Notes

Introduction: Ideas and China’s Transformation

1. See, for example, Zhiyue Bo, China’s Elite Politics: Political Transition and PowerBalancing (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 2007) and Xiaowei Zang andChien-wen Kou, eds. Elites and Governance in China (London: Routledge, 2013).

2. Dingxin Zhao, The Power of Tiananmen: State-Society Relations and the 1989 BeijingStudent Movement (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2001), Chapter 7.

3. Kalpana Misra, From Post-Maoism to Post-Marxism: The Erosion of Official Ideologyin Deng’s China (New York: Routledge, 1998), 6.

4. Merle Goldman, “Politically-Engaged Intellectuals in the 1990s,” The ChinaQuarterly, 159 (September 1999): 700–11.

5. Peter Moody, “Confucianism as Legitimizing Ideology,” in Deng Zhenglai andSujian Guo, eds., Reviving Legitimacy: Lessons for and from China (Lanham, MD:Lexington Books, 2011), 112–13.

6. Brantly Womack, “The Phases of Chinese Modernization,” in Steve Chin, ed.,Modernization in China (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1979), 1.

7. Gloria Davis, Worrying about China: The Language of Chinese Critical Inquiry(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007), 1.

8. For an excellent assessment of the subject, see Yinghong Cheng “Liberalism inContemporary China: Ten Years after Its ‘Resurface,’ ” Journal of ContemporaryChina, 17, no. 55 (2008): 383–400; Merle Goldman and Ashley Esarey, “Intel-lectual Pluralism and Dissent,” in Bruce Gilley and Larry Diamond, eds., PoliticalChange in China: Comparisons with Taiwan (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2008),49–78; and Junning Liu, “Classical Liberalism Catches on in China,” Journal ofDemocracy, 11, no. 3 (July 2000): 48–57.

9. Guanjun Wu, The Great Dragon Fantasy: A Lacanian Analysis of Chinese Thought(Singapore: World Scientific, 2014), 7.

10. Wen-shun Chi, Ideological Conflicts in Modern China: Democracy and Authoritarian-ism (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1986), 293.

11. Ibid.12. David Kelly, “China: Major Ideological Trends of 1995,” in Joseph Y.S. Cheng, ed.,

China in the Post-Deng Era (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1998), 56.13. Xu Jilin, “Contradictions Within Enlightenment Ideas,” in Tian Yu Cao, Zhong

Xueping, and Liao Kebin, eds., Culture and Social Transformations in Reform EraChina (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 228.

14. Ibid.15. David Bandurski, “Turning Back to ‘New Democracy’?” http://cmhku.hk/2011/

05/19/12486/, date accessed 19 May 2011.16. Tu Wei-ming, Way, Learning, and Politics: Essays on the Confucian Intellectuals

(Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 175.17. Chi, Ideological Conflicts in Modern China, 290.18. Tom Bottomore, Elites and Society (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), 53.19. Pierre Bourdieu, The Field of Cultural Production (New York: Columbia University

Press, 1993), 166 and Merle Goldman and Edward Gu, eds., Chinese Intellectualsbetween State and Market (New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), 4.

160

Notes 161

20. Daniel A. Bell, China’s New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a ChangingSociety (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), 8.

21. Alexander V. Lomanov, “Harmonious Democracy: China’s Quest for Stability andJustice,” in Viatcheslav Morozov, ed., Decentering the West: The Idea of Democracyand the Struggle for Hegemony (London: Ashgate, 2013), 141.

22. For details, see Carol Lee Hamrin and Timothy Cheek, eds., China’s EstablishmentIntellectuals (Armonk, NY: Sharpe, 1986).

23. Tian Yu Cao, Xueping Zhong, and Kebin Liao, eds., Culture and Social Transforma-tions in Reform Era China (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 1.

24. Peter Moody, Conservative Thought in Contemporary China (Lanham, MD:Lexington Books, 2007), 42.

25. Tsai Wen-hui, “New Authoritarianism, Neo-Conservatism and Anti-Peaceful Evo-lution: Mainland China’s Resistance to Political Modernization,” Issues & Studies,28, no. 12 (December 1992): 1–22.

26. Wang Hui, The End of Revolution: China and the Limits of Modernity (London: Verso,2010), 105.

27. Deng Xiaoping, “Zai wuchang, shenzhen, zhuhai, shanghai dengdi de tanhua yao-dian” [Excerpts from Talks Given in Wuchang, Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Shanghai],Renmin ribao (6 November 1993), 1.

28. Nicholas D. Kristof, “China Sees ‘Market-Leninism’ as Way to Future,” New YorkTimes, 6 September 1993, 5.

29. Bandurski, “Turning Back to ‘New Democracy’?”30. Leonard T. Hobhouse, Liberalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), 30.31. Tu, Way, Learning, and Politics, 10–11.32. For this subject, see Zhidong Hao, Chinese Intellectuals at a Crossroads: The Chang-

ing Politics of the Chinese Knowledge Workers (Albany: State University of New YorkPress, 2003) and Merle Goldman, “A New Relationship between the Intellectualand the State in the Post-Mao Era,” in Merle Goldman and Leo Ou-fan Lee,eds., An Intellectual History of Modern China (Cambridge University Press, 2002,Chapter 8).

33. The overview is by no means exhaustive and does not claim to cover all possibleschools of political thought in contemporary China.

1 Liberalism

1. Chongyi Feng, “The Chinese Liberal Camp in Post-June 4th China,” ChinaPerspectives, no. 2 (2009): 30–41.

2. Paul Starr, Freedom’s Power: The True Force of Liberalism (New York: Basic Books,2007), 2.

3. Zhu Xueqin, “1998, Ziyouzhuyi xueli de yanshuo,” [1998, The Philosophical Dis-course of Liberalism] in Zhu Xueqin, Shuzhaili de geming: Zhu Xueqin wenxuan [TheRevolution in the Study: Selected Texts by Zhu Xueqin] (Changchun: Changchunchubanshe, 1999), 381.

4. The English translation of the document by Perry Link, http://www.2008xianzhang.info/english.htm, date accessed 1 August 2014.

5. While Chinese liberalism by now has over a 100-year history stretching backto Yan Fu’s translations of works of Victorian liberalism in the late 19th cen-tury, it is beyond the scope of this chapter. For a sophisticated examination ofthe subject, see Max Ko-wu Huang, The Meaning of Freedom: Yan Fu and the Ori-gins of Chinese Liberalism (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2008), Philip

162 Notes

Huang, Liang Ch’I-chiao and Modern Chinese Liberalism (Pullman: State Universityof Washington Press, 1972), and Yung-Tsu Wong, “The Fate of Liberalism in Revo-lutionary China: Chu Anping and His Circle, 1946–1950,” Modern China (October1993): 457–90.

6. Eugene Lubot, Liberalism in an Illiberal Age: New Culture Liberals in RepublicanChina, 1919–1937 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1982), 131.

7. For more information on the rise of liberalism in China, see Xu Youyu, “TheDebates between Liberalism and the New Left in China since the 1990s,”Contemporary Chinese Thought, 34, no. 3 (2003): 6–17.

8. In early 1992, Deng Xiaoping paid a visit to a few southern cities, includingShenzhen, the most successful Special Economic Zone. During the tour, he criti-cized those who harbored doubts about the country’s reform and open-up policyand stressed the importance of economic development. During the tour, Dengnoted that a market economy did not equal to capitalism and that socialism alsohas its own market. Deng’s talks, which helped bring China’s reform programback on track, are considered to have had far-reaching significance on reforms inChina.

9. Feng, “The Chinese Liberal Camp in Post-June 4th China,” 31.10. Qin Hui, “Ziyouzhuyi, shehuiminzhuzhuyi yu dangdai zhongguo wenti,” [Liber-

alism, Social-democracy and Problems in Contemporary China] in Gong Yang,ed., Sichao: Zhongguo xinzuopai jiqi yingxiang [Schools of Thought: China’s NewLeft and Its Impact] (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2003), 385.

11. Danwei (work unit) is the name given to a place of employment in mainlandChina.

12. Feng, “The Chinese Liberal Camp in Post-June 4th China,” 31.13. “Establishment intellectual” is a term coined by Carol Hamrin and Timothy

Cheek. For detail, see Carol Lee Hamrin and Timothy Cheek eds., China’sEstablishment Intellectuals (Armonk, NY: Sharpe, 1986).

14. As Xu Jilin underlines regarding the formation of a community of intellectualsand of a new form of engagement: “It is precisely this global network of knowl-edge that can construct a complete meaning for this world and represent a thirdforce outside of power and of capital, that is to say an autonomous and expand-ing cultural field. It is the foundation of the public commitment of intellectuals.”See Xu Jilin, “What Future for Public Intellectuals? The Specialisation of Knowl-edge, the Commercialisation of Culture and the Emergence of Post-modernismCharacterise China in the 1990s,” China Perspectives, no. 52 (March–April, 2004):16–30.

15. For an excellent case study on China’s public intellectual, see Timothy Cheek,“Xu Jilin and the Thought Work of China’s Public Intellectuals,” China Quarterly,no. 186 (2006): 401–20.

16. Liu Junning, “Intellectual Turn: The Emergence of Liberalism in Contempo-rary China,” in Ted Galen Carpenter and James A. Dorn, eds., China’s Future:Constructive Partner or Emerging Threat (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2000),56–7.

17. Xu Youyu, “Ziyouzhuyi yu dangdai zhongguo,” [Liberalism and ContemporaryChina] in Li Shitao, ed. Zhishifenzi lichang – ziyouzhuyi zhizheng yu zhongguo sixi-angjie de fenhua [The Positions of the Intellectuals – Debate on Liberalism and theScission among the Chinese Intelligentsia] (Changchun: Shidai wenyi chubanshe,1999), 417.

Notes 163

18. Xu Youyu, http://www.factualworld.com/article/Xu_Youyu, date accessed 1August 2014.

19. Xu, “Ziyouzhuyi yu dangdai zhongguo,” 419.20. Kate Zhou, “China’s Break from Serfdom,” http://www.mackinac.org/article.aspx?

ID=6479, date accessed 1 August 2014.21. Cited in Merle Goldman, From Comrade to Citizen: The Struggle for Political Rights

in China (Boston: Harvard University Press, 2005), 149.22. Ibid., 151.23. Li Shenzhi, “Zhongguo chuantong wenhua zhong jiwu minzhu yewu kexue,”

[Chinese Traditional Culture: No Democracy, No Science] in Qiu Shi ed., JiefangWenxuan (1978–1998) [Article Selection of Liberation (1978–1998)] (Beijing:Economic Daily Press, 1998), 1118–24.

24. Huainian Li Shenzhi [In Commemoration of Li Shenzhi], 2 vols., publishedunofficially in January 2006, 339.

25. From the late 1978 to the early 1980, Li Shenzhi was a member of the Inter-national Issues Writing Group established by the Party Central Committee.Meanwhile, he accompanied Deng Xiaoping on his visit to the United States,serving as adviser to the delegation.

26. Li Zehou, “Manshuo xiti zhongyong,” [Notes on Western Substance and ChineseFunction] in Li Zehou, ed., Zhongguo xiandai sixiang shilun [Essays on ModernChinese Thought] (Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 1987), 420–21.

27. Li Shenzhi, “Heping fendou xing zhongguo,” [Rejuvenating China ThroughPeaceful Efforts] in Li Shenzhi, ed., Ershiyi shiji de yousi [Concerns about the21st Century] (Hong Kong: Mingbao chubanshe, 2003), 30–41.

28. Liu Junning, “Intellectual Turn: The Emergence of Liberalism in Contem-porary China,” in Ted Galen Carpenter and James A. Dorn, eds., China’sFuture: Constructive Partner or Emerging Threat (Washington, DC: Cato Institute,2000), 57.

29. Jonathan Alter, “On the Road in China,” Newsweek, 29 June 1998.30. In 1776, Adam Smith wrote The Wealth of the Nations. And in the same histori-

cal period, he wrote The Theory of Moral Sentiments. Adam Smith made excellentarguments in his Theory of Moral Sentiments. He said in the book to the effect thatif fruits of a society’s economic development cannot be shared by all, it is morallyunsound and risky, as it is bound to jeopardize social stability. If the wealth ofa society is concentrated in the hands of a small number of people, then this isagainst the popular will, and the society is bound to be unstable.

31. “Transcript: Wen Jiabao,” Financial Times, 2 February 2009, http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/795d2bca-f0fe-11dd-8790-0000779fd2ac.html#ixzz2utpkmWSO, dateaccessed 1 August 2014.

32. Chongyi Feng, “The Return of Liberalism and Social Democracy: BreakingThrough the Barriers of State Socialism, Nationalism, and Cynicism in Contem-porary China,” Issues & Studies: An International Quarterly on China, Taiwan, andEast Asian Affairs, 39, no. 3 (2003): 8.

33. Elizabeth Rosenthal, “China’s Leading University Celebrates and Ponders,”New York Times, 5 May 1998.

34. Bo Zhiyue and Chen Gang, “Global Financial Crisis and the Voice of the New Leftin China,” EAI Background Brief, no. 443 (2008), 3–4.

35. “Full Text of PRC Premier Wen Jiabao’s News Conference,” http://www.chinaelections.org/en/17/03/2007, date accessed 17 March 2007.

164 Notes

36. Cheng Li, China’s Changing Political landscape (Washington, DC: Brookings Insti-tution Press, 2008), 6–7.

37. Feng, “The Return of Liberalism and Social Democracy,” 11.38. Zheng Yongnian, “Ziyouzhuyi de zhongguohua jiqi zai zhongguo de qiantu,”

[Sinonization of Liberalism and its Fate in China] Lianhe zaobao (Singapore)11 August 2009, http://bbs.news.163.com/bbs/jueqi/148312355.html, dateaccessed 17 December 2014.

39. Zhou Lian, “The Debates in Contemporary Chinese Political Thought,”in Fred Dallmayr and Zhao Tingyang, eds., Contemporary Chinese PoliticalThought, Debates and Perspectives (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky,2012), 34.

40. Quoted in Gerda Wielander, Christian Values in Communist China (Oxford andNew York: Routledge, 2013), 133.

41. Nicholas D. Kristof, “China Sees ‘Market-Leninism’ as Way to Future,” New YorkTimes, 6 September 1993.

42. Ben Xu, Disenchanted Democracy: Chinese Cultural Criticism After 1989 (Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press, 1999), 13.

43. The Chinese people were required to study Mao Zedong’s “Five Old Essays”including “Serve the People,” “In Memory of Norman Bethune,” “The Foolish OldMan Who Moved the Mountain,” “Where Do Correct Thoughts Come From?” aswell as “Oppose Liberalism.”

44. See, for example, He Bingmeng ed., Xinziyouzhuyi pingxi [Analysis ofNeoliberalism] (Beijing: Social Science Documentation Publishing House, 2004).

45. Liu Junning ed., Ziyouzhuyi de xiansheng: Beida chuantong yu jinxiandai zhongguo[The Harbinger of Liberalism: The Tradition of Peking University and ModernChina] (Beijing, Zhongguo renshi chubanshe, 1998).

46. Mao Zedong denounced liberalism (ziyouzhuyi) in his famous essay “fanduiziyouzhuyi” [against Liberalism] written in 1937.

47. Liu Junning, “Classical Liberalism Catches on in China,” Journal of Democracy, 11,no. 3 (July 2000): 48–57.

48. Andrew Nathan, “Classical Liberalism Catches on in China,” in AndrewJ. Nathan, Larry Diamond, and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Will China Democratize?(Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013), 193.

49. He Li, “Returned Students and Political Change in China,” Asian Perspective, 30,no. 2 (Summer 2006): 5–29.

50. Personal interviews in China in 2008 and 2009.51. Barrett L. McCormick and David Kelley, “The Limits of Anti-Liberalism,” Journal

of Asian Studies, 53 no. 3 (August 1994): 804–31.52. Yun-han Chu, “The Evolution of Political Values,” in Bruce Gilley and Larry

Diamond, eds., Political Change in China: Comparison with Taiwan (Boulder, CO:Lynne Rienner, 2008), 27–48.

2 Neo-authoritarianism

1. Wu Jiaxiang, “The Study Scheme for Neo-Authoritarianism,” in Liu Jun and LiLin, eds., Neo-Authoritarianism: The Debate about Theoretical Guidance of Reform(Beijing: Beijing Economics Institute Press, 1989), 52–60.

2. Barry Sautman, “Sirens of the Strongman: Neo-Authoritarianism in RecentChinese Political Theory,” China Quarterly, 129 (March 1992): 72–102.

Notes 165

3. Quoted in Barry Sautman, Ibid., 75.4. Deng Ziqiang, “Concerning Controversial Views on Neo-authoritarianism,” in

Michel Oksenberg, Lawrence R. Sullivan, and Marc Lambert, eds., Beijing Spring,1989: Confrontation and Conflict: The Basic Documents (Armonk, NY: Sharpe, 1990),126–27.

5. Wu Jiaxiang, “Commenting on Neo-authoritarianism,” in Oksenberg, Sullivan,and Lambert eds., Beijing Spring, 132–33.

6. Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale Univer-sity Press, 1968), 7–8.

7. For the impacts of Western political thought, see Michael J. Sullivan, “The Impactof Western Political Thought in Chinese Political Discourse on Transitions fromLeninism, 1986–1992,” World Affairs, 157, no. 2 (Fall 1994): 79–91.

8. Francis Fukuyama, “Forward by Francis Fukuyama,” in Samuel Huntington’s,Political Order in Changing Societies, xi.

9. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, 4.10. Shu Yun Ma “The Rise and Fall of Neo-Authoritarianism in China,” China

Information, 5, no. 3 (Winter 1990–1991): 4.11. Ibid., 1.12. Samuel Huntington, “The Change to Change,” Comparative Politics, 3 (1971):

283–322.13. David Shambaugh, China’s Communist Party: Atrophy & Adaptation; American and

European Relations with China (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press,2008), 93.

14. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, 1.15. Alan Dupont, “Is There an ‘Asian Way,’ ” Survival, 38, no. 2 (1996): 13–33

and Mark R. Thompson, “Whatever Happened to ‘Asian Values’?” Journal ofDemocracy, 12, no. 4 (2001): 154–65.

16. Tsai Wen-hui, “New Authoritarianism, Neo-Conservatism and Anti-Peaceful Evo-lution: Mainland China’s Resistance to Political Modernization,” Issues & Studies,28, no. 12 (December 1992): 5.

17. Andre Laliberte and Marc Lanteigne, The Chinese Party-State in the 21st Century:Adaptation and the Reinvention (New York: Routledge, 2008), 147.

18. Yan Bofei, “Abandon Utopianism,” Dushu, 2 (1989): 6. Also see “Dilemmas ofModernization,” China News Analysis, no. 1399 (15 December 1989): 5.

19. Xiao Gongqin, “Zouxiang chengshu: dangdai zhongguo gaige de huigu yu zhan-wang” [Toward Maturity: Reflection on and Prospects for Contemporary Reformin China], Beijing Qingnianbao [Beijing Youth Daily] (13 May 1993): 3 and BenXu, “Chinese Populist Nationalism: Its Intellectual Politics and Moral Dilemma,”Representations, 76, no. 1 (Fall 2001): 126.

20. “Deng Xiaoping on Neo-Authoritarianism,” in Oksenberg, Sullivan, and Lambert,eds., Beijing Spring, 125.

21. Xiao Gongqin and Zhu Wei, “New Authoritarianism: A Painful Dilemma,” WenhuiBao, 17 January 1989, quoted in Zhang Shuqiang, “Marxism, Confucianism andCultural Nationalism,” in Zhiling Lin and Thomas W. Robinson, eds., The Chineseand Their Future: Beijing, Taipei, and Hong Kong (Washington, DC: The AEI Press,1994), 101.

22. Ibid.23. Liu Qingfeng, “The Topography of Intellectual Culture in 1990s Mainland China:

A Survey,” in Gloria Davies, ed., Voicing Concerns: Contemporary Chinese CriticalInquiry (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001), 62.

166 Notes

24. Hu Jiwei, “Establish Democratic Authority,” in Oksenberg, Sullivan, and Lamberteds., Beijing Spring, 138.

25. Zhou Wenzhang, “Neo-authoritarianism: An Impractical Panacea,” in Oksenberg,Sullivan, and Lambert eds., Beijing Spring, 135–36.

26. Qin Xiaoying, “Escaping from a Historical Cycle,” Chinese Sociology and Anthro-pology, 23, no. 4 (Summer 1991): 7–30.

27. Deng Ziqiang, “Concerning Controversial Views on Neo-authoritarianism,” inOksenberg, Sullivan, and Lambert eds., Beijing Spring, 127.

28. Michael Twohey, Authority and Welfare in China: Modern Debates in HistoricalPerspective (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 156–57.

29. Ying Xuejun, “Weiquan zhengzhi de shoumin yu minzhu weixie lun [Fortuneof Authoritarianism and Argument of Threat from Democracy], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/gsbh/2014/0417/104532.html, date accessed 17 April 2014.

30. Barrett L. McCormick and David Kelly, “Limits of Anti-Liberalism,” Journal ofAsian Studies, 53, no. 3 (1994): 821; Gu and Kelly, “New Conservatism,” Gu Xinand David Kelly, “New Conservatism: Ideology of a New Elite,” in David S.G.Goodman and Beverley Hooper, eds., China’s Quiet Revolution (Melbourne andNew York: Longman Cheshire St. Martin’s Press, 1994), 220; Joseph Fewsmith,China Since Tiananmen, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008),80; Sullivan, Democracy and Developmentalism, 342.

31. For the literature on neo-authoritarianism, see Shu Yun Ma, “The Rise and Fallof Neo-authoritarianism in China,” 1–18; Sautman, “Sirens of the Strongman:Neo-Authoritarianism in Recent Chinese Political Theory,” 72–102. The majorChinese articles on neo-authoritarianism are collected in Liu Jun and Li Lin,eds., Xinquanweizhuyi [Neo Authoritarianism] (Beijing: Jingjixueyuan chubanshe,1989).

32. Els Van Dongen, “Goodbye Radicalism!” Conceptions of Conservatism among ChineseIntellectuals during the Early 1990s,” Ph.D. Diss., Leiden University, 2009.

33. Xiao Gongqin and Zhu Wei, “A Painful Dilemma: A Dialogue on the The-ory of ‘New Authoritarianism,’ ” trans., in Stanley Rosen and Gary Zou, eds.,“The Chinese Debate on the New Authoritarianism” (1), Chinese Sociology andAnthropology (Winter 1990–1991): 69–93.

34. Michael J. Sullivan, “The Impact of Western Political Thought in Chinese PoliticalDiscourse on Transitions from Leninism, 1986–1992,” World Affairs, 157, no. 2(Fall 1994): 79–91.

35. David Kelly, “China: Major Ideological Trends of 1995,” in Joseph Y.S. Cheng, ed.,China in the Post-Deng Era (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1998), 70.

36. It is rumoured that the article was the work of a team headed by Chen Yuan, ChenYun’s son, and Deng Yingtao, Deng Liqun’s son. For a good discussion on thetopic, see David Rolls, The Emergence of the “Jiang Zemin Era”: Legitimacy and theDevelopment of the Political Theory of “Neo-conservatism” 1989–1995, Ph.D. Diss.,University of Southern Queensland, 2004.

37. Van Dongen, “Goodbye Radicalism!” Conceptions of Conservatism Among ChineseIntellectuals During the Early 1990s.

38. At the panel discussion on 8 December 2013, Qin Hui points out that the XiaoGongqin changed the final goal of neo-authoritarianism from liberal democ-racy to “democracy with Chinese characteristics.” “Qin Hui, Xiao Gongqin dengjibian xinquanwei zhuyi” [Debate Among Qin Hui, Xiao Gongqin and Oth-ers on Neo-authoritarianism,” http://news.ifeng.com/exclusive/lecture/special/xinquanwei/xinquanwei1.shtml, date accessed 1 August 2014.

Notes 167

39. Zhang Xiaojin and Li Chunfeng, “‘Minzhu’ huayide yiyi bianqian: yi zhongguogongchandangdaibiaodahui zhengzhibaogao wei benwende fenxi” [Changes in Mean-ing of Discourse on ‘Democracy’: Analysis of the Political Report to the NationalParty Congress], in Yu Xunda and Xu Siqin, eds., Minzhu, minzhuhua yu zhilijix-iao [Democracy, Democratization, and Governance Effect] (Hangzhou: ZhejiangUniversity Press, 2011), 117–53.

40. Andrew J. Nathan, “China’s Political Trajectory: What Are the Chinese Saying?”in Cheng Li, ed., China’s Changing Political Landscape (Washington, DC: BrookingsInstitution, 2008), 25–43.

41. Xiao Gongqin, “Cong Deng Xiaoping dao Xi Jinping: Zhongguo gaige de zaich-ufa” [From Deng Xiaoping to Xi Jinping: Restart of the Chinese Reform], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/zgyj/ggcx/article_2013121997274.html, date accessed15 December 2013.

42. Excerpt from an email from Hu Shaohua, associate professor at Wagner College,in March 2014.

43. Quoted in John Makeham, Lost Soul: “Confucianism” in Contemporary ChineseAcademic Discourse (Cambridge: The Harvard University Asia Center, 2008), 197.

44. Tang Liang, Is Democratisation in China Possible? The Authoritarian Path to Develop-ment (New York: Routledge, 2014).

45. Chris Buckley,“Xi, in ‘Godfather’ Mold, Looks Assertive and Even Imperial,”New York Time, 15 November 2013.

46. Twohey, Authority and Welfare in China, 132.47. Xiao Gongqin, “The Specter of Political ‘Ultra-ism,’ ” http://www.newschinamag.

com/magazine/the-specter-of-political-ultra-ism, date accessed 30 October 2012.48. Zhang Weiwei, Zhongguo zhenhan: Yige “wenmingxing guojia” de jueqi (Beijing: Shiji

chubanshe, 2011), 55.49. William A. Callahan, China Dreams: 20 Visions of the Future (New York: Oxford

University Press, 2013), 149.50. Chan Koonchung, Xinzuoyi sichao de tujin [The Panorama of the New Left Think-

ing], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_2013122697740.html,date accessed 26 December 2013.

51. Wang Zhanyang, “Zhongguo jixuyao fazhan didu minzhu” [China Needs toDevelop Low-Level Democracy Urgently], Tansuo yu Zheng-ming [Exploration andFree Views], 1 (February 2012), 3–12.

52. Liu Junning, Baoshou zhuyi (Conservatism) (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexuechubanshe, 1998), 9.

53. Ibid., 14, 264.54. Gan Yang and Xudong Zhang, “Critique of Chinese Conservatism in the 1990s,”

Social Text, 16, no. 2 (Summer, 1998): 46.55. Kelly, “China: Major Ideological Trends of 1995,” 70.56. Ibid.57. Yang Zhong, “Legitimacy Crisis and Legitimation in China,” Journal of Contempo-

rary Asia, 26, no. 2 (1996): 215.58. Yu Keping, Democracy Is a Good Thing: Essays on Politics, Society, and Culture in

Contemporary China (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008), 4.59. Yongnian Zheng, “Development and Democracy: Are they Compatible in

China?” Political Science Quarterly, 109, no. 2 (1994): 248.60. Xiao Gongqin and Zhou Zhixin, “Zhongguo zhuanxing de kunjing yu chulu”

[Obstacles and Solution for China’s Transformation], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_2011071639726, date accessed 1 December 2011.

168 Notes

61. Li Zehou and Liu Zaifu, Gaobie geming: huiwang ershi shiji zhongguo [Farewell toRevolution: Looking Back Upon China of the Twentieth Century] (Hong Kong:Tiandi tushu youxian gongsi, 1995), 55.

62. Xiao Gongqin, “Cong Deng Xiaoping dao Xi Jinping: zhongguo gaige de zaich-ufa” [From Deng Xiaoping to Xi Jinping: Restart of the Chinese Reform], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/zgyj/ggcx/article_2013121997274.html, date accessed15 December 2013. Many firms in China are suffering from “State-owned enter-prises disease” such as loose and inactive management, unclear responsibility,and low productivity.

63. Zhang Qiang, “Xinquanweizhuyi zai zhongguo” [Neo-authoritarianism inChina], www.aisixiang.com/data/21874.html, date accessed 2 November 2008.

64. Kang Xiaoguang, “Dazhuangui” [Great Transformation], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_20140430105284.html, date accessed 30 April2014.

3 China’s New Left

1. Wang Hui, “The New Criticism,” in Chaohua Wang ed., One China, Many Paths(London: Verso, 2003), 60–1.

2. Gan Yang, “Debating Liberalism and Democracy in China in the 1990s” inXudong Zhang ed. Whither China?: Intellectual Politics in Contemporary China(Durham: Duke University Press, 2001), 79–102.

3. Xu Jilin, Liu Qing, Luo Gang, and Xue Yi, “In Search of a ‘Third Way’: A Con-versation Regarding Liberalism and the New Left Wing,” in Gloria Davies, ed.,Voicing Concerns: Contemporary Chinese Critical Inquiry (Lanham, MD: Rowmanand Littlefield, 2001), 199.

4. Charles W. Freeman and Wen Jin Yuan, “The Influence and Illusion of China’sNew Left,” The Washington Quarterly, 35, no. 1 (Winter 2012): 66.

5. Wang Hui, co-editor of Dushu (1996–2007), was asked to quit his job at Dushu inJuly 2012. After the purge of Bo Xilai, the government closed Utopia, which wasone of the main platforms for China’s New Left.

6. For two collections that provide useful information on the Chinese “New Left,”see Chaohua Wang, One China, Many Paths; Xudong Zhang, Whither China(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002).

7. The Old Leftists are opponents of the reform launched by Deng and outspokencritics of “bourgeois liberalization.”

8. Wang Hui, “Fire at the Castle Gate,” New Left Review, no. 6 (November–December2000): 69–99.

9. See the criticism by Wang Dingding, “Huaizhe xiangchou, xunzhao jiayuan”[A Nostalgic Longing for Home], Dushu, no. 4 (1995): 10–15.

10. Guanjun Wu, The Great Dragon Fantasy: A Lacanian Analysis of Chinese Thought(Singapore: World Scientific, 2014), 199.

11. Gong Yuzhi, “A Unique Transcendence: Deng Xiaoping’s China and MaoZedong’s China,” in Cao Tian Yu, Zhong Xueping, and Liao Kebin, eds., Cultureand Social Transformations in Reform Era China (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 340.

12. Wang Hui, “The Condition of Contemporary Chinese Thought and the Problemof Modernity,” Wenyi zhengming, no. 6 (November 1998): 7–26.

13. For a detailed study on the subject, see Joseph Fewsmith, “Mao’s Shadow,” ChinaLeadership Monitor, no. 43 (2014): 1.

14. Ross Terrill, Mao: A Biography (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), 477.

Notes 169

15. “85% Say Mao’s Merits Outweigh His Faults: Poll,” Huanqiu Shibao [Global Times],http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/834000.shtml#.Uulb97d3sb0, date accessed24 December 2013.

16. Suisheng Zhao, “Understanding China’s Assertive Foreign Policy Behavior dur-ing the Global Financial Meltdown,” The World Financial Review, http://www.worldfinancialreview.com/?p=409, date accessed 21 November 2013.

17. Kenneth Lieberthal, Governing China (New York: W.W. Norton and Company,2004), 116.

18. Jian Guo, “Politics of Othering and Postmodernization of the Cultural Revolu-tion,” Postcolonial Studies, 2, no. 2 (1999): 225.

19. Tian Yu Cao, “Introduction,” in Tian Yu Cao, Xueping Zhong, and Kebin Liao,eds. Culture and Social Transformations in Reform Era China (Leiden: Brill, 2010),16–17.

20. Zhao Feng, “Xinzuopai shili huichao tanxi” [Discussion of Return of theNew Left], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_2014020599983.html, date accessed 5 February 2014.

21. Jiang Qing, A Confucian Constitutional Order: How China’s Ancient Past Can ShapeIts Political Future (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), 200–01.

22. Liu Qingfeng, “The Topography of Intellectual Culture in 1990s Mainland China:A Survey,” in Gloria Davies, ed., Voicing Concerns: Contemporary Chinese CriticalInquiry (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001), 52.

23. Gao Hua, “Angang Xianfa de lishi zhenshi yu zhengzhi zhengquexing” [Histor-ical Reality of the Angang Constitution and Political Correctness], Ershiyi Shiji[Twenty-First Century] 58, no. 4 (2000): 62–9.

24. Evan Osnos, “Confucius Comes Home,” The New Yorker (13 January 2014): 35.25. Bruce Dickson, “Conflict and Non-Compliance in Chinese Politics: Party

Rectification, 1983–87,” Pacific Affairs, 63, no. 2 (Summer 1990): 172–73.26. Zhang Lijia, “The Specter of the Cultural Revolution,” New York Times (22 May

2012), http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/23/opinion/the-specter-of-the-cultural-revolution.html?_r=0, date accessed 17 December 2014.

27. Cui Zhiyuan, “Zhidu chuangxin yu dierci sixiang jiefang” [Institutional Innova-tion and a Second Liberation of Thoughts], Ershiyi Shiji, no. 8 (August 1994): 7and “Fahui wenge zhong de heli yinsu” [Bring into Play the Reasonable Elementsof the Cultural Revolution], Yazhou Zhoukan [Asia Weekly], (26 May 1996): 47.

28. Xu Jilin, “Contradictions Within Enlightenment Ideas,” in Tian Yu Cao, ZhongXueping, and Liao Kebin, eds., Culture and Social Transformations in Reform EraChina (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 222.

29. Zhang Weiwei, The China Wave: Rise of a Civilizational State (Hackensack, NJ:World Century, 2012), 129.

30. Ibid., 130.31. Wang Shaoguang, “Xiaozhengfu dashehui cong genben shang shi cuo

de,” [The Notion of Small Government and Big Society Is FundamentallyFallacious] http://www.wyzxsx.com/Article/Class17/201103/219956.html, dateassessed 10 March 2011.

32. “The End of History” is an essay by Francis Fukuyama published in The NationalInterest in 1989. In the essay, Fukuyama argues that the advent of Western liberaldemocracy may signal the endpoint of humanity’s sociocultural evolution andthe final form of human government.

33. Bo Zhiyue and Chen Gang, “Global Financial Crisis and the Voice of the New Leftin China,” EAI Background Brief, no. 443 (2008): 4–5.

170 Notes

34. Ibid.35. Chen Weigang, Confucian Marxism: A Reflection on Religion and Global Justice

(Leiden: Brill, 2014), 7.36. Robert William Fogel, The Fourth Great Awakening and the Future of Egalitarianism

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 234.37. Chen, Confucian Marxism, 7.38. Joseph Fewsmith, “Debating Constitutional Government,” China Leadership Mon-

itor, no. 42 (October 2013): 4.39. Hu Angang, China in 2020: A New Kind of Superpower (Washington, DC: Brookings

Institution Press, 2011), 30.40. Pan Wei, “Modern Chinese System: Analysis of the China Model of Economics,

Politics, and Society,” in Pan Wei, ed., The China Model: Reading 60 Years of thePeople’s Republic (Beijing: Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2009), 3–85.

41. Quoted in David Kelly, “Approaching Chinese Freedom: A Study in Absolute andRelative Values,” Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 42, no. 2 (2013): 162.

42. Pan Wei, “Modern Chinese System, 3–85.43. Zhang, The China Wave: Rise of a Civilizational State, 1–3.44. Tian Yu Cao, “Conclusion,” in Tian Yu Cao, ed., The Chinese Model of Modern

Development (London: Routledge, 2005), 298.45. Cui Zhiyuan, “Chongqing shida minsheng gongcheng de zhengzhi jingji xue”

[The Political Economy of Chongqing’s 10 Biggest People’s Livelihood Projects],Zhonggong zhongyang dangxiao xuebao [Journal of the Party School of the CentralCommittee of the CCP], 14, no. 5 (2010): 5–10.

46. Peter Martin and David Cohen, “Socialism 3.0 in China,” http://thediplomat.com/2011/04/socialism-3-0-in-china/, date accessed 25 April 2011.

47. Wang Hui, “The Rumour Machine, London Review of Books, 34, no. 10 (24 May2012): 13–14.

48. William A. Callahan, “The China Dream and the American Dream,” Economic andPolitical Studies, 2, no. 1 (January 2014): 143–60.

49. Mark Leonard, What Does China Think? (New York: Public Affairs, 2008).50. Freeman and Yuan, “The Influence and Illusion of China’s New Left,” 71–9.

4 Democratic Socialism

1. Tony Judt, Ill Fares the Land (New York: Penguin Press, 2010), 229.2. In Singapore, the People’s Action Party (PAP) was initially a member of the

Socialist International. In Mexico, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) is amember of the Socialist International, as is the rival Party of the Democratic Rev-olution (PRD), making Mexico one of the few nations with two major, competingparties of the same international grouping.

3. For detailed discussion on the topic, see Chongyi Feng, “The Third Way: TheQuestion of Equity as a Bone of Contention between Intellectual Currents,”Contemporary Chinese Thought, 34, no. 4 (Summer 2003): 75–94.

4. Eduard Bernstein, Henry Tudor ed., The Preconditions of Socialism (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1993).

5. For a more detailed discussion on the subject, see Edmund Fung, “State Building,Capitalist Development, and Social Justice Social Democracy in China’s ModernTransformation, 1921–1949,” Modern China, 31, no. 3 (July 2005): 318–52.

6. Tianxia weigong can be literally translated into global oneness or communityownership of the public sphere.

Notes 171

7. Edmund Fung, The Intellectual Foundations of Chinese Modernity: Cultural and Polit-ical Thought in the Republican Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010),225–26.

8. Ibid., 191.9. Roger B. Jeans, Jr., Democracy and Socialism in Republican China The Politics of Zhang

Junmai (Carsun Chang), 1906–1941 (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 1997), 48.10. Henry George promoted the Single Tax Movement, which sought a form of

democratic socialism.11. For example, see Qiu Yuanping, Chai Shangjin, and Lin Deshan eds., Dangdai

shehuiminzhuzhuyi yu “disantiaodaolu” [Contemporary Social Democracy and the“Third Way”], (Beijing: Dangdai shijie chubanshe, 2004).

12. Hans Hendrischke, “The Chinese Discourse on Social Democracy,” in MauriceBrosseau, Suzanne Pepper, and Tsang Shu-ki, eds., China Review, 1996 (Hong Kong:The Chinese University Press, 1996), 98–9.

13. The Socialist International is the worldwide organization of social democratic,socialist, and labor parties. It currently brings together 162 political parties andorganizations from all continents.

14. Xie Tao, “Minzhu shehuizhuyi yu zhongguo qiantu” [The Model of DemocraticSocialism and China’s Future], Yanhuang Chunqiu, no. 2 (February 2007): 1–8.Yanhuang Chunqiu is a monthly backed by reformist party elders. The earlyversion of the essay, entitled “Zhiyou minzhushehuizhuyi nengjiu zhongguo”[Only Democratic Socialism Can Save China], was published as the prefaceto Xin Ziling, Hongtaiyang de yunluo: qianqiugongzui Mao Zedong [The Fall ofthe Red Sun: The Merits and Sins of Mao Zedong], (Hong Kong: Shuzuofang,2007).

15. Cao Siyuan, one of the most famous scholars on constitutional law in China,has contributed tremendous amount of time to push forward the progress ofsocial democracy. In the early 1980s, he successfully lobbied the National People’sCongress (NPC), the Chinese legislature, to pass PRC’s first law of bankruptcy.

16. Established in 1991, Yanhuang Chunqiu is an influential journal. It has publishedarticles dealing with critical issues such as democracy, constitutional governance,as well as critical reviews of important but sometimes sensitive events and leadersincluding Zhao Zhiyang and Hu Yaobang.

17. Xie, “Preface,” in Xin Ziling, Hongtaiyang de yunluo, xx.18. Chongyi Feng, “The Third Way: the Question of Equity as a Bone of Contention

between Intellectual Currents”: 84–5.19. For a good introduction of the subject, see Thomas Meyer with Lewis Hinchman,

The Theory of Social Democracy (Cambridge: Polity, 2007).20. Zhang Rulun, “Disantiao daolu,” [The Third Way] in Li Shitao, ed., Zhishifenzi

lichang – ziyouzhuyi zhizheng yu zhongguo sixiangjie de fenhua [The Positions ofthe Intellectuals – Debate on Liberalism and the Scission among the ChineseIntelligentsia], (Changchun: Shidai wenyi chubanshe, 2000), 343.

21. Xu Juezhai, “Engesi wannian de guancha yu sikao” [Engles’ Observation andThinking in His Later Years], Makesi lienin zhuyi yanjiu [Research on Marxism-Leninism], no. 1 (January 2011): 43.

22. Xie, “Minzhu shehuizhuyi yu zhongguo qiantu” [The Model of DemocraticSocialism and China’s Future].

23. Cao Siyuan, “Ruidian jingyan: xianzheng baohu le minzhushehuizhuyi” [SwedishExperience: The Constitutional Protection of Democratic Socialism], YanhuangChunqiu, no. 8 (August 2009).

172 Notes

24. Wenzhai Bao, 17 February 2007, quoted in Willy Lam “Hu Jintao Battles the CCP’sCrisis of Confidence,” China Brief, 7, no. 10 (2007), http://www.jamestown.org/programs/chinabrief/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=4163&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=197&no_cache=1#.VJL7p6Eo6vE, date accessed 18 December 2014.

25. Xie, “Preface,” xxxv–xxxvi.26. Li Rui, “Preface,” in Xin Ziling, Hongtaiyang de yunluo, viii.27. When the Communist Manifesto was published in 1948, Karl Marx was 30,

Friedrich Engels was 28.28. Xie, “Preface,” xxii.29. Bernstein called “Preface” to Karl Marx’s The Class Struggles in France the “political

will’ of Engels. Similarly, Xin Ziling argues that Engels passed away four monthsafter he wrote these words. Therefore, it should be treated as his “political will.”The New Left scholars contend that there is no such a thing like “political will”of Engels.

30. Preface of The Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1850 was written by FrederickEngels in 1895. Quoted in Xie, “Minzhushehuizhuyi yu zhongguo qiantu.”

31. Ma Licheng, “Minzhushehuizhuyi zai zhongguo” [Democratic Socialism inChina], 37 Jinji Guancha Bao [Economic Observer News], 25 September2010.

32. Eduard Bernstein, Evolutionary Socialism (New York: Shocken Books, 1961), 202.33. Friedrich Engels, “Preface to the English Edition,” in Friedrich Engels, The

Condition of the Working Class in England (London: Penguin Books, 1987), 39.34. Zhang Qiuyuan, “Engesi de hua geiwo de qishi” [New Thinking from the

Writings of Engels], http://new.21ccom.net/articles/gsbh/article_2010072914396.html, date accessed 29 July 2010.

35. Hong Yunshan, “On the Transformation of the Capitlist System of Own-ership.” Guangmin Ribao (13 February 1989), quoted in Zhang Shuqiang,“Marxism, Confucianism and Cultural Nationalism,” in Zhiling Lin and ThomasW. Robinson, eds., The Chinese and Their Future: Beijing, Taipei, and Hong Kong(Washington, DC: The AEI Press, 1994), 85.

36. He Fang, “Yingwei shehuizhuyi zhengming” [Restore the True Meaning of Social-ism], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/lsjd/lsjj/article_2011122650882.html, dateaccessed 26 December 2011.

37. Li Zehou and Liu Zaifu, Gaobie geming: huiwang ershishiji zhongguo [Farewell toRevolution: Looking Back on Twentieth-century China] (Hong Kong: Tiandi BookCompany, 1997).

38. For an overview of Li Zehou’s philosophical system, see Gu Xin, “Hegelianismand Chinese Intellectual Discourse: A Study of Li Zehou,” Journal of ContemporaryChina, 8 (Winter–Spring 1995): 1–27.

39. “Xie Tao Speaks At Hong Kong University,” http://www.zonaeuropa.com/200709.brief.htm, date accessed 22 September 2007.

40. Xie, “Minzhu shehuizhuyi yu zhongguo qiantu” [The Model of DemocraticSocialism and China’s Future].

41. Xiang Wenhua, Sikandenaweiya minzhushehui zhuyi yanjiu [Research on Demo-cratic Socialism in Scandinavia] (Beijing: Central Compilation & TranslationPress, 1999).

42. Xinning Song, “European ‘Models’ and Their Implications to China: Internal andExternal Perspectives,” Review of International Studies, 36, no. 3 (July 2010): 759.

43. For detailed discussion on the Swedish model, see Henrik Simonsen, Towarda “One-Party Democracy”? – Prospects for a Future Democratic PRC with Reference

Notes 173

to Swedish Democratic Experience, http://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/34906, date accessed 18 September 2009.

44. Xiao Liang, “Lilun de tupo yu gege de tupo” [Theoretical Breakthrough andReform Breakthrough], Caijin wenti yanjiu [Financial and Economic Studies],no. 11 (2007). Quoted in Wang Yanlai, China’s Economic Development and Democ-ratization (Aldershot, UK and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003), 171.

45. Xie, “Minzhu shehuizhuyi yu Zhongguo qiantu” [The Model of Democratic Socialismand China’s Future].

46. Zheng Yongnian, “China Shows Increasing Interest in Social Democracy despiteResistance to Multiparty System,” Lianhe Zaobao, http://www.zaobao.com/special/forum/pages5/forum_zp071016a.html, date accessed 16 October 2007.

47. See Qin Hui, “Ziyouzhuyi, shehuiminzhuzhuyi yu dangdai zhongguo ‘wenti’ ”[Liberalism, Social Democracy and Issues in Contemporary China], Zhanlüe yuguanli [Strategy and Management], no. 5 (2000): 83–91.

48. For detail, see Huang Dagong, ed., Dalunzhan: minzhushehuizhuyi yu zhongguochulu: Xie Tao yinqi de zhengming [Big Debate: Democratic Socialism and China’sFurure], (Hong Kong: Tiandi tushu, 2007).

49. Zhang Suhua, “Sulian jieti shi minzhushehuizhuyi de pochan,” [Bankruptcy ofDemocratic Socialism Is the Cause of the Breakdown of the Soviet Union] inTianyu Cao, ed., Shehuizhuyi haishi shehuiminzhuzhuyi?: Zhongguo gaige zhongde“minzhu shehuizhuyi” sichao (Hong Kong: Dafeng chubanshe, 2008), 129–40.

50. Minqi Li, “After Neoliberalism: Empire, Social Democracy, or Socialism?” MonthlyReview, 55, no. 8 (2004): 34.

51. Wu Bing (pseudonym), “Minzhushehuizhuyi jiushi zibenzhuyi” [DemocraticSocialism Is Capitalism], the paper was initially published at Maoflag.net, theEnglish translation of the paper is available at http://www.wengewang.org/read.php?tid=14959&uid=1645, date accessed 15 March 2008.

52. Pan Wei, “Western System versus Chinese System,” EAI Background Brief, no. 530,East Asian Institute, National University of Singapore (20 May 2010), 5.

53. “Ruhe kandai minzhushehuizhuyi” [How to Evaluate Democratic Socialism],Renmin Ribao [People’s Daily] (10 May 2007), 9.

54. Ma Licheng, “Jiaofeng: Dangdai,zhongguo de bazhong sichao” [Crossing Swords:Eight Schools of Thought in Contemporary China], Tongzhougongjin, no. 1 (2010).

55. Xu Youyu, “Ziyouzhuyi haishi shehuiminzhuzhuyi? Qianyi weilai zhongguoxianzheng yuanli,” [Liberalism or Social Democracy? – Preliminary Analysis onChina’s Constitutional Principles in Future] in Feng Chongyi and Zhu Xueqin,eds., Xianzheng yu zhongguo, zhongguo ziyouzhuyi lun cong zhi yi [Constitutionalismand China, Book Series on Chinese Liberalism vol. 1], (Hong Kong: Hong KongPress for Social Sciences Ltd, 2004), 198.

56. Chen Kuiyuan, “Xinyang makesizhuyi, zuo jiangding de makesizhuyizhe” [Hav-ing Faith in Marxism, Being a Firm Marxist], http://www.wyzxsx.com/Article/Class16/201105/231240.html, date accessed 17 May 2012.

57. Hendrischke, “The Chinese Discourse on Social Democracy,” 96.58. Xie, “Preface,” xx.59. Hendrischke, “The Chinese Discourse on Social Democracy,” 97.60. Xie, “Minzhushehuizhuyi yu zhongguo qiantu” [The Model of Democratic

Socialism and China’s Future].61. Harmonious Society is a socioeconomic vision that is said to be the ultimate

end result of Chinese leader Hu Jintao’s signature ideology of the scientificdevelopment outlook.

174 Notes

62. The CCP claims that apart from the Communist Party, eight so-called democraticbut nominal parties are allowed to take part in the advisory body, the ChinesePeople’s Political Consultative Conference.

63. Quoted in Joseph Kahn, “In China, Talk of Democracy Is Simply That,” New YorkTimes (20 April 2007), A1.

64. Ibid.65. Zheng Yongnian, “China Shows Increasing Interest in Social Democracy despite

Resistance to Multiparty System,” Lianhe Zaobao, http://www.zaobao.com/special/forum/pages5/forum_zp071016a.html, date accessed 16 October 2007.

66. Gao Fang, “Evolvement of the Relationship Between Scientific Socialism andDemocratic Socialism in Recent Century – Only Socialist Democracy Can SaveChina,” Lilun xuekaun [Theory Journal], 6, no. 6 (2007): 15–22.

67. Suisheng Zhao, “Political Liberalization without Democratization: Pan Wei’s Pro-posal for Political Reform,” Journal of Contemporary China, 12, no. 35 (2003):351.

68. Survey Center of the People’s Forum,“Renmin luntan: 2013 zhide guanzhu deshida sichao” [People’s Forum: Top 10 Visible Schools of Thought in 2013],http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_2014020599978_2.html, dateaccessed 5 February 2014.

69. Ross Terrill, “The Case for Selective Failure,” The Wilson Quarterly (Autumn2010), 60.

70. For details, see David Shambaugh, “The Chinese Discourse on NoncommunistParty-States,” in David Shambaugh, ed., China’s Communist Party: Atrophy & Adap-tation; American and European Relations with China (Washington, DC: WoodrowWilson Center Press; Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 87–102.

5 New Confucianism

1. John Makeham, Lost Soul: “Confucianism” in Contemporary Chinese AcademicDiscourse (Cambridge: The Harvard University Asia Center, 2008), 1.

2. Mu Zongsan, Daode de lixianzhuyi [Moral Idealism] (Taipei: Xuesheng shuju,1985) and Cai Renhou, Rujia sixiang de xiandai yiyi [The Modern Significance ofConfucian Thought] (Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1999).

3. Yuandao is the main theoretical front of contemporary New Confucianism. Thejournal was launched by Chen Ming, a researcher at the Institute for World Reli-gion at the CASS in 1994. Chen Ming continues to serve as the journal’s chiefeditor.

4. Ma Licheng, Dangdai zhongguo bazhong shehui sichao [Contemporary ChineseSocial Thought] (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2012), Peter Moody,Conservative Thought in Contemporary China (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2007),and Xiao Gongqin, “Dangdai zhongguo liuda shehui sichao de lishi yan-bian yu weilai zhanwang” [Evolution and Future Development of Six MajorSocial Thoughts in Contemporary China] Lindaozhe [Leaders] no. 29 (2009),112–19.

5. Roderick MacFarquhar, “The Post-Confucian Challenge,” in Korea: Past, Present andFuture (Queenstown, MD: Aspen Institute for Humanistic Studies, 1985), 68.

6. Herman Kahn, World Economic Development: 1979 and Beyond (Boulder: WestviewPress, 1979), 122.

7. Yun-han Chu, “Sources of Regime Legitimacy and the Debate over the ChineseModel,” ABS Working Paper Series, no. 52 (2011): 22.

Notes 175

8. Xu Youyu, “Intellectual Discourses in Post-Mao China and Today,” http://chinachange.org/2014/05/24/intellectual-discourses-in-post-mao-china-and-today/, date accessed 24 May 2014.

9. Daniel A. Bell, “Reconciling Confucianism and Socialism? Reviving Tradition inChina,” Dissent, 57, no. 1 (Winter 2010): 91.

10. Makeham, Lost Soul, 342.11. Fang Keli, Xiandai xinruxue yu zhongguo xiandaihua [New Confucianism and

Chinese Modernization], (Tianjin: Renmin chubanshe, 1997), 453.12. See Fang Keli, “Guanyu xiandai xinrujia yanjiu de jige wenti” [On Some Issues in

New Confucianism Research], in Fang Keli and Li Jinquan, eds., Xiandai xinruxueyanjiu lunji [Collected Essays on New Confucianism Studies] (Beijing: Zhongguoshehui kexue chubanshe, 1989), vol. 1: 1–13.

13. Song Xianlin, “Reconstructing the Confucian Ideal in 1980s China: The ‘Cul-ture Craze’ and New Confucianism,” in John Makeham, ed., New Confucianism:A Critical Examination (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 81–104.

14. Fang Keli and Li Jinquan, eds., Xiandai xinruxue yanjiu lunji [Collection of Studieson Contemporary New Confucianism], vol. 1 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexuechubanshe, 1989), 8.

15. Fang Keli, “Lüelun jiushi niandai de wenhua baoshou zhuyi sichao,” [A Brief Discus-sion of the Cultural Conservative Trend of the Nineties] in Sha Jiansun and GongShuduo, eds., Zou shenmelu: yu zhongguo jinxiandai lishi shang de ruogan zhongdashifei wenti (Jinan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 1997), 157–61.

16. Cai Fanglu, “Ruexue yu makesizhuyi de qihechu jiqi zai dangdai xinwenhuazhong de weizhi” [The Points Confucianism Shares in Common with Marxismand Its Place in the Contemporary New Culture], Jiangxi shehuikexue, no. 1 (1993):6–10.

17. Makeham, Lost Soul, 241.18. “In Conversation with Yao Zhongqiu,” http://www.newschinamag.com/magazine/

in-conversation-with-yao-zhongqiu, date accessed 15 August 2013.19. Liu Wanyuan, “The Constitutionalist’s New Robes,” http://www.newschinamag.

com/magazine/the-constitutionalists-new-robes, accessed 1 September 2013.20. Yao Zhongqiu, “Wenmin fuxing shiyezhong zhi biange xinfan” [A New Reform

Paradigm: Chinese Cultural Renaissance], Journal of Open Times (September 2012).21. Yao Zhongqiu, Muhuaxia zhili zhisushi: Tiansia [A History of the Order of Chinese

Governance: Tianxia], (Haikou: Hainan Chubanshe, 2012).22. Jiang Qing, “Debating with My Critics,” in Jiang Qing, ed., A Confucian Constitu-

tional Order: How China’s Ancient Past Can Shape Its Political Future (Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press, 2012), 196.

23. Gao Quanxi “Zuopai shi shi, yuopai shi sanwen,” [Left Is Poem, and RightIs Prose] http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_20140303101563.html, date accessed 3 March 2014.

24. For detailed discussion on the subject, see Liu Junning “Xinjiapo: rujiaziy-ouzhuyi de tiaozhan” [Singapore: The Challenge of Confucian Liberalism] Dushu[Reading], no. 2 (1993): 9–15.

25. Xu Youyu, “Ziyouzhuyi yu dangdai zhongguo,” [Liberalism and ContemporaryChina] in Li Shitao, ed., Zhishifenzi de lichang [Positions of the Intellectuals],(Changchun: Shidai Guofan Jianlun, 2000), 415.

26. Peter Moody, Conservative Thought in Contemporary China (Lanham: LexingtonBooks, 2007), 87.

27. Liu Wanyuan, “The Constitutionalist’s New Robes.”

176 Notes

28. “In Conversation with Yao Zhongqiu,” http://www.newschinamag.com/magazine/in-conversation-with-yao-zhongqiu, date accessed 15 August 2013.

29. Jiang Qing, “Zhongguo dalu fuxing ruxue de xianshi yiyi jiqi mianlin de wenti”[The Real Significance of Reviving Confucianism in the Mainland and Its Prob-lems], Ehu [Goose Lake], no. 170 (August 1989) and no. 171 (September 1989),quoted in Fang Keli, Xiandai xinruxue yu zhongguo xiandaihua [ContemporaryNew Confucianism and China’s Modernization], Tianjin, China: Tianjin Renminchubanshe, 424–25.

30. Makeham, Lost Soul, 271.31. Ibid., 269–70.32. Jiang Qing and Daniel A. Bell, “A Confucian Constitution for China,” New York

Times, 10 July 2012, A25.33. Kang Xiaoguang, “Confucianization: A Future in the Tradition,” Social Research,

73, no. 1 (Spring 2006): 77.34. Kang Xiaoguang, “Political Development and Political Stability in the Era of

Reform,” The Chinese Economy, 35, no. 5 (September–October 2002): 83–6.35. Ibid.36. Ibid.37. Ruiping Fan, “Jiang Qing on Equality,” in Ruiping Fan, ed., The Renaissance of

Confucianism in Contemporary China (New York: Springer, 2011), 55–6.38. Daniel A. Bell, “Introduction,” in Jiang Qing, A Confucian Constitutional Order:

How China’s Ancient Past Can Shape Its Political Future (Princeton, NJ: PrincetonUniversity Press, 2012), 17.

39. Zhou Lian, “The Debates in Contemporary Chinese Political Thought,” in FredDallmayr and Zhao Tingyang, eds., Contemporary Chinese Political Thought, Debatesand Perspectives (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 2012), 35.

40. Gan Yang, “Zhongguo daolu: sanshi nian yu liushi nian,” Dushu [Reading], no. 6(June 2007): 3–13.

41. Zhou Lian, “The Debates in Contemporary Chinese Political Thought,” 36.42. Yi Quan, “Xin gaige gongshi buneng zou rujia shehuizhuyi daolu” [The New

Reform Consensus Cannot Lead to Confucian Socialism], Gaige neican [InternalInformation on Reform], no. 16 (2006): 43–5.

43. Yang Jisheng, “Xiandai minzhu zhidu: yi genbuneng bei paichu de gaige gongshi”[The Contemporary Democratic System: A Consensus on Reform which CanNot Be Put Aside], Quoted in Sébastien Billioud, “Confucianism, ‘Cultural Tra-dition’ and Official Discourses in China at the Start of the New Century,” ChinaPerspectives, no. 3 (2007): 63.

44. Joseph Chan, “Political Meritocracy and Meritorious Rule: A Confucian Perspec-tive,” in., Daniel A. Bell and Chenyang Li, eds., The East Asian Challenge forDemocracy: Political Meritocracy in Comparative Perspective (New York: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2013), 31–54, and Tongdong Bai, “A Confucian Version ofHybrid Regime: How Does it Work, and Why Is It Superior?” in Daniel A. Bell andChenyang Li, eds., The East Asian Challenge for Democracy: Political Meritocracy inComparative Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 55–87.

45. Zhou Qing and Zhuang Youming, “Xinjiapo xiandaihua dianjiren de zhiguolilun” [Theories of Governance of the Pioneers in Singapore’s Modernization],Dongnanya yanjiu [Study of Southeast Asia], no. 5–6 (1993): 58–63.

46. For a good study on the subject, see R. Keith Schoppa, Revolution and Its Past:Identities and Change in Modern China, 3rd ed. (Upper Saddle River, NJ: PearsonPublisher, 2011).

Notes 177

47. Jiawen Ai, “Selecting the Refined and Discarding the Dross: The Post–1990Chinese Leadership’s Attitude Towards Cultural Tradition,” in Patrick Daly andTim Winter, eds., Routledge Handbook of Heritage in Asia (London: Routledge,2012), 132.

48. Moody, Conservative Thought in Contemporary China, 88.49. Enfu Cheng, “Seven Currents of Social Thoughts and their Development in

Contemporary China with a Focus on Innovative Marxism,” http://mltoday.com/seven-currents-of-social-thought-in-people-s-china, date accessed 1 August2014.

50. Rey-Ching Lu, Chinese Democracy and Elite Thinking (New York: PalgraveMacmillan, 2011), x.

51. Francis Fukuyama, “Confucianism and Democracy,” Journal of Democracy, 6, no. 2(April 1995): 24–5.

52. Samuel Huntington, “Will More Countries Become Democratic?” Political ScienceQuarterly, 99, no. 2 (1984): 208.

53. Baogang He, “Four Models of the Relationship between Confucianism andDemocracy,” Journal of Chinese Philosophy, 37, no. 1 (March 2010): 18–33.

54. Shaohua Hu, “Confucianism and Western Democracy,” Journal of ContemporaryChina, 6, no. 15 (July 1997): 347.

55. Sébastien Billioud, “Confucianism, ‘Cultural Tradition’ and Official Discourses inChina at the Start of the New Century,” China Perspectives, no. 3 (2007): 64.

56. Ching Kwan Lee, Against the Law: Labor Protest in China’s Rustbelt and Sunbelt(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007).

57. Daniel A. Bell, China’s New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a ChangingSociety, rev. ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 12.

58. “Li kongzi xiang tuo bu tuo?” [Is That Appropriate to Put the Statueof Confucius?” http://culture.people.com.cn/GB/87423/13749642.html, dateaccessed 17 January 2011.

59. Daniel A. Bell, China’s New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a ChangingSociety (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), 188.

60. See more at: http://www.ntd.tv/en/programs/news-politics/china-forbidden-news/20140926/225207-new-confucius-era-vs-class-struggle.html#sthash.aSCKKg3i.dpuf, date accessed 14 October 2014.

61. Qin Hui, Chuantong shi lun [Ten Essays on Tradition] (Shanghai: Fudandaxuechubanshe, 2003).

62. Qin Hui, “Zhongguo wenhua de zuida wenti shi rubiao fali” [The Largest Prob-lem of Chinese Culture Is Confucianism on the Outside and Legalism onthe Inside], http://finance.sina.com.cn/hy/20100116/18207257091.shtml, dateaccessed 16 January 2010.

63. Qin Hui, “Wo de lishiguan” [My View of History] http://www.confucianism.com.cn/Showdashi.asp?id=8296&bid=a000300070006, date accessed 13 October 2006.

64. Tang Wu Revolutions refers to the revolutions led by Tang, the first king of theShang dynasty, overthrowing Jie, the last ruler of the Xia dynasty, and King Wu,the first king of the Zhou dynasty, overthrowing Zhou, the last ruler of the Shangdynasty.

65. Tu Wei-ming, Way, Learning, and Politics: Essays on the Confucian Intellectuals(Albany: State University of New York, 1993), 158.

66. Tu Wei-ming, “Chinese Intellectuals Once Represent Heaven (Tian), But NowThey Are Facing Consensus Crisis,” http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_2013061785672.html, date accessed 17 June 2013.

178 Notes

6 Chinese Intellectual Discourse on Democracy

1. Bruce Gilley, China’s Democratic Future: How It Will Happen and Where It Will Lead(New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), Geng Yunzhi, “Xifang minzhu zaijindai zhongguo de mingyun” [Western Democracy and Its Practice in ModernChina,” Yanhuang Chunqiu, (July 2003), Andrew J. Nathan, Chinese Democracy(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985), and Minxin Pei, China’s Trapped Transition:The Limits of Developmental Autocracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,2006).

2. Yu Keping, Democracy Is a Good Thing: Essays on Politics, Society, and Culture inContemporary China (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008).

3. Tianjian Shi and Jie Lu, “The Shadow of Confucianism,” Journal of Democracy, 21,no. 4 (October 2010): 123–30.

4. Yun-han Chu, “Sources of Regime Legitimacy and the Debate over the ChineseModel,” ABS Working Paper Series, no. 52 (2011): 8.

5. Nathan, Chinese Democracy, 103.6. Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation:

Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore, MD: TheJohns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 3.

7. “Voice on Chinese People’s Political Ideas,” Huanqiu Shibao [Global Times],19 April 2013, http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/776016.shtml, date accessed19 April 2013.

8. Research Center for the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Character-istics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, “Socialist Democracy with ChineseCharacteristics: Features and Strengths,” Qiushi, 2, no. 3 (1 July 2010): 36–43,and Su Zhihong and Cui Kerui, “Democracy: A Concrete Historical Concept-Reflection on the Concept of Socialist Democracy with Chinese Characteristics,”Jiangsu Social Sciences, no. 4 (2011): 124–28.

9. Tianjian Shi, “China: Democratic Values Supporting an Authoritarian System,” inYun-han Chu, Larry Diamond, Andrew J. Nathan, and Doh Chull Shin, eds., HowEast Asians View Democracy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 209–37.

10. Information Office of the State Council, Zhongguo de minzhu zhengzhi jianshe[Building of Political Democracy in China], (White Paper), http://chinausfocus.com/library/government-resources/chinese-resources/documents/white-paper-building-of-political-democracy-in-china-october-2005/, date accessed 19October 2005.

11. Melissa Murphy, Decoding Chinese Politics: Intellectual Debates and Why They Matter(Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2008), 10–4.

12. For this subject, see Baogang Guo, “Political Legitimacy and China’s Transi-tion,” Journal of Chinese Political Science, 8, no 1–2 (Fall 2003): 1–16 and JosephFewsmith, The Logic and Limits of Political Reform in China (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2013), 68–107.

13. Gao Fang, Zhengzhixue yu zhengzhi tizhi gaige [Political Science and PoliticalReform] (Beijing: Zhongguo shuji chubanshe, 2002).

14. Cheng Li, “Intra-Party Democracy in China: Should We Take It Seriously?” ChinaLeadership Monitor, no. 30 (Fall 2009): 3.

15. For a more detailed discussion of this argument, see Cheng Li, “Introduction:Making Democracy Safe for China” in Yu Keping, Democracy Is a Good Thing:Essays on Politics, Society and Culture in Contemporary China (Washington DC: TheBrookings Institution Press, 2009), xvii–xxxi.

Notes 179

16. Li, “Intra-Party Democracy in China,” 3–4.17. Yu, Democracy Is a Good Thing.18. Quoted in Jung Nam Lee, “A Critical Analysis of Theory of Chinese-Style

Democracy,” International Area Review, 13, no. 1 (Spring 2010): 75.19. Yu Keping, “Xuyao liqing youguan minzhu de jige guanxi” [The Necessity to

Clarify Several Conceptual Factors Concerning Democracy], Beijing ribao [BeijingDaily] (16 March 2009).

20. Wang Changjiang, “Zhuoli tuijin dang zhizheng de gaige chuangxin” [Pro-moting Reforms and Innovation in the Party], Jiefang Ribao [Liberation Daily](28 September 2009).

21. Fewsmith, The Logic and Limits of Political Reform in China, 174.22. For detail, see Deng Zhenglai and Sujian Guo, eds., China’s Search for Good

Governance