
’
. At th is spe e ch I bowe d,and
we n t to my house an d paid such de bts as I had con tr acted . Up
EARLY NOTICES OF THE ‘MALD IVES.
to th is time th e V izie r had g ive n me some carpets and h ouse h oldIbn Be t“
ute n s ils,such as coppe r ve sse ls
,e tc. H e was won t to gran t me
anyth ing I asked , loving m e an d tr e ating me with all con s ide r a
tion ; but h is disposition chang ed and h e b ecame in spir ed with
fe ar of me .
“ Wh e n h e h eard that I h ad paid my debts , an d th at I was
in te n ding to depart, h e r epen ted of wh at h e had said , and put off
g ranting m e pe rmiss ion to go . I adj ur ed h im by th e stron ge st
oath s that I was unde r n e ce ssity to r e sume my voyag e . I r emove d
my b e long ings to a mosque upon th e b e ach,and r epudiated on e
of my wive s . To an oth e r,wh o was with ch ild
,I gave a te rm of
n in e month s,with in wh ich I migh t r e tur n in de fault sh e was to
b e mistr e ss of h e r own action s . I took .with m e th at on e of my
wive s who h ad be e n mar r ie d to th e Sultan Shihdb uddin,in orde r
to r e stor e h er to h e r fath e r , wh o dwe lt in th e islan d of Ill olu/c,
an d my fir st wife , wh ose daugh te r was h alf-s iste r to th e Sultan a.
I agr e ed with th e V izie r’
Omar,th e D éh e r d
,an d th e Vizie r H asan
,
th e Adm iral,
1th at I Should go to th e coun try of Ill a
’
bar,th e k ing
of wh ich was my b roth e r- in -law
,and that I sh ould r e turn with
troops , to th e e n d that th e island migh t b e r e duce d unde r h is
auth or ity, an d th at I should th e n e xe rcise th e powe r in h is name .
I arranged that th e s ignals be twe e n u s we r e to be wh ite flagsh oiste d on board th e ve sse ls . As soon as th ey sh ould se e th e se
,
those on shor e we r e to r ise in r eb e llion: I n e ve r had any such
idea up to th e day wh e n I showed my displeasur e . Th e V izie r
was afraid of m e,an d said to th e pe ople , Th is man is de te rmin ed
to g e t th e V izie rate , wh e th e r I live or die .
’
H e made many
inquirie s about me,an d added
,
‘ I h ave h e ard that th e King of
I ndia h as se n t h im mon ey, to use In rai smg trouble again st me .
’
H e dr eaded my departur e , le st I sh ould r eturn from th e Coro
mande l Coast with troops . H e bade me r emain un til h e should
ge t a sh ip r e ady for me but I r e fused .
Th e h alf-s iste r of th e Que en complain ed to h e r of th e depar tu r e
of h e r moth e r with m e . Th e Que en wish ed to pr eve nt h e r , but
did n ot succe ed . Wh e n Sh e saw h e r r e solve to go, sh e said to h e r,
1 Above , h e calls th e mdndyak, or admir al, by th e n ame Sule iman .
464 EARLY NOTICES OR THE MALD IVES.
Batu“ . All th e tr inke ts you posse ss we re provided with money from th e
custom-house . If you have witn e sse s to swe ar thatJaldl uddin
gave th em to you, good and we ll oth e rwise r e stor e th em.
’Th e se
tr inkets we r e of con side rable value ; n eve rth ele ss , my wife gave
th em up to th e se people . Th e V izie rs and Ch ie fs came to me
wh ile I was at th e mosque , and prayed me to come back . I
r eplied to th em,
‘. Had I not sworn , I would assuredly r etur n .
’
They said, Go th e n to some oth e r island, so that your oath b e
kept, an d th e n r eturn .
’ ‘ V e ry we ll,
’said I , to satisfy th em .
Wh en th e day of my departur e was come , I we nt to b id adieu to
th e Vizie r . He embraced me , and wept in such wise that h is
tears fe ll upon my fe et. H e passed th e following n ight watch ing
in th e island, for fear le st my conn e ction s by marr iage and my
comrade s should r ise in r ebellion again st h im.
At le ngth I got away an d arr ived at th e island of th e V izie r’Alt. My wife . was in gr eat distre ss, and wish ed to r eturn . I
r epudiated h e r and le ft h e r th e r e , and wrote th is n ews to th e
V izie r , for sh e was th e moth e r of h is son’
s wife . I r epudiated also
th e wife to wh om I had fixed th e te rm for my r e turn, and se n t for
a slave g ir l I was fond of. Meanwh ile , we sailed th rough th e
midst of th e islands, from on e group to an oth e r .
Of Women who have on ly on e Br east. -In on e of th e islan ds I
saw a woman who had on ly on e br e ast. Sh e was moth e r of two
daughte rs, of whom on e r e semble d h e r exactly, and th e oth e r had
two b r easts,only that on e was large and full of m ilk , th e oth e r
small and con tain ed non e . I was aston ish ed at th e con formation
Of the se wome n .
We arr ived in course at anoth e r of th e se islands, wh ich was
small, an d had a solitary h ouse , occupied by a weave r , a marr ied
man and fath e r of a family. He posse ssed small coco-tr e e s , and
a little barque , wh ich se rved h im for fish ing and visiting th e
oth e r islands wh en h e wish e d on h is isle t we r e also small ban an a
tre e s. We saw th e r e n on e of . th e b irds of th e con tin en t, e xcept
two
.
crows,wh ich flew in fron t of us on our ar rival an d circled
r ound our sh ip . I tr uly e nvied th e lot of th is man,and made a
vow that ifh is island sh ould b e long to me,I would retire to it
until th e in evitable te rm should arr ive for me .
Batuta.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
As for us , we sailed on,th ough with out an e xpe r ie nced pilot.
Th e distan ce wh ich separate s th e Maldive s from th e Coromande l
Coast is th re e days’
sail. We we r e fo r n in e days unde r sail,an d
on th e 9th we made land at th e island of Se r e ndib .
”
[Ibn Batuta lan ded in Ceylon at th e port Of Batthdla , somewh e r e
on th e N .W. coast,an d th en ce
,afte r succe ssfully pe rforming th e
pilgr image to th e sacr ed footpr in t of our fath e r Adam,h e took
sh ip for th e coast of Coroman de l. At D e vipatam and Madura h e
was th e gue st of a Mahommedan pr in ce , Ghaiydth -ud-d in
,who died
dur ing th e visit. Th is raja was succe eded by h is n eph ew,Nasir
-ud
din,whom Ibn Batuta h ad pr e viously kn own as a dome stic se r van t
at D e lh i. Th e trave lle r had exacted from th e de ce ased prin ce th e
promise of a fle e t wh e rewith to subdue h is e n emie s at th e Maldive s,
an d th is promise was r e n ewed by h is n eph ew . Wh ile th e fle e twas b e ing equipped, Batuta was attacked by a se r ious fe ve r
,wh ich
made h im an xious to get away from th e country without delay .
R egardle ss alike of h is r e ve nge and h is matr imon ial con n e ction s
h e took sh ip at D evipatam for Yeme n ,but got h imse lf put ash or e
at Quilon,wh e re h e r emain ed th r e e mon th s . H e th e n embarke d
in anoth e r , wh ich was attacked by pirate s n ear Hunawar . H e
was robb ed of th e wh ole of h is prope r ty, in cluding some valuable
gems pr e se n ted to h im by a raja in Ceylon , an d e ve n h is cloth e s .
He th us proce eds
“ I return ed to Calicut an d e n te r e d on e of th e Mosque s . A
lawye r sen t m e a suit Of cloth e s ; th e Kazi, a turban ; and a
me r chant,anoth e r coat. I was h e r e in formed of th e marr iage of
th e V izie r’Abd Allah with th e Que en Khadija , afte r th e death
of th e V izie r Jumdl uddin ,and I h e ard th at my wife , wh om I h ad
le ft pr egn an t, was de live r e d of a male ch ild . It came into my
h eart to go back to th e Maldive s,but I fear ed th e enmity wh ich
ex isted b e twe en me and th e V izie r’Abd Allah . In con seque n ce ,
I open ed th e Kuran,and th e se words appear ed be for e me Th e
ange ls shall de sce nd unto th em,and sh all say, Fear n ot, n e ith e r
be ye gr ieved .
" I implor ed th e be n ediction Of God,took my
departure , and ar rived in te n days at th e Maldive s , an d landed at
th e island of Kanna liis . Th e Gove rn or Of th is island’
Abd-a l
1 Kurdn,Sur . x ii, 30.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
’
Aztz Al-M akdashawi,
1we lcome d me with r e spe ct, e n te rtain e d me
,
an d got a barque r eady. I ar r ive d in due cour se at H ololi,
2an
islan d to wh ich th e Que e n an d h e r siste rs r e sort for th e ir dive r s ion
an d for bath ing . Th e n ative s te rm th e se amuseme n ts tetafjer
and th ey th e n have game s on board th e ve sse ls . T h e V izie r and
ch ie fs se nd offe r ing s to th e Que en of such th ings as ar e foun d in
th e island. I me t th e r e th e Que e n ’
s siste r , wife of th e pr each e r
M ohammed, son of Jumdl uddin
, an d h is moth e r,who had b e e n
my wife . Th e pr each e r vis ited me , an d h e was se rved with food .
Meanwh ile , some of th e in habitants we n t across to th e V izie r’
Abd Allah and an nounced my ar r ival. He put some que stion s
about me an d th e pe r son s wh o had come with me,and was in
formed th at I h ad come to take my son,who was now about two
years old .
3 Th e moth e r pr e se n ted h e r se lf befor e th e V izie r to
complain of me,but h e told h e r ,
‘ I will not pr even t h im taking
away h is son .
’H e pre ssed me to go to th e island (Male), and
lodged me in a house built oppos ite th e towe r Of h is palace , in orde r
that h e m igh t b e awar e of my e state . He se nt me a comple te
suit of cloth e s,b ete l
,and rose -wate r
,according to custom . I took
to h im two pie ce s of s ilk to th row down at th e momen t of saluting
h im . Th e se we r e r e ce ived from me,with th e intimation that th e
V izie r would n ot come out to r e ce ive me th at day. My son was
brough t to me,but it se emed to m e that it would be bette r for
h im to r emain among th e islande r s . I th e r e for e se nt h im back,
an d r emain ed five days in th e islan d. I though t it b e st to has te n
my departure , and asked th e usual pe rmission . Th e V izie r s en t
for me,an d I r epair ed to h is pr e sen ce . Th ey brought to me th e
two piece s of stuff th ey had previously take n from me , and I cast
th em be fore th e V izie r and saluted h im in th e customary way.
H e made me s it by h is side and que stion ed me of my condition .
I ate in h is company and wash ed my hands in th e same basin
with h im,wh ich th ing h e doe s with n o on e . Bete l was th en
1 I .e .
,of Makdashau
,or Magadoxo.
2 P robab ly Oluve li island in North M61 6 atoll.3 T h e son of Ibn Batuta h e re spoke n of was probab ly born b e for e th e
close of 1344. T h e trave lle r took h is final departur e from th e Maldive s
about th e close of th e year 1346 .
EARLY NOTIC ES OF THE MALD IVES.
Batuta. b rought, and I came away. Th e V izie r se n t me cloth s and bostas
of cowr ie s , and conducted h imse lf towards me in th e most pe rfe ct
way . I took my departur e , an d afte r a voyage Of for ty-th r e e days
we ar r ived at Be ngal.”
1 8 . For n early a h undr ed year s afte r th e depar tur e Of Ibn
Batuta n oth ing i s r e corded of th e Maldive s by trave lle r , fr iend or
foe . D e Barros’
statemen t,that th ey we r e involved in th e vas sal
age to Ch in a, to wh ich Ceylon is said to have b e en subj e cted for th efirst half of th e fifte e n th ce n tury, is con fe sse dly founded upon a me r e
rumour .
1 Th e n e xt r e corded allusion to th e islan de rs , inde ed , is
again st th e hypoth e sis . In th e year 1442 th e trave lle r Abd-e r
Razzak,in de scr ibing th e var ious for e ign me rchants who fr eque n te d
th e g reat empor ium of O rmuz, me n tion s those of th e islands of
D iwa—Ill aha l” ,
2 Any suze rain ty, th e re for e , to wh ich th e Ch in e se may
h ave laid claim doe s not se em to have involved comme rcialmon opoly .
Th e pr e sence Of th e Maldivian s at Ormuz on th e occas ion of
Abd-e r -Razzak’
s visit is to b e r egarded n ot as a solitary ven tur e ,
but rath eras indicative Of a r egular trade . We learn from Ib n
Batuta that in th e pr e ceding century th e islande r s conducted a
r egular trade with Arab ia , probably atAde n ,in dr ied fish , coir , an d
cowr ie s . Th e ir mor e valuable products , ambe rgr is and tortoise
sh e ll, we r e , as we have se e n , we ll kn own in th e marke ts of th e
East from an e arly pe r iod . D ur ing th e fifte e nth ce ntury Ormuz
was th e market at wh ich we r e colle cted th e most pr e cious pro
ducts , suitable alike by th e ir lightn e ss and value for th e lon g
caravan journ ey th rough Pe r s ia and Syr ia to Europe . Wh ile ,th e re for e , th e Maldive coir an d fish would find a r e ady sale as
sh ip’
s provision s at such a port as Ormuz,we may con clude th at
th e mor e sub stan tial profits of th e voyage proce eded from ambe r
gr is and tortoise-sh e ll, Oth e r indication s also poin t to r egular and
long -con tinued comme rce with Pe r sia . Th e s ilve r coinage Of th e
1 Se e D e Barros’ Asia , D e c . III , liv. I I , c . i , p. 1 1 1 . Th e Maldive s
we r e , howeve r , r egular ly visited by th e C h in e s e in th is ce ntury, an d
ar e marked an d de scr ib ed in C h in ese charts of th e time . Se e M r . Ph il
lips’
pape r in J . China B r . R . A . S. ,1 885 (vol. xx , N .
2 India in Fifteenth Cen t. (Hak . SOC ), i, 6 .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
20. In th e following ye ar , 1498 , Vasco da Gama arr ived at
Calicut by way Of th e Cape , an e ven t wh ich , happen ing almost
s imultan e ously with th e discove ry of Ame r ica, had th e e ffe ct of
r emoving the ce ntre s Of trade and civilisation from th e Levan t to
We ste rn Europe . D own to th is time th e luxu r ie s Of th e world
we re e njoyed by th e citie s of Bagdad ,D amascus , Cairo , an d Con
stan tinople , wh ich had n ow attain ed th e h igh e st pitch of we alth,
r efin eme nt,and civilisation possible unde r Moslem con dition s .
Th e most Opulen t of Europe an citie s , Ve n ice an d Ge n oa, flou r ish e dmain ly by r etailing th e surplus commod itie s of those g r e at marts
among th e coun tr ie s of th e We st. To h ave me re ly n amed th e
above half-dozen citie s is suffi cie n t to r e call to our imag ination
th e magn itude of th e Easte rn trade of th ose days as compar ed
with anyth ing that We ste r n E urope could Show . Th e we alth of
th e Mahommedan me rchan t citie s arose ch iefly from th e fact that
th ey colle cted and d isseminated th e wh ole export pr oduce of
India and th e Far East. T h e bulk of th is produce was se a-born e,
and a fe w words,with a me re glan ce at th e map, will s e r ve to
e xplain th e mode in wh ich th e Portugue se struck for th e pr ize
wh ich fortun e n ow displayed to th e ir avar ice .
Th e lin e s Of mar itime comme rce from fur th e r India an d Ch in a
d rew toge th e r un til Ceylon was r ounded,and th e n again dive rg e d .
V e sse ls bound for Aden an d th e R ed Sea touch e d at Ceylon , th e
Maldive s,or Calicut, th e n ce str iking across th e Indian Oce an .
Th e oth e r main lin e proce e de d by way of Calicut and th e oth e r
flour ish ing ports of th e Malabar coast to Cambay, and th e n ce
across to Ormuz. Th e produce car r ied by way of Ade n was
car r ied up th e R ed Sea to Je ddah , or furth e r to Suez, for de live ry
to th e me rchan ts Of Cairo . That lan ded at Ormuz,e n h an ced by
th e me rchan dise Of all We ste rn India,found its way to Bagdad or
D amascus , and th e n ce by th e caravan route s to Europe .
A first pr e limin ary obse rvation is that fre e trade pre vailed : a
se cond, th at all n ation s se em to have h ad a hand in it,n o on e r ace
,
as in late r days , doing a dispropor tion ate shar e of th e car rying trade .
“ Calicut is a pe rfe ctly se cure harbour”
,wr ite s Abd -e r -Razzak
,
whom we have alre ady quoted , wh ich , like that of O rmuz,br ing s
toge th er mer chan ts from eve ry city and frome ve ry coun try : in
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES. 47 1
it are to be found abundan ce of pr e cious article s brought th ith e r Eggsgqrfrom mar itime coun trie s
,an d e spe cially from Abyssin ia, Z irbad ,
110"
O r Zang uebar : from time to time sh ips ar r ive th e r e from th e
shor e s Of th e House of God [Me cca] and oth e r parts Of th e
H edjaz,and ab ide at will, for a g re ate r or longe r space , in th is
harbour ; th e town is in hab ited by infide ls, and situated on a
h ostile shore . It con tain s a con side rable numbe r of Mussulman s ,
who ar e con stan t r e side n ts,and have bu ilt two mosque s .
Se cur ity an d justice ar e so firmly e stablish ed in th is city, that
th e most wealthyme r chan ts bring th ith e r from mar itime coun trie s
con s ide rable cargoe s , wh ich th ey un load , an d un h e sitatingly se nd
in to th e marke ts and th e bazaar s,without th inking in th e mean
time of any n e ce ssity of ch e cking th e accoun t or Of ke eping
watch ove r th e goods Wh e n a sale is e ffe cted, th ey levy
a duty on th e goods of on e -fortie th part : if th ey ar e n ot sold,
th ey make n o charge on th em whatsoe ve r . At Calicut
e ve ry sh ip, whateve r place it may come from,or wh e re ve r it may
be bound,wh en it puts into th is port is treated like oth e r ve sse ls
,
and has n o trouble of any kind to put up with .
” 1 Of Ormuz th e
same trave lle r speaks with equal won de r :as a port it has n ot
its equal on th e surface Of th e globe . Th e me rchan ts of se ve n
climate s all make th e ir way to th is port.
”
Among those
men tion ed ar e th e me rchan ts of Egypt, Syr ia, Turkistan , C h ina ,
Java,Pegu, Be ngal, th e Maldive s
,Malabar
,Cambay, an d Zan zi
bar . Trave lle rs from all coun tr ie s r e sort h ith e r,and
,in ex
chang e for th e commoditie s th ey b r ing , th ey can without trouble
or diffi culty obtain all that th ey de sir e . Bargain s are made e ith e r
by mon ey or by e xchange . For all obj e cts , with th e e xception Of
gold and silve r , a te nth of th e ir value is paid by way of duty.
3
Pe r son s of all r e lig ion s , and eve n idolate r s , ar e found in gr eat
n umb e rs in th is city, and n o injustice is pe rmitted towards any
pe r son whateve r .
”
Th is pictur e of In dian trade in th e fifte e nth ce n tury is h e r e
1 India in the F if tee n th Century, i, pp. 13, 14.
2 T h e Russian Nikitin justly thought th is te n pe r ce nt. duty rath e r
h igh (India in the Fif teen th Century, iii, p. T h e r e was,howeve r
,
no favour ed n ation clause,and in e ffe ct it was n ot prohib itive .
Por tuse ir rup
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
in troduced as b e ing illustrative of th e comme r cial world in wh ich
th e Maldivian s moved and took th e ir par t. It will n ow be easy
to unde r stand what followed wh e n th e Portugue se swooped upon
Calicut, an d, by conduct n ot to be distinguish ed from common
piracy, broke up l ink by link th e comme rcial chain wh ich had
h ith e rto e xte nded from Ge n oa and Ve n ice to Malacca and Pe kin .
Active ope ration s we r e begun by th e se con d expe dition wh ich
le ft Lisbon unde r Cab ral,in March 1 500. Th e Z amorin Of Calicut
de clar ed again st th e in vade r s, an d e n te red upon th e long struggle
for fr e e trade and indepe nde n ce , wh ich lasted th rough out th e
Portugue se domin ation ,and r educed Calicut to comme rcial in sig
n ifican ce . Th e r ivalry wh ich existed betwe en th e Zamor in and
th e Raja Of Coch in led th e latte r to accord th e Portugue se a
favourable r e ception . A factory was e stablish ed , an d from th is
coign Of van tage th e Por tugue se comme n ced to h ar ry th e seas of
We ste r n India .
Th ey found th e large st shar e Of th e car rying trade in th e hands
Of Mah ommedan s , to whom th ey transfe r r ed all th e implacable
h atr ed stor e d up in th e ir European memor ie s again st th e followe r s
of th e Proph e t, and whom ,r egardle ss of race an d distan ce
,th ey
de s ignated by th e common name Of Moor s”
. Con fiscation Of
goods and slave ry we r e me ted out to e ve ryon e se ized on th e
immemor ial route of Easte rn comme rce n or was any pr ior n otice
or proclamation de em ed n e ce ssary to justify th e captur e . Native s
Of Calicut, as will be se e n,we r e spe cially de alt with .
Th e Maldivian s got th e ir fir st practical in formation of th e n ew
r eg ime wh e n ,in th e year 1 503, four of th e ir sh ips had th e mis
fortun e to b e s igh ted by Ch ie f Captain Vice n te Sodre,th e n
crulsmg Off Calicut.
l
Wh e n h e (Sodre) was off Calicut, Cor re a r e late s , h e s ighte d
four sail,wh ich h e ove rhauled an d took . Th eyproved to b e g undr as ,
barque s Of th e Maldive Islands,at wh ich is made th e ca ir o rope
wh ich se rve s th e sh ips of all In dia for cable s an d sh rouds,be s ide s
1 Vasco da Gama had just le ft for Europe afte r h is s e cond visit to
India , and had appointed Sodré'
to carry on h is work . T h e e ve n ts at
C alicut, pr e ceding th e e pisode of th e Maldive sh ips , may b e r ead in
Lord Stan ley’
s Th r ee Voyages of V. da Gama,extracted from C or rea .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
th e goods . Fir e was th e n applied, wh ich ,with th e aid of th e b r e eze ,
set th e whole in a b laze . Some of th e Moors took to th e wate r ,
an d succe eded in swimming ashor e , and th e r e r e lated what h ad
take n place . The Moors that we r e burnt numb e red upwards of a
hundre d,and th is e ven t much in cr eased th e m isch ie f at Calicut.
As for th e Moors of th e islands that we re in th e oth e r th re e gund ras ,
th e ch ie f captain warn e d th em neve r again to go to Calicut, fo r
that if e ve r th ey we r e found car rying any goods th e r e , th ey would
b e burn ed alive . He th e n se n t th em in to Canan or in charge o f
on e Of th e carave llas to b e un loaded at th e factory. With th em
h e also se nt h is fle e t factor,and also h is cle rk, wh o appraise d and
sold th e whole cargo ,”e tc .
Thus began Portugue se in te rcourse with th e Maldive s . In th e
same year a Portugue se sh ip was dr iven by str e ss of we ath e r to
on e of the Maldive s , wh e r e , in th e course Of a few days , many
d ied th rough dr inking stagn an t wate r , and ove r -indulg e n ce in th e
fruit and fish die t Of th e place .
Up to this time th e M aldive s h ad not drawn upon th em th e
pe r son al attention of th e Portugue se . Th e tactics Of th e Easte r n
trade rs now involved th em in th e ge n e ral misfor tun e . Calicut
b e ing unde r blockade,th e me r chants we re obliged to g ive We ste rn
India a wide be rth . Thus, in 1 506,th e vice roy, Fran cisco de
Alme ida,
was in formed that many sh ips from Pegu ,Siam
,and
Bengal we re pass ing th rough th e Maldive Islands to Me cca .
Th e r efor e orde rs we re g iventhat D om Loure ngo [de Alme ida, th e
vice r oy’
s son] should proc e ed with th e armada,and se e what was
going on at th e se islan ds , and wh eth e r sh ips could be se ized .
” 1
Lour e nco set sail, but was carr ied by th e curr en ts to Ceylon , wh e r e
h e laid th e foundation Of the Portugue se conn e ction with that
islan d. Th e Maldive expe dition was not car r ie d out.
Th e n ext mention°
Of th e Maldive s is in th e ye ar 1 509 , wh e n
Afl'
on so d’
Albuque rque was repair ing h is fle e t at Coch in , an d se nt
orde r s to Cananor for a supply of coir . His information was that
on e Mamalle , a Moor of that place , was trading with th e Ma]
dive Islands, unde r an agr e eme n t with the king of th e se islands ,
1 Le ndas,tom. i, p. 643.
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
wh e r eby th e latte r sold h is goods at fixed pr ice s , th e Moor sendin g
r ice,salt
,and e ar th e nwar e
,wh ich th e islan ds lacked , an d re ce ivin g
in exchange co ir,dr ie d fish , cowr ie s , and ve ry fin e silks . Th e Moor
had h is own factor s th e re,and as th e islan ds we re distan t on ly
th re e days’
sail from Can an or , h e was gain ing gr eat profit. Owing
to h is said agre eme nt th e oth e r me r ch an ts could n ot buy or se ll ,
and th us th e Moor Mamalle was called Lord Of th e Maldive
Islands . All th e coir for th e use Of th e wh ole of India was bough t
from th is Moor,and thus h e was maste r of gr eat we alth .
”
Albuque rque sen t for Mamalle,and orde r ed h im to give up h is
trade with th e islan ds,and to r emove h is factors from th e place ,
as th e islands b e longed to th e King of Portugal, wh o wouldh inde r n o on e from trading th e re
”
. Mamalle n ot b e ing con vin ced
of th e ble ssings of fre e trade , e spe cially, pe rhaps , wh e n pr e ach ed by
th e Por tugue se vice roy, b egged e arn e stly to be allowed to ke e p
h is mon opoly. H e made th e be st te rms h e could,wh ich we re that
h e sh ould de live r ann ually to th e Portugue se factor at Can n an or
rope s of fin e and of coar se co ir,e ach we igh in g a
quintal an d a h alf,and that h e should place n o h in dran ce in the
way of th e Portugue se if they should visit th e Maldive s for pur
pose s Of trade .
Th e foregoing agr e em en t,
adds Cor r e a , was duly Obse rved
dur in g th e gove r nme n t of Affon so d’
Albuque rque ; but h is suc
ce ssor s,unde r standing how to profit th emse lve s by the trade , gave
it ove r to th e ir se rvan ts and fr iends,an d violated th e contract.
Th e sh ips an d armadas se nt by th e factor of th e Kin g of Portugalr educe d h is profit to n oth ing , and d id many robb e r ie s an d misch ie f
at th e islan ds,as th ey ar e doing at th e pr e sent day. Th e se prae
tice s have cost th e king much expe n se . Th e co ir has also cost
h im much mon ey, and has not be en got without many difficultie s
an d th e de ath s of many Portugue se , as will be r e lated.
Afte r th e departur e of Albuque rque th e Maldive s b e came th e
hun tin g groun d of Portugue se pirate s . In 1 5 1 7 th e th ird vice r oy,
Lopo Soar e s , was in formed that on e Je ronymo de Sousa
was playing th e pirate”
at th e Maldive s . An e xpedition
was accordin gly sent unde r D om Fe rn ando de Mon roys an d
an d J050 Goncalve s de Caste llo Bran co, with orde r s to captur e or
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
kill th e r ebe l. Whe th e r th ey took Sousa or n ot doe s n ot appear
Corr ea me r e ly r e late s that wh e n th ey got to th e Maldive s th ey
tur n ed pirate s themse lve s , and se ized two r ich sh ips of Cambay,
wh ich we re sailing un de r Por tugue se passports . What 1” cr ie d
th e maste rs of th e captur ed ve sse ls ,“
you dar e to se ize th e se sh ips
th at ar e at peace with you ,and you ob se r ve n ot th e prom ise s
made in your own passports !”
In 1 5 1 7, according to Faria, pe rmission to bu ild a factory was
g ran ted to th e Por tugue se by th e Maldive king ; and for th is
purpose th e succe ssor of Soar e s ,D iogo Lope s de Seque ira, de spatch ed
an e xpedition in 1 5 19, un de r J050Gome s Ch e iradinh e iro, con s is ting
of four small ve sse ls car rying 1 20me n . Th is wor thy also pr o
ce eded to play th e pirate ; for n ot only did h e se ize two r ich
sh ips of Tenasse r in , th e goods an d crews of wh ich h e sold to th e
islande r s , but h e also harr ied th e islande rs th emse lve s at h is w ill .
Colle cting h is booty, h e lan de d at M afacelou (1 Male), wh e r e th e
k in g Of th e islan ds was dwe lling”
,and th e r e ~ built h imse lf a for t,
in to wh ich h e con tinued to draw compulsor ily th e produce of th e
islan ds ,“
p aying for it according to h is pleasur e .
”
Th e Maldivian s , in th e ir distr e ss , de spatch ed a boat to Calicut
to invoke th e aid of Bale acem ,a n oted Malabar corsair . T h is
pe r sonage was absen t at th e time,but th e e nvoys foun d a fr ie n d
in Pata-marakkar , forme rly a me rchan t of Coch in ,who
,having h ad
two sh ips se ized by th e Portugue se , h ad taken to buccan e e r in g .
Twe lve Malabar p ar dos we re soon colle cted , man n e d , aml de
spatch ed . Guided by th e Maldive boat, th ey fe ll .upon th e Portu
gue se sh ips as th ey lay unman n ed in th e harbour , an d th e n upon
th e fort,wh ich was unprote cted on th e wate r -side . Th e islan de r s
join e d in th e attack .with th e fury of r eve nge , and, afte r a shor t
struggle , e ve ry Portugue s e was put to th e sword. Th e whole
booty, wh ich was con side rable , was divided be twe e n th e islan de rs
an d th e ir allie s .
Thus did th e Maldivian s r egain th e fr e e dom Of th e ir te r r itory .
For th e n e xt th irty years n o attempt was made by th e Portu
gue se to e stablish a fort at th e islan ds , though th ey con tin ue d to
be th e r e sort of cruise r s, whose captain s , wh ile affe cting to in te r
c ept th e me rchan tme n on th e ir way to and from th e R ed Se a,
employe d th e ir le isure in piracy among th e atolls .
bosa .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
dur a .— Ove r aga in st Pan an i, Coch im,
an d Coulao (Quilon ) ar e
oth e r islan ds , te n or twe lve of wh ich ar e inhab ite d by dusky
Moors of small statur e,who have a language of th e ir own . Th e
king , wh o is a Moor,has h is r e side n ce at an islan d calledM aha ldiu .
T9 all th e se islands th ey g ive th e n ame of P a landur a . Th e
n ative s do not b e ar arms, an d ar e fe eble folk
,b ut ve ry cleve r , an d
above all, gr eat sor ce r e rs . Th e k ing of th e se islands is e le cte d by
some Moor me rch ants,n ative s of Can an or
,wh o chang e h im at
th e ir will. Th e king of th e ir choice pays th em an n ually tr ibute
of cordage , ropes of coir , and oth e r produce of th e place ; an d
some time s th e se Moors th emse lve s come and load th e ir sh ips
without b r ing ing any mon ey, n otwith standing wh ich , th e n ative s,
willingly or unwillingly, ar e con strain ed to g ive th em all th ey
ask . ] At th e se islan ds is much dr ied fish (moxama ) , wh ich is e x
ported :as also some little sh e lls,in wh ich is g r eat traffic with
Cambay and Bengal, wh e r e th ey ar e used for pe tty cash,b e ing
con side r ed be tte r than coppe r . Th ey make th e r e also ve ry r ich
cloth s of cotton,s ilk, and gold , wh ich fe tch a h igh pr ice amon g
th e Moor s for th e ir appar e l, and [‘Th e men of th e s e
islands we ar ve ry fin e ke rch ie fs on th e ir h eads , so close -wove n an d
b e autiful that our workme n could n ot produce th e like except
w ith a wron g and a r igh t s ide . In th e se islan ds,also
,th ey colle ct
tortoise sh e ll, wh ich th ey call Alquama th is th ey cut in to ve ry
th in pie ce s , and e xport large ly to th e kingdom of Guze rat. ] Much
amb e r (gr is) is also found at th e se islands , an d in large pie ce s ,
some wh ite , some g r ey, an d some black . I asked many of th e se
Moors freque n tly wh at th is amb e r was,and wh e n ce it came .
Th ey de em it to be th e dr oppings of b irds,sayin g that in th is
arch ipe lago ar e some un inhab ited islan ds,on th e r ocks an d r e e fs of
wh ich some b ig b irds pe r ch , and th e r e void th is amb e r ; th e r e it
is exposed to th e action of th e wind , sun , and rain,until by storm
some of th e mor e n orth e r ly islands of wh ich we r e occupied by Mala
bars . With th e se h e se ems to in clude Male (M ahal-diu) , probab ly On
account Of th e clos e comme rcial r e lation s of that is lan d with C an nan or .
It will b e se e n b e low that D e Barros follows Barbosa in all his mistake s .
Pa landura (or , as Lord Stan ley r eads,Pa landiva ) is un in te llig ib le .
1 In th e Lisbon MS. ,b ut n ot in Ramusio .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES. 479
an d tempe st th e s e a swe eps ove r th e se rocks and r e e fs , and it is Ba rbosa.
b roke n Off in large an d small pie ce s . Th e n ce it floats on th e se a
till e ith e r it is foun d or cast up on some b e ach,or eate n by
wh ale s . Th ey say that th e amb e r foun d in th e wh ite state , wh ich
th ey call P on ambar , has b e e n but a sh ort time on th e se a,an d is
by th em e ste emed th e most pr e cious . Th e g r ey has be e n a longe r
time in th e wate r,and th e n ce has th is colour it also is con side r ed
ve ry good, but n ot so good as th e wh ite . That wh ich is found
black an d b ruise d th ey say has b e e n e ate n by whale s , and th us
has be e n tu rn e d black . Its n atur e is such that th e whale s cann ot
dig e st it, an d th e r e for e ej e ct it whole . Th is kind is calle d M in
ambar , an d is of le ss value among th em .
In th e se islands Of Maldio they build many large sh ips of
palm-wood
,h e ld toge th e r with matting , b e cause th ey have n o oth e r
timb e r th e r e . In th e se th ey voyage to th e main land . Th e se sh ips
have ke e ls , and ar e of ve ry con s ide rable capac ity. Th e islan de r s
bu ild also small rowing -crafts,like b rigan tin e s or fustas : th e se
ar e of g r eat str e n gth , admirably bu ilt, and extr eme ly light th ey
se r ve ch iefly for going' from on e island to anoth e r , though th ey
ar e also used for cross ing ove r to Malabar .
To,the se islan ds come many sh ips of th e Moor s from Ch in a,
Maluco,Pe egu ,
Malaca , Camatra,Be nguala, and Ce ilam ,
in th e ir
passag e to th e Re d Se a . H e r e th ey take in wate r , provis ion s , an d
oth e r n e ce ssarie s for th e voyage . Som e time s th ey ar r ive in such
batte r ed con dition th at th ey have to be disch arged and aban don e d .
Among th e se islan ds ar e lost many r ich ve sse ls of th e Moor s,
wh ich in th e ir passag e of th e O ce an dar e n ot make th e coast Of
Malabar for fear of our sh ips . [lFrom th e se th e in hab itan ts of
th e islands ge t much r ich me rchan dise,wh ich th ey se ll to th e
Malabars wh o come th e r e to load coir,as has alr e ady be e n
22 . J050 de Bar ros , th e h istor ian of Portugue se Ind ia, was a L d e B.
cle rk or office r in th e Casa da I n dia,or In dia O ffice , at Lisbon .
H e had n e ve r h imse lf Visited th e East,as had Gaspar Cor r e a,
whose L enda s cove r n early th e same pe r iod , and D iogo de Couto ,
1 In th e Lisb on MS. , but n ot in Ramusio ,
EARLY NOT ICES OF THE MALD IVES.
e Bar ros . h is continuator .
1 H is mate r ials we r e obtain ed in th e course Of
h is Official dutie s . Uncor r e cted by pe rson al ob se r vation ,an d lack
ing th e pictur e sque n e ss of de tail wh ich Easte r n e xpe r ie n ce im
parts to th e n arrative s of th e oth e r h istor ian s , h is work is of th e
g r eate st value as a compe n d ium of th e in formation about India
poss e ssed by th e author itie s at Lisbon in th e middle qf th e l 6th
ce n tury. D e Bar ros died in 1 570.
Th e e xpe dition of Joao Gome s de Ch e ir adin h e iro to th e Mal
d ive s , wh ich has b e e n de scr ib ed above in th e language of Cor r e a ,
wh o was in India at th e time,is mor e shor tly and le ss cor r e ctly
n ar rated by de Bar ros , but th e Opportun ity is take n ,by way O f
pr e face , to summar ise all th e in formation about th e Mald ive s th at
was th e n cur r en t in Portugal. Th e passag e h e r e tran slated occur s
in th e 7th chapte r of th e 3rd book of th e th ird D ecada,fi r st pub
lish ed in 1 563
In asmuch as Joao Gome s de alcun a Ch e iradin h e iro was th e
fir st to bu ild a fort on th e Maldive Is lan ds , it will be con ve n ie n t,
b e for e de scr ibing h is action s,to give h e r e a ge n e ral accoun t O f
th e se Maldive islands , wh ich we h ave r e fe rr ed to so ofte n . Th is
n ame Ma ldiva,though it is th e distin ctive n ame of a s ingle islan d ,
as we shall se e,e tymologically is de r ived from th e Malabar lan
guage , me an ing Islan ds— ma l,a thousand
,and d iva ,
islan ds
— th e r e b e in g upwards Of th at n umbe r all in a str ing . Oth e r s
say that th is word Ma l is th e prope r n ame of th e ch ie f islan d, at
wh ich r e side s th e king who is lord of all :th at on e is common ly
calle d M a ldiva , as though on e should say th e island of Ma l: an d
as it is at th e h e ad of th e g roup,2 th e r e st ar e calle d afte r it.
“ Th is str ing of islands,wh ich run s like an e xte n ded diadem
ove r again st th e coast of Ind ia,b eg in s at th e flats wh ich we call
1 C or r e a’s L endas exte nd from th e fi r stvoyage s Of D iaz and da Gama
to 1 550; de Bar ros’ B ecadas from 149 7 to 1539 ; d e Couto
’
s B ecadas
from 1 529 to 1600 Castan h eda’s H is tory fr om 1497 to 1 550 Far ia y
Souza’s Asia Por tugueza from 1497 to 1 640.
2 E ith e r de Bar ros was quite m istake n as to th e situation of Male , or
b e lie ving th e Maldive s to e xte n d to Java,as appe ar s in th e n ext se n
ten ce , h e r egards it as s ituate at th e n or th e n d O f th e g roup . H is
Obse rvation b e low as to th e languag e sh ows that h e doe s not accurate ly
distinguish th e Maldives from th e Laccadive s .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
036m m cipally at th e seaports . To th is farming of th e r even ue th ey h ave
adde d th e admin is tr ation of justice , thus b ette r se cur ing th e
r eve n ue s of th e pr in ce of th e coun try . Th is pos ition th e Moor s
have n ot as yet obtain ed so fi rmly in th e islan ds as on th e conti
n e n t .
As r egards th e ir situation , though some of th e large r islands ar e
distan t apart some five , ten ,fifte e n , or twe n ty le ague s , th e g r eat
major ity ar e so close -se t that th ey look like an or chard h alf in
undated by a flood,equal parts of wh ich ar e vis ible an d con ce ale d ;
and you can leap from on e to an oth e r without we tting th e fe e t,
or e lse swing across by me an s of th e b ran ch e s of th e tr e e s . Th e
cur r e nts of wate r colle cting in th e chan n e ls ar e so stron g that th e
n ative s,wh e n ove rtake n by a tide , as some time s h appe n s , can
n ot make th e crossing th ey de sire . An d wh ile many of th e se
ch an n e ls ar e so de ep as to car ry ve ry large ve sse ls , yet ar e th ey so
n ar row in some place s that th e yards will str ike th e palm tre e s .
Th e se palm tr e e s do n ot yie ld date s , as do those of 'Barbary
and all Afr ica, but a fruit of th e s ize of a man’
s h e ad . Be for e
r each ing th e ke rn e l, it h as two husks , afte r th e man n e r of n uts .
Th e fi r st, although on th e outside , is quite smooth ; b e n e ath th is
is an oth e r all of fib re,wh ich e xcels th e espar to . Th e rope mad e
from th is fibr e supplie s th e wh ole of In dia,and ch iefly for
cable s ,_
b e cause it is mor e se cur e an d stan ds th e se a be tte r th an
any made fr om h emp. Th e r e ason is th at it agr e e s with th e salt
wate r,an d b e come s so tough that it se ems like h ide , con tractin g
and e xpanding with th e stre ngth of th e sea so that a good
th ick cable of th is rope , wh e n th e sh ip is stan ding at h e r an ch or
in a h eavy gale an d strain ing upon it, draws out so th in that you
would th ink it could n ot h old a boat wh e n th e ve sse l is pitch in g
in a me r e swe ll, it ke eps its usual th ickn e ss . Th is coir is also
use d in stead of bolts , for such virtue hath it of swe lling an d
sh r inking in th e sea th at th ey join th e timb e r s of th e ir sh ips’
r ib s
with it, an d con s ide r it qu ite se cur e . True it is,th e se sh ips ar e
n ot sailed th rough th e fur ious gale s of th e Cape of Good Hope .
Th e islande r s make th e ir voyage s in avoidan ce of th e win ds,n avi
gating on ly in th e summe r time dur ing th e mon soon s , wh ich ar e
season s of fair winds , r egular in th e ir dir e ction , for th r e e mon th s
EARLY NOTICES’
DE THE MALD IVES.
at a time ; wh e n th e winte r come s round,th ey do n ot go to J. de Ba
sea.
Th is profitable fruit hath an oth e r sh e ll of ve ry hard sub stan ce ,
on th e surface of wh ich are s e en th e trace s of th e fibr e s and
th r e ads of th e oute r husk it is like th e pith of th e cork tr e e , or ,
rath e r,like a n ut shorn of its gr e e n sh e ll. Th is sh e ll, at th e place
wh e re th e fruit r e ce ive s its vege table n ourishme nt— th at is,at its
lowe r e nd— is somewhat pointe d , and r e semble s a n ose b e twe e n
two roun d eye s . It is th rough th e se that th e n ut th rows out its
shoots wh e n plan te d. Owing to th is shape our coun tryme n call
th is nut Coco,l th e n ame give n by wome n to anyth in g used to
frighte n th e ir bab e s . Th is n ame h as so stuck to it that n o on e
kn ows it by any oth e r . Its prope r n ame , howeve r , is Tanya,l with
th e M alabar s , and Nar lelwith th e Can ar in e .
Th e ke r n e l with in th is se cond sh e ll is about th e size of a larg e
quin ce , but of a diffe r e n t appearan ce , r e sembling th e filb e rt in
its oute r surface and inn e r sub stan ce it h as , h owe ve r , a h ollow
space with in . It is of th e same taste,but of g reate r bulk, an d is
more oily in its con siste ncy than th e filb ert. With in th e cavity
is distilled some wate r , wh ich is ve ry swe e t and cordial, pr in cipally
wh e n th e nut is young . Wh en th e nut is plan ted , all th is cavity
in wh ich th e wate r was b e com e s a th ick mass like cre am , called
lanha . It is ve ry swe e t and tasty, an d b e tte r than almonds,wh e n
it th icke n s on th e tr e e ; and as th is fruit in its substan ce an d
edib ility is ve ry like th e almond or filbe rt,so
,too
,its oute r surfac e
is fawn -colour ed,and its in te r ior wh ite .
Th is n utand th e palmwh ich yie lds it have oth e r profitable use s ,
ordain ed ofGod for th e support an d n e ce ssitie s of man,for b e side s
those men tion ed it supplie s h im with h on ey, vin egar , oil, and win e ,
and is itse lf a sub stan tial food, e ith e r eate n alon e or with r ice
,or
s e rved in oth e r mode s employe d by th e Indian s in th e ir cooke ry.
Of th e fir st oute r husk is made coir,wh ich
,as we said
,is in com
mon and un ive r sal use for th e sh ips of th e wh ole East,afte r b e in g
soaked,b eate n , an d twisted like h empen r ope . Th e palm tre e s
also ar e used for timb e r , logs , an d tile s , for th e n ative s cove r th e ir
h ouse s with th e leave s,wh ich pre ven t any wate r ge tting in th e se
1 As to th e s e names,se e ab ove , p . 372
,note
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
do Barros . also se rve th em for pape r , an d th e ir p almitoslput th em in n o n e ed
of th e p almitos of Barbary. In sh ort, wh e n a man of those parts
h as a pair of th e se palm tr e e s h e has e ve ryth ing n e ce ssary for
e x iste n ce ; and wh e n th ey wish to praise on e for h is b en e faction s,
th ey ar e wont to say, H e is mor e fruitful an d profitable than a
palm tr e e .
’
Be side s th e se tr e e s , wh ich in those islan ds grow aboveground ,
it se ems th e ir se ed is en dowed by n atur e w ith such virtue that it
has produced in some place s b en eath th e salt wate r an oth e r
spe cie s ,2wh ich yie lds a larger nut th an th e coco. Th e se con d
sh e ll of th is n ut is found by expe rie n ce to be mor e e fficacious
again st poison than th e Be zoar3ston e , wh ich also come s from th e
E ast, growing in th e stomach of an an imal called by th e Pe rsian sP azon
,wh e re of we have tr e ate d at large in th e ch apte r s of ou r
Commer cio upon an tidote s .
“ Th e common e st an d most importan t me rch andise at th e se
islan ds , inde ed , th e cause of th e ir b eing vis ited , is th e coir with
out it th ose se as cann ot b e n avigated . Th e r e is also a kin d of
sh e llfish , as small as a sn ail,b ut d iffe r e n tly sh aped , with a h ard
,
wh ite,lustrous sh e ll, some of th em,
h owe ve r,b e ing so h ighly
colour ed and lustrous that, wh e n made into button s an d se t in
gold , th ey look like e n amel:With th e se sh e lls for ballast many
sh ips ar e lade n for Bengal and Siam,wh e re th ey ar e used for
1 Th e in n e r r ind of th e palm .
2 T h e coco de mer . Se e vol. i , p. 230.
3 Th e word Bezoar is a corruption of th e Pe rsian pddzdr ,“poison
antidote",of wh ich de Bar ros
’
p azon is a cor ruption :th e an imal r e
fe rr e d to is th e w ild goat of P e rs ia . For th e h istory of th e word se e
Yule’
s Glossary, an d th e New E ng . D ie t. As an addition to th e quota
tion s give n in th e se two works , I may ob se rve that a false Bezoar ston e
gave occasion for the e stab lishmen t of o n e of th e g r e at distin ction s in
our common law, viz. , b etwe e n action s founded upon contract
,an d
th ose foun ded upon wron gs C hande lor v . Lop us was de cided in 1 604
(r eported in 2 Cr oke,an d in Smith ’
s Leading Cases ) . T h e h eadn ote
r un s The def enda n t sold to the p la intifi‘
a stone , wh ich he afiirmed to bea Bezoa r stone , but which p r oved not to be so. No a ction lies aga in sthim,
un le ss he e ithe r knew tha t it was not a Bezoa r ston e . or wa r ra nted it to be
a Bezoar s tone .
” C hande lor , who was a goldsmith“ h aving skill in
j ewe ls and pr e cious ston e s” , had sold th e wor th le ss ston e to Lopus for
£100, a larg e sum in thos e days .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
e Barroa. come into contact, ar e dull, fe eble , and malicious—qualitie s alwaysfound toge th e r , n ot on ly in th e h uman race
,but also in th e b rute
cr eation , wh e r e in is ve r ified th e paradox that a weak inte lle ct is
crafty in misch ie f.
“ Th e h igh e r classe s dr e ss in s ilk an d cotton ; th e r e st of th e
pe ople make sh ift to weave th emse lve s a cloth ing made from
palmy leave s an d h e rb s . Th ey have a language of th e ir own,
th ough th ose n ear e st to th e Malabar coast spe ak th e language of
that country th is is so ch iefly at .Ma ldiva islan d, wh e r e th e king
r e side s , b e cause it is fr eque n ted by so many Malabar s .
”
[Th e account of Joao de Ch e ira-D inh e iro at th e Maldive s , wh ich
h e re succe e ds, h as alr eady b e e n g ive n above,at p.
9
mm23. Th e de scr iption of th e Mald ive s by D e Bar ros has be en
me n tifl‘
o advisedly placed in imme diate seque n ce to th e ske tch of Por tu
gue se r e lation s with th e islands dur ing th e fi r st h alf of th e
sixte e nth cen tury. We ar e thus e nabled to con clude th is Appe n dix
with a more pleasing episode in th e h istory of th e ir in te rcourse with
Europe an race s .
Th e voyag e of th e two F re n ch sh ips , th e P en séeland th e Sacr e ,
2
un de r th e b roth e rs Je an and Raoul Parme ntie r , has alr e ady b e e n
r e fe r r ed to in th e Introduction to vol. i (pp. x , x i) , as th e se cond,
if not th e fi r st,voyage made to th e East by way of th e Cape , in
de fian ce of th e Portugue se claims of e xclusive r ight . Jean Par .
m en tie r h ad alr eady made long voyage s , in cluding (it se em s
ce rtain ) on e to Ame r ica. Be side s b e ing a class ical sch olar and a
poe t, h e was also a fi r st-rate seaman . Th e e xpedition was th us
we ll plan n ed, th e sh ips well foun d , and th e cr ews we ll handled .
But for th e sad de ath of th e gallan t and accomplish ed comman de r
at T icou, in Sumatra, it might h ave b e e n hoped that Parmen tie rwould h ave roused h is coun trymen to furth e r e fforts , and h ave le d
to an earlie r de struction of th e monopoly in ocean route s .
Th e Fr e n ch sh ips le ft D ieppe on th e 28 th March 1 529 . Th ey
1 T h e Pan sy.
2 Fr . an d Port. sacr e , E ng . sake r,a pe r egr in e hawk , f alco sace r .
T h is Lat. te rm is a misnome r,ar ising from a fan cy that sacr e was a
translation of th e Gr . fe'
pc f. It is r e ally, as D ozy has pointe d out,th e
A r . ga l/r .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
r ounded th e Cape in safe ty, and towards th e latte r e nd of Sep gl
am"tember we r e in th e n e ighbourh ood of th e Maldives . Le t th e Farmout
ch ron icle r of th e voyage n ow te ll h is own tale 1
On Sunday [1 9th Septemb e r 1 5 29] we made sail S.S.E . and
S. with scan t wind , be lieving the se islan ds to b e th e arch ipe lago
n ear Calecut and Commor i , wh ich e xte nds n orth and south .
Monday, th e 2oth Septembe r , in th e mor n ing , we r e s igh ted
s ix or seve n islands on the W., th e SW. and th e S. On taking
our altitude at noon,it was found to be half a degr e e to th e south
of th e Lin e . We en deavour ed to fe tch on e of th e se islands,but
th e wind was contrary, and ob liged us to stand off . Yet did we
cease n ot un til th e Fr iday following [Septembe r 24th] to tack , soas to come up with some of th em :but
,wh e n we approach ed , we
found n o an chorag e . Th e n came con trary winds an d rain . At
length we found on e g r e e n island,we ll plan ted with palms ,
about a league in length . Jean Masson in our little boat we n t
ashor e,as did also th e boat of th e Sacr a Th e pe ople of th e
islan d gave th em a good r e ce ption and pr e se nted some of th e ir
palm-fruits and long figs ,
2 wh ile th e said Masson gave th em some
kn ive s an d mirror s,and oth e r war e s . Th ey also gave h im, as a
pr e sen t for th e captain ,a little chain artificially made of a single
pie ce , wh ich was be nt double ; and also sen t to th e captain ,
be twe en two large leave s of tr e e s,about two or th r e e pounds of
sugar-candy, called by th em .Z
'
ag r e ,3and made of th e same palms ,
and also a quarte r or half hundr ed balls of th ick black sugar ,
wh ich is made from th e same sugar-can dy, and th e h usk or e nve
lope of th e sub stan ce wh e r e of th e said sugar is composed .
On th e 25th died on e of our mar in e r s,by n ame J ean F r a ncois .
Th e same day our captain landed on th e island with th e two boats ,
we ll arme d and equ ipped, and was h on ourably r e ce ived by th e
1 T h e tran slation wh ich follows is from th e edition of M . Sche fe r ,
Par is,1 883. As will b e se e n
,h is r e ading of some of th e name s d iffe r s
fr om th e ear lie r edition of th e voyag e publish e d in 1 832 by M . E stan
cclin ,in h is Navigateur s Normands
,and also from anoth e r copy , e dite d by
M . Marg ry, in th e Bulle tin of the 8 00. Normande de Géog raphie f or 1 8 83.
2 Bananas , called by th e Portugue s e figos da India .
3 Mald . sakuru or hakuru ; v. S. , p . 41 1 . E stauce lin r e ads lag r e , and
Margry sag re .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
ch ie f or arch-pr ie st of.
th e island, who came towards h im kn e e l
ing as though h e would kiss h is h an ds,and pre sented a fin e larg e
lemon,
~
quite round,like a big orange . Th e captain hasten ed to
raise an d emb race h im,and made h im a pr e sent of two pairs 0
kn ive s,wh ich h e e ste emed h ighly. Th e islander s climb e d a
n umbe r of coco palm-tr e e s, and gave our pe ople to dr ink of th e
wate r . Two or th re e oth e r s pre se n ted a few of th e islan d lemon s
to our captain .
In th is island was a temple or mosque , a ve ry an cie nt strue
ture, composed of massive ston e . Th e captain de sired to se e th e
in side as we ll as th e outside , wh e r e upon the ch ie f pr ie st bade
th em open it and ente red with in . Th e work ple ased h im gr e atly,
and ch iefly a woodwork scr e e n , of an cient mouldings , th e b e st h e
had e ve r se e n,with a balustrade so n e atly tur ned that our sh ip
’
s
carpe nte r was surpr ised to se e th e fin e n e ss of th e work. Th e
temple had galle rie s all around , an d at th e end a se cr et e n closur e
shut off by a woode n scre en , like a San ctum San ctorum. Th e
captain bade th em ope n it, to se e wh at was with in , and wh e th e r
th e r e we re any idols th e r e , but b e pe rce ived noth ing but a
lamp ,forme d of th e coconut. Th e roof or vault of th is temple
was round in form, with a wain scoted ce iling cove r e d with
an cie nt pain ting . Hard by th e temple was a p iscina , or lavatory,
fiat bottomed, and paved with a black ston e like marble,fin e ly
cut with an cien t mouldings , and having all th e appearan ce of
mass ive workman sh ip. In an oth e r place , a little apart, was a
kind of square we ll or foun tain ,six or e igh t fe e t de ep, having
w ith in it a numbe r of pole s , each with a gourd at the e n d,wh e re
with th e n ative s drew th e ir wate r . Th is we ll also was flat bot
tome d,and paved with th e same ston e as the lavatory. In th is
islan d we r e many oth er s imilar foun tain s or we lls , and also many
small chape ls and orator ie s in th e same style as th e gr eat temple .
1
1 Th e on ly in formation as to r emain s at Fua Mulaku, th e island r e
fe r r ed to (v. i . p. is that given to M r . Be ll by re siden t n ative s,to
th e efle ct that the re ar e still to b e se e n th e re “ th e jungle -cove red ruin s
of a tope or ddga bafand amid th e se th e ston e image of a Buddha in th e
stho’
n amudr ti or standing position . T h is tope is de scribed as r e semblin g
th e solid b e ll-shaped ddgaba s , rising fr om platforms , usual in C eylon
9
oth e rs
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
but little in th e h ouse s,wh e reby we judged th at th ey h ad t e
me ntle r moved all th e ir valuable s,as also th e ir young women an d ch ildre n ,
furth e r in to th e : in te r ior of th e island,fear ing pe rhaps le st th e
I thought it must have b e e n a sacr e d place , as all th ese building s stoo
close to e ach oth e r . M or e ove r,w e found nowh e re on th e whole of th i
island any buildings used as house s or showing any sign s of having b e e n
used as hab itation s,
”e tc .
If th e islan d de scr ib ed is still un inhab ite d, th e re is good r eason to
h0pe that some of th e s e inte r e sting buildings may b e pre se rved . It is ,
h oweve r , somewhat diflicult— in th e ab se n ce of any men tion of n ame s
or b earin gs— to localise , much le ss to iden tify, th e islan d . Some cir
cumstan tial e viden ce r egarding th e voyag e may be of assis tan ce,and
this give s a pe culiar inte r e st to th e passag e e xtr acted.
Fr ede r ick de Houtman left Flush in g on th e 15th March 1 598,in com
man d of th e L ione ss,h is b roth e r Cor n e lis
,th e leade r of th e expedition ,
be ing on board th e Lion,on wh ich sh ip also sailed our famous sailor
,
John D avis,as pilot.
Ab ove,at vol. i
, p . 31 , I stated,b e for e th is ex tract came to hand
,
that n o D utch account of th is voyag e existed , an d that D avis’
s lette r to
Lord E sse x was th e sole accoun t of it extant. I f th e documen t from
wh ich th e ab ove passage is extracte d pr oves to b e a r eport of th e
voyage at larg e , that stateme n t will n o long e r hold good .
Now, as D avis also men tion s th e visit to th e M aldive s
,we should b e
able to localise th e island descr ibed by F . de Houtman , if on ly w e
kn ew that th e two ve sse ls we r e in company at th e tim e . But n e ith e r
D avis nor F . de H outman r e fe r s to th e oth e r’s ship wh ile atth e Maldive s
an d th e evide n ce points to th e fact that th ey we re n ot at th is time in
c ompany. Fr om D avis’s accoun t we gath e r that th e L ion me r e ly stood
off an island,that th e cr ew did n ot land , but that th e island was in
hab ite d,inasmuch as a pilot was ob tain ed at it. T h e re is also some
diffe r en ce in date s , Davis statin g (Voyages , Hak. Se a , p. 1 38 ) that h is
ship ar rived at th e Maldive s on th e 23rd May 1 599 , an d le ft th e island
at wh ich th e pilot was taken on th e 27th , wh ile on th e 3rd Jun e sh e
was off th e coast of C och in . O ur ex tract above puts th e ar r ival of th e
L ion ess at th e un in h ab ited island on th e 1 st Jun e .
Wh ile,th e r e for e
,it se ems that th e two sh ips we r e not togeth e r at th e
Maldive s,th ey may have b e e n so n ear ly in company as to str ik e th e
same chann e l. As to th e route of th e L ion , Davis’
s lette r le ave s us in
n o doubt. In th e passag e of th e chan n e l h e give s h is latitude as
4° 15’ N wh ich iden tifie s th e chan n e l as that of Ka r diva . Possib ly,
th e r e for e , F . de Houtman’s island may be found somewh e r e on th e
b orde r s of th is chan n e l. Wh en th e M S. in full come s to h an d from
Batavia , some r e fe r e n ce to latitude in th e con te x t may de cid e .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALDIVES.
sh ould b e se ized by force . Th is was probably don e at th e advicegnu "
of th e ch ie f pr ie st, who was a man of much discretion and kn ow Parme n
ledge , as was se e n by what e n sue d. For wh ile we we r e th e r e , a
little str ife ~ had ar isen b e twe en th e captain and th e Portugue sesailors of th e Sacr e
, th e said Portugue se asse rting to th e mar in e rs
th at th is islandwas on e of th e Ma ld ive islan ds . Th is , howeve r , could
n ot he so,for we we r e th e n at degr e e south
,wh ile th e Maldive
islan ds e xten d from th e 7th to th e 1 7th degr e e n orth of th e
equator :wh e re upon our captain told h im th at h e was wrong .
But th e oth e r, pe r s isting in h is Opin ion ,
said h e was r igh t, and
pr oposed that th ey sh ould e nquir e th e fact of th e ch ie f pr ie st,
who r eplied that th e n ame of th e islan d was M olaque ,lan d th at
th e M a ldive islands we r e fully 200 le ague s n orth of that islan d.
2
Neve r th e le ss, I have sin ce se en in a Portugal ch art that th e se
islan ds south of th e lin e ar e called M a ldiva . Mor e ove r,th is ch ie f
pr ie st sh owed th e captain in what quarte r s lay th e coun tr ie s of
Adam,
3 P er s ia , Ormus , Calicut, .Z'
eilan,
4M olaquef an d Sumatra ,
an d proved h imse lf to be both le arn ed an d we ll trave lled . H e
was ve ry de vout, mode st, and amiable , of m iddle h e ight, wh ite
b earded,appar en tly about 45 to 50ye ar s of age :h is n ame was
B r ear on L eacar u .
6 M e an wh ile , our people took supplie s of wate r ,
and th e captain paid th e n atives han dsome ly for th e ir coco-nuts
and long g r e e n figs , wh ich we r e loaded in th e boats . H e th e n
took h is le ave an d withdr e w h is me n to th e boats in'
o rde r to
r eturn to th e sh ip, wh ich was plying off and on,in de fault of any
1 Fua AIulaku, a solitary islan d in 0°
1 7'
S. ,not to b e con founded
w ith Mulaku Atoll,wh ich is farth e r nor th . T h e ch ron icle r above
state s that just b e for e landing at th is is land th ey we r e in 5°
S. lati
tude .
2 T he ch ie f must have unde rstood th e Fr en chmen to ask for th e
Male Atoll.3 E stan ce lin and Margry r ead D am.
4E stan ce lin and M arg ry r ead Z e la .
5 Probably th e Moluccas ; but E stan ce lin and Marg ry r ead llIe laque ,
wh ich would like ly me an Malacca .
6 E stan ce lin and M argry r e ad Orqnarou L eacar ou. N e ith e r se ems
to b e r ight. T h e se cond word , howeve r , almost ce r tain ly should b e
Taca r ou,for M . Talcur u se e vol. i
, pp. 96 , 208 .
EARLY NOTICES OF THE MALD IVES.
an chorag e at th e island . Th e pe ople th e r e call God Allah .
1 Th e
same even ing afte r suppe r we sailed S E . 1 S., close -hauled to th e
wind .
On th e 26th our altitude , on be ing taken at n oon,was foun d
to be 3of a deg . south,
”e tc .
1 So E stan celin ; Margry, h owever , states that the te xt r eads Aillat.
494 THE EXILED KINGS or THE MALD IVES.
an d se cr etly departed to Coch in with h is wife and ce rtain of h is
family. From th e date of h is conve rsion ,wh ich took place in
1 552,we shall b e n ot far wrong in assuming that th e r e volution
occur r ed in 1 550or 1 55 1 . Wh en h e b e came a Ch r istian h e was
twe n ty ye ar s of age , a fact wh ich se ems to in dicate th at youth
may h ave b e e n h is ch ie f in capacity. H owe ve r that may b e , h e
was baptis ed a Ch r istian unde r th e n ame of D om Man oel,an d it
is n ote worthy that h e was r e ce ive d in to th e Chu rch by n o le ss a
pe r son age th an th e Apostle of th e In die s,St. Fran cis Xavie r .
Th e Je suit h istor ian Bartoli, on e of th e pe ople of importan ce
in th e ir day with wh om Mr . Brown ing has“
parleyings”
, thu s
r e late s th e con ve r s ion (Asia , iii, 201 -2) Th e r e sprang up, I
kn ow n ot why, be twe e n th e Maldivian s an d th e ir Lord,a youth
of twe n ty ye ar s, discord and war,an d b e
,finding h imse lf un able
to with stand th e for ce of th e con spiracy, saved h is life , though h e
could n ot h is kingdom ,by fligh t to Coch in ,
wh e r e h e tr uste d to
obtain h is r e -in stateme n t by aid of th e Portugue s e arms . Th e
fath e rs r e ce ived h im in to th e ir house ; and , by th e e xample of
th e ir living , wh ich is eve r a mor e pote n t influe n ce than words ,an d by that wh ich S. Fran cis Xavie r , who opportun e ly ar r ived
th e r e , told h im of God— an d mor e,that wh ich th e saint told God
of h im, prayin g H im to g ive h im that spir it wh e r eby a n ew
r e alm would b e gain ed to th e Chur ch— at le ngth th e sain tconque r ed, and h aving in structed h im as far as n e edful in th e
d ivin e myste r ie s , solemn ly baptised h im.
” l Padr e Luce na says
th at th is conve rs ion filled with joy th e wh ole of In dia,e xciting
h ope s that afte r th e h ead , all th e memb e rs would b e con ve rted .
” 2
1 St. F ran cis arr ived at C och in from Malacca on th e 24th January1 552
,an d le ft for Goa at th e b e ginn ing of Feb r uary, and prob ab ly
h ad little to do with th e conve r sion and cate ch isin g of th e Maldive
king , wh ich w er e managed by Padr e An ton io H e r edia (F. N . Xavie r,
’
Res . H is t. , p . Bartoli an d oth e r Je suit wr ite rs,howeve r
,claim
for th e Apostle of th e Indie s th e lion’
s shar e of th e cr edit. C r étin eau
Joly goe s so far as to say that St. Fran cis succe e ded wh e r e H e r edia
h ad failed (H is t. de la Comp . de Jesus , i, Se e also Bouhours, Vie
de S. Fr angois Xavie r , 1 682 , ‘
4to. , p . 462 .
2 Vida de F ran . Xav., lib . ix,0. 1 5 .
THE EXILED KINGS or THE MALDIVES. 495
Th e Rev . H . Cole r idge adds th at th is king was a witn es s to on e
of Fran cis’s m iraculous e le vation s in th e air wh ile saying Mass
”
(Life an d L etter s of S. Fr an c . Xav. , ii, It would se em that
th e k in g submitted to conve r sion as a mean s of gain ing Portu
gue ss support, th e Je suits of Coch in promising th e ir aid . Some
of th e fath e rs,
”continue s Bartoli
,we r e th en r eady to sail with a
Portugue se armada, and with th e conve rted king , to th e Mal
dive s,an d , as soon as h e . should be r e -in state d
,to r educe th e
in hab itan ts to th e Faith . But b ecause in th e inte re sts of th e
Crown of Portugal it was n ot worth wh ile to have th e se islan ds
tr ibutary, be in g poor in spice s and gold, th e Gove rn or s of India
we r e n ot in clin ed to g ive th e King efi'
e ctual aid .
”
Th e e xpe dition
was,n eve rth e le ss , sen t, but on te rms, as Pyrard state s, th at D om
Man oe l sh ould n ot accompany it.
The first e xpedition was,as Pyrard r e late s , disastrous to th e
Portugue se :but in th e second, probably about 1 554
,th ey took
Malé,afte r a battle in wh ich th e r ival king Ali was slain . Ex
pe r ie n cing th e difficultie s attending th e subj e ction of th e whole of
th e scatte r e d kin gdom ,th ey prude n tly assembled th e ch ie fs for a
con fe r e n ce , at wh ich it was arr anged that th e islan ds sh ould b e
gove rn ed by a n ative r ege n t, who sh ould b e subj e ct to th e con
trol of th e Por tugue se comman dan t, and wh o should rule in th e
n ame of th e e x iled king , D om Man oe l. Th is condition of affairs
was adh e r ed to for upwards of ten ye ar s . At th is pe r iod th e
Mald ivian s again r ose in r ebe llion,an d
,unde r th e leade r sh ip
of th e two n oble b roth e r s,th e e lde r of wh om was th e fath e r of
th e Sultan of Pyrard’
s time,succe e ded
,with th e aid of a party of
Malabar s,in takin g th e Portugu e se fort and putting its occupan ts
to th e sword (sup r a , vol. i, p.
D ur in g th e te n ye ar s of Portugue se occupation it se ems thatD om Manoe l was e n abled , by th e tr e aty arr ived at with th e
n ative ch ie fs , to e xe rcise to some e xten t h is sove r e ign r ights . In
th e ar ch ive s of Goa is still pr e se rved a copy of ce rtain lette r s
pate nt gran ted by h im to Man oe l da Silve ira d’Araujo, be stowing
upon h im th e pr ivilege of th r e e voyage s to th e Maldive s as ch ie f
captain . Th e docume n t,in cluding th e title s of th e gran tor , is
couch ed in th e approved language of Portugue se officialism
496 THE EXILED KINGS or THE MALD IVES.
D om Man oe l, by th e grace of God King of th e Maldive islands ,
an d o f th e th re e patan d a of Cuaydu, and of th e seven islan ds of
Pullobay, of th e conque st and n avigation of all th e coasts of
Sumatra,and of th e Strait of Manacuma, etc.
,—To all to whom th is
my lette r shall b e sh own,I make known and give to unde r stan d
th at as of r igh t I th ink fit an d am h e reby ple ased to grant un to
Man oe l da Silve ira d’Araujo , Cavalie r fidalgo of th e h ousehold of
th e Kin g of Portugal, th r e e voyage s as ch ie f captain to my
Maldive islands,in like man n e r as to pr e ceding ch ief captain s ,
with th e customary gain s and profits th e r e of, wh ich voyag e s h e may
e n te r upon afte r Jorge de Sousa Pe r e ira, n ow captain of th is city
of Coch in , shall h ave made an d con cluded th e two voyage s wh ich
h e purchased for mon ey from Jan eb ra de Torr e s , forme r ly wife of
Bastiao Reb e lo, and n ow with God,and wh ich h e shall h ave in
pr e ceden ce of all oth e r s . I th ink fit, th e r e for e , that th e said
Man oel da Silve ira shall h ave th e se th re e,wh ich I n ow g ran t,
b e for e any oth e r pe rson to wh om th e like gran t shall b e made
(saving on ly th e two purchased by Jorge de Sousa from th e said
widow,th e same b e ing with in my gran t) , h aving r e spe ct to th e
fact that h e slew th e r obb e r of Baura,
1wh o assumed th e title of
king of th e islan ds , an d disposse ssed me of my r ealm an d e state,
to wh ich I sh ould h ardly have b e e n r e stor ed,had n ot th e said
Man oe l da Silve ira kille d h im and dealt with h im so valian tly as
h e did , as also all th e r e st con ce r n ed in th e r eb e llion ,wh om also
h e slew : all wh ich de eds cost h im much trouble an d blood of h is
own body with five deadly spe ar-woun ds wh ich cr ipple d h im,
an d
wh ich h e r e ce ive d in battle with th e said king and r ebe ls as
also for oth e r se r vice s wh ich h e h as don e me and wh ich I h ope h e
may still in th e futur e do . [He th e n proce eds to say th at
th e se th r e e voyage s and th e two of Jorge de Sousa are to come at
th e en d of th e lease of th e island trade which h e has gran ted to
on e An t ique de Sousa, and con clude s — “ And I h e r eby comman d
my r egen ts and office rs in th e said islands th at th ey r e ce ive and
ob ey th is lette r w ithout th e e xaction of any duty or tax whate ve r .
Given in th e city of Santa Cruz of Coch in unde r my seal. Buy
1 H is rival Ali, wh o was a native or ch ie f of th e island B dra,in
T iladummati Atoll.
498 THE EXILED KINGS or THE MALD IVES.
face s again st any furth e r e xpedition s to th e islands,and s e em
n ot to have commun icated to h im th e king’
s r eplie s to h is lette r s .
Thus,
e ve r h oping to r egain h is own,h e lived an d grew old in
pr ivacy at Coch in ; and finally, afte r th e disgr ace ful e nd of h is
son, who was stabbed to de ath at th e Court of Spain , in gr e at
affliction die d .
” 1 Th e death of D om Manoe l can on ly b e ap
proximate ly fixed as h aving taken place in 1 583. Assumin g
that Bartoli and Pyrard ar e r igh t as to h is ag e wh e n h e came to
Coch in , h e was but little ove r fifty at h is death . Whateve r b e
th e e xact date of D om Man oe l’s de ath , th e n ews of it had r e ach ed
L isbon by th e beg inn ing of 1 585 , for on th e 1 1 th Fe bruary of
that year th e King of Spain d ir e cts th e vice r oy, D om D uarte de
Men e ze s , to condole with th e que e n on th e de ath of h e r husban d ,
and to make prope r provision for he r and h e r daugh te r s.
2
Th e h e ir -appar en t, D om Fran cisco, having be en killed at Lisbon ,
D om Man oe l was n ow succe e ded in th e titular sove r e ign ty of th e
Maldive s by h is se con d son,D om Joi o . Th is pr in ce gave th e
Por tugue se much.
trouble . In a de spatch dated th e l0th Jan .
1 58 7,th e king thus addre sse s th e vice roy
“ I r egr e t to b e
in formed by your lette r of th e un r uly be haviour of th e King of
the Mald ive s , an d th e trouble h e has g iven in th e city of Coch in ,
wh e r e h e is . I r e commend you to corr e ct h is follie s as th ey may
d isplay th emse lve s , and to give orde r s that h e may gath e r h is
r e ve nue s, provided h e pays into my tr e asury 500 baha r s of coir
,
as h is fath e r always did . And as you say th at it would be con
ve n ie n t for my se rvice to colle ct th e r even ue s of th e se islands
th r ough th e con trolle r of th e tr easury at Coch in , and for me to
pay to th e king h is sh ar e, you will in form me wh at amoun t of
coir you have taken in to my tr e asury for th e use of th e n avy, as
we ll as for th e sh ips r epair ed th e r e , for wh ich compen sation
should b e made to h im .
” 3
Again , on th e 28th Jan . 1 58 8 : Th e k ing of th e islands,in a
lette r h e h as wr itten to me , complain s of th e in h abitants of th e
c ity of Coch in as not paying h im due r e spe ct ; and as I am
1 Bar toli, Asia ,Ioc . cit.
2 Ar ch . Por t. 0r . ,Fasc . 3
,No . 9
,22 .
3 0p . c it. , No . 23,24.
THE EXILED KINGS or THE MALD IVES. 499
in formed of h is follie s an d un r uly con duct, wh ich pe rh aps may be
th e cause of h is tr e atme nt, I r ecomme nd you to r emedy th is in
such man n e r as may leave no g roun d for complain t, and to warn
h im as to h is follie s , so th at h e shall deme an h imse lf according to
h is dutie s . As to h is application s , I gave orde r s last ye ar , as
we ll as th is , that h e must se nd th em to you, that so , aided by
your in formation , I may se nd such r eplie s as may b e conduc ive
to my in te r e sts .
” 1
As time wen t on th e young pr in ce did n ot improve h is con duct,
and on th e 6th Fe bruary 1 589 th e king wr ite s as follows
I am in formed by you that th e Kin g of th e Islands h as
mar r ied a s iste r of An ton io Te ixe ira de Macedo,
2 wh o we nt from
th is kingdom in your company with th e orph an s , and that h e h as
don e so again st your opin ion : furth e r , that owing to h is e xce s se s
and misconduct in th e mar ried state, you did n ot g ive h im th e
le tte r I dir e cted to h im by th e armada of 1 5 8 7 , an d that you
th ought it would be pr ejudic ial to my se rvice to cor r e spond with
h im , un le ss h e gre atly me nde d h is ways . In V iew of what you
wr ite I th ink it we ll don e on your part n ot to have de live r ed my
le tte r , and that you ough t'
to e ndeavour to train th is k ing , wh o , as
you kn ow, is ve ry young , in all th e affairs of my se rvice,and also
in th ose wh ich will be se r viceable to h imse lf, in orde r that h e may
kn ow h ow to gove rn we ll.” 3
On th e 22nd Fe bruary of th e same year , 1 58 9, th e king again
1 0p . cit. , No . 34,1 2.
2 T h is captain ar r ived at Goa in command of th e Sta . C r uz in Sep
temb er 1 59 1 h e r e tur n ed in comman d of th e same sh ip on th e 10th
Jan uary 1 592 , but was attacked at th e Azor e s by th e En g lish h is Sh ip
was burn t an d th e cr ew e scaped on shor e . H e came out to India
again in 1 593, in comman d of th e S. Chr istovao , and le ft in h e r again ,
e ar ly in 1 594. Sh e r e ach e d M ozambique with gr eat difficulty, but be ing
unab le e ith e r to proce e d or put back to India, sh e was abandon ed , th e
c r ew be ing saved by an oth e r sh ip. T e ixe ira was th e n put in command
of a n ew sh ip , built at Basse in , th e Ili ad r e de D ios , wh e r e in h e le ft Goa
on th e 1 5th January 1 595 : th is was probably h is last voyage , for th is
ill-fated vesse l was lost n ear C . D e lgado, on th e coast of Mozamb ique ,
all except sixte e n hands pe r ish ing in the sea or on th e in hospitable
sh or e . (D e Couto , D ec . XI,ch . x iv
,xxvii
,xxxi
,xxx iv. )
3 Ar ch . Por t. 0r . ,Fasc. 3, No. 57
,22 .
500 THE EXILED KINGS or THE MALDIVES.
wr ite s : “ Th e King of th e Islands wrote by th e sh ips of th e pas t
ye ar , complain ing that the Moor s of Can nanor ar e ab solute
lords of th e said islan ds , and that th ey gath e r th e ir whole pr o
duce : an d that Nicollao Pe tro , th e Con trolle r of th e T r e asury of
Coch in , did n ot an swe r h is prote sts with b e com ing r e spe ct, and in
ge n e ral complain ed that h e was treated with scant courte sy . T o
th is le tte r I though t it n ot fit to r eply, se e ing th at you h ad
in formed me by le tte r of 23rd of Novembe r 1 58 7 that h e h ad
mar r ied a siste r of Anton io Te ixe ira de Macedo,who had gon e
from th is kingdom in your company with th e orphan s , an d was
b eh aving in such mann e r an d with such e xce sse s that you h ad n ot
th ough t it to my se rvice to de live r to h im th e le tte r wh ich I
wrote to h im that ye ar . Wh e r e for e I do not wr ite to h im by th e s e
de spatch e s . And Sin ce I have alre ady caused a de spatch to b e
wr itte n to you r eque sting you to ende avour to train h im in th e
affair s of my se rvice,and th e dutie s in cumben t upon on e in h is
position and of h is n ame,I de sir e again to re comme n d th is to you,
an d to r eque st you to favour h im wh e n any r e ason ab le opportun ity
occur s , at th e same time g iving h im to unde rstand th at, owing to
th e -bad r eports wh ich I h ave had of h im,I do n ot th ink fit to
r e ply to h im, ye t that I have g iven you in structions as above .
Th is lette r of pate rn al in struction is followed by an oth e r on
th e 8th March of th e same year : D om J050, King of th e
Maldive islands , has sen t me a me ssage to th e e ffe ct that you
h ave,in my n ame
,awarded to D ona ~Fran cisca de Vascon e llos
,
” h is
w ife,wh o proce eded from th is kingdom as on e of th e orphan s in
th e ye ar 1 584, a pen s ion of 500pardaos an n ually for h e r life , to
b e r e ce ive d by h e r out of the tr ibute of th e islan ds,wh ich h e is
oblige d to pay in to my tr e asury, with a de claration that you w ill
ge t th is award confirmed by me with in th r e e years . H e begs me
that, having re spe ct to h is mar r iage with th e said D on a Fran cisca,
I sh all be pleased to confirm th e same , an d fur th e r to in cre ase th e
pe n s ion by 200 cruzados an n ually, in orde r to en able h is wife to
main tain h e rse lf suitably to h e r position . In asmuch as in your
1 Ar ch . Por t. 0r . , Fasc . 3, No . 62 , 10.
2 She appe ars to h ave dropped th e n ame of Vascon e llos wh en sh e
mar r ied : in on e de spatch th e king calls h e r by both n ame s .
502 THE EXILED KINGS or THE MALD IVES.
I dir e ct out of r e spe ct to the in formation wh ich I have of h e r
n ece ssitie s and upon oth e r g roun ds .
” 1
What de cis ion th e Cour t of Spain ,or , rath e r , th e Casa
da India, came to upon th e case doe s n ot appe ar . By th e
n ext de spatch re fe r r ing to th e pr in ce s, viz.,that of 1 3th Feb
ruary 1 597 , it appears that dur ing th e inte r ven ing ye ars th ey
had be e n kept in h onorary con fin eme n t at Goa, and that they
we r e con stan tly demanding th e ir fr e edom , and leave to r e tur n
to Coch in . Th e King of Spain ,howe ve r
,dir e cts that th ey
b e kept at Goa un de r th e immediate surve illan ce of th e
V ice r oy.
2 Th e same orde rs ar e r epeated in th e de spatch of 2 l st
Novembe r 1 598,addr e ssed to th e vice roy, D om Fran c isco da
Gama , wh e r e in th e king r e fe rs to th e misde eds of th e broth e r s ,
forme rly comm itted at Coch in , as having be en“so outrageous
and scandalous that it we r e be tte r n ot to spe ak of th em”
.
3
Owing , pe rhaps , to th e h iatus wh ich exists b e twe e n th e royal
de spatch e s con tain ed in th e Goa colle ction (Ar chivo P or tuguez
Or ien ta l) and th e Lisbon colle ction (L ivr o das M ongdes) , n ow in
cour se of publication , wh ich comme n ce s with th e ye ar 1 605 , we
can n ot fix th e date of th e de ath of th e titular king , D om Joao .
It h ad occurr ed be for e th e beg in n ing of 1 606,wh e n th e Portu
gue se , D om Adr ian de Gouve ia, we nt to th e Maldive s as we le ar n
from Pyrard that th is pe rsonage was th e ambassador of th e young
k ing , D om Filippe ,‘1 whom our trave lle r afte rwards
,1 608 -9
,me t
at Goa as a youth of fifte en . Gouve ia’
s embassy bor e n o fru its,
and its fa ilur e probably led th e young k ing to wr ite to th e Kin g
of Spain a lette r h e ar ing date 1 8th D e cembe r 1 606 th e con
te n ts of wh ich we learn from th e re cital in th e king s r eply of
l0th D e cemb e r 1 607 (L i v. das M ong, i, H e complain s
that th e r eve nue s from th e islands,wh ich in th e time of h is
grandfath e r , D om Man oe l,an d h is fath e r
,D om Joi o , had
amoun ted to xe raph in s , we r e n ow,owing to th e n eglige n ce
of th e vice roys , r educed to h e begs th e king to g ive h im an
1 Ar ch . Por t. 0r . ,Fasc . 3, No . 7 6 , 2 1 .
2 0p . cit. , No . 244, 10.
2 0p . c it. , No. 365 , 29 .
4 Se e vol. i , pp . 293-4 vol. ii, p . 139 .
THE EXILED KINGS or THE MALD IVES. 503
hon orary offi ce , with th e pay th e r e of, in orde r to main tain h is
pos ition , and asks for h is r e tain e r s four h ab its of th e O rde r of
Ch r ist,with such pe n sion as may se em fit to th e king ; for a
mar r iage portion to h is siste r D on a In e z, h e asks on e of th e
fortr e sse s,Sofala or O rmuz.
1 H e furth e r se eks that orde r s b e
g ive n th at no captain or vedor da fazenda or oth e r offi c ials of
Coch in, or e lsewh e r e in Malabar
,unde r pain of chastiseme n t
and suspe n s ion from office”
,b e pe rmitted to e nquir e in to th e
m e rch andise brough t from th e islands by h is vassals , and that th e
vice roy should equip an armada to b r ing the islands in to g r e ate r
obe die n ce,that so h e may acquire a gre ate r r eve n ue , and oth e rwise
that h e may be e xcuse d from fu rth e r paying tr ibute un de r th e
tr e aty made with h is g ran dfath e r . H is moth e r , at th e sam e
time,in con side ration of th e se rvice s of h e r fath e r , Je ronymo
Te ixe ira de Macedo, asks for a voyag e th e pr ivilege of se nd
ing a sh ip on pr ivate accoun t) from Ch ina to Japan . It is ch a
racte r istic of th e failure of th e Por tugue se to admin iste r India
e ffe ctive ly from Lisbon in those days , that th e king’
s reply, dated
a whole ye ar afte r th e pe tition , is simply a reque st for in formation
as to th e facts an d for the V ice roy’
s opin ion as to th e b e st cour se
to adopt, and an in struction to ke ep th e exiled pr ince quie t in
th e me an time .
2
Th e pe tition r e fe rr ed to was ultimate ly an swe red by th e
de spatch of 4th Novembe r 1 609, afte r th e re ce ipt of th e requis ite
in formation from th e Archb ishopMe n e ze s, th e n Gove rn or of In dia .
D om F ilippe is to ge t on e habit of C h r ist, and th e r ewith a pe n s ion
of 1 50p ar dtios , payable out of th e Courts of Ceylon . D ona In ez,
1 Se e vol. 1 1 , Introd. , p. xxxi.
2 T h e Casa da India at Lisbon had endeavour ed to introduce th e
system maintain ed eve n in these more rapid time s , in our Ind ia and
C olon ial offices , of r equiring all lette rs and petitions to th e C rown to
come th rough the local gove rnme nt, by wh ich th ey ar e forwarded home
with all mate r ials n ece ssary for coming to a de cision . But th e Por tu
gue se officials of those days , as inde ed th e corr e sponden ce sh ows,could
n ot b e trusted as a chan nel of commun ication . Pe tition e rs we r e oblig ed
to se n d th e ir r equests direct, or as b e st th ey could , and th e ch an ce s
w e re th at some e ighte en mon ths afte rwards a de spatch would ar rive at
Goa,asking for in formation .
504 THE EXILED KINGS or THE MALDIVES.
h is siste r, is to be marr ied to a fidalgo of quality, an d to have as
h e r portion on e of th e Canara fortre sse s,that is to say, h e r
appointed husband is to have th e captain cy of such for tre ss for
th r e e years . As to his complaints about the re ven ue,th e kin g
re commends that th e cedar da fazenda at Coch in b e dir ected to
take from the Maldive con signme nts only so much coir as is
requir e d for th e public se rvice , and to leave all th e re st to th e
king , D om Filippo, and that th e vice roy should wr ite to Ada r
r ajao (Ali Raja of Can nanor) not to me ddle.
w ith th e islan ds and
prope rty be longing to Dom Filippe , and that if th e vice roy th inks
pr0pe r h e may se nd two or th re e fustas to induce g r e ate r
obedie n ce on th e part of Filippe’
s vas sals , who at th e same time
ar e to be coaxed to do th e ir duty rath e r than pun ish ed, as th e
latte r cours e would on ly have th e e ffect of e strang ing th em .
Lastly, th e pe n s ion of th e que e n-moth e r
,Dona Francisca
,is to b e
raised from 700pardaos pe r an n um to b ut with out th e
gran t of a voyage .
1
As has be e n said , Pyrard mad e th e acquaintan ce of D om
F ilippe an d h is moth e r wh ile at Goa (1 608 Th ey we r e
th e n lodge d in a fin e house n e ar th e Je suits’
College , wh e re b e
fr eque n tly visited th em and e n te rta in ed th em with h is talk about
th e Maldive s . At that time , h e says , th e re was a lawsuit pe n din g
in th e Courts of Goa betwe e n th e young kin g and h is un cle , D om
Pedro,who r e side d at Coch in . Th is pr ince was mar r ie d to a
half-caste lady of good b irth and cons ide rable prope rty ; so th at
h e was we ll off, irr e spe ctive of h is sh ar e of th e Mald ive tr ibute ,
wh ich se ems howe ve r , to have be e n th e subje ct of th e litigation .
2
Th e king s de spatch of Novembe r 1 609 would, in ordin ary
course,ar r ive at Goa in May or Jun e 1 6 10
,some mon th s afte r
Pyrard le ft. On be ing commun icate d to th e young pr ince and h is
moth e r its te rms we r e not acquie sced in . Sh e pre ssed for th e
voyag e to Ch ina, and b e for a powe rful armada to be se nt to th e
Maldive s . On th e se demands be ing m‘
ade to Lisbon , th e kin g
r eplie s on th e 28th March 16 1 2 , th at D om Filippe is to have 200
1 Liv. das Jl ong, i, 26 1-64.
2 V. S.
,vol. i , pp . 293-4 vol . II
, p . 139 .
506 THE EXILED KINGS or THE MALDIVES.
h ouse of on e whom th ey call th e King of th e Mald iva or M a lad iva
islands,wh ich ar e an in nume rable n umbe r of ve ry small isle ts ,
almost all in on e long , wide b e lt, join ed togeth e r on th e we ste rn
s ide,n ot ve ry far from th e coast of India. Of th e se islands an
an ce stor of th is man was actually kin’
g , but b e ing dr iven from h is
coun try by h is own people , h e be took h im to th e Portugue se , andb e came a Ch r istian
,in th e hope of ge tting back to h is own coun try
an d r e ig ning th e re with th e ir aid. But th e Portugue se tak ing n o
steps in h is b ehalf, h e and h is de sce ndants r emain ed th en ce forth
depr ived of th e ir kingdom,and with th e empty title alon e , wh ich
th e Portugue se , having formed con ne ction s with th em, still pr e
se rve to th em and since a n umbe r of me rchan t ve sse ls come from
th e se islan ds to th e Portugue se ports, th ey compe l th em to pay a
little tribute , as it we r e , to th e ir legitimate lord, who th us (albe it
th e harbqur officials , th rough whom th e tran saction is n e ce ssar ily
conducted , appropr iate mor e than on e -half) draws at th e pr e se n t
day about crown s, an d th e r ewith supports h imse lf.
Similar fortun e has b efallen many othe r pr ince s in India , wh o ,
trusting to th e Portugue se , have found th emse lve s de luded . In
th is matte r good policy has be e n but little obse rved by th e Portu
g ue sa, b e cause by th is mode of conduct th ey have discouraged all
th e r e st from having confiden ce in th em wh e r eas,h ad th ey
as sisted and protected th em in e arn e st, as th ey ough t an d m ight
e asily an d ch eaply have don e on many fair opportun itie s , th ey
would at th is day have had th e fe alty and love of all India wh ile
th ey th emse lve s would in con seque n ce , with th e strength and aid
of th e ir fr ien ds,have be e n much mor e powe rful than th ey ar e
,an d
would have b e e n in comparably mor e dr eaded by th e ir e n emie s .
” l
D om Filippe se ems to have gon e on demanding from. th e Court
of Spain active support towards , not h is r e in statement, but th e
mor e pun ctual and full payme n t of h is r eve nue s. At le ngth , in
1 631, according to Re se nde ,
2or mor e probably in 1 632 , accordin g
to th e le tte rs wh ich, prior to th e de spatch of the armada
, passed
b etwe e n th e Maldive prince and th e vice r oy}; th e Span ish gove r n
1 Pietro de lla Valle,Viaggi, parte 3a, L e ttera iii (Brighton cd.
,vol. ii
,
p.2 Sloane MS. 197 , fol. 377 .
3 Given in the note s to"
Livro das 2110119663, i, 148-54.
THE EXILED KINGS OF THE MALDIVES. 507
men t orde red th e vice roy to send a force to th e islands .
1 Th e
armada, con s isting of fifte en sh ips , unde r th e command of
D omingos Fe rr eyra Be lliago, th e ch ie f captain of Canara,was
de spatch ed in th e month of Apr il, an d sailed dir e ct for Male .
But th e King of the Maldive s was advised Of th e coming of th e
armada,an d wh e n it arr ived h e was we ll fortified
,and th e on ly
e n tran ce to th e island was stopped upwith sh ips filled with ston e s,
so that it was impossible for sh ips to e n te r by it,and mor e
imposs ible to e n te r by any oth e r way, be cause th e whole island is
e n circled by rocks and r e e fs, as may be se en by th e plan with th e
mode of th e fortification . Th e said armada,for some days , fired
upon it with can non,and th en se e ing it was imposs ible to force an
e ntran ce , an d th at th e time spent was all wasted,r e tur n ed to
Goa.
” 2
Some memb e r of th e force made a drawing at Re se nde’
s r eque st,
an d from that h e pr epar ed th e colour e d plan of wh ich a copy is
g iven Opposite . Leave had be e n g ive n to D om Filippe to ae com
pany th is e xpedition , but h e made var ious excuse s , such as that h e
obje cted to be unde r th e control of th e ch ie f captain , and that h e
could n ot be ar to se e th e havoc th at would be made among h is
subje cts” by th e Portugue se soldie ry.
”
Th e laSt me ntion Of Dom Filippe is made by th e bar e-footed
Carme lite monk,Ph ilippus a San cta Tr in itate
,wh o was at Goa
,
1 631 -1 639 “ H e was of a m iddling colour,that is , some wh at
dark and tan n ed,afte r th e black skin Of h is fath e r
,with some of
th e wh ite n e ss of h is moth e r . I h ave Often visited and talked with
h im,an d it was arr anged that h e should come to Europe with me ,
1 T h e ye ar is g iven by R e sende , both at fol. 377 and in the wr iting
upon th e Maldive plan , as 1 631 . O n th e othe r hand,th er e can be no
doubt that th e le tte rs g ive n in th e Livr o das M oncées ar e corr ectly dated,and in th em the re is n o mention of any expedition in the previous ye ar .
R e se nde MS. ,loc. cit.
3 T h e docume n ts g iven in th e L iv. das M ona,i, 147 , are as follows
20Jan . 1 632 (Dom F ilippe to th e V ice roy) ; same date (Vice roy’s r eply) i
24Jan . 1 632 (D om Filippe to th e V ice roy) same date (V ice roy’s
r eply) same date (ce r tifi cate of I zidoro de Lemos da Mesquita, Se cre
tary of State,to th e e ffect that pe rmission to accompany th e expedition
had be e n give n unde r prope r condition s).
508 THE EXILED KINGS OF THE MALD IVES.
for h e b elieved that by h is pre se n ce h e could obtain of th e Kin g
of Spain what h e failed to ge t by le tte r s, se e ing , as h e saw, th at
e ith e r the commands we r e n ot e ffi cacious or that h e was mocke d
in India. H e had not much re ve nue , for on ly some of th e islan d s
pe rseve r e d in acknowledging h is sove r e ign ty. H e also died wh ile
ye t young an d unmar r ied, le aving as h is succe ssor a n eph ew on h is
s iste r’
s side though h is fath e r’
s broth e r , in r e lian ce upon th e law s
and customs of th e kingdom and th e acceptan ce of th e pe ople ,
claimed th e th ron e as r igh tfully h is . Wh en I le ft Goa th e law
suit was still afoot,and th e re was n o se ttled' king of th e se islan ds .
” 1
Th e e n d of th e family of e x iled Maldive kings is r e lated by
F . de Sousa2 Th e last King of th e Maldive s was D om Luis d e
Sousa,
3 who , on th e 22nd Octobe r 1 653, attempte d, with oth e r
fidalgos , to depose th e Vice roy, D om Vasco Mas car e nhas, Con de
de Obidos ; for wh ich cause h e was impr ison ed at Mormugao un til
th e l0th Novemb e r 1 655 , in th e vice royalty of D om R odr igo Lobo
da Silveyra, Con de de Sarzedas . For th e same cause h e was se n t
a pr ison e r to Portugal in th e sh ip Ne ssa S . da Gr aga , in th e ye ar
1 656. Th e sh ip was dismasted in a storm off th e Cape of Good
Hope it put back to Mozamb ique , but, b e fore r e ach ing port, th e
king was de ad . H e le ft no leg itimate succe ssor,and named th e
King of Portugal as h is h e ir to th e islan ds .
”
As h as b e e n stated above,we ar e without kn owledge of th e
e xact te rms of th e or iginal tr eaty with th e Maldive s afte r th e war
de scr ib ed by Pyrard , and h ow far th e Portugue se bound th emselve s to active support of th e ex iled k ing ; but it would se em
from th e for egoing summary that th e tr e atmen t of th e e x ile d
family at Coch in an d Goa,for mor e than a ce n tury, was on th e
wh ole marked with forbearan ce and h uman ity.
1 Lat. ed .,1 649
, p . 98 ; Fr . ed .,1 652
, p. 226 .
2 Or ie n te Conquistado, C . 1 , D . 1, p. 67 .
3 P robably th e son of th e fidalgo who marr ied D om Filippe’
s Siste r,
D ona In ez.
510 THE HISTORY OF RUNHALI ,
n ative of Kur ichch i,1cast h is eye s upon th e n e ighbour ing por t of
Putu pattan am2 as a place we ll adapted for a rove r’
s strong hold .
The pe rmiss ion of th e Samor in was Ob tain ed , and Kunhali, with
h is kindr ed and associate s , proce e ded to build th e fortr e ss , afte r
wards kn own as Kunhali’
s fort”
,and, according to Pyrard , Ma r
cair e costé (Mdr alclcdr K6ttd . )3
Shortly b e fore r e ach ing th e sea th e Kotta r ive r take s a turn to
th e n orth,th e n again to th e we st, forming a pe n in sula of low-lyin g
san d-dun e , on wh ich th e for t was built. Th e mouth of th e r ive r,
at th e time of wh ich we are speaking , was , at th e po in t of th e
pe n in sula, guarded by th e fort. Thatmouth is n ow s ilte d up with
san d, and th e r ive r finds its e xit furth e r south ,th rough whatwas ,
in th e Portugue se time s , a salt-mar sh . Th e fort an d town stood
on ly fifte e n or twen ty fe e t above th e wate r’
s e dg e . D e Couto
de scr ibe s th e r ive r as be ing a muske t-shot wide in on e place , an d
of volume sufficie n t to b e ar cata r es for th r e e league s up th e coun
try, an d a lmadias much furth e r .
Th e fortr e ss , as de scr ibed by D e Couto, was squar e , each s id e
apar t from th e common stock two portion s for the support of tw o
sthdnams or dign itie s . Kun hali was th e title of th e h e ad of th e family
(mtipp a sthdnam) Kutti assan (Kutti, ch ild Hassan ) that of th e
s econd in rank (e luma sthdnam) . Th e orig inal family-house was at
Kollam (Pyrard’
s Colnotte , from th e infle cted form Kaila /ta ) . T h ey
moved up the coas t to T rikkod i, probab ly about th e ye ar 1 525 .
1 C ommon ly called Coriche , a place on th e se a-shor e,two mile s n orth
Of T r ikkodi,in M e ladi Amsam,
Kurumbranad taluk .
2 T h e town of Putu pattanam n ew town” ) was at th e mouth Of th e
KOtta r ive r on its n orth e rn bank . T h is was a place of gr eat trad e in
early time s , and th e Portuguese gave its name to th e r ive r . D e Couto
probab ly speaks in ge n e ral te rms wh e n h e says that th e fo r t was built
h e re . It was actually built on th e south e rn bank Of th e r ive r mouth,
and as th e fort (Ko’
tta ) b e came mor e famous than th e opposite town , it
in time gave to th e r ive r th e name wh ich it has sin ce b or n e . D r . Bur
n e ll (L in sch .,i, 73) e r ron e ously iden tifi e s Kunhali
’s fort with Wadda
kuray (Vaclalra r e i) , wh ich , as its n ame implie s, was on th e n orth bank .
3 I .e .,th e Marakkar
’s for t, Mdrakktir Mdrggakktiran , from Mdrgga ,
“a way or law an d Kar on
,a doe r
”. T h e town was called Ko
’
ttakka l,
and th e family name b ecame Ko’
lto’
l (corruption of Ko’
ttayil, of or be long
ing to th e'
o'
ttakkal is in th e T r ingngal D esamof Méladi Am
sam,in Kurumb ranad taluk .
51 2 THE HISTORY OF KUNHALI,
Abranch e s again st Kunh éli. Furtado,on approach in g C eylon
foun d a fle et of Kun hali, of twe nty
-on e galleys , unde r Cutimuza,
1
th e n eph ew of Kunhali,
“ lording it ove r th e whole Coroman d e l
coast”
,as th e h istor ian expr e sse s it. A battle was fought off th e
island Karativu,in wh ich th e corsairs w e re totally de fe ate d ,
Cutimuza h imse lf e scaping on sh ore .
2
Alvaro de Ab ran ch e s me anwh ile proce eded to th e Malabar coast.
At or b e for e h is ar r ival th e r e , a Je suit, F r an cisco da Costa, th en a
captive at Calicut, r epre se nted to th e Samor in th e advan tag e s of a
Portugue se allian ce for th e suppr e ssion of Kun hali . D . Alvar o
was commun icated w ith th e matte r was r e fe r red to th e vice r oy,
and at le n gth a treaty was con cluded,in pur suan ce of wh ich all
th e Portugue se captive s at Calicut we r e libe rated, th e Je suits h adfr ee leave to pr each in th e Calicut domin ion s , an d th e Samor in
h imse lf laid th e foun dation Of a Catholic ch urch 13
What happen ed b e twe en 1 59 1 and 1 597 does n ot clear ly appe ar .
Th e Portugue se we r e much occupied dur ing th is pe r iod with th e
w ar in Ceylon , and also on th e Mozambique coast and th e n e xt
m e n tion we have of th e affairs of Kunhali is a r epetition of th e
tr eaty n egotiation s a Shor t time b e fore th e ar r ival of th e vice roy ,
F ran c isco da Gama,wh en D . Alvaro de Abran ch e s again appea r s
as th e Portugue se r epr e se n tative .
Fr an cisco da Gama, Con de de V idigue ira, who arr ive d at Goa
on th e 22nd May 1 59 7, and assumed Office as s ixte e n th vice roy,
was th e gran dson of. th e gr eat Vasco,and a young man of th irty
on e ye ars of age . Far ia y Souza says , an d D e Couto h is O fficial
apolog ist admits,that h e was unpopular from th e first. Th e
cause s ass ign ed ar e,first
,that h e was distan t and haughty in h is
b e ar ing , as , for in stan ce , that h e attended ch urch con cealed b eh in d
a cur tain ; se con dly, that h e was se ve r e towards h is Official sub
ord in ate s . It must,howe ve r , be ple aded on h is behalf th at h e
succe eded a n otor iously lax gove r nor , Math ias de Albuque rque ,
who cOuld n ot be lieve any man capable of lying”
. Da Gama’
s
un popular ity pursued h im to th e close of h is vice royalty but th e
fact that h is gove rnme n t was on th e wh ole de emed me r itorious is
1 Th e Gous ty M oussez Of Pyrard .
2 D ec . XI,cap. x iii . 3 D ec. XI
,cap. x iv.
5 14 THE HISTO RY OF RUNHALI,
was de clar e d an e n emy, an d th e wh ole Malabar coast was la id
un de r b lockade . Luiz da Gama h imse lf r e turn e d to Goa in Apr il
1 598 .
Th e Samor in n ow alte r ed h is mind,owing , as it is said , to fr e sh
pr e sumption on th e part. of Kun hali, an d to th e pe rsuasion of a
Je suit,P . An ton io
,an d de clar ed h imse lf r e ady to g ive active a id
with h is land force s . Th e V ice roy forthwith orde re d fre sh sh ips
to be e qu ippe d , an d amon gs t oth e rs caused s ix boats,spe cially
adapte d fo r work on th e Kotta r ive r , to b e bu ilt at Basse in ,
Twe lve sh ips we r e se n t to suppleme n t th e b lockad ing fle e t, an dtowards th e e nd of 1 598 th e Samor in was e n campe d outs ide Kun
hali’
s fort with a larg e army .
In D e cemb e r , Luiz da Gama again le ft Goa w ith th r e e galleys
an d twe n ty fustas , wh ich , add ed to th e e ighte e n sh ips alr e ady at
Kottakkal,1 an d th e s ix r ive r boats from Basse in , con tain ed a for ce
of about me n . At th is jun ctur e Ar ch b ishop Me n e ze s was
le avin g Goa on h is ce leb rate d m iss ion to th e Malabar Ch r istian s,
an d h e was r eque sted by th e vice roy to call at Kottakkal an d to take
coun se l with th e fle e t an d r eport th e state of affairs . In Jan uary
a coun c il of th e captain s was h e ld , at wh ich th e ar ch b ishop was
pr e sen t, an d a vote was take n to attack th e for t from th e r ive r by
me an s of th e boats . Th e r e sults of th e coun cil we r e commun i
cated to Goa,an d we r e th e r e approved . Th e archb ish op pro
ce eded to Coch in,wh e n ce h e de spatch ed th r e e or four mor e sh ips
to th e ass istan ce of th e fle et,and did furth e r se rvice in r e str ain ing
th e Raja of Coch in from an invas ion of th e te r r itor ie s of an ally
of th e Samor in,wh ich was in ten ded to br e ak th e alliance of th e
latte r with th e Portugue se .
All was re ady for th e attack on th e 3rd March 1 599 . Th r e e
h undr ed Portugue se , unde r Be lch ior F e r re ira, we r e sen t to join th eSamor in
,who was e n camped on th e landward s ide of th e fortr e ss
wh ile Luiz da Sylva, a gr e at an d expe r ie n ced captain , was assign ed
to le ad th e attacking force of s ix hundr ed Portugue se again st th e
r ive r front. Th e 4th March was passed in con fe ssion and pr epar a
1 T h e fort (an d town ) of Kottakka l is e rron e ously named Cunhale byd e C outo
,and Cogn ialy by Pyrard .
THE GREAT MA LA BAR CORSAIR. 5 15
tion . It was n ow found that obstruction s h ad be e n placed in th e
r ive r ch an n e l by Kun hali, and afte r g r e at e fforts a n ar row Space
was cle ar ed , but on ly suflicie n t to allow on e boat to pass . D oubts
we r e e n te rtain ed of th e succe ss Of th e plan adopte d by th e Coun cil
and e n dorsed at Goa,and on th e n igh t of th e 4th some five
or six captain s sought an in te rview with th e commande r an d
induced h im to advan ce th e force un de r Luiz da Sylva , n ot
by boats up th e r ive r,but by land from th e Ar iole 1 s ide
,wh en ce
it was to cross by rafts (jangddas) to b en e ath th e fort.
On that n ight a me te or was se e n in th e sky, wh ich was de emed
of evil pr e sage to th e Portugue se , and of good augury for Kun
hali. A fire -s ignal for th e combin ed attack from th e land and
r ive r side s had be en ar rang ed, but by mistake it was g iven soon
afte r m idn ight in ste ad of sh or tly b e for e dawn . Be lch ior Fe r re ira
an d h is th r e e h undred me n,along with six thousand Nair s of th e
Samor in’
s army, accordingly rush ed to th e attack without th e ir
scaling-ladde r s and oth e r e ng in e e r ing impleme nts . Luiz da Sylva
crossed th e r ive r by th e aid of sixty boats. H is in struction s we re
to e xtend h is force roun d th e base of th e fort, and so to joinh an ds with Be lch ior Fe r r e ira. Th e b e s ieged we r e , howe ve r ,
r eady, and ope n ed a h e avy fire upon th e landing partie s. A
disaste r wh ich gave spe cial poignancy to th e memor ie s of that day
came upon th e Portugue se at th is early hour , for among th e first
to fall was th e gallan t leade r , Luiz da Sylva h imse lf, who h ad
h ardly se t foot on lan d wh en h e was sh ot th rough th e h e ad. Two
oth e r captain s who succe eded to th e comman d soon afte r shar ed
h is fate . Th e force n eve r got in to formation,each party be ing
separate ly engaged . Some r ush ed back to th e boats , and , ove r
crowding th em,met th e ir death s by drown ing , th ough a few suc
ce eded in swimming across th e r ive r or down to th e fle et. Th ose
for wh om th is mode of flight was impossible kept up a de spe rate
r e sistance till n oon ,by wh ich time th e flowe r of th e Portugue se
army was de str oye d . Be lch ior Fe r re ira, meanwh ile , had de live red
h is attack in good orde r,b ut at length , se e ing th e day was gon e ,
1 A small te r r itory unde r a raja on th e r ight bank of th e r ive r in
land . It is men tion ed by Pyrard (sup r a , vol. i , pp. 348 ,
o 2
5 16 THE HISTORY or KUNIIALI,
withdrew to h is camp. All th is time th e obstruction s in th e
r ive r,and th e deficie n cy of boats
,had kept Luiz da Gama a me r e
spe ctator of th e sce n e , unab le e ith e r to dir ect or to succour . We
have,from de Couto
,a picture of h im standing kn e e
-de ep in th e
mud of th e r ive r bar , e nde avour ing to embark succours in th e
boats,wh ile e ve r and an on h is attempts th us to rally h is force s
we r e frustrated by th e s igh t of th e fug itive s, some in boats , some
swimm in g down th e r ive r , an d all shouting ,“ Tr e ason ! Tr eason !
”
T h e body of th e b rave Luiz da Sylva had b e e n got in to a boat,
wrappe d in h is flag , wh ich a captain had torn from its standard ,
in orde r to con ceal th e fact of h is fall. Th is man oeuvr e , h owe ve r ,
on ly added to th e d isorde r of th e soldie ry, who found th emse lve s
of a sudden, and at th e cr itical mome nt of th e attack
,with out a
compete n t le ade r an d without colour s . Thus e n ded th e grave st
disaste r wh ich had as ye t be falle n th e Portugue se arms in In d ia .
D e Couto g ive s a long list of n oble fidalgos wh o fe ll that day, sacr i
ficed by th e in capacity of th e ir leade rs ; and though h e con fiden tly
asse rts that th e total loss was 230me n and no mor e , h is own
story of the events of th e figh t g ive s colour to th e stateme n t of
Pyrard that th e loss amoun ted to n o le ss than 500live s . It is
furth e r stated by de Couto, wh o talked th e matte r ove r with
Kunhali and h is lie ute nan t, Ch in ale , wh e n th ey we r e in th e Goa
pr ison ,that th e loss Of th e b e s iege d exce eded 500me n .
Th e sor row and ve xation of Lu iz da Gama at th e death of h is
brave captain and th e miscarr iage of th e whole e n te rpr ise we r e
unbounded . H is n e xt m e asur e s,howeve r , we re dictated by good
sen se and human ity. Leaving a small force to blockade th e fort
un de r Fran cisco de Sousa, and de spatch ing th e body of da Sylva to
Can nanor,wh e r e it was temporar ily inte rr ed with all availab le
pomp,1 h e withd rew h is sh atte r ed force s to Coch in , wh e r e th e
wounded r ece ived atte ntion at th e hospital and in th e h ouse s of
th e citizen s .
Th e blockading force was in sufficie nt, and Kun hali,wh o had
th irte en galeots r eady for action in h is port, migh t e asily h ave
forced a way to sea, h ad n ot de Sousa, by a sk ilful ruse,le d h im
1 It was afte rwards conveyed to Portugal.
5 1 8 THE HISTORY or KUNHALI,
captain of wh ich fortr e ss h ad late ly died. His e n emie s , h ow
e ve r,did n ot le t h im r e st th e r e h is miscon duct of th e expedition
was made th e ground of a legal charge , wh ich , afte r such adjou rnme n ts an d de lay as ar e usual in State tr ials
,r e sulted in an
un value d acquittal.
D ur ing th e n e xt few mon th s pr eparation s we n t bus ily forward
at Goa. Th e an n ual armada arr ive d from Portugal with a larg e
compleme n t of r aw r e cruits .
“ Th e r e we r e me n e n ough , says
Far ia y Souza,but th ey wan ted a commande r : n e ith e r was
such a on e wan ting , but th at the en vy of th e Por tugue see n de avour ed to rob An dre Fur tado of that glory, or rath er th e ir
coun try of th at advan tage .
” 1 An dre F ur tado de Men doca was
accordingly appoin ted to th e post of ch ie f captain of Malabar , but,
wh e th e r from j ealousy of th is gr e at soldie r,or me r e ly from a
de s ir e to r e tr ie ve h is family h on our,F . da Gama, at a coun cil
h e ld in Novemb e r , again pr e sse d h is Claim to lead th e army in
pe rson . Th e Arch b ish op an d a major ity of th e coun cil str on gly
opposed, an d th e fle e t departed un de r its n ominated leade r . Fur
tado’
s force con s isted of two galleys , twe n ty-two Sh ips , five man
chuas,and e ight per ich es , wh ich
,with a con ting e n t fr om th e
Nor th e r n por ts, and th e b lockad ing squadron alre ady at th e Kotta
r ive r,amoun ted to th r e e galleys and fifty-four oth e r sh ips , with a
compleme n t of about me n .
Furtado h imse lf ar r ived at th e Kotta r ive r e arly in D e cembe r ,
in advan ce of som e portion of th e e xpedition ary force . On th e
l 6th th e allied comman de rs h e ld a ce r emon ial me eting atKur ich ch i
(Cor ich e) , th e an ce stral h ome of Kun hali’s family, both Furtado
an d th e Samor in b e ing accompan ied by large bodie s of troops, wh o ,
drawn up in cr e sce n t formation around th e place of m e e ting , fire d
salvos of ar tille ry and muske try. Th e Samor in conducte d Fur
tado to th e seats prepared for th em,and th e re , afte r th e usual
formal complimen ts ,“th ey spoke of th e mode of con ducting th e
war , wh ich th e Samor in promised to prosecute with r edoub le d
courag e and vigour . H e also told th e ch ie f captain that as soon
as Kunhali saw th e powe r of th e armada th e n at h is r ive r , an d
1 Steve n s ’ Fa r ia y Sousa , iii, p . 1 13.
THE GREAT MALABAR CORSAIR. 5 1 9
le arn t that h e (Furtado) was its captain , a g e n e ral so re nown e d
an d fe are d by th e Moors , forthwith h e se nt word to offe r to capitu
late on condition that h is life and those Of all th e Moor s with h im
sh ould be spar ed, and that h e , th e Samorin , should come to the
gate of th e for tr e ss to r e ce ive h is sur r e nde r,and thus se cure h im
from V iole n ce at th e hands of h is Nair s all wh ich h e h ad con
ceded with th e inte n tion of putting h im to death as soon as h e
got h im into h is h ands b e cause th is is th e prope r policy
in de aling with traitor s , e spe c ially wh e n th ey are such that it is
impossible to e xpe ct th at th ey will act oth e rwise on e ve ry avail
ab le occas ion . And that at th e time fixed for th e sur r e nde r , h e
(th e Samor in ) se nt h is fe n c ing -maste r with some Nairs to r e ce ive
Kunhali, but th e latte r se e ing that h e , th e Samor in , was n ot th e r e
in pe rson , that be ing a bad sign , se n t out h is Moors to th e Nairs ,
b e twe e n wh om th e re arose a g r eat str ife , followed by a sharp con
flict, in wh ich many we r e wounded on both s ide s,an d that n ow
th e re was n o confidence b e twe e n th em. The r efor e it was n e cos
sary to con tin ue th e war again st that tyrant, for wh ich purpose h e
offe r ed eve ryth ing n e edful so far as h is kingdom could afford,an d
that as an earn e st of h is goodwill and faith h e would g ive wh ate ve r
hostage s th e Ch ie f captain sh ould r equire , be cause eve ryth ing
must be don e according to h is opin ion an d wish e s . An dré Fur
tado de Me ndoqa than ked h im for h is offe r s , and made oth e r
suitab le Offe rs in r eturn , wh e r e upon th ey parte d, th e Samor in
adding that h e would se nd th e Padr e Fran cisco Rodr igue s and h isR egedor e s to h is (Furtado
’
s) galley, so that with th em h e might
d raw up such capitulation s as h e migh t de em n e ce ssary.
”
T h e first indication that Furtado was a party to th e treach e ry
an d duplicity of th e Samor in appear s from th e fact that h e liste n ed
to th e above spe ech of h is ally with out amazeme nt or r e se n tme n t;
th e se con d is th e somewh at r emarkable omiss ion,in th e se ttle d
capitulation s (give n in full by de Couto), of all men tion Of th e
mode in wh ich the pe r son of Kun hali was to be d ispose d of. O n e
i r ticle,inde ed
, provided that th e fortr e ss is to b e de stroyed , and
th at th e Samor in was to h ave on e -half of all th e mon ey, me rchand ise ,
s h ips , artille ry, and oth e r arms wh ich migh t be take n as loot
b ut, to judge from what followe d , it would se em to have be e n
520 THE HISTORY OF KUNHALI ,
r e cogn ised th at th e inten tion s of th e partie s with r egard to Kun
hali h imse lf we r e b e tte r to b e un de rstood th an expr e ssed.
Alth ough Furtado h imse lf h ad ar r ived in D e cembe r,h is e n tir e
force was n ot colle cted around th e doomed fortr e ss till th e m iddle
of Fe bruary 1 600. M e an wh ile,in January, anoth e r cause of de lay
h ad ar ise n in th e departur e of th e Samor in to atte n d a fe stival at
Calicut. T ime,h owe ve r
,was on th e s ide Of th e be sieg e r s , an d
de se r tion s from th e famin e -str icke n gar r ison began to b e fr eque n t .
Although food was th e r eby saved to th e r emain ing gar r ison ,
Furtado rath e r e n courag ed th e se de se r tion s . As a comman de r h e
was car e ful of h is me n’s live s
,an d as h e fe lt assur ed of h is ch ie f
prey, h e de sir ed to m in imise h is loss of life in case th e captur e
sh ould come about by assault.
D ur ing th e ab se n ce Of th e Samor in , Furtado was by n o me an s
idle . H is fir st task was to make a complete r e con n aissanc e of
th e town from th e landward Side,for wh ich purpose h e lande d on
th e sh or e to th e south of th e town and march ed on foot a distan ce
of th r e e league s to th e Samor in 8 camp. H e th en comme n ce d
active ope r ation s by taking me asur e s to clear th e r ive r Ch an n el . I n
orde r to prote ct h is boats e ngaged in th is ope ration , h e e ffe cte d a.
lan ding on th e n or th e rn or Ar iole bank , and took up e n tren ch ed pos i
tion s at se ve ral poin ts , from wh ich with h e avy ar tille ry h e was ab le
to bombard th e town itse lf. In r e spon se to th is move , Kun hali
th en advan ced h is works to th e sands on h is side of th e r ive r,but
,
b e fore th is counte rwork could be made se cur e , Fur tado crosse d
ove r an d took it,th rowing in a gar r ison of 300men
,wh o de fie d
all attempts of th e be s ieged to r e take it. Me anwh ile th e h e avy
artille ry on th e Ar iole bank, afte r playing for five days upon th e
bastion wh ich guarded th e town , had e ffectually de stroyed it, an d
th us laid ope n th e bazaar to assault. At th is juncture th e
Samor in again appear ed on the scen e .
About th e same time,viz .
, th e be g inn ing of March,le tte r s
ar r ived from th e V ice roy expr e ssly forb idding th e comman de r to
attempt th e town by assault but Furtado, in view of th e dub ious
conduct of th e Samor in,for e saw th at th is migh t le ad to difficultie s ,
an d,in case th e gar r ison was in any way r e lie ved , th e captur e
might be de layed till afte r th e coming mon soon . He th e re fore
522 THE HISTORY OF KUNHALI,
th e stoute st oppon e nt of th e Portugue se would have e ndang e r e d
h is own th ron e . H e could not de pe nd on h is own me n to fig h t
we ll e n ough to please th e Por tugue se , and if th ey did n ot,h e
fe are d that th e Portugue se would take th e whole spoil. H e was,
th e r e fore,an x ious to b r ing about a sur r e nde r , an d wh ile h e would
attain th at e n d by promis ing quarte r to Kunhali, at th e same time
promis ing th e Portugu e se to de live r h im ove r to th em,h e would
save h is cr ed it with h is own subj e cts by ar rang ing th at at th e sur
r e n de r th e Por tugue se sh ould make a show of se izing Koubali by
force . As for th e Portugue se , it is suflic ie n tly appar e n t th at
th ey we r e de te rmin ed upon th e death of th e g r eat cor sair wh o
h ad so long defied th em ,but we r e willing to accomplish that e n d
by participation in th e tr e ach e ry of th e Samor in,rath e r than e x
pose th e ir troops to th e r isks of an assault in wh ich th ey migh t b e
de se rted by th e ir half-h ear ted allie s . Th e ir conduct in th e
matte r would h ave e xtor ted th e warm approbation of th e ir late
maste r,Ph ilip 1 1 .
H ow th e e ve n t was in fact b rough t about had be tte r be told in
de Couto’s own words I n h is e xtr emity of wan t Kun hali se n t
e n voys to th e Samor in , h e ar tily be se e ch ing h im to h ave me rcy
upon h im,and inqu ir ing wh e th e r , if h e sh ould de live r h imse lf up ,
th e Samor in would promise to spar e th e live s of h im and h is
followe r s th is th e Samor in conce ded,and th e ag re eme nt wa s
r atified by th e olas of th e partie s . Th is n e gotiation th e Samor in
commun icate d to th e Ch ie f captain (Fur tado) , b egg ing h im to
confi rm it,in wh ich case h e (th e Samor in ) would promise to g ive
ove r to h im Kun hali and some of h is captain s . Furtado made
an swe r that H is H ighn ess should act as he pr oposed , and that h e was
quite satisfi ed.
”
Some days n ow e lapsed dur ing wh ich th e Samor in
se ems to h ave b e e n se ekin g me an s of avoidin g th e e’
meute of h is
own troops wh ich h e e xpe cted would accompany th e sur re nde r of
th e brave man to whom h e had made a worth le ss promise of life .
At le ngth , Furtado h aving th r eate n ed an assault, th e Samor in
and Kun hali ar ranged for th e sur re nde r to take place on th e l 6th
of Mar ch .
On th is day th e Por tugue se and Calicut for ce s we r e drawn up
oppos ite to e ach oth e r . D own th e b road way thus formed by th e
THE GREAT MALABAR CORSAIR . 523
allied force s the r emn an ts of th e gar r ison march ed forth . First
came 400Moors,many of th em woun de d , with th e ir ch ildr en an d
w ive s , in such an impove r ish ed con dition that th ey se emed as
de ad . Th e se th e Samor in bade go wh e r e th ey ple ased . Last of
all came Kunhali with a black ke rch ie f on h is h e ad, an d a sword
in h is h an d with th e poin t lowe re d . H e was at that time a man
of fifty, of m iddle h e ight, muscular and b road-shoulde red . H e
walked be twe e n th re e of h is Ch ie f Moors . On e of th e se was
Ch in ale , a Ch in e se , who had be en a se rvan t at Malacca, and said
to h ave b e e n th e captive of a Portugue se , take n as a boy from a
fusta , and afte rwards b rough t to Kun hali,who con ce ived such an
affe ction for h im that b e tr usted h im with e ve ryth ing . H e was th e
g re ate st e xpon e n t of th e Moor ish supe r stition an d e n emy Of th e
Ch r istian s in all Malabar,and for those take n captive at sea and
b rough t th ith e r h e inve nted th e most exquis ite kinds Of tor ture
wh e n h e martyr ed them .
Kunhali walked straight to th e Samor in and de live red to h im
h is sword in toke n of subm ission , th r owing h imse lf at h is fe e t
with much h um ility. Some say that th e Samor in ,inasmuch as h e
h ad promised h im life,had se cre tly advise d th e Ch ie f Captain ,
wh e n Kun hali sh ould de live r h imse lf up, to lay hands upon h im,
as th ough h e we r e taking h im by force and so th e Ch ie f Captain
did . For,as th e Samor in was stand ing by h im, André Furtado
advan ced , an d, se izing h im by th e arm, pulled h im as ide ; wh ile
th e oth e r gave a great lurch so as to ge t fre e . As h e was th e n at
th e b r ink of a hole , th e Ch ie f Captain was in r isk of falling th e r e in ,
h ad n ot h is arm b e en s e ized by Padre Fr . D iogo H ome n ,a
Re lig ious of th e O rde r of th e Glor ious Fath e r S. Fran cisco, wh o
stood on on e side D iogo Mon iz Bar r e to, wh o was on th e oth e r ,
fe ll in to th e hole and skin n ed all h is leg .
”
A tumult n ow arose among th e Nairs , wh ich th e Samor in with
d iffi culty suppr e sse d . In th e midst of it, Ch in ale an d Cotiale , th e
pirate-ch ie f
’
s n eph ew,an d th e oth e r captain s, attempte d to
e scape , b ut we r e se ized and man acled by th e Por tugue se sold ie ry.
Kn n hali h imse lf was led off un de r a strong guard to th e Portu
gue se lin e s . Furtado , afte r e n te r ing th e for t han d-in -han d with
th e Samor in , prude n tly gave up th e place to be sacked by th e
524 THE HISTORY or KUNIIALI,
Nairs , an d so dive rted th e ir m inds from con scie n tious scr uple s .
1 11 r e tur n fo r th is con ce ss ion,a tr ivial on e
,as it tur n ed out th at
all th e valuable s had be e n made away with , th e Samor in gave
ove r to th e te n de r me rcie s of th e Portugue se , b e side s th e Ch ie f
pr ison e r , forty of h is ch ie f adh e r en ts,all of whom afte rwards
suffe r ed death in Goa pr ison by orde r of th e vice roy. Th e ar til
le ry was divided b e twe e n th e captor s , according to th e pr e vious
e ngageme n ts . Fur tado’
s last act was to utte r ly de stroy th e fo r t,
n ot le aving on e ston e upon an oth e r,an d to bur n th e town
,bazaa r s ,
and mosque s to ash e s.
On Saturday, th e 25th March , Furtado se t sail for Goa , and on
h is way put in to Can n an or . H e re h e was m e t by le tte rs from th e
V ice roy r equir ing h im to proce ed with h is wh ole force to th e de
str uction of Quilon ,in th e south . Th e e n emie s of da Gama sugge s t
that h e was an imated by j ealousy, and in te n ded to depr ive Furtadoof h is tr iumphal e n try in to Goa. A coun cil of war was h e ld
,at
wh ich th e captain s unan imously r e fuse d to proce e d to Quilon,
and,for th e s e con d time in th e cour s e of th e same expedition , th e
vice r egal commands we r e se t at n augh t.
On th e 1 1 th Apr il Furtado appe ar ed off th e bar of Goa . H e r e
h e wrote to th e Vice roy an n ouncing h is ar r ival, e xplain ing that
th e con dition of h is fle et pr e ve n ted h im from proce eding forthwith
to Quilon,but offe rn to proce ed th ith e r as soon as it could b e
r e fitted . D a Gama, though h e may we ll h ave be e n j ealous of on e
who had succe e ded wh e r e h is own b roth e r had faile d,was suffi
c ie n tly pr ude nt to con ceal any such fe e lings , and h imse lf dir e cted
th e mun icipality to make pr eparation s for th e tr iumphal r e ception
o f th e conque ror . A deputation of ve r eador es or alde rme n waite d
upon h im at Pangim an d r eque sted h im to r emain th e r e for th r e e
or four days , un til th e pr eparation s we r e comple te .
A que stion n ow arose as to th e part to be take n by Kun hali .
Th e V ice roy, b e ing in formed that Fu rtado in te nde d to have h is
illustr ious captive march ed in fron t of h imse lf in th e proce ss ion ,
r eque sted th e Archb ishop, wh o was about to visit Furtado at
Pang im,to state that th is cour se would be in conve n ie n t and con
f rary to pre ce de n t, all forme r captain s , on like occasion s , having
s e n t th e ir captive s in to th e c ity fr om th e bar b e for e making th e ir
526 THE HISTORY OF KUNHALI,
mob te ar ing down all th e de coration s and e r e ction s th at had b e e n
set up. Th e r e lig ious cer emony of thanksg iving was pe rform e d
some con s ide rable time afte rwards , wh en th e exciteme n t of th e
people h ad sub s ided , but it is n ot stated wh e th e r Furtado took
any part in it.
Th e captive s r emain ed some time in Goa pr ison .
1 Th e de lay in
th e proce edings again st th em was caused by a sudde n illn e ss O f
th e vice roy. H is first act on h is con vale scen ce was to se nd word
to th e judge s to se nte n ce Kun hali o ff-han d, but th ough a fair
tr ial was n eve r con templated , th e judge s pr e fe rr ed to mask th e pe r
fidy of th e State with th e semblan ce of a legal proce ss . A formal
indictme n t was pr epar ed , upon wh ich Kun hali was sen te nced to
b e b e h eaded , h is body to b e quarte red an d exh ib ited on th e b each
at Barde s an d Pang im ,and h is h e ad to b e salte d and con veyed to
Can nan or,th e re to b e stuck on a standard for a te rr or to th e
Moors . Be for e h is e n d , h e was many time s invited an d entr eate d
to se ek e n tran ce with in th e fold Of Our Lord Je sus Ch r ist, by
many of th e R e lig ious of all th e O rde rs , wh o labour ed h e ar tily to
gain that soul, and add it to th e flock of th e Lord . Kun hali,
h oweve r,r e fused to yie ld .
”At th e exe cution
,wh ich was car r ie d
out on a scaffold raised in th e large squar e in fron t of th e vice
r egal palace , an d in view of an immen se crowd of citize n s , Kun hali
bore h imse lf with a dign ity an d courage wh ich won th e r e spe ct of
h is pitile ss foe s .
Afte r some days Ch in ale was brough t forth to share th e fate Of
h is le ade r . As th e pious h istor ian puts it, a b e tte r lot awaite d
h im,
”inasmuch as , be for e h is e xe cution , h e yie lded to th e pe r
suas ion of th e Fath e rs an d b e came a Chr istian ,an d was baptised by
th e n ame of Bartholomew. Afte r th is ce remony, at wh ich h e
sh ewed pleasu re an d good will, h e was conveyed to th e scaffold,
accompan ie d by th e HolyMise r icordia, and by th e orphan ch ildr en
wh o we re praying to God for h im ; an d h is body was bur ied in
con se crated g round.
”Kunhali
’
s n eph ew,and all th e r e st of th e
forty pr ison e r s g iven ove r by th e Samor in ,some oth e r s of wh om
b ecame Ch r istian s , we r e likewise put to death , an d n ot on e th at
was take n e scaped .
”
1 Mor e than for two days , as Pyrard was informed .
TIIE GREAT MALABAR CORSAIR. 527
So d id th e gove rnor an d rabble go han d in h and in murde r
and b r e ach of faith,
”
is th e final comme n t of Far ia y Souza.
By th e murde r of Kunhali an d th e de struction of h is fortr e ss,
th e pr ivate e r ing of th e Malabar s was n o doubt for some time
ch e cke d,
l but th e de scr iption of Pyrard and oth e r trave lle r s b e ars
witn e ss to th e bur n ing hatre d of th e Por tugue se wh ich pe rvade d
th e. wh ole coast, and awaited on ly th e adve n t of th e Dutch an d
English to b e come a de stroying flame . Mor e than fiftyyear s late r
a r ock off th e sh or e , pe rh aps th at called in English time s Sacr i
fice Rock”
,was still kn own as Kunhali
’
s Rock”
,
2and the K6tta
r ive r long con tinued to b e th e pr in cipal n e st of th e corsairs,who
,
fr ie ndly to th e Dutch an d English , continued to work havoc upon
th e wan ing comme rce of Goa. Th e Malabar pirate s we r e n ot finally
e xtirpated un til far on in th e Br itish pe r iod, wh e n th ey h ad be come
pe sts inde ed ; but in th e ir long str uggle with th e Por tugue se it isimposs ible n ot to r egard th em as
,to some e xte n t
,figh ting th e battle
of fre e trade again st mon opoly, th e battle of the whole coast
again st th e Portugue se marts , and from th is point of view to de ny
a ce rtain measur e of con side ration,and e ve n of sympathy. Th is
sympathymay more fr e e ly be exte n ded to Kunhali h imse lf,n otwith
standing h is cr ue ltie s , wh ich ar e probably much e xagge rated by
th e Portugue se , as to on e wh o,afte r a prolonged siege , th e fi r st
stage of wh ich closed with h is con spicuous victory, was , at
le ng th , tr e ach e rously murde r ed in defian ce of a we ll-unde r stood
capitulation .
Th e fame of Kun hali is still pre se rved in th e n e igh bourh ood of
th e Kotta r ive r . Th e n ative s th e re te ll that h e was take n captive
by th e Portugue se an d made a martyr (sah i‘
d ) atGoa . In a build
ing wh ich is said to con tain th e ash e s of h is un cle an d h is moth e r,
is poin ted out a memor ial tomb e r e cted to th e memory of th e
g re at cor sair .
3
1 L iv. das Al ong ,i, p. 26. D oc. 6 M ar . 1 605 .
2 Se e P . V icen zo , lib . I I I,cap. v, an d lib . V
,cap. i .
3 In th e Jamat Mosque , about on e hundr e d yards from th e fort,is
car e fully pr e se rved an e n caustic tile , said to h ave b e e n take n in th e
loot of a Portugue se church , and n ow th e sole r emain ing trophy of th e
wars w ith th e Portuguese . Th e tile has a cream-colour ed g round , and
in th e ce n tr e an or namental de sign in diffe rent shade s of b lue , still
b r illiant in colour .
LIST OF KINGS OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS SINCE
THE CONVERSION TO MAHOMEDANISM.
TH E following list has be e n e xtracted from th e Tdr ilch,or Obro
n icle s”Of th e Kings of th e Maldive s, wh ich , as above state d
(vol. i, p. have b e en kept for many ce n tur ie s at Male. Th e
work of extraction h as b e en don e by on e of th e Naib s , a man of
in te llige n ce and conve r san t with Arab ic, un de r th e dire ction of a
n ear r e lative of Ibrah im D idi, th e Pr ime Min iste r .
Th e Naib in forms Mr . Be ll that h e has don e h is be st to ob tain
with accuracy th e date s of th e succe ssion of each Sultan an d th e
le ngth of h is r e ign , but h e admits that th e r e may be some mis
tak e s,inasmuch as the pr e sen t Tdr ilch , wh ich is about 1 50year s
Old,is on ly a copy of a pr e ce ding on e , wh ich itse lf was probably
a copy of on e still earlie r , and so on .
Even to us, wh ose kn owle dge ofMaldive dyn astie s is confin ed to
a few sh ort pe r iods of th e n ation al h istory, se ve ral e r rors appe ar
on th e sur face but th e se appear to be me re e rrors of de tail, acce s
s ion s b e ing misdated by a few ye ars . Th ey may, pe rhaps . b e due
to th e r ecopying above r e fe rr e d to ; or , again , th e r e cord may have
b e e n le ft un supplied dur ing year s of trouble , afte r wh ich th e pr e
c ise ye ar was forgotte n . In asmuch , h owe ve r , as we find in th e
list all th e name s of kings of whom we have extr in s ic in formation,
we must r egard th e r e cord as on th e whole trustworthy, an d as a
quite r emarkable proof of th e con tinuity of Maldive civilisation
and gove rnment.
Th e numb e r of Maldive monarch s s ince A .D . 1 141 , h e r e appearing as e ighty
-six,sh ould prope rly be r educed
,Nos . 30
,40
,an d
44 be ing r epr e sen ted as r e ign ing dur ing two distin ct pe r iods ,
and Nos. 1 9 and 50dur ing th re e . Mor eove r , th e Tdr ilch en te r s
pr ince s-con sort as separate kings , see N08 . 20, 22 , 25 , 27 .
530 LIST or KINGS or THE MALD IVE ISLAND S
Acce s s ion .
A D .
1 2 14Vad i Kalaminja [ son of Fah ih ir iya Mavaki
lage ]Kalaminja [ son of Fah ih iriya Mavaki
lage ]1 25g Hudai Kalaminja [son of B ir iyaMavakilage ]1 26-2 Aim Kalaminja [son Of H irati Kabadikilag e ]1 26§ H ili Kalamin ja
1 26g Kalaminja
1 26g Muhammad -!IdaKalaminja’Ali Kalaminja [ son of No . 1 2]
1 28g Yusub Kalaminja [younge r b roth e r of NO . 1 3]1 29 -2
1[ son of No . 14]
1 3031
,Daiid2 [son of No. 14]
1 304; Umaru-viru3
134g Sh ihab -ud-din4 [son of No. 1 7]1 34; Malaka Re h endiKambadikilage
5 [daughte r of
No . 1 7 ]
1 Th e course of succe ssion from th is point down to NO . 23 be ing so
fully corroborated by Ibn Batuta, we can have n o difliculty in supply
ing th is vacan cy from h is narrative,by th e n ame Salah
-ud -din Sfilih -al
Ban jali,th e fath e r ofNO . 1 7 an d th e grandfath er of NO . 19 (v. s .
, p.
2 Ibn Batuta mar ried th e g r eat-
gran ddaugh ter of th is Sultan in
1343 or 1344(v. s . , p . T hus,e ith e r h e succe eded somewhat late in
life,or
, as se ems pr ob ab le from th e erron eous date give n to NO . 1 9,h is
acce ssion is h e r e post-dated . Possib ly h e ought to b e NO . 1 5 , as Ibn
Batuta se ems to imply that Jalal-ud -d i’
n’Omar immediate ly succe eded
Salah -ud -dfn (v. s . , p.
3 T h e Jalal-ud-din ’Omar of Ibn Batuta (v . s . , p . Umaru b e ingth e Mald ivian form of
’Omar .
4 Ibn Batuta,who h er e cor roborate s th e Tcir ihh satisfactorily, says
h e succe eded as a minor,and that th e V izier Abd ’ Allah espoused h is
moth e r and govern ed in h is n ame . T h e same vizie r afte rwards mar r ied
th e daughte r and be cam e Sultan No . 22 . Sh ihab -ud-din, who se ems to
have misb eh aved h imse lf,was deposed , exiled, and afte rwards put to
death (v. s . , p .
5 Th e Khadtja of Ibn Batuta (v. s .
, p. th e name h e r e given
b e in g probab ly h e r Maldivian n ame . As Ib n Batuta found h e r on th e
th ron e in A .D . 1343, h e r date of acce ss ion sh ould b e some h alf-doze n
years ante -dated . All we know of th is que en will b e found in Ibn
Batuta’
s accoun t.
532 LIST OF KINGS or THE MALDIVE ISLANDS
Acce s s ion .
A. O .
1429 Yusub [son of No . 29]1443
3AbuBakr [son of No . 29]
1449 H itji Hasan [son of No. 39]l46g Sayyid Muhammad
146g Haj i Hasan [No. 40]1469, Muhammad [son of NO . 40]1489 Hasan [son ofNo . 43]1489 Umaru [son of No . 38 ]1489 H asan [son of No. 45]1486 Hasan [No. 44]143-3 Sh e ikh Hasan [n eph ew of No . 39]1499 Ibrah im [son of NO. 46]1499 Muhammad [ son of NO . 45]1499 Yusub [son of NO . 45]1499
’
Ali
1499 Muhammad [No . 50]1593 H asan [ son of No. 5 1 ]1 5 19 Sh e r if Ahmad-ul-Makka1
1 5 19T’Ali
1 5 19 Muhammad [No . 50]1 523 Hasan [son of NO . 5 7]1 543 Muhammad
1 559 Hasan2
1 559 AbuBakr
1 559’Ali3
1 559 Andiri-Andir i“
1 579T Muhammad Takurufan -ul-alam5
1 An Arab , who pe rhaps was appoin ted to th e office of Kazi, and
th e n se ized th e gove r nme n t.
2 T h is is Pyrard’s Assan , who on abdication and fligh t to C ochin
b e came D om Manoe l,th e fi rst Of th e lin e of titular Ch r istian kings.
3 T h e rival of Hasan , slain by th e Portugue se .
4Th e in te r im half-caste gove rn or unde r th e Portugue s e . T h e
Ttir ilch doe s not call h im “ Sultan ”
,but Captain
”
,and adds afte r h is
name,NasOra Nazare n e ] .
5 T h e e lde r of th e two b roth e rs who th r ew Ofl th e Portugues e
yoke .
534 LIST OF KINGS OF THE MALDIVE ISLANDS.
Acces s ion .
A .D .
1 769 Muhammad Gh iyas-ud-din [ son Of No. 7 7]
1 779 Muhammad Shams-ud-d in 1
Muhammed Muiz -ud-d in [son of No. 79]1 779 H i Hasan Nur -ud-din [son of No . 79]1 79g Muhammad Muin -ud-din [son of No . 83]1 839 Muh ammad Imad-ud-din [son of No . 84]1 889 Ibrah im Nur-ud-din [son of No . 85]
1 T h e F tiruna Ka legef ana of C h ristoph e r (Tr ans . Bo . Geo . Soc .,i, p .
but h e is said to have b e e n th e son of a young e r b roth e r of NO . 7 9,
and th e r efor e was cousin , n ot uncle (as C h r istoph e r says) , of Nos . 8 2
and 83.
DED ICATORY EPISTLE
Pr efir ed to the Tr eatise of th e An imals, Tr ees, and Fr uits , in
a p or tion of the 3rd Edition of th e or igin al Voyages?l
MR . GU lLLAUME
LUSSON, COUNCILLOR OF THE KING,
In h is C ounc il of State and Privy Coun cil, and First Pr e sid ent in h is
C ourt of Mon ey.
ONSEIGNEUR ,
I may thank God for th is , among oth er th ing s , that
after so many ills and calamities sufi r ed in my voyage to th e
I ndies , he hath vouchsaf ed to me on e blessing on my r etur n
home, namely that I have thus had th e opp or tun ity ofacquain tan ce with many p er son s distinguished for honour
and mer it. Among whom you ar e on e of the fir st, for , beingendowed with a mind inclin ed to a ll th ings p raisewor thy an d
of good r epor t, you have n ot on ly taken p leasur e and com
men ded th e r ecital of my story wh ich I made to you ,but also
h ave pr ompted and en cour aged me to commit th e same to
wr iting , and appr oved the publication th er eof . Wha t is mor e ,
you have of your gr ace given me such assistan ce in my ex tr eme
1 I t is in M r . Bell’
s,but not in my copy. A transcript r each ed me
afte r th e sh e e ts compr ising th e T reatise we r e alr eady printed off. It
adds anoth e r name to th e list of Pyrard’s patrons.
536 DEDICATORY EPISTLE .
misery and afliction that I can say that, after God , you a r e
th e cause that I still live and br eath e . Th is ha th r en der ed me
und er such obligations to you tha t I could n ever acquitmyselfth er e in
,did yo unot deign to accep tmy g ratitude , goodwi ll, an d
afiection in your service,the which I am r esolved to testify in
a ll p laces an d at a ll times . Wher efor e I aj‘
er to you this little
tr eatise wh ich I have sep ar ated f r om th e r est of my s tory, to
the end that h er e may app ear to better advan tage and with less
conf usion the r ar ities and singular ities of those distan tp ar ts
wh er etomyfor tun e hath led me . H e r ein , too, will be seen th e
admir able ej ects of God’
s Pr ovid en ce , which hath with such
diver sity distr ibuted the good th ings of h is favour , accordingto th e diver sity of coun tr ies . May it please you,
the r efor e , to
accep t in good p ar t this ofi’
er ing of min e , as p roceeding f r o m
on e who h ear tily, as well as .by duty and obligation ,
acknow
ledges h imself,
MONSEIGNEUR,
Your very humble and obedien t servan t,
FRANCOIS PYRARD .
538 IND EX.
Aly alas Mahomedin , a cry, I, 148Aly P an dio Atacour ou ,
chi e f of island
F eh e ndu ,I, 64 h is boat stole n , 67
Ambas sadors , to Maldive s from
Goa, I, 293, 294; at Goa, I, 332 II,
27, 1 34, 1 35 ; Portugue se , atD e ccan
court, 1 34 Pe r sian ambassador to
Europe , 277
Amb e rg ris , I, 229 II,359
Ambou (for jambu ), II, 369Amboyna , II , v
,xvi, xxxiv, 1 66,
1 67
Amfian , I, 450. See Opium.
Ammianus M arce llinus , quoted , II,426
Amig os, II, 1 28Ana p oute ir ingua ,
I , 273
Anberi, name of a slave , II, 455An ce (bay). n ,
293
And oue (rice ), I , 1 1 2Ang ola , II, 1 97 trad e w ith , 2 1 8
-221 ;
silve r min e , 21 9 ; e ndeavour to joinwith Mozamb ique , 2 1 9 , 235 ; que s
tion of makin g for , 296
An il (in digo ), II , 246, 359An ly, a kind of g rain , II, 438An n obom Good New Ye ar II
,98
Annobom, islan d , 1 , x x ar rival an d
adve n ture s at,13-1 7 trade of
,II,
221
An ten n es (yards ), I, 53Anton io, Padr e , a Je suit, II , 514Anton io, D om , pr e te n d e r , II, 278Ap h ion , I, 1 95 and see Opium.
Ap on tador , II, 42Apoth e cary , at Goa h ospital, II, 6-9Apprentice s , on car racks , II
,1 87 ,
1 90
Aquiry (madr epor e ) , I, 97
Arab pri son e r s at Goa, II , 24
Arab ia , Maldive boats carr ied to, I,257 large sh ips of, 258
Arab ic lan guage , I, 1 22 le tte r s , 1 84
Arack ,i, 358 II
, 73, 383
Arakan , I, 326, 327Ar baleste, I, 10Arbor tr istis , I, 41 1 ; II, 362Arch of th e Vice r oys , II, xxxviii, 47
Ar chbish op of Goa, h is h ouse , II,53. See M e neze s
Arch ive s , of th e Maldive s I 309 ; II,528
Ar chivo P or tuguez Or ien tal , II, x xm ,
cite d passim
Ar co,a coin , II, 68
Ar e ca, in Ceylon galley, I, 299-301abundan ce of, in Ceylon , II, 141used with b e te l, 362
Ar i, atoll, I, 97, 99Ar iole. See Aur iole .
Armadas of th e North and South,I,
439, 440; II, 1 1 6, 1 1 7, 205 ; advan cepay to th e soldie r s of, 1 22
Arme n ians , at Goa, II, 36Arms worn at th e Mald ive s
,I , 1 97
practice in use of, 1 87 ; maste rs
in -arms , 1 87 , 268 assault at,269 ;
must b e le ft b eh ind at Male, 275
Arms (coat of) , of Portugal and Portugue se India, I, 439 II
, 3 of
Spain , II, 3Arn oul, Jean , a sh ip captain , II, 339
Ar oba, a Port. we igh t, II , 1 94
Arosbay, II, 1 64Arque bus e s , manufactur e of
,in Cey
lon , II, 142Ars e nal of Goa, II , 40-42Ascension , sh ip, I, xiii
, 45 ; II , 265 ;cr ew of
,II, xviii, xix , 265
As h e s , h uman , u se of, I, 390Assa (
“
pe rmit I,1 75
Assan , king . See Has san .
AssanQuilogue . See Hassan Kilag efanu.
Assaut Cacanas Calogue, a commis
sion e r , I, 69 ; give s Pyrard lodgin g ,77 ; r e fe rr e d to
,276, 287 ; death ,
289 ; son r e fe rr ed to , 313 ; h is th r e e
son s,31 8
Assee . See Se.
Ass eg ais (jave lin s ) I 38Astro labe , I, 10
Astrology, at th e Maldive s I 1 8 6 ,1 87, 31 9 ; by th e Nair s , 382
Ataide , D om E stevao de , II, 225-228 ,234, 235
INDEX.
Atolls , gr oup of Maldive islands , I,93
,1 97 ; me an ing of word
,ib.
d e scr iption of, 94, 99-103 n ame s ,
97 , 99 ; ope n ings in , 101-103 e ach
gove rn ed by a Naib, 1 98 ; r e ve nue
colle ctor s of , 200
Atolu-ver i,I , 223
Atuan jagge ry), II, 465Aualu . See Avil.
Augustinian s . See St. Aug ustine .
An ta r da (por ch e s), I, 404Aur iole (or Ar iole ), te rr itory and
pe ople in Malabar , I, 348, 352 , 353 ;I I, 51 5 , 520
Australia , discove ry, I , x
Auto da f é , de scr ib e d , 1 1 , 95
Avil (half-cooke d paddy) , I, 379
Aw n ing s , I, 1 2Az e ve do , D om Hie ron imo de
, II ,
143
Azor e s , e xpo rts to Braz il, 1 1 , 216 ;
win e , ib. ; sigh te d , 331
Bacalor , II, 273Bach ian ,
island , II, 1 66B ada r a (Vadakkara , or Wadda
kur r ay), I , 336 , 338 , 369 ; ar r ival
and r e ception at, 344-348 th e
r aja ’
s palace , 346 r aja in te n ds e x
pedition to Maldive s, 348 Portu
gus s e b e ate n at, 349 auth or
’
s
n igh tmar e at, 396 ; a man of, at
th e Goa galleys , II, 45 , 46B adja n sd r , II , 443 a nd see B anque
salle
Bah ia , II, 1 97 ; ar r ival of auth or at,
307-309 ; d e scr iption of,309 -31 !
e le vator , 310; n o inquisition at,
31 1 ; sugar mills of, 31 2
Bah re in ,island , II , 239
Ba il,II,445
Ba ix os dc Jud ia (Europa sh oals ), II,1 99
Bajus , II , 103, 1 1 2Balag ate or Ballag ate , I I, 79, 133,
1 36
Baleacem, a cor sai r II 476
539
Bali, island , II, 1 65
Ball g ame s . See Football.
Ba lsam, fr om Brazil, II, 313Bamboos , I, 329-331 II
,22
, 45
Banana , I , 1 6 , 1 13 pr ice of fruit, 1 1 7 ;le ave s of
,use d as plate s , 1 , 70; food
for e le ph an ts , II, 345 ; ge n e ral descr iption of tr e e , 364, 365
Banda , is lan d, II, 1 67Banda r , II , 443, 450Bandicoy, vege tab le , II, 9Ba ndos (island ) , 1 , 85 , 1 1 8 , 267
Bang ne n im, fountain of, n
, 7, 7 1 ,
B anquesalle (war e h ouse ) I 8 5,267,
28 1 ; II, 48Bantam, de scri ption of, II, 1 60-1 64Banyan tr e e , II , 370Banyans (Hindu trade rs ) , I , 364; at
Calicut, 407 at Goa,II , 38 at
Cambay, 249
Baptism of native conve rts , II, 60,6 1
Bd r a island,II , 496
B ar atilla (pe tty auction ), II, 69Bar ato (misprinted B ar be ), II, 1 1 1
Barbe rs at Goa, II, 70
Barbosa , D uarte , h is account of th e
Maldive s , II , 477-479Bar ce lor , I, 369 II
,259 , 273
Barde lie re , Mich e l Frote t d e la, cap
tain of th e Cr oissan t, I, x iv, 3, 5-7 ;blamed , 23 visits th e Cor bin , 43
d eath of, 290
Bardes , II , 30, 1 35
Bargain ing , sile nt, II, 1 78Baroso , An ton io , u ,
28 1
Bar r e (ba r r a ), r ive r bar , at Cochin ,
I,437 ; II, 29 at Goa, ib. ; of
Surat, 106
Barr icade s , I , 6
Bar ros , J. do, h is B ecada s , II , xxin
h is de scr iption of th e Maldive s, II ,
479-486
Bartoli, quote d , II, 494Basaruco, coin ,
II, 33, 68 , 69 , 7 1 , 72,
73
Basda r ad (n e ckle ts ), II , 445
540 INDEX.
Bas s e in (Wasai), stone b rough t from ,
II,63
,257; ships built at, 1 82
timb e r,257
Basting ues , I , 6
Ba ta tas (potatos), II, 31 5Bath in g , ce r emon ial
, I, 1 74 at Goa,
II,1 1 5
Bats , I, 1 1 5 II , 373
Battas , of Sumatra, I, 297
Batthala , port of Ceylon , II, 466Batuta . See Ibn Batuta .
Bayona islands, 11 , 333-335
Bayonn e , sailors and sh ips of,II,
Baz ar , at Calicut, I,402 at Can n a
n or , 448Baza r do p eicce, at Goa, II, 44Baza r g r an d s, II, 48Bazar p equeno, II, 54Be ards , h ow worn at th e Maldive s ,
I, 1 10B éch e de me r, I, 63Be ds , at th e Maldive s, I, 222
B eh igue (sailing with wind an d cur .
r e n t) , I , 257Be ll, Mr . H . C . P hi s Report on th e
Maldive s,I, xliv, cite d passim
B e lliag o, D om Fe rr e ira de , com
mands e xpedition again stMaldive s,I,1 60
Be ne dictine s , monaste ry atBahia, II ,31 1
Be ng al, a me rch ant of, I, 259; a sh ip
of, at th e Maldive s , 297 ; e xpedi
tion to th e Maldive s from , 310
320, 325 de scription of, 326-336
king of, 326, 327 ; war with Mogul,
ib. ; e xport of r ice , ib. ; ch aracte r
istics of pe ople , 329, 332-334
potte ry, bamboos, ib. e le ph an ts,
rh in oce ros,
and un icorn s, 331
slave s , 332 ; r e ligion , 333 ; drunke n
n e ss , 334 Portugue se in , ib. ; am
bassador at Goa, 332 wome n of,
ib . ; dr e ss of n ative s,
Be njamin (benzoin ), 11 , 1 69, 360Be rg e ron , Pie rr e , I, xxx iv-x l
Be rlingas islands (Burlings), II , 332,333
Be tance (Be tan zos) , II, 338Bete l, ch ewing , I , 71 , 149 , 1 74; II,135 str e ngth e n s th e gums
,I, 1 83
used by th e king , I, 223 use d by
Goa ladie s , II,1 1 3 gen e ral d e
scription of, I I, 362 , 363
Be zoar ston e , II, 484Bignon , Je rome , I, xxxiv, xxxvRimby (a grain ) , I , 1 1 1
Biron , D ue de , de ath , I, 290Bis cay, galion s of, II, 1 80, 1 82
sh ips used in whale fish e ry, 34
Bische Port. bicho) II, 31 9Bis cuit, mode of swe aring on
,I , 279
Bishops in Port. India, II , 26, 27
Blanks (Fren ch coin ), II, 73, 1 30,314
Ble e de rs , II, 70
Ble e ding , not re sorte d to by native s ,
II , 1 3
Blérancourt, Pyrard at,I,xxxv
Bo-tre e s , atMaldive s , I, 1 24Boats , cle anlin e ss of, I, 1 78Boat-ste aling , I , 79, 87
Bode ta Courou, title of a king , 1 , 251
Bola rmeny, I, 376 ; II, 27, 63Boly (cowry), I
, 78 , 1 57 , 228 , 236 ,
240, 438 sp elt also B olits, I, 299and Bolli s , I, 250 and sec C ow rie s .
Bom Je sus , ch urch and colleg e of,
at Goa, II, 54, 59, 97B orn Jesus, carrack, I, 367 II, 263
Bonitos , I, 9, 1 89
B onne g uer r e , te rms of capitulation ,
II,1 93, 200, 208
Borne o, II, 1 68 , 1 69, 1 75Bostu (measure ), I , 237 ; II, 444, 465,468
Boubou (lady), I, 259B on es , 5. fruit, II, 9B ouseruque. See B asa ruco .
Boy, Anglo-Indian use of te rm , 1 1
,
45,n .
Boye (Port. boy), II, 44, 45Brace let, a badg e of offic e , at th e
542
of,1 1,245-249 ; pe ople , language ,
e tc . , 250
Cambe (tor toise sh e ll) , I, 240, 285Camena e (prin ce sse s) , I , 209
Camlets , of Pe r sia an d Ormuz, II ,
240
C ampbe ll, Capt. C .,I, 83
C amph or , II, 1 69
Camp o do paco, II, 49Camulo, I , 21 8
Camullogues, I , 2 1 7
C ampve e r , I , 22
Can ada (pin t me asur e ) , II, 73, 1 94
Canar e s e Konkan i) language ,II,405
C anarin s , on e turn s Mussulman,I,
302, 303 ; d e scr iption of , 375 , 376
of Goa , II, 28 , 35C anary Is lands , I, xx
, 7 ; e xports
to Brazil, 11 , 21 6 win e,31 6
Ca n boé B oubou ,a Be ngali woman , I,
259
Candis ca can , I, 145
Candou ,I,103
,247 ; and see C han
n e ls .
Ca ndau (wood ) , used for rais ing
ston e , e tc . ,I,1 1 9-1 22 for cofiin s ,
1 56
Ca n douepatis (raft) , I , 67, 1 22, 1 91
Ca ndu, islands , II , 48 1
Cang elotte (Kan yir otu or Cassergode),a Malabar port, I , 344
C annanor , raja of, we lcome s Mal
dive pr in ce , I, 277 e xpe dition to
an d partial conque st of M .
, 320,32 1 ; suze rain ty ove r Min icoy, 323 ;
ove r th e Laccadive s , 324
C annanor , a Malabar kingdom,I,
369 de scr iption of, I, 443 446 ;
r e lation s of Mah omme dan s and
Nair s at, 444; Portugue s e for t at,
445 II , 259
C ann ibalism, II, 31 8
Cann on , of th e Cor bin ,th e ob j e ct of
th e Be ngal invasion , 1 , 31 7 , 325
Canton ,1 , 335
Cap a r ou (Kafir or infide l), I , 26 1
Cape of Good H e pe , I, 20, 21 II ,
INDEX .
29 1 -295 ; a Por tugue se Le th e , II ,1 2 1
Cap itao Mar , of Goa,II,1 6
,33 ; of
armada , II, 1 1 8 , 200Capitulation ,
te rms of (bon n e guer r e ),II , 1 93, 200, 208
Cap on (fun e ral mon ey) , I, 1 57C apta in of a Portugue se
powe r s of, II, 1 88 , 1 89Cap tivos, II , 90Capuc in es , mon aste ry of, II, 31 , 33Ca r aus (se cr e tary), I, 2 10, 214Carave ls , as de spatch boats , II, 1 80,1 89 ch iefly use d for W. Indies ,
2 1 5 ton n age of, ib.
Car cer es (pr ison s of th e Inquisition )II,1 8
Cardae n , P . van,II,29
,225
Cards , game s of,II,1 1 1
Ca re (coco -nut ) , I, 1 1 3 ; II , 372Ca r idou (Kar h idu or Kardiva ) is land
and ch an n e l,I , 1 30
Ca r iuadir i (small-pox ) , I, 1 8 1Carme lite s , monaste ry at Bahia
,II
,
31 1
C arpe ts , of Ben gal, I , 328 ; of Pe r
sia, II , 239 ; of Cambay, 248
Car rack s , de scription of,II, 1 80-1 84;
h ow man n ed and oflice r e d,1 84-1 97
b e rth s sold,1 8 5 se rvice in , mor e
e ste emed th an in oth e r ships , 1 86
n umb e r of cr ew, 1 86 , 1 87 ; pr ison s
on , 1 91 kitch e n s and fir e s , 1 92 ;
silve r on ly e xported on b eh alf of
king . 1 93, 21 1 pr ovision ing of,
1 94 pay an d pr ofits of office r s
and me n,1 95 ; filthy condition of
, II ,
xxxiii, 1 96 ; r e lig ious r ite s on board ,
1 97 ; rule s as to touch ing land on
voyage , 1 97 ; time s of departur e
and ar r ival, 1 97-1 99 ; captain s d e
clin e to sail tog eth e r , 200 crews
ofte n unpaid, 201 ; ton n age of, 208 ;offi ce s on
, give n to w idows an d
orph an s , 1 96, 209 good s car ried
on b e h alf of pr ivate me rchan ts ,
21 1 for e ign e r s some time s get
aboard , 21 2 ; mustmake for Cochin
sh ip,
IND EX.
or Quilon ,21 3 some time s laden
at Coch in , ib. ove rtake n at Mo
zamb ique , 226 . See also n ames of
par ticular car r a cks .
Car ta s (pas sports ) , II, 205C arts , use of
,at Goa, II, 63
Casa da Ind ia , II, xxiii ; II, 1 1 9 , 21 2Casa do Ar cebi sp o, II, 53
Casado, II, 1 25C ass e rg ode . Se e Cang elotte .
C ass ia, II, 361Ca ss in Tacour ou ,
I, 275Caste , r emain s of
,at Maldive s
,I ,
Caste llo Bran co, J050 de , II, 475Castici (pur e Portugue se born in
In dia) II, 38C astilian captain , II , 21C astille , arm s of
,II, 3
Castro, J de,II,xxiii his crue l
tie s , xxvi, xxvn memor ial of his
tr iumph , II, 13C astro, Martim Alfon so de , V ice r oy,
I , 375 proce eds to Achin and
Malacca,II, xvi
,1 52, 266 ; death ,
xvii, 2, 1 55 failure of attack on
Achin ,1 60
Cate l, island, 11 , 1 66
Cathecumin os , II , 60
C ath e dra l of Goa, II, 53C ath e r in a , D on n a, II, xiiiCatibe (prie st) , I , 70, 1 10, 1 25 , 1 27 ,
21 2 ; may b e also Naib , 1 86 of
th e Kin g’
s island , 131 -1 33 ; of
oth e r is lands,I , 1 98
C ats , at th e Maldive s , I, 1 16Ca ty (b ill -hook), I, 79Caueny (we dd ings ) , I, 150Caury (cowry), I, 438Cauuery (sorce ry), I, 1 80. Se e also
Que nue r y.
Cavalleyr o Fidalguo, II, 1 20Cavallo, a fish , so called, I, 388 , 427 ;II,1 27, 294, 299
Caz (itch ), I, 1 8 1C e ne s (or Se in e ) , Fath e r Je an de ,
II , 36 , 270C eme te ry of th e Fr e n ch , I , 34
543
Cer tidon (Port. cer tidtio) II 1 23, 305,309
C eylon , Mald ive s colon ised from , I,105
,266 a sh ip of
,299 -301 ; h e r
cinn amon,320; visite d by P . , II,
xiii,23, 140 de scr iption of
,140
145 pe ople , 142 pr e cious ston e s,
143
Chaa (Sh ah ) , II , 253Chagas, As, car rack , II, xx , 1 82 , 1 83C hag os (ar ch ipe lago), r e fe rr ed to
,I,
50, n ; I,296 , 297
C hains , silve r waist, I, 1 64C haliyam,
I, 368 , 423-425Chaly. See Chaliyam.
Cham, Great, of Tartary, II, 251
Chamy, a sh ip captain , I, 278Changngatam (guid e s) , I, 340C hanne ls of th e Maldive s
,1 , 99 -104
C hande lor v. L opus , case of, II, 484
Chop ins (or chop in s Ital. ciopp in o) ,II, 102, 104
C hapte r -br ead, II , 28 6, 398
C harms , use of,I,1 78 -1 80
Char tican . See C h ittag ong .
C harts , Maldive , I , 65 , 99
Cha tigam. See Ch ittag ong .
C haul, e rr on e ous r e fe r e n ce to,I, 327 ;
r e fe r red to,II,2 ; de sc ribed , II,
256 -258 E nglishmen at,265
Chaydes (martyrs ), I, 1 61 , 31 9Ch erafi
'
es II, 67Cher if e , I, 272, 304, 365C h e rs on e s e , Golde n , II , 233
Ch erufin s . See Xe rafim.
C h e s s , I, 41 8Chetils (or chatie) , applie d to me r
ch ant sh ips , I, 345 II,1 1 7
C h ig oe , II, 31 9C h ina, ware s of
,I, 329 goods for ,
sh ippe d at Goa, II, 1 75C hina -root, I, 1 82 II , 1 3
C h inale , lie ute n ant of Kunhali,II,
51 6, 523, 526
C h in e s e , said to h ave pe ople d Mada
gasear , I , 38C h in e s e at Bantam
,II,1 63 cunn ing
rogue s , 1 7 1
544
C h ittag ong (Cha r tican ) , e xpedition
from, to th e M . ,
I,xxv, xxvi, 310et
seq. ; arr ival of P . at, 326 raja of,
ib. , 333 d epartur e from, 336
C hole ra , II , 1 3Chomba is (Ch ombaye ) , I
, 336, 338,
C h rist, Orde r of, II, 503, 505C h ristian king of th e Maldive s , I, 57 ;h is factor at Male
, 85, 260 t e
ve n ue s of, 200 gove rnme nt in
n ame of, 247 ; r e fe r e n ce to,in
tr eaty, 250 gave on e -third of h is
r e venue to Portugal, 250 h is Por
tugue se ambas sador , 293, 294
C h ristmas , ce leb ration of, at Goa,
II , 97, 98C h ristoph e r , Lie ut.
, hi s visit to th e
Maldive s, I, x liv ; de ath , xlv-vi ;
d e scription of a fun e ral, 1 58
C hudde rs , I, 222
Chun an (chun am) , II , 1 35
C hurch-g oing at Goa, II, 101 -104Cin co Chagas , chur ch of, II, 41 car
r ack,so. named
,see Chagas .
Cing ala (Sinhale se ), captain , I, 300,301
Cing alla (Sinh ale se ) , characte ristics
of, II , 142
Cing alles (Sinh ale s e ) , I, 267C innamon in Ceylon galley, I, 299301 , 320; grows wild in Ceylon ,
II, 141 , 143 ; d escr iption of, 358
C ircumcis ion , I, 1 28-1 30; day of th e ,II
,8 2
Cisdy (cook ), I, 1 73C ive t, II , 1 72, 360
Cler ig os, II , 96
C le rk , sh ips’
,11 , 1 87, 1 88 , 394
C love s , II, 357
Cobolly mas (fish ), I, 1 90, 1 94 II ,439
C och in , a sh ip of, at Male, I, 78 ; buys
salvage of Cor bin ,80; car racks load
an d disch arge at, II, 2 13; r e lation s
of,with Calicut, 369 ; sufl
'
e rs afl'
ron ts
from th e Portugue se , 375 ; a cap
tain of,and his family, I, 428
INDEX.
pr ison of, 429-432 d e scription of
coun try and city,433-438 ; forme rlysub j e ct to Calicut
,434; two town s
of, 434, 436 port closed by sand ,
437 ; trade with Bengal in cowri e s,
438Coch in , Bish op of, II , 27C ock ,
sacr ifice of, I, 1 78 , 1 80; medical use of live r of, 1 8 1
C ock -fig hting , II, 54C ockroach e s , II, 286Cocks , Rich ard , II, xxCoco
,or ig in of name
,11 , 372 , 483
Coconut, abundance of, atMaldive s ,
I, 1 1 3 ; use s of, ib. ; II, 324et seq.
price of, I, 1 1 7 ; dr inkin g th e youn g ,I, 1 72 ; ge n e ral de scription of tr e e ,
etc . ,II, 372 -385 des cr iption of
,by
Ibn Batuta, II , 439 ; by de Bar ros482. Sea-coconut
,see C oco-de
me r .
C oconut cabbag e , II , 383
Coco-de -me r , I , 230-232C oco-sug ar . See Jag g e ry.
C oco-w in e , I, 71 and see Arack
and T oddy.
C offe e , drunk at th e Maldive s,1, 1 72
Cogn ialy. See Kunhali.
Cailan (Quilon ), I, 369. 370 II, 107C oin , of th e Maldive s
, I, 232 of
Portugue se India, 1 1 , 68, 69
C o ir , due s of, I, 228 , 250; tradingin , 28 5 mode of pr e paration , II ,
379 de scr ib ed by Batuta,
Colchas (cove r le ts ) , II, 247Collo madous atoll. See Koluma
dulu.
C olombo, II , 143
C oluotte (Kollam), I, 360Coly (b e ll) , I , 1 30, 1 38Combolly masse , I , 1 94 and see Co
bolly mas .
Come dy , pe rformed on doubling th e
Cape , II, 295Commer es (Port . comadr es ), II, 100C ommun ion , ticket or toke n for , II ,97
C omorro Is lands , I, xxiii ; ar rival
INDEX.
rals,I, 1 57 ; due s of, I , 228 mod e
o f colle ction,1,
as orn a
m e n ts fo r furn iture , I , 240; trad e
from Coch in to Be ngal, 438 ; use
in W. Africa,II, 21 9 me n tion by
e ar ly travalle r s , 1 1,429-432 , 443,
444
C ow s , at th e Maldive s , 1,1 1 6 ; II ,
48 5
C rab s , I, 97 ; II , 351C ran g an or , II, 259Cr eada s (female se r van ts ), I I, 103
Cr iad os (s e rvants ), II, 8 9, 90C r ig non , Pie rr e , poe t, 1 , xi
Cr is, I, 1 64; II, 1 62 , 1 70
C rocodile , musk sme ll of, I, 37, 38
II, 347 ; in Gang e s, I, 336 ; de scr iption of
,II, 347
Cr oi sade (South e rn Cross ), 1 , 9C'r oissan t (sh ip), I, x iv, xv ; summaryo f voyag e to Maldive s
,xx -xx iii
ton n ag e , e tc . , 2 ; of Natal, 26
ar rival at St. Augustin e’s Bay, 30
r efitting th e re , 40 lose s h e r boat,
48,49 ; sub seque nt fortun e s of
,I,
290,291 ; at St. H e le na, II, 109
C ros s of solid gold , II , 59
C row s , I, 1 1 5C ruzado , II, 83C uama (Zambe si) , II , 233-235
Cunat, quoted , I, 3, 7
Curre nts , at th e Maldive s , I 101,
257
D abul, II, 256, 259D dha ra, I,D aman , II, 256D amas cus rais in s
, II, 261D dr
,II,450
D arada Tacour ou, I, 270D a rumavan ta , II , 449D asour e I
,442
D ate s , of Socotora, II, 237D atura ,
use of, in India, II , 1 13, 1 14
D aug im, fort, II, 33D auph in , b irth of (Louis XIII), I,290
D avis , Captain Joh n , I , 31 II, 490
D ead -
pays , II, 42D e alcan . See D e ccan .
D e bt s lave ry, I, 202 -204 de scr ib e d
by Ibn Batuta , II , 445D e ccan , kingdom of
,II
,24, 25, 32 ,
1 31 king of,b e sieg e s Goa, 1 32
1 34 tr e aty with Portugue se , 1 33
n o e xtradition b e twe e n Goa an d ,
133 de scription of, 1 33, 134, 1 36 ;ambassador at Goa, 1 34, 135 ; warwith Gr e at Mogul, 1 34 prin ce s of,
at Goa, 1 35-1 38 e leph ants , d ia
monds, e tc .,1 36 dr e ss of n ative s
,
ib.
D éherd , I, 210 II, 453 and see
D dhar d .
D emy tengue (h alf tanga) , I, 432
D e La C roix . See L a C roix .
D e lh i (spe lt D ir ly) , II, 251D e li, Moun t, II, 477D e lla Valle , Pie tro, quoted , II, 505D e n is , Fe rd inand
, mistake as to
Pyrard, I, xviiiD eos de Miser icord ia
,II,100
D esambargador Mor , II, 49D e strappe s , Le on ard , Ar ch b ishop, I
xxx
D cuan its (se rgean ts ), I, 1 39, 1 50, 201 ,206 , 2 12
D e vil, auth or of sickn e ss,I , 1 80
worsh ip of, ib.
D evil-dance rs , I , 395
D harmapala, king of Ceylon , II,xiv
D h ibat Almahal, Ar . n ame of Mal
dive s , II, 436D iamonds , of th e D e ccan , II, 236D ice , use of, at Goa, II, 1 1 1D ida (flag) , I, 1 29D ie g o de Roys , supposed islands , I ,
xxiii,49
D ie g o Rodrigue z (island) , e r ron son ely called de Roys , I, 50; sigh te d ,II, 290
D ieppe , I, xD igga tr e e , bark of
,I,1 2 1
D ish e s , ban an a le ave s used for , I,1 70 woode n , 1 7 1
INDEX.
D iu, I I , 23 d e sc r ib e d , 254, 255D iu ma til (Fr iday) , I, 1 30D ivan dur ou (Laccadive islan ds ), I ,
323-325 a sh ip of, II, I08
D ives (islan de r ), I, 83D ives (islan d s ), I . 1 1 7D ivorce , -1 55
D og s , h atr ed of,I,1 1 6
D omb e . See D omburg h .
D omburg h ,Martin , a factor , wr e cke d
at th e Mald ive s , 1,292 m e t at
Coch in ,430 myste r ious d e ath , II,
108 -1 10
D omin ican monk,I , 441 , 442 , 451
D omin ican s , ch urch of,II, 49 , 71
D onkor a,II , 456
D on ny (b ird , an d n ame of boat), I, 86
D orados (fish ) , I, 1 89D or imenaz (g e n e ral of militia), 1 , 210,2 1 1
,2 14, 273
D’
Oyly, Sir J. , quoted , I, 203
D r ag on , sh ip, II, 237D r ag on s (h e avy squalls), I, 1 1D rinking ,
mode of,in India
,I,378 ,
410,41 1 ; I I, 72 , 73
D rug , whi ch kills on a day ce rtain,
II,1 29
D rums , h ow mad e at Maldive s,II,
385
D ug ong , I, 47D unkirk , auth or sh ips in ve ss e l of,
II, 330
D uple ix , I, xiD ur e t, Char le s , d e dication to, II, xliii
D ur ian tr e e , II, 366D urr ie s , II, 248D utch (or H olland e r s ) , inte rdictedfrom Lisbon traffi c , I, xii ; fle e ts
of,x iii ; n in e sh ips me t
,5-7 ; crui
s e r s off Galle , 278 ; two D utchme n
c ome to Mald ive s , 28 1 ; fr eque n t
C alicut, 326 ; confused with Fr e n ch
an d E nglish , 337, 347 ; thi rte e n
sh ips at Calicut, 364; at Can nan or ,448 ; policy in th e E ast
,II, xxxv ;
b lockade Goa , II, 29 captur e part
o f C . d e Fe ira’
s fle e t, 86 ; in cide nts
of war with Portugue s e , 148-1 50
547
r e lation s with Ach in , 1 58 , 1 59 at
Ban tam,1 64; traffi c b e twe e n India
an d th e islands , 1 71 give good
te rm s o f capitulation ,149
, 1 93,
200; efle ct of, on Por tugu e s e , 201
207 , 208 six sh ips blockad e Goa ,
207 s ieg e s of Mozamb ique , 225
229 attack Ormuz sh ip, 26 1
D utroa . See D atura.
D u Vair,G . Bish op, 1 , xx x d e d ica
tion to,liii
D u Val,P .
,editor of 4th e dition
,1 ,
xxxi
Dye s , use d atMaldive s , I, 241 242made fr om coconut
,II
, 384
E ars , e xte n sion of,for o rn ame n te
,
'
I ,
1 67, 384, 41 9
Ear -ring s , I, 1 67
E arth e nw ar e of th e Maldive s , I,
1 70
E arth ly Paradise , 1,335 I I, 140,
141
Eas te r , ce leb r ation of,at Goa, I I, 9 8
Eau-de -vie (arack), I, 358E bony, of Mozamb ique , II , 224
ge n e rally, 362
E ccle s ias tics , in India,II
,95, 96 ;
on board P . sh ips, 1 27, 1 87 ; n ot
allowe d to r eturn ,1 8 7
,284
E clips e of th e sun,I, 308
E dr is i , quote d , II , 431
E dw arde s , Sir H . , I , xlvi
E lephantias is , I, 392
E lephants of Be ngal , I , 331 ; wh ite ,333 at Calicut
,400 at Goa
,II,
41 de scr iption of, 343-346
E levator , at Bah ia, II, 310E lizab e th , Que e n , h e r de ath r e
fe rr ed to,I , 278 , 290
E llattt'
lr (rive r ) , I, 359E lmina , fort, II, 221 , 2 22Emir -e l-Bah r . See M ir va ir es .
E nd equery, I, 210, 2 13Eng an ado cl R ey, II, 2 1 2E ng lish , fir st voyage s of discove ry,
I, x ii ; con fused with Fr e n ch an d
D utch, 337, 347 ; position in th e
INDEX.
Far East, II, xv n in India, xxxvi ;
some at Goa, 36 proud as com
par ed with D utch , 107 called
Kin gs of th e Se a, 203
Eng lishme n r e fe r r ed to (see P ilot,W ickham, Steve ns , Haw kins ,Lan caste r , M iddle ton ) ; on e putto de ath by th e Portugue se , II,106 ; cr ew of H ector r e fe rr ed to
, ib. ;
a gun n e r of th e Cr oissant,107 n um
b e r of,at Goa
,II , xviii, 269 ; some
mad e pr ison e r s at Lisbon , 276 a
trave lle r fr om Tartary, 278 on e
n e arly hange d at Bahia, 326, 327
E ng lish ships , at Comoros , I , 45 ;at Socotora
,II,237
E n seada (bay) , II , 293E scritor ios , II, 1 77E scude r i Fidalguo, II, 1 20Esdr a (fe n cing -maste r ), I, 268
E sp er es (small cann on ) , II, 1 83E squif (be d) , II, 4E s some r ique , I , x
E s tance lin , quoted I x, 2
Ester es (mats ), I, 39 1 ; II, 103, 237E sur e (zeb ra), II, 324, 355E th iopian coast, I, 25Eunuch s , r e fe r e n ce s to, I, 1 73, 332
Europa sh oals , II , 1 99
E x ports , to In dia and profits on , II ,
21 1 ; to Brazil, 2 1 6
Eye s , ai lme n ts of, I, 1 81 ; putting.
out of,n,1 37 , 242
Fadifolu (Padypolo ) atoll, I, 97 99Fae nza , I, 1 70Fah H ian , quoted , II, 427Fal
,a numb e r or measure , I, 237 n
,
444
Fals e mon ey, r e fe re n ce to ch arge s of
posse ss ing , in Fran ce , I, 231 pass
ing of,by E ur ope ans in the East,
IL 1 59
Falmeldar i (tr e asur e r ) , II , 451 and
se e P ammeder y.
Fcimud e'
r i. See Pammede r y.
Fa ndaga rlcalu, I I, 450 a nd see Pa n
(lia r e .
Far angui (Franks), I, 1 83, 243 II ,
201
Far angui ba escour (syphilis ), I, 1 82Farh ind
, I, 210 and see Fa r enas .
Faria y Souza , Man oe l,h istor ian
,II,
51 8 comm en t on e x e cution o f
Kun hali , 527
Fayance . See Faenza.
F e h e ndu (island ), auth or take n to , I,59
F e ira , Conde de , appoin ted vice roy ,
II, xx d ie s on th e voyage , 85, 8 6 ,
267, 275 ; fle e t of, 8 6
F e lidu (P oulisdon ) atoll, I, 97 , 99 ;chan n e l, 104
F e n cin g ,I,141
F e ncing-maste rs , I, 268 -270, 380,
38 1
Fe ndu (island ). See Fch e ndu.
F e rnambucque . See P e rnam
buco.
F e rnando , Man ue l, II , 1 29 , 283
F e rr e ira , Be lch ior , II , 514, 51 5F e rr eyra Be lliag o, D omingos , com
man ds e xped ition to Maldive s , II ,507
F e stivitie s , on passing th e Abrolh os ,
I , I 9
F eve r , th e Maldive , I, 82,
1 8 1 , 267
F eyn e s , H e n r i (Count de Mon fart) ,II, xx , 279 , 280
Fianc e, II, 100Fidalgo, II, 78 , 1 20Fidalg o de la Casa del R ey n os so
Senor , II, 1 20F ig s , Indian , bananas so calle d, I
,
1 1 3
F ilippe , D om,e xiled Maldive prin ce ,
I, 294 II,1 38 , 1 39, 502-508
F in iste rre , Cape , I, 291Fire , mode of g e n e rating , I, 1 22 r e
gulation of, on ships , II, 1 92
F ish,at th e Maldive s
,mode s of fish
ing , I , 1 89-1 94 fish kraal, 1 92
1 94 g re atly e ate n at Goa, II, 105F ish -kraal, I, 1 92 -1 94F ishes for Splicin g mas ts, II , 1 83
INDEX.
II,xxxviii ; ch aracte r , 51 2 r e ce ive s
n e ws o f h is b r o th e r'
s d e fe at, 5 1 7
conduct at Furtado’
s tr iumph ,
524-526
Gama , Luiz da (misspe lt Louys de
Gasma n ), hi s e xpe dition again st
Kunhali,I,353-354 II, 51 3, 51 8
Gama, Vas co da , n ote on h is fi rst
landing-
place in India , I, 360 r e
fe r r e d to , II, xxxii ; statue of,
xxxviii
Game , an island , I, 250Gaming -h ous e s , II, 1 1 1 , 1 1 2Gandoyr e (palace ) , I
,2 1 8 , 21 9 ; also
w ritte n Ga ndhoue r e . 31 6
Ganga . See Gan g e s .
Gang e s , I , 335, 336
Garda fui , Cape , II , 236
Ga rg ozde ttes (gogle ts ), I, 329 II, 74Gar ie , Je an Gar cia), 1 , 334
Ga r oa (aloe s wood ) , 1 1 , 360
Gas, an e xclamation ,I , 1 97
Gaspar D ias , fort , II, 25, 32Gaspard Aleman ,
Fath e r , II, 22 , 269Gaut or Gauze (a we ight), I , 1 89 , 286
Gayac, II , 31 8
Ge rmans , some at Goa, II, 36, 51Ge run (Ormuz) , II, 238G ilolo ,
is lan d,II,1 66
G in g e r , Be n gal, I, 328 ; of Brazil,
II,2 1 7
,31 3 compe te s with peppe r
in marke t, 2 1 7, 356 ge n e rally,
356
Gir asal, a kind of r ice , II, 326
Glas s , Ve n e tian , I, 43Glean (wh ip) , I, 307
Goa , soil r ed , I, 376 ; II, 27 ; h ospital,I, 45 1 admin istration of
,II,x i ,
xii ; in sc ription ove r gate , 3 com
mon ailme nts at,1 1 ; prison s of,
1 8 d e scription of, 24et seq. ; r ive r ,
24,28 , 31 , 32 prove rb as to Lis
bon and , 26 sufi’
ragan bish op of,
ib. ; forts of,29-33 par is h es of,
33 pe rmits for th e main land,ib. ;
passage s , 33, 34; in h ab itants class i
fi e d,35-39 ; walls of, 39 ; e splan ade s
and quays ,40-48 galleys ,45; palace
(see V ice roy) ; str e e ts , 5 1 , 52 , 57
ch ur ch e s,32 , 41 , 49 , 51 , 53-6 1
ce le b ration of captur e of, 54; build
ings , 63 ; condition of, i n rain s , 63,
64; marke ts , 69 , 1 78 ; wate r -supply ,
70-72 farm e rs of th e r e ve n ue , 74,1 74, 1 78 ; wealth of
,105 ; gam in g
saloon s , 1 1 1 , 1 1 2 life of soldie r s
at,1 28-1 31 ; s ieg e s of, 1 32 -1 33 ;
trade w ith Far East, 1 73-1 77 ; is
th e e n tr epot for th e wh ole Eas t,
2 1 3; lan guage spoken about,405
Godam (wh e at), I, 1 1 2Goidfi, islan d , 1 , xxiii
Gold, n ot e xporte d from th e Mal
dive s,I,242 ; worth le ss in In dia
th an in Spain , II, 69 b rough t
from Far E ast, 1 76 of Sofala and
th e Zamb e si, 233
Gold, orname n ts , worn by k ing
on ly, I , 1 64 and by wome n , 1 67 ,
1 68
Gomen (amb e rgr is ) , I, 229Gome s C h e iradinh e iro, J050, II
,
476
Gonvxlle , Paulmie r d e , I, xGonvllle , Abb e
'
Bin ot Paulmie r d e,
I, xGouia . See Gouve ia.
Gouldr in s (cove rle ts ) , II,4Gour abe (galley), I , 31 2Gour adou (islan d ), 1
,256
, 257, 259 ,
31 8
Gourmet, a sh ip’
s appr e n tice , II, 1 8 7Gouve ia, D om Ad rian d e , ambas sa
dor to Maldive s, 1 , 293, 294; II , 1 39 ,502
Gog/mon (Sargasso w e ed) , II, 331Gram,
r e fe r r e d to, II, 79Grande , Ruo , II , 55
Grass -s ilk , I, 328Grave ston e s , at th e Maldive s I 1 59Grooms , at Goa, skill of, II , 79
Grotius , I, ix , x , 3
Grout, Francois , captain of th e
Cor bin ,i, xiv, 3 par ticulars of h is
family, ib. quar r e l with chi e f me r
chan t, I , 1 7 ; II , 398 ; falls sick at
INDEX.
Madagas car , I , 34; d ie s at Malé, 59,78 in human tr e atme nt of
,on
d eath b e d, 8 7 ; ch aracte r of, II, 398
401
Grout de St. Ge org e s , I , 3
Guardian , a sh ip’s oflice r , II, 1 87,
Gué (h ouse ), I , 31 5
Guine a, I, 10Guis e , D ue de , I, 430Gulistan ,
n ame of a slave , II, 454Gand a r a -ka r ayo, th e Mald ive s ao
called by th e Sinh ale se , I, 83
Gun dura , II, 442 , 472Gunn e rs , incompete n ce of Portu
g ue se , I I , 1 93
Guz e rat captain ,d ie s , I, 299
Guz e rati pe ople , II, 249 ; language ,I I , 405
Gymnosoph ists , I , 379
Haddummati (Adonmatia) atoll , I,
Il adég ir i (an office r of state ), I , 2 10
2 1 1 and see E ndequer y.
Hag en , Steve n van d e r , I , 277 , 364
II,xv
,xvi, 29
H a ir-oils , used at th e M ., I, 107H ajji, pr ivilege s of, I, 1 65H akur d (an office r ). See Acouraz.
H oly. See Ali .
Hammocks , be ds like , at th e Mal
dive s,I , 222 ; in India, II, 248
Hang ing s , silk and cotton , I,221
,
222
Harmans e n , W.,I, x iii, 7
Hasan , king of th e Mald ive s,I, 244,
245 II, 477, 493, 532 ; see also
M anoe l.
Has san kilag e-fanu, r eb e llion of
,I,
247-250; b e come s join t king , 1,
249 ; d e ath , 252
H aw kin s , William, I, xiii ; II , 253,
Hayton , Prin ce , quoted, II , 434H ector , sh ip, I, xiii ; at Socotora, II,237 ; cr ew of, at Goa, II , xviii , 237 ;
9
551
h ow th ey we re kidnapped , II , 263,
264
H e emsk e rk , J. van,1,11m
,x x , 7
H e nry IV , n ews of death of, II, 320H e rons , II , 353
H idalcan . See D e ccan .
H ie ron imo di Santo Ste fano visits
Maldive s,II,469
H ilaire , Fath e r , a Je suit, I, 420, 426Hitad li , islan d , I, 300H o llan de rs me n tion e d , ch ie f car
pen te r of th e Corbin , I, 28 a
jewe lle r at Goa, II, 95. See D om
burg h .
H ololi,island , II , 467
H oma n (feve r ), I , 1 80H omo br onco
,II,1 2
, 1 21
H onore . See O nor .
H onorifics , in use at Goa, II, 82H on rado
,II, 1 20
H ooks , fish , form of, I, 1 89H ors e s , atGoa, II, 67, 75 , 79 ; b roke nin th e D e ccan , 1 36 e xpor t from
Ormuz , II, 239H or ta (garde n ), I I, 28 , 1 10
H ospital, at Goa , I , 451 ; 11 , xi, xuin scr iption ove r gate , 3 ; d e scrip
tion of, 3
-1 5 ; admin iste r ed by th e
Je suits , 6 n umbe r of inmate s, 7,
8 numbe r of death s , 1 1 ; prope rty
of th e sick , ib. ; n on e e xcept Por
tugue se m e n admitted , 1 2 ; vice
r oy’
s physician appointe d to ch arge
of, 14
H ospitals for native s and wome n ,
11,1 5
H otte ntots , ob se rved , II, 294 de
scri b ed,295
H oussa in s Ca ca , a Malabar , I , 268put to death , 271 had take n part
in con spiracy, 275-276
H outman , Corn e lius d e , I, xuIH outman , Fr ede r ik de
,h is sojourn
at th e Maldive s, II, 489 -490
Huadiva or Huvadfl (atoll ). See
Suadiva.
Hue t, Bish op of Avran ch e s , I , xxxiv
xh
552 INDEX .
Hukur u. (Fr iday. ) Sec Oucourou.
Hulks , I, 5Hypocras , II, 382
Iader (ch udde rs ), I, 222Ibn Batuta, quote d , summary of h is
trave ls , II, 434-435 edition s of h is
book , 436 ; h is d e scr iption of th e
Maldive s , 11 , 434-468 ; n ame s of
islan ds , 437 ; h is marr iage s at, 439,455 , 458 , 460 appoin te d kazi, 459 ;
quarr e ls with m in istry, 460-464;leave s Maldive s , 466 ; r eturn s , 466 ,467 ; final d epartur e , 468 ; sultan
'
s
n amed by, 529 , 531
Ibrah im,king of th e Maldive s
, pro
mise to se n d th e cr ew to Achi n,I ,
59 , 64, 66, 78 , 8 1 ; ange r towards
h is b roth e r -in -law,69 ; inquis itive
n e ss of, 77, 224, 242-244; pr ovide s
d rugs for th e sick,84 car e for
Pyr ard , 85 , 8 9 ; fon d of fish in g ,
1 88 , 224; dr e ss of,222 , 223 ;
r oyal in s ign ia, I, 223 mode of e at
in g , 224 artis tic taste,ib. h is
guards , ib. puts to death th e
young Me stif , 255 ; as a trade r,
228 ; h is g e n e alogy, 244-256 ;n ot a warr ior
,252, 256 fr eque nt
con spiracie s again st, 255, 266
attempts to murde r a pilot, 262 ;
and mar rie s h is wife,ib. ; mar r ie s
h is n eph ew’
s wife , 263 favours a
young Malabar , 268-27 1 ; r e ce ive s
h is n eph ew in to favour , 271 -273
d evice s to captur e sh ip, 286-289 ;
crue lty towards Guze rati sailors,
293 pride towards ambassador
from Goa, 294; se nds pr e se n ts to
Ach in ,296 ; conduct of th e in
vas ion , 31 2 ; d e ath , 314; burial,31 8
,31 9 ; place in list of kings , II,
533
Ibrah im Callan e (n eph ew of th e
king ), I, 27 1 r e c e ived in to favour,
273 ; abducts a wife , 273, 31 5 ;
con ducts e xchange of h ostage s , 288 ;
drown ed , 314, 31 5
Ibrah im,lord of Tuladu Island
,I ,
56
Iyc e e s , African name for cowr ie s,II,
485
Imag e s , Portugue se use of,II,303
,
304
India (mean ing We ste rn India ), I ,334; II , 256
India ,language s of, II , 405
India, Portugue se , arms of, I , 439 ;
II, 3; sketch of h istory of,II,
xxxiv, xxxvi
, xxxvii ; r eason s for
main tain ing dominion , 88
India voyage , season s to b e obs e rve d,
II, 386, 393 equipme n t n e ce ssaryfor , 386-388 , 392
Indian fig, i .e . , banana, II , 345, 364Indian fig , wild banyan ), II , 370Indian ships b e lieve d to b e larg e r
th an European , I, 258 ; de scriptionof
, ib. ; built by Eur ope an s , II , 1 8 1
Indian soldie r s at Goa, II, 1 25Indig o , II, 246 , 359Indus , I , 336
In e z , D on a , Maldive prin ce ss , II, 503,
In fanticide at th e Maldive s,I,264
Ia nd maus,flowe r , II , 371
I re/nan (bathin g ) , I, 1 74Iunapa , tr e e , I , 1 69 II
, 370
Inquis ition of Goa, pr ison e r s of, II ,
1 8 ; h ouse of th e, 52, 53 its pro
cedur e,92 -95 condemn s prin ce of
O rmuz, 244
In scriptions at th e Maldives,I,1 25
,
1 59
Iris plant, ginge r compar ed to , II,356
I rmanos (of th e Mis e ricordia), II, 20I rma n os em a rma s, II, 204I r oudemaus (a jasmin e ), II , 371I sa -al -Yaman i , a lawye r an d vizie r
,
II,446
,452 , 453
Ispahan , II, 279Itadou . See Hitadfi.
Italians at Goa, II, 36 , 51 ; ar e th e
b e st r e ce ived in P. India,2 1 2
Itch i 1 8 1
554 INDEX.
King of th e Se a (a divin ity wor
sh ippe d ), I, 1 76 ; (a fish ) , I , 1 92King s of th e Se a, applied to th e
D utch,II,149 , 203 ; and to th e
English , 203
Kn ive s worn at th e Maldive s,I, 1 63,
223
Kolumadulu (Collo madous ) atoll, I,
Konkan i language , II, 405Kor btin i Il akurp an i) , I I, 453
'
ordui or Kord uver i,II, 437 , 443
Kotta , a me asur e , II, 444Kotta , fort. See Mar ca ir e ( hate! an d
Kunhé li.
Kotta, r ive r , 348
Kdttakkal, fortr e ss of Kunhali,
vis ited by Pyrard , I , 349 ; th en con
dition of, 356 ; n egotiation s w ith
D utch as to , ib. ; r e fe r r ed to , I, 426 ;d e scr ibe d , II , 5 10. See also Kun
hali, Ma r ca ir e
Kulb-almas , I I, 439 ; an d see ('obolly
mas .
Kunappa Bandar , II, 144Kunhali (spe lt Cog n ialy) , Malabar
co r sair,sh ar e s booty, I, 346 ; h is
to ry of,I,350356 I I, 509 cl seq.
de scription of h is fortre ss , I , 350,
351 ; I I , 509 , 510; picture s of h is
ach ie vem e n ts , I, 351 ; r evolts
again st Samor in,I, 352 h is victory
ove r L . da Gama , I , 353, 354; 1 1 ,5 14-51 7 ; conque r ed by Furtado
,
I, 354-356 ; II , 51 8-523 d e ath , I,356 ; II, 526 ; h is son
,I,357 ; r e
fe r r e d to ,II,448 fame of, II, 527
Kuran ,I,1 30, 1 84, 1 86 , 1 99 II, 447,
448
L accadive s , I, 323-325 ; b e long toCan n an or , 445 ; barque of
,arr ive s
at Goa, I I,108 r e fe rr ed to, II ,
477
L a C roix ,Fath e r E tie n n e d e , I I,
x ii, x ix ,22 , 23, 36, 271 , 28 1
La F ontain e , quoted , I I, 87 n
Lagoa , pon d at Goa, I I, 35, 56
Lah ore , II , 25 1
Lancaster , Jame s I x1n ,2 84
La n ha,II,483
Lar ins , d e scription of,I, 232 -234
fish -h ook , form of,234 as u s e d in
In dia, 1 1 , 68 , 69 ; is mad e o f th e
b e st silve r , II, 1 74 brough t fr om
Ormuz, II , 239
La s (lac ), II , 378
Lascar (se ame n ) , I, 438 ; II , 3
Lascar its (soldie rs) , I, 438 ; II, 1 1 7Laug hte r , an indiscr e tion , I, 385Laun ch ing sh ips , ce r emon ie s at I1 78 lucky days for , 1 8 7
Laval, sh ar e in e xpe d ition , I, x iv, 2 ;d e scr iption of, xv a youn g man o f
,
26 auth or’s r etur n to , I I , 339
L e Blan c, Vin ce n t, h is voyag e s , I ,
xxx ix ; quote d , I , 297
L e F ort, Guyon , I, x x i, 30, 31
L e ild’
o (spe lt Laylon ), str e e t at Goa
II, 52, 64, 69L e ntils , I I, 1 26
L epe r h ospital at Goa, II, 55L e rma , D uke of, II, x xx ,
xx q
L iard (coppe r mon ey) , I, 6 1 II, 237
L ibas se , I , 372
Lif , I I, 442
L ime ,made fr om sh e lls l 1 22 ; us e d
w ith b e te l, II , 362
L inhare s , Con de de , II, 7 1 n
L in sch ote n , influe n ce trace d in Pyr ard
'
s book , I , xli, 335
L ivros das Mon roe's,II,xxm
,c ite d
p assim
L izards , gr eat, at Madagascar , I , 35
L obo , D om Luiz, II , 5 1 7L ong sh ips , II, 1 18
Loue sme , I , 1 2 , 27 54
L ouis XIII, b irth of,I,290
L ove -making among th e Mald ivian s,
I, 1 38Lus s on , Guillaume , de d ication to , I I ,535
Lute r an os,I, 422, 425, 429 , 45 1 II
,
283
Luzon, II , 1 7 1
Lym an,a fish
,n,438
IND EX .
M a’
bar (Co roman de l coast) , II, 437,
M acao, I I, 1 72 , 1 73
M a ca r equeau. (th e Pandanus tr e e ) , II ,369
M ace , II , 1 67 , 1 69 , 357Ma con n odou,
is lan d , I , 76
M adag as car , s igh te d , I , 26 ; ar r ival
at,29 (an d se e St. Augustin e
’
s
Bay ) de s cr iption o f, 36 strang e
h ab it of cattle , 37 con side r e d th e
g r e ate st In d ian island , I I , 1 68
M ade ira , sugar of, II , 31 2
Madr e de D ios, fort at Goa, II, 33,
525
Ili ad r e de D ios , car rack , I , x11
M adrepore , I, 96, 97M adura , islan d , II, 1 64Mae dau da elle (captain of king
’
s
sh ips ), I , 90Mafa cclou (Z) island , II , 476Mafa i and Muifd calou, I, 2 10; and see
M ag adox o, I I, 440M ag icians , I, 298, 31 9M ahal (Male) , II, 438 , 447M ah ome t, visitation of se pulch r e of
,
I 143,1 65
,336 ; m iracle of
,145
M ah ome t,Maldive King , I, 25 1
M ah omme dan ism, date of conve r
s ion of Maldive s to , I , 266M ah omme dan s , difficulty o f con
ve rting ,II
,252 see also M aldive s
and oth e r title s
M a iz e , II, 31 6
M ak ian , island , I, 1 66M akunudu, is land , I , 76
M alabar, e xte n t an d k ingdoms of,
I,369 d istin ction s of th e pe ople ,
37 1
M alabar s , as s ist th e Mald ivian s , I,247 , 248 II, 476 n o n ob ility
among , 337 ; i .e .
,Mah omme dan s ,
as d isting uish ed from Nair s , I , 340,31 1 , 385, 444 r e lation s w ith th e
Na ir s,340
, 341 piratical trafl‘ic
,
342 ; wa r w ith Po r tug ue s e , 444
p a
450; II, 204; attacks upon th e
Cambay fle et, II , 246, 255M alacca , de scr iption of, II ,1 56 ; b e sieged by D utch , 1 51 , 1 52
s e a-figh t ofl'
, 1 52-1 55 b e sieg e d by
king of Ach in , 1 60
M alacca , bish op of, II , 27
M alacca can e , I , 330
M ala illi, island , 1 , xxiii ar r ival an d
adve n ture s at, 42-48Malam (a ve stibule ), II, 441M alay language , II, 1 56, 405M alays , wr e cked at Maldive s , quar
r e l d e scr ib ed , I, 294-296 th e ir
d is r egard of life , 295 ; r ace an d
language , II, 1 56, 405Mald iva (Male), II,48 1M aldive s (i) THE NAME , I , 95 ; II,480
(11 ) THE ISLANDS, de scr iption o f ,
I , 93 et seq. ; distan ce fr om Spain
an d India, ib. ; numb e r of, 95 ; in
cr e as e and d e cre ase of,96 ; n umb e r
of, inh abited , 97 ; trading b e twe e n ,
1 1 5 ; e xte rnal trad e , 241 , 242 ; II,468 n o walled town s , I, 1 1 8
b uild ings , 1 1 8 , 1 24, 1 25 ; popula
tion s ove r forty gove rn ed by a
Catib e , 1 98 ; invas ion of,I,310
320; civil war at, 320; Batuta’
s
n ame s of, II,437; vege table s , fruits ,an d tre e s , I , 1 1 1
-1 14 II,365
,367
385 . See also Atolls , and name s
of islands .
(iii) GOVERNMENT of th e r e alm ,
I,1 97 ; n eve r goe s to female s
,sed
I, 320; I I, 451 , 528 ; of th e
atolls,I,1 98 ; r e ve nue offi ce r s , 200;
th e h igh o ffice rs of state , I , 2 102 1 5 ; I I
,450, 451 ; offi ce s of Sin
h ale se origin , I , 21 1 , 2 1 2 d epart
me n tal gove rnme nt, I, 2 1 2 , 2 1 3 ;militia , I, 21 5-21 7 ; r e ve n ue s and
taxation,I , 227-232 mode of trad
ing with stran ge r s, I, 300 list of
k ing s , II , 528 cl seq.
(iv) PEOPLE, dislike of me lan
556
ch e ly , I, 74; e xpe rt navigator s andswimme r s
,100, 101 ; appe aran ce
an d ch aracte r , 105, 106, 1 69 , 1 95 ;
compar e d with Sinh ale se , 105, 1 69
n . ; d r e ss , 105, 109 , 1 6 1 -1 69 dif
fe r e n ce b etwe e n n or th and south,
1 23 ; h air -dr e ssing , 106
1 1 1 , 1 64, 1 67 ; craftsm e n colle cte d
in d iffe r e n t islands , 1 14; fr e edom
of wome n , 1 68 indo le n ce of,
1 17 , 305 ; lewdn e ss , 1 51 , 1 95,
304, 305-307 e ducation , 1 841 86 skill in man ufactur e s , 1 88 ,
1 95 ; r anks and d ign itie s , 208
2 1 8 ; wome n ke ep th e ir own rank
on mar r iage , 209 ; ch ildren take
status of moth e r , 209 , sed quwr e ,
208 n . ; prin ce s of th e blood
royal, 209 pe r son al n ame s , 2 1 7 ;
d re ss an d h abits of king’s wive s
,
226 , 22 7 ; h atre d of th e Portu
gue se , 251 ; Ceylon or igin of, 266
II, 423-425 fir st con tact with Por
tugue se , 11 , 472-476
M aldive s (v) RELIGION, I, 1 23 et seq.
mosque s , 1 24-1 28 ; indication s of
pre ceding Buddh ism , 1 23 b e lie f
in a flat world , 1 27 ; ablution s , ib. ;
Fr iday Obse rvan ce s , 1 30-1 34; n ew
moon , 1 34; Ramadhan , 1 34-140;th e. min or fe stival, 140; sacrifice ,140-141 ; th e gr e ate r Be iram,
143
th e P oycaca'n , 143, 144 fe stival in
Jun e , 144 th e Can d is cacan ,145
Moolids , 146-1 50; de vil wor sh ip,1 80; legend as to conve rsion , II,446-448
(vi ) LAW, of wr eck (seeW re ck ) ;b oat-ste aling , I , 79 , 87 ; legal pro
c e dur e , 1 98-207 jurisdiction of
Naib s , 1 98 , 1 99 ; of th e Pand iar ,
1 99 ; of th e Moucour is , ib. ; writs
us ed, 201 ; appe al to th e king , 1 99 ,
201 , 202 ; mode of ple ading cause s ,
201 , 202 ; debt-s lave ry, 202-204;
c r im e s, 204-207 ; kin g h e ir to de ad
captain , 267-8 , 28 1 , 299 and to for
e ign e r s, 286 and to h is own
INDEX .
o ffice r s , 289 ; con fe ss ion e xacted ,
295,296 ; pun ishme n t of wome n
for inte rcourse with un b e lie ve r ,
303 ; for abominab le crime , 306
pun ishme n t of th e ft, 307
M aldive s (vii) FISHER Y, abun dan c e
of,I , 1 1 7 , 240 popularity of spor t,
1 88 ; mode s of fish ing , 1 89-1 94;
mode of cooking fish,1 8 8 ; d is
tribution of catch , 1 91
(viii) NAVIGATION , ch arts , 65 ,
99 ; sails of coco-fibr e , 64; skill
of th e native s , 100, 101 th ey
n e ve r navigate by n igh t, 100;
use th e compass only for long
voyage s, 100, 104 laun ch in g
sh ips , 1 78 ; b oats kept scrupu
lously cle an , ib. supe r stition s ,
1 78 b ur ial at se a, 1 6 1
(ix) MANNERS AND Cusr oms , r eception of pe r son s of distin ction ,
I, 70-72 ; mod e of saluting th e
king , 77 ; n e ce ss ity of atte n d ing
court, 8 9 impor tan ce of r e ce ivin g
th e king’
s boun ty, 89, 21 5 ; love
making , 1 38 ; colour ing th e fe e t
and h ands , 1 69 ; at m e als an d
e nte rtainme n ts , 1 70-1 73 ; k illin g
an imals,1 73 ; bath ing , 1 74, 1 96 ;
e xchanging b e te l, 1 74; pas sin g in
fron t of a pe r son , 1 75 ; swing in g
th e legs, 1 75 ; me e ting or touch ing
an oth e r wh e n on a journ ey, 1 75
or going fish ing , ib. : n ur sing o f
bab e s , 1 83, 1 84 mode sty amon g
kindred , 1 96 ; mode of payin g
visits , 1 96 , 1 97 ; r e spe ct paid to
b irth , 209 ; customs at D urba r,
220, 221 ; h ow th e king walks
ab road , 225 ; h onorifics , use o f,
226 ; visits to ladie s , 227 ; gal
lan trie s, 305 ; numb e r of w ive s,
305 II,432 fondn e ss for flowe rs ,
I,108 , 147 ; II
,37 1 ; lax ity of
divor ce , I , 1 53-1 55 II , 459
— (x) LANGUAGE , I , 1 22 ; alph ab e ts ,I,1 84, 1 85 ; d iffe re nt form s o f
writing, ib. ; nume rals , I , 95 ; II ,
558
Masp illaspoury (is lan d ), I, 275M ass , custom at e le vation of h ost,
II , 99 cele b ration of,on carracks ,
1 8 7
M as s on , Jean , II, 487M as
’
udi, quoted II, 427
M asulipatam,I, 294 sh ip of, I,
301
M atalie f, Corn e lis , I, x iii ; h is s ieg e
of Malacca and s e a-figh t, II, 1 51155
M ata vaca ,slaugh te r ing
-place , II, 56
“Mata r , M atar ,” I
,422
M ate , dutie s of, II, 1 8 9, 394M ate , of th e Cor bin , take n to Male,
I,57 e scape of
,66, 67 e ffe ct
th e r eof, 78 , 8 1 sub seque n t for
tun e s of, 80, 8 7; death at Quilon ,
II,107
M atelot, II, 396M atclotag/em (provis ion s ) , II, 1 8 1 , 274,396
M ath ematics , study of,I,1 86
Mats (rush ) of th e Maldive s , I , 241 ,283 ; II, 377 ; of Mozambique , II,232 ; of Socotora , II, 237 ; of Cae l,II,377
Maulude (fe stival), I, 146 -1 50
M aurice , Count, r e fe r r e d to , I, 363,
364
M ayo, island , 1 , 7
Mayor (Mar ), us e d of a me re supe r
in te nde n t, II, 41
M eal-Khan , sto ry of, II, 1 35M eau, islan d , I I, 1 66
M e cca , pilgr imag e to, I, 1 10, 143M e dina , pilg rimage to , I, 1 10M edup ir y, a sh am h usband , I , 1 54
M e linde , I, 23 II . 106 , 230M e llo , Garcia da, II, 2 1Mm a tcs (wash e rme n ) , II, 7 1 , 72M e n e z e s , Fr . Ale ixo , arch bish op, II,
x ix ; gove rn or , 2 , 266 ; visits Cabo
as a h ealth r e sort, 31 , 90; alms
g iving and emolume n ts , 89 , 90
h is part in death of prince of O r
muz. 91 dign ity an d state, 90;
r e turn s to Po rtugal, 9 1 ; conflict
INDEX.
with th e Je suits , 92 as sists in
s iege of Kunhali, 514
M e n ez e s , D om F ran cisco de , captain
of Coch in , I , 428 ; n ame g ive n ,440
M e n ez e s , D om Fran cisco de , g ove r
n or of Brazil, II, 308 , 309 , 324
326
M e n e ze s , D om Fran cisco de , ge n e ral
of fle e t,II,2
M e n e z e s , D om Man oe l, II, 272, 277
M e rccs ur , D ue de,II, 229 , 32 1
M e r ign e (Port. me ir in ho) , a se rg e an t
or gaole r , I, 427 ; II , 1 6, 1 9, 20, 42 ,69
M esquite. See M osque s .
M e s smate s , system of, on Fr e n ch
sh ips , I , 25, 75 II , 396M esta r Cogu i
-a ly, a Malabar of Mou
tinyue’
,I , 339, 355
Mcstcf s (Portugue se h alf-cas te s ) , I , 78 ,240, 373, 374; story of th e young
me stif, I, 253-255 ; h is son , 314; at
Goa, II, 38 woman on car rack,
29 1
M e tempsych os is , I , 379
Metif s and M etiz. See Mestifs.M euuar c (pre par e d amb e rg ris ) I 229M ich e l, Julian , II, 32 1 , 322
M iddle ton , Sir H . ,voyage , I, xiii
I I , xvii
M iladummadulu Milla doucmadouc)atoll, I, 97, 99
M ilitia of th e Maldive s. Sec Sol
die rs .
M ille t, I, 1 11M ina (E lmina) , fort, II , 22 1 , 222
M in ambar (black ambe rg r is ), I I, 479M in icoy, is lan d , I, xxvi
,322
,323 ;
Buddh ist r emains at, I , 124
M irabolans , I, 399 I I,36 1
M ir u I faka r a . Se e M ir ra ir cs .
M ir ra ir cs (Emir -cl Bah r ) I 90, 2 10,2 1 1 , 2 1 3
M isdoue Quilag ue , r e volt at, I, 252M is e ricordia, frate r n ity of, at Goa
,
l l , 10, 20, 46 ; ch urch and h ous e o f,
5 1, 64; at Bah ia, II, 31 1
INDEX .
M ocque t, Je an , II, xx , 274, 275M ode l boats . sacr ific e of
,I , 1 77
M e et ol D atur a ), II, 1 14Mayor , t.e . , th e G re at Mogul, I , 327
war with King of Be ngal, ib.
suze rainty ove r Cambay, II, 246 ,249 ; an d ove r Ch aul
,258 ; accoun t
of,II,250-2 53
M og or , me an ing te r r itor ie s of th e
Mogul, I, 258 , 278 II,250
Maj/03, th e Arakan e s e , I , 326M oluccas , II, xv, xvi , 1 66 , 1 67M ombasa , II, 236M on cadon (Port. mocadd
‘
o), II , 1 1 7
Mon dou (mundu ), a turban , I, 449
M on ey, practice of clipping , I, 6 1 ;of th e Maldive s
,232-240 of Goa,
II,67-69
M on fart, Coun t d e (H . de Peyn e s) ,II,xx , 279 , 280
M ong oos e , I, 1 1 6M onk eys of Madagascar , I, 35, 37
of Malabar,401
M on omotapa , II , 2 1 9, 233
M on roys , D om Fe r n an do de , II , 475
M onsoon s , wr itte n mon son s , I, 257 ;monason s , moeson s , and macasan a,
280 II,1 75, 235
M on ta zr e , a kin d of bonn et, II , 1 1 2
M onte corvino , Joh n of, II, 433
M onte squie u, quote s Pyrard, I , 89
M oon , fe ast at n ew , I, 1 34M or an que ga sts (muraga tre e ), I I , 368
Mor desin (ch o le ra), II, 1 3M ore au, Ch ristofie , ch ie f me r ch an t,
I, 4; quarr e l with captain , I, 1 7 ; 1 1 ,
Morrie (Port. ma rfim ,ivory) , II, 221
M ar igor an ,islan d , II, 1 66
M os e s C h or e n e n s is , II, 426M osque s , at th e Maldive s
,I,1 24
1 28 sittin gs in,1 25, 1 26 in
Malabar , 396 , 397
M osquitos , I, 36 , 1 1 6M0330 da Camer a and M . do Se rvicio,
II,1 20
M 0330Fidalguo, I I , 1 20
M ouch e ron , voyag e , I, 30; II, 1 58Naibs , I , 1 10 may b e also Catib e s ,
1 86 ; ch ie fs and judg e s o f ato lls,
M oucois , I , 385-388 , 397 ; r e lig ion of,
389 se parate temple s of,397
M oueour is (doctor s) , I, 1 99M oud in s (in cumb e nts of mosque s ), I,
Mouhamede Caca , a Be ngal m e r ch ant,
I , 259 h is wife’
s in tr igue , 260,
26 1 h is sub sequentmar r iage , 262,
2 65
M oul (a measur e ), I, 86M ounte banks , I , 343M ourn ing ,
n o spe cial garme n ts fo r ,
Mouscoulits (e lde r s ) , I, 70, 79, 1 99 ,200
,2 13, 214, 2 1 5 , 254
Mouscouly auar e (h e adman of par ish ),I,200 an d see p r eceding .
M ou sseliman (Mussulman ) , I, 261Moussey Caca , a Malabar of Mou
tin gué, I, 339Mou tinqué (Muttungal) , Malabar
port, ar rival of P . at, I, 336 king
of,a Nair
,337 ; de s c r iption of r e
s ide n ce of, 337-343 m e n tion ed ,
369
M oxama (dr ie d fish ), II, 473, 478 , 485M ozamb ique , n ot tou ch ed e x cept of
n e ce ss ity, II, 1 97 de scr iption of,
223-235 ; sieg e s of,xx i
,225-228
trade with Goa, 224, 231 , 235
Mugg , th e (king of Ar akan ), I, 326M uhammad T akuru-fann , r e b e llion
of,I,247-250
M ukkavar . See Moucois .
M ulak u (ll/ olueque ) atoll, I, 97, 99M ulaku (islan d ) , II, 465M ulaku, Fua (island ) . Se e Fua
M ulaku.
Jll ula str e (Mulatto ), I , 307 ; II , 222M ulatto, a th ie f, story of, I, 307 , 308M ulattos at Goa, II, 38M urde r , at th e Mald ive s , I, 206M usk (de e r ), II, 359
M uttun gal, i, xxvi ; an d see Mow
ah'
gué.
560
1 98 r e s id e n ce in th e ir ato lls n ot
ob ligatory, 21 2
Na icle s II, 42Nairs , ac t as guide s , I , 339 cha
racte r of, I, 340 d run ke n n e ss ,
358 r e s e rve towards strange rs ,
359 ; d istinguish ed from Malabar
Mah ommedan s,
371 d e scr ip
tion of,380-386 pride towards
low e r caste s , 382 polyan dry, 384;customs
,390-394; act as jud ic ial
r e fe r e e s , 407
N ajib, mosque an d sh rin e of, II , 453
Namande (ce r emon ie s ), I, 1 27 , 133Name s give n haph azard , I , 303
Nante s , n ative s of, II . 324
N tios de ca r r e ir a (car racks ), II, 1 80Nar qu ilty (coco -tr e e ) , II, 372 , 483Natal, sto rm off
,I, 26-28 passe d
h omeward bound , II, 29 1Nature worship, I , 1 75
-1 78
N ar ie (a galiot), II , 1 1 7
Navir es (Portugue se galiots ) , I, 345II, 1 1 8
Navis d’
am ad e (navios de armada),me n -oi -war
,I,438 II
,1 1 8
Na vis de Ch etie (n avios d e Ch atin s ),me rch an tme n , I, 438 II
,1 1 8
Naya r , th e , or gove rnor of Calicut,
Naya r s. See Nair s .
Naz ar e th , car rack , II, 2 80N e e dle s , Cape . See Agulhas .
N eg r a da Guin ea , II, 66N e g ro , Rio (th e Zamb e s i) , II, 233Ne g roe s , as slave s
,II
,66 ; sm e ll
,ib. ;
see also Slave s and Slave T rade .
Nek , Van , at Amboyn a in 1 599,II,
xv
N e th e rlande rs . See D utch .
Ne th e rlands , indepe n de n ce of,I,x i
N ew C h ristian s , n ame applie d to
Jews,II,93, 31 1 ; applied to native
con ve r ts , I, 406 II, 99
Nicote , a Portugue s e r e n egade , I,334
N ig htmar e , Pyrard’
s,I, 396
Nilandu, ato ll, I, 97, 99 , 252
INDEX .
Niort, town , II, 339
Noort, O live r van , th e circumn aviga
tor , I , x iii ; II , x iiiNoronha, D om H e n rique de , II, 1 54North -w e s t Pas sag e , I , x , xiii
Nossa Senora da Gr aca , Augustin ian
ch urch at Goa, II , 57
Nossa Senor a da P en ha de F r an ea ,
carrack , II , 276
Nossa Senor a da Piedade , carrack, II,
277
N ossa Senora da Se r ra, chur ch atGoa,
I I,51
N ossa Senor a da Gua daloup e, fort, II ,
Nossa Se itor o de Jem s, carrack,P .
embarks in,II, 28 1 con dition on
d e partur e , 283 ; n umb e r of c re w
and pas se nge rs , 284; r oll-call, 28 7 ;lash e d with cab le s
,29 1 ; r oun din g
th e Cape , 29 1 -294; gr e at yar d
b r e aks , 292 coun cils h e ld,293
,
296 ; condi tion at St. H e le n a,297 ;
g r oun d ing at, 303-306 ar r ival at
Bahia, 307 r e duce d n umbe r of
cr ew , 307 dis ch arge d and aban
don ed, 308
Nossa Senor a do Cabo,chape l, II, 31
Nossa Senor a do Mon te,ch urch at Goa,
II , 72
Nossa Senor a do Mon te do Ca rme , car
rack, II, 277Nossa Senor a do Rosa r io, ch ur ch at
Goa, II , 58
Nova, J050 de , d is cove r e r of St.
H e le n a, I, 1 8Nutme g s , I I, 1 67, 1 69, 357
O ath , take n on b iscuit, I, 279O cean route s , e xclusive righ ts 1 11 I
ix II,202 , 206
Od ican anp ou (boat-ste alin g ), I , 79
Ody (barqu e ) , I, 70
Oyate your abe (r oyal galley ) , I, 31 2Ola (str ip o f palm
-le af) , I I, 473, 522
O le ron , is lan d ,II,339
On n ima us , a flowe r , II, 371On/ny (lime ), II, 362
562 INDEX.
Par en c e ta cour ou,r evolt of
,I,256,
257Pa r enas (an o ffice r of state ), I
,2 10,
21 3
Parmentie r , Je an and Raoul, I, x ,
x i,2 ; th e ir visit to th e Maldive s ,
1 1,486-492
Parrots , at Madagascar , I, 35, 37;g e n e rally, II , 352, 353
Partisans , II, 68Pasme . See P eppe r.
Pas sag e s (Port. p assos ), at Goa, II,25 pe rmits at, 33 difficulty of
e vading , 1 32
Passes (raisin s ), I I , 73, 261 , 383
Pas sports , system of Portugue se ,
II, 206, 207
Pas te , a dr e ss of, I , 1 65
Pasteques (wate r -me lon s ), I, 33, 399 ,41 7
Pastz'
a (praye r =Ar . fatihah ), I, 1 30Pata -marakkar , a corsair , II, 476Patan a, n ame for atoll I 94; II, 481 ,496
Pattimd r (a boat), I, 342
Paulo, D om,mistake for Pe dro
,I,
294Pavois (scr e e n s ), I, 6Pazon
,II,484
P e ar l fish e ry, of Ceylon , II , 143; ofPe rs ian Gulf
,II,239
P e as , from Ch ina, II, 247P e dro , D om , e x iled Maldive prin ce ,
I,294; II, 139 , 497, 501
P e droso . See Pode roso.
P e gu, timb e r of, II, 1 82P e ire sc , colle ctor of note s for Le
Blan c’
s voyage s , I, xxxixP e lican , a
, vis its th e Maldive s,II,
353, 354 used for fishing , ib.
P elour in ho velho (old pillory ), II, 55P emousser é (debt-slave s ), I, 203, 204P enguin s, I , 1 6 , 97
P en se'
e , ship of Parme ntie r , I, x ; II,486
P e on . See P ion .
Pepin , lie ute nant of Corbin , I, xix ,xxi ; death , 1 9
P eppe r , drink se as on ed with , I , 1 72 ;
b lack and wh ite , I, 328 n . ; ofMala
bar , 400; of Cochin ,433
,437, 438 ;
II,2 13, 273 of Achi n , II, 1 57
g e n e rally, II, 355, 356P eppe r , long , I, 32 8 II
,221 , 356
Pérau, Abbe, his L ife of B ign on Ixxxvi
P er ip lus, quote d, II , 426
P e rnambuco, II, 1 97 , 331P er on (turkeys ) , II, 31 6P e rrie r (small can n on ), I, 23 II, 1 83
P e rs ia, r e lation s with Maldive s, II,468
P e rs ia,ki ng of, r e lation s with Mogul,
II, 253
P e rsian ambassador to Spain , II, 277Pe rs ian carpets, II, 1 28P etan (tobacco), II , 31 3
P ezo (p eso), II , 48
Pha r e ma sse (r e ef fish ), I, 1 94Ph ilip H , policy as king of Portugal ,
1,xi, xii
Philipp e, D om . See Filippe .
Ph ilippin e Is lands , II, 1 7 1 , 1 72Philippus a Sancta T r in itate ,
quoted, II, 507, 508
Pig’s bristle s , I, 244
Pillory, II , 55, 69
P ilory viejo (old pillory), II, 69
Pilot, of th e Corbin , I, xv, xx iii, 1 3plot and d eath , 78 , 79 status of
Portugue se , II, 1 89 ; of Fr e n ch , II,394, 395
Pin e apple s , I, 328 II,365
P ing ny (pe nguin s ), I, 1 6, 97P innace , timb e r b rough t for build
ing , 1 , 49 uses of, ib.
P ion (or p ean ), I, 428 , 440; II, 1 6Pirate s , Malabar , th e ir ports , I, 337344 acknowle dge th e Samor in
,
338 , 348 distr ibution of th e ir
pr ize s , 342 system of watch
towe r s , 344; take great booty, 345 ;con duct of e xpe dition s, 346, 347h atr ed of th e Portugue se , 347, 349 ;h ave th e ir own kings be sid
e s e V‘
INDEX . 563
ve rn or from Calicut, 350 r eve nge
for de ath of Kun hali, 356
P iton r on , I , 139
Place R oyale , of Paris , r efe rr ed to,
P lan ta in ribwort), II, 362
P lan ten es (plan tain s ), II, 345 see also
Bananas .
Plata , R io de 1a, 1 1,21 9
,220; b e e f
and h id e trade of, 322, 323
P0! P O JI cry of, I , 383
Pode ros o , Pe dro de , 1, 441 ; 1 1 , 2P oecaca , a r ich me r ch an t, I, 285Pois on , slow
-time d,II,1 29
,275
P ollon oys, fab ulous island , 1 , 296-299
Polo , Marco, quote d , II, 433Polyandry, among th e Nair s, I, 384
Pome g ranate s , I , 328
Pon ambar , II, 479P on iembon s Thory (cinn amon ), 1 , 301
P on tador . See Ap ontador .
P onteve dra , II, 336Porce lain , ve ss e ls of
,I,1 70, 224;
II, 79 ; imported from Chin a
,1 1, 1 76
Pork , of Brazil and Mozambique , 1 1 ,
Porpois e s , I, 9P or to Gr an ds (Ch ittagong ), I , 326
P or to p eqn en o (Sétganw ), I, 326
Portug al, India gove r n e d from ,n,3;
lack of timb e r , II , 1 8 1 ; time s for
se ttin g out fr om , 1 97 ; pe r iod of
sub j e ction to Spain ,II,x xvi
Portug ue s e , policy of,1,ix
,375
con duct at An n obom,14-1 7 ;
tr e ach e ry towards oth e r E uro
pe an s , 44; e xpe dition s to th e Mal
dive s , I,1 60, 245-247, 250 pro
spe r ity of Mald ive s unde r , 247
te rms of tr e aty, 251 ; passports of,
r e fe r re d to, I, 250; in Be ngal, 334;h atred of Malabar s toward s
,347
,
349 ; e xpedi tion s to Badara, 349
fi r st e xpe dition again st Kunhzili,
352 -354; se cond , and captur e of
fo rt, 354-356 plot again st Pyrard
at Calicut, I, 365 ; e n croachme n ts
at Coch in , 375 ; d r ive n out of Cali
cut,405 r e lation s th e r eafte r
, ib. ;
fatal policy in C eylon , II, xiii , xivr e
'
sumé of fir st h un dr e d year s in
India, xx iv-xxix on ly mar ried P.
allowed from Goa to main lan d, 34;
e ngag e but little in trade , 74; mar
riage ce r emon ie s,100, 101 ; church
going , 101 -104 pastime s , 1 1 5
le vie s of,for se r vice in In d ia
,1 1 8
1 20 th e ir war s in Ceylon , 147 ;assumption of n ame s and title s
,
1 20, 1 21 , 1 93 losse s at h ands of
D utch and English , 201 , 203 ; h ave
ceased to figh t, 207 , 208 ; h atr ed of
Spain ,21 2 ; in Brazil, ch aracte rised ,
313 th e ir ir ruption in to Ind ia,
470-472 ; first con tact with Mal
dive s,472 -477 garr ison e xte rmi
n ated , 476 ; e xpe dition In 1 632,
506, 507
Portugue s e factor , at Calicut, issue s
passports , I, 405Portugue s e fortre s s e s in Ceylon , II ,
143 ; in We ste rn India, II, 254, 256259
Portugue s e ladie s , r e lation s with
female slave s , II, 67 ; h ow th ey go
to ch urch , 102-104; pain ted , 103,1 13 dr e ss of
,1 1 2
,1 1 3
Portug ue s e lords at Goa , ke ep ope n
h ouse,II,23
,1 30
Portugue s e sh ips , on e atMalé, I, 78 ,239 ; on e wr e cke d at th e Maldive s
,
I,253 ; on e captur ed by th e D utch
,
I,292 ; II, 262 ; afte rward s wr e cked
at th e Maldive s , to. ; pictur e s of, II,50 d e scr iption of
,1 80-1 84; lack of
timb e r in Portugal, 1 8 1 sh e ath
ing of, 1 80, 305 loss of sh ips and
live s on In dian voyage , II, 1 84, 208 ,209 ; n o private sh ip goe s to Ind ia,208 mode of lash ing sh ip in storm
,
29 1 . See also C arracks , Galion s ,Carave ls .
P ortugue s e s oldie rs , n x xvm,
xx ix ; h ow e n rolled, 1 1 , 1 1 8 ; title s
an d dign itie s , 1 1 9 , 1 21 high e st
allowan ce for voyag e , 1 20 status
564
and dutie s on carracks , ib. , 1 84,1 85 assumption of title s by low
bor n, 1 20, 1 21 , 1 93, 200 un r e
strain e d in India, 121 , 1 22 pay for
se rvice on armadas, 1 22 numb e rs
n e ve r publish ed , to. ; large pr opor
tion ar e e xile s,1 24 boys sh ipped
at Lisbon , to. distin ction of mar
r ied and unmarr ied , 1 25 numb e r
in Goa, to. ; h ow e n li ste d for s e r
vice,1 26 equipment of, 1 27 ; life
at Goa, 1 28-131 ; of th e unmar ried ,
1 29, 1 30 vainglory of, 1 30; n igh t
marauding , 1 31 ; few return , ib . ; in
Ceylon , 143
Portugue s e treatie s with Indian
pr in ce s , 11 , 204-206
Potatos (batatas ), I I, 31 5
Potos i, mountain , II, 220
P otte ry of th e Maldive s,I, 1 7O
of Be ngal, 329
P oua (ar e ca) , I, 301
Poua Molucque , atoll. See Fna. M u
laku
F ouladou (island ). See Fuladu.
Poulia, caste , I, 386
P oulisdo us atoll. See F e lidu.
Poultry at th e Maldive s , I, 1 1 5b lack, at Mozamb ique , II, 230
Pour add é (strange r ), I, 83P ony tal lan ,
a cr ime , I, 304P oycacan (fe stival), 1 , 143, 144P raha, n ative ve sse l, I, 345P r egoeir o (wr itte n P r eg ormcu r ),cr ie r , II, 65
P re ste r John , 1 1 , 236
P r ie sts , want of,on voyage , I, xv
n ative s can b e come , II, 61 , 96 ; h owpaid in India, 96
Prin cipe , Ilha do, I I, 221
P rinting in India, 11 , 21 1
Prove rbs , as to Goa, II, 26 n . ; as to
In dia, II, 1 96 as to Ormuz,II, 240
Psalms of D avid , I, 148
Ptolemy , quote d , II, 426Pulayar . See Poulia .
Pu llobay (islands ), I , 296 II,496
P un tador II,42
INDEX.
Purs e rs , on Fr e nch ships , 1 1 , 395
Pyjamas , II, 1 1 2Pyrard, Francois (th e auth or ), b ir th
an d youth , I, xvii office in Cor bin ,
x ix, xx ; summary of vol. i,x x
x xviii ch ronology of voyag e (vol .
i), I, xlix motive in embarking , 4;opin ion of h is fe llows
, 5 h e alth
an d sickn e ss during th e voyag e , I,
35, 64; II, 389 ; take s orde r from
captain , I, 51 ; take n to Fe h e ndu, 59 ;treatme nt th e r e , 62-69 ; learn s th e
Maldive language , 64, 73, 8 1 ; visits
h is companion s at Fuladu, 65 ; sick
n e ss from eating turtle,66 ; h is
spe cial frie nd, 75, 8 7 ; ar rive s at
Male, 76 ; his feve r , 82 -85 ; take n to
Ban dos, 85 a se con d attack , 8 9
summon ed b efor e coun cil, ib.
favour with th e king , 91 ; e ngag e s
in traffic, 92, 93 ; suffe r s fr om
n igh t-blindn e ss, 1 8 1 discour s e s
about Fran ce , 243, 244 vis its
Gurad li , me e ts a D utch
man , 282 acts as factor for m e r
chants, 286 ; fri e ndsh ipwith Assaut
Caoun e s , 287-8 me ets D omb urgh
at Male and Coch in,2 92-3 ; h is
d re am, 310 dange rs dur ing th e
invas ion , 31 1 -314 addr e ssed by
th e king , 31 2 ; b eque ath s h is
prope r ty, 31 3 ; con sole s th e que e n ,
31 6 , 31 7 ; we ll tr e ate d by th e in
vade rs , 31 7 ; embarks in in vade r s’
fle e t, 320 arrival at Min icoy, 322 ;
and at th e Laccadive s, 324; ar r ival
at Ch ittagong , 326 r e ception by
raja, ib. ; d epartur e from Be ngal,
326, 336 ; arrival at Moutingué,
336 ; le ave s for Calicut, 339 , 343 ;visits Badara, 344-348 als o Kottakkal, 349, 356 ; Coluotte (Kollam ),360; arrive s at Calicut
, 360
visits th e Samorin , 362-365 ; lodg ed
in th e alfandega, ib. ; r e side s e igh t
mon th s at Calicut, 366 ; h is n igh t
mar e, 396 h is favour at th e Cali
cut court, 420; d epar tur e from
566 INDEX.
321 take n pr ison e r by invade rs ,
320 n ot e n te r ed in li st of kin gs ,
II,533
Ra n s (join tur e ), I, 1 51 , 1 52Ram bande r y (tr easure r ), I, 2 10, 2 14R an s om, of Portugue se n ot allowed
on part of state , II, 46R ape , pun ishme nt of, I, 205Rasquan (king ), I, 208R ats , at th e Maldive s , I, 1 1 6 ; II, 373R attans , I, 207, 331Ra very (toddy drawe r s ), II, 376Ray, fish , II, 351R eals , Span ish , 1 , 235
R ed D r agon , sh ip, I, xiiiR e d dye , I, 1 69R e d w ood. See Braz il-w ood.
R e inol, a n ewcome r from Europe , 1 1 ,
1 23
R e lig ion , prac tice as to e xe r cise of ,
at Goa and in D e ccan , II, 1 33, 1 34Ran ch es (bunks ), II , 283
Rend er es (Port. r endeir os ), II, 1 74,
1 78
R en equillague (que en ), I, 208R e s e nde , Pe dro B . d e
,his 1zle do
E stado, e tc.,II,xxxix
Reveng e , ship, 1 1 , xx
Rh inoce ros , I, 331R ibeir a da s gales, II, 45R ibe ir a Gr an ds , II, 40-44R icci, Fath e r , II , 37R ice , n ot gr own at th e Mald ive s
, I,1 1 2 ; mode of cooking , ib . ; ab und
an ce in Be ngal, 327; imports of, to
Goa, II, 8R ien s , Maldive measur e , I, 86R ing , s ilve r , as b adge , I, 1 89R ingw orm, I, 1 8 1R ivara ,
J . H . da Cunh a (of Goa) ,h is Portugue se edition of Pyrard ,
I,x xx ii h is A rch ivo Por tuguez, II,
xxiii bo th works c ited, passim
R och e lle , La , II, 339Roda
,coin , I, 439 n .
Rodet. See Ramadhan .
Rode t p illa uay, feast at close of Ra
madhan , I, 137
R odr igue s , Be lch ior , II, 52 1R odrigue s Palh ota, A. ,
n, 52 1
R odr igue , Simon, h is in tr igue and
d e ath, I, 260, 261
R odrigue z , island, II, 290R odriguez , D om Pedro (a Span ia rd ),II,22
R o ll of Portugue s e , s e n t out ah
nually to India, 1 1 , 1 20
R opemak e rs , II, 1 87 ; and see Tr in
qu er es
Rosary , Church of th e , II, 58
R osn an s (eye -ailme nt), I, 1 8 1R osqu ilkos (swe e tme ats ), II, 98 , 101R otan (rattan ), I, 207, 331R oue n , a Je suit of, II, 22R e al (coco-tr e e ), II, 1 1 3; II, 372R ound sh ips , II, 1 1 8R oys , D iego de
, supposed islands .
See D ie g o de Roys .
R ua dir eita, str e e t at Goa, II, 51 , 52 ,64
Rua dos Ckap elle ir os, str e e t at Goa,
II,55
Rua Gr ande, str e e t at Goa, II, 55Rudde rs , r emoval of
,to pr e ve n t
e scape , I, 286
Sabatz, I , 31 2
Sacouest (law ), I , 201
S ucr e , ship of Parme n tie r,I , x ; II,
486 et seq.
Sacrifice R ock , II, 527
Saffron , I, 41 1Sagou (sago) . II, 1 66
Sa ilor’
s bre e ch e s , II , 1 27
St. Anthony (of Padua), ch ur ch at
Goa, II, 58 image of, 304 ch ur ch
at Bah ia, 307
St. Augustine , conve n t of, II , 57 , 58St. Augustine
’
s Bay , ar r ival and
adventur e s at I xxi, xx ii, 30e t seq. ;
sickn e ss at, 34 de scr iption of an i
mals and pe ople , 35-39 e scape o f
sailor s at, 39 plot to kid nap
n ative s at, 41 ; de partur e from, ib .
St. Braz , fort, II, 32, 33
INDEX.
St. Cath e r in e , quay of, II, 44; busto f
, on ar ch,47 ; cath e dral of
,53 ;
ch ape l of, 54; patron e ss of Goa,
56
St. D omin ic . See D omin icans .
St. F ran cis of As s is i, ch ur ch at
Goa, II, xxxvii, 53
St. F ran cis Xavie r , r e fe r en ce to h is
le tte r s,II,x xvii
,xxviii ; sh rin e at
Goa, x xxviii, 62 , 63 baptised th e
Maldive king , 494, 495
St. Genois , Baron d e , mistake as to
Pyrard , I, xviiiSt. Ge org e , islan d at Mozamb ique ,
II,230
St. H e lena , I, xx i ; arr ival an d ao
jour n at,1 7
,1 8 on hom eward
voyage , II, 296 -304 ch ape l use d as
post-office , I , 1 8 ; II, 296, 297 ; de
scription of,298 -302
St. Jame s , feast of,II, 50 see also
San tiag o.
St. Je an de Luz , town ,II, 336
St. John , a squar e at Cochi n , I, 427St. John Baptist, fort, II, 32, 33 ;chur ch and str e et, 505 fe stival at
Goa, ib feas t of,I,144; II, 56,
505
St. Jos eph , ch urch , 1 1 , 33
St. Law rence . See M adag as car .
St. Laz arus , lepe r h ospital, II, 55campo, 55 , 95
St. L ouis of F rance , ch ape l at
Goa,II, 56
St. M alo, e xpe dition leave s , I, xiii,
xiv,
St. M artin , ch urch of, in Goa h ospi
tal, II , 1 2
St. M on ica, conve n t at Goa, II , 58St. Paul, Je suit ch ur ch an d colleg e
at Goa, II , 22, 55, 59 , 62 , 96, 505
fe ast of conve rs ion of, 60, 61
St. R och , chur ch at Goa,II,58
,61
St. Salvador , II , 309 an d see
Bah ia.
St. T h omas (th e Apostle ), church of,
at Goa, II , 55
St. T h omas , island , 1 1 , 221 , 312
567
St. T h omas Aquinas , con ve n t, 58
St. Vince nt, r ive r , n ,223
Sula das br agas, pr ison at Goa, II, x i,x ii, 1 8
-23
Salan a lescon , I , 133Saldanh a Bay,
1,22
Sallam Alecon , I, 70Salle (Sa la da s br agas ) , II, 1 8 -23Sals ette , II, 1 35 colleg e , 269
Salt-fish , dis ease s attr ibute d to, I,
1 8 1
Saluat, I, 1 30Samor in of Calicut(writte n Swmory),supr emacy ove r pirate ports , I, 338 ,348 join s Portugue se in attack
upon Kunh ali, 353 r e fuse s to r e
strain th e pirate s , 356 r e ce ive s
Pyrard , 362-365 h asty tempe r of
,
366, 367 ; hi s n eph ew cr e ate s an
affray, 368 ; e xpe ls th e Portugue se ,
374, 375 ; gr e atn e ss of,408 ; de
scr iption of h im an d h is palace ,
409-41 1 , 41 3-41 8 h is que e n , 41 8 ,41 9 ; warn s P . as to th e Portu
gue se , 421 an g e r towards Je suits
an d Portugue se o n captur e of P .,
424; II, 108 ; claims prison e r s fr om
Goa, II, 107San Laza ro, Camp o de, II, 95San Thome, a gold coin , II, 69San dal-w ood , r ed and wh ite
, II, 360Sandals , on ly worn by th e king , I,223
San g r ador es (ble e d e r s ), II , 70
Santiag o, city an d sh r in e . See C om
poste lla .
Santiag o , fort at Goa, II, 32, 33, 55Santiag o (called 8 . Jacques ), island
at Mozamb ique , II , 230
San ta Alberto, car rack, II, 280Sa r batan e , II, 1 65Sarda r e (captain ), I, 254Sarg as so w e e d , II, 331Satganw port, I, 326Scar le t (cloth ), 1 , 57 r ed , 244
viole t,II,263
Sch e fe r , Oh .
,I,xi
,2
Scurvy in th e sh ips at Madagascar ,
568 INDEX.
I, 31 , 34; on Portugu e se carracks ,
II,1 99 ; ge n e rally, 389 , 390-392
Sé (cath e d ral), at Goa, II, 53, 95 at
Bah ia, 31 1
Se a ,king of th e
,worshipped, I, 1 76 ;
a fish so calle d , 1 9 1 , 1 92
Se a -s lug s . See Bech e de me r .
Se a -urch ins (s e a ch e stn uts ), I, 343
Se al (or se a-wolf) , I, 244Sebastian ,
king , II, x ix , 267, 278S e in e , Je an d e , Fath e r , II, 36, 270,
Se lde n , Joh n ,I, x
Se rra, church of th e,II, 51 r e tr e at
for orphan gir ls , 52
Sewna t. See C ircumcis ion .
Shabash . See Sabatz.
Sh ah of P e rs ia , II, 253Shah ld . See Chaydes .
Shan uraza, Maldive kin g , II, 447
Sharks , I, 96 II, 349 , 350
Sharpe ig h , voyage of,I,x iii
Sh eath ing of sh ips , 11 , 1 83, 305, 388
Sh e e p, diffe r en ce b e twe e n th ose of
Comorro and Madagascar , 1 , 46 ;r ar e at th e Maldive s , 1 , 1 1 6 ; II, 454,485
Sh e rif. See Ch e rife .
Sh ihab uddin , a sultan , II, 449, 453,46 1 -463
Sh ips , Indian built, I, 258 r oun d
and long , II , 1 1 8 contrast of ships
of Latin and T e uton ic r ace s as to
cle an lin e ss , 1 96 ; equipme nt of, for
Indian voyage , 38 7-393. Se e also
E ng lish , F ren ch , D utch , and
Portug ue s e sh ips .
Sh rofi'
s (mon ey-ch an ge r s ), II , 67
S iam, timb e r of, II, 1 82
Siar e, I, 1 76S idi. See Clady.
S ie r ra L e on e , 1 , 10
Sile nt bargain ing , II, 1 78 , 1 79S ilk ,
b ough t r aw an d worked up by
Maldivian s,I,241 ; of Be ngal, 328 ;
g ras s silk , ib.
S ilve ira d’
Aranjo, Man oe l, gran t to,495, 496
Silve r , valued at Madagascar , I, 33 ;
se cr e te d from th e Corbin, 60et seq.
72, 8 1 of E . and W. Indie s,II,
1 74; h igh value in India, 1 93 ; e x
porte d to India by King of Spain ,
2 1 1 ; min e s of Mon omotopa, 2 1 9
Sinhales e , d e scr ib ed , II, 142 -148Sjya as a measur e of Cowr ie s
,
I, 237
Slave s at Maldive s , con dition of,I,
202 ; in Bengal, 332 ; in Brazil,
II, 31 9 ; at Goa, e xpor ted to Portu
gal, II, 39 marke t for,65 con di
tion of, 65-67, 1 1 5 ; an orch e stra of
,
323
Slave trade , use of cowr ie s in ,I, 238 ;
of Be ngal, 332 ; b e twe e n Afr ica an d
Brazil, II, 2 1 8 -223 ; b e twe en Mo
zamb ique an d Goa,224
Small-pox , I, 1 8 1Snak e -charme rs , I, 378Snak e s n ot kille d in Malabar , I, 400;wate r -sn ake s at th e Maldive s
,1,
1 1 6 II, 352
Socotora , islan d , II, 236, 237Sodre, Vice n te , II, 472Sofala, e n deavour to join d omin ionwith Angola, II, 2 1 9 , 235 ; de scription of
,232
,233
Soldado , II , 1 28 . See Portugue s e
s oldie r .
Soldie rs at th e Maldive s,I,2 1 5-21 7 ;
r e ce ive cotton cloth s , I, 228 in
Portugue se In dia. See Portu
g ue s e soldie rs .
Solomon ,king , II, 233
Solter as, II, 1 28Sombr er os , II, 45, 64, 75, 92Sampas , I, 31 6Sop hy (Sh ah of Pe r sia), II, 253Sor ber ian a , quote d , I, xix , x xx iiiSorce re rs at th e Maldive s 1
,274; in
Malabar , 395
Sorce ry, I , 1 8 1 , 1 87, 274
Souadou (atoll) . See Suadiva I 90,
Sousa, Fran cisco d e , II, 51 6 , 521Sousa, Je ronymo de , II, 475
571 )
T avora, Ruy Lor enco de , vice roy, II,xviii, 77, 78 , 242, 271
T ax e s , e x emption from, I, 1 69
Te D eum, sung at Goa, I, 356 ; ondoublin g Cape , II, 295
T e ix e ira de M ace do , Antonio, 1 1 ,
T e nass e rim,misapplied to Ceylon ,
II, 140Tengua (Tam. , tengka ), cocon ut
,II,
372, 483
T ennis , n ot played at Goa, II, 1 1 2T erc e ira, islan d, II, 332T e rnaté, islan d , II, xv, xvi, 1 66, 1 67,1 73
Ter r e sig illée , I, 329, 376 II, 27
Terr ei ro dos ga llos, II, 54Ter r eiro qrande , II, 48T e stoon , II, 1 74Thaury (larg e boats), I, 389T h e ft, pun ishment at th e Maldive s
,
I, 205, 307T ibao, Se bastian , I, 334T icou, in Sumatra, I, x
T idore, is lan d , II, xv, xvi , 1 66, 1 67T ig e rs , in Malabar , I, 382, 400; inth e D e ccan , II, 136 de scribed ,
346,347
Tilladumma ti, atoll, I, 98 , 99T issuary, th e name of Goa island
,
II, 25
T ith es , in In dia take n by th e king ,II, 96
Tina (Tivar ), I, 386, 387T obacco, of Brazil, II, 313Ton i. See Ton ny.
Ton ny (boat), i, 389
T oothach e , unknown at th e Mal
d ive s , I, 1 83T ortois e sh e ll, I, 240, 241 , 285 ; II,1 72,348 ; crue lme th od of obtain ing ,
II, 349 ; Cambay trade in , II, 478Touladou (is land ), I, 73T rade route s , Portugal and India, I,1 97-201 India, Malacca, and China,
etc .,1 70, 1 73-1 77 Span ish Ame
r ica and Ph ilippin e s , 1 70-1 75
Portugal and Brazil, 21 5-21 8
INDEX .
Brazil and Angola, 2 1 8 E ast
Afr ica and Goa, 223-225
, 231 , 235
237 ; Ormuz and Goa, 238 -241Cambay and Goa, 245 ; at e nd of
1 5th ce n tury, 470-472Tr avados (squalls ) , I, 1 2 , 48T re asure trove , I, 229
T rigaut, Fath e r , II , xix , 36 -38, 270,281
Tr inque r es (ropemake rs ), II, 1 87, 1 9 1Tr ombas (re eds ), I, 20; II, 294T ronco, of Coch in , I, 429-432 ; ofGoa, II, 1 8, 24, 49
T rumpets , for use at s e a,II, 398
T uban , II, 1 64Tuber ons (Port ,
tabor d'
a), a kind of
sh ark, II, 350T uracun , is land , I, 322T urbans , I, 1 65T urk , th e Grand, II, 253T urk captain ,
I,278
T urk ey carpets , II, 239T urk eys , II, 31 6T urtle , sickn e ss fr om e ating , I, 65-66II, 348 ; diffe r e nt kin d s of, II, 347
T urun Shah , II, xxii, 9 1 , 92, 243245
Tw e lfth Nig ht, I, 24; II, 98
U lce rs , mode of cur in g , I, 1 8 2Umbre lla, mark of royalty, I, 223(wh ite ) , I, 256
Un icorns , in Be ngal, I, 331Un ion (sh ip), I, xiii ; at th e Gomor
r os,45 ; r e fe rr ed to, II, 106, 264
Utimu (island), I, 322 ; II, 437, 438 ,452
Vadakkara. See B ada r a .
Va r a dc Jus ticia , I, 428Va r icor , I, 1 53 ; an d sec D ivorce .
Va r uery (revenue colle cto r ) , I, 200,21 3
Var age (storeh ouse ) , I, 2 1 3Vas con e llos , D ona Fr an c isca (le , II ,
500
Va tcr , II, 291
INDEX .
Vayp in . See Vype e n .
Vedon a Rouespou ,I, 71
Vedor da fazenda (spe lt viador de
fas ien da ,1 1,1 9 , 2 1 h is pr e
cin ct and dutie s , 40, 41 ; frauds , 43 ;
pays th e soldie r s , 1 26 at Coch in ,
241
Velann as (admiral), I, 90, 210, 2 1 1 ,
V e n e tian g las s , I, 43V e ne tians , form e rly many at Goa, II,36 ; sequin s , 69
Ven tan es (windows ), II, 1 1 5V e rd, Cape , islan ds , I, xx, 7 ; II, 222V e rh oeven ,
P . W. ,I,xiv
, 364; II,xxi, 226
Vias de successao, II, 77Vice roy, te rm use d in discriminate ly,
II,23 ; palace of
,II,47 , 49-51 pr i
son of, 49 ; th e portraits of th e
vice roys , ib . succe ss ion and as
sumption of office , 76 , 8 1 powe r
and dign ity of, 77 , 78 , 21 1 , 21 2 ;
r e se rve of, 78 , 8 2 pay an d omolu
me n ts , 83 almsgiving , 84 h is
th r e e ye ar s of office , 85-8 8 ; parab le
of th e fli e s , 87
Victualle r , want of, I, xv II , 388
Vig ia , vig ia I II, 1 9Vin ho dc p assas (raisin win e ), II, 73,383
Vin tem,coin ,
I,439 n .
Vitré , sh ar e in e xpe dition , I, xiv, 2 ;
sh ip’
s cle rk from , 8 7
Von los (ab lution s ), I, 1 74Vow s made at se a , II, 334Voyag e s , grant of, II, 1 73Vype e n ,
island , at Cochin , I, 435
Wadci. (cowr ie s ), I, 237 ; II, 443,444Walendj, II, 442W ar , king of, wor sh ippe d , I, 1 78W ate r , mode of ke eping on board
ship, I, 258W ax -cloth , for cove r ing sh ips , I,1 2
571
W e e rt, Sibalt d e I x iii II,xiii, 146 ,
147
W e lls , at th e Maldive s , I, 98W hale s , fish e ry at Brazil, II, 31 7,
321 , 322
W h eat, n ot gr own at th e Mald ive s ,
W h ip, car ried b e for e th e Pandiar e ,I, 1 99 ; used for scourgin g , 205
306
Wh irlpool, I, 104W h istle s , s ilve r , I, 33; II, 1 92W ickham, R ich ard , I, 45 II
, xviii,
xix,264
,265, 269
Wiliydn , II, 440, 443
W ille k ens , a Flemish pilot I 24, 2 5W imala D harrna , king of Ceylon ,
II,144
W indowpan e s , of oyste r-sh e lls
,II,
1 5, 63
W inds , king of th e , I, 1 75-1 78W ine , used in India, II, 73 ; of th eAzore s
,21 6 ; of th e Canar ie s , 31 6 ,
390; h ow far a n e ce ssary provision ,
388 -39 1
W inte r th e rainy season in
India ), I, 64, 104; II, 34W oman with on e b r east, II, 464W orms (parasitical), I, 1 8 1W re ck , law of, at th e Maldive s , I ,xxiv, 54, 62 , 267 -268 , 294; at Cali
cut, 404
W re ck s at th e Maldive s,a Por tu
gus se ship, I, 252 ; a sh ip of Sun da,
I,258
W rits , legal, used at th e Mald ive s , 1 ,
201 , 207
Xavie r . See St. F rancis Xavie r .
Xer afim, gold coin , II, 69
Yams , I , 1 1 2 II , 367 , 368Ybr ah im. See Ib rah im.
Ydu ,fe stival, I , 140, 1 57
Young , Lie ut. ,r e s id e n ce at th e Ma]
d ive s , I , xliv, xlv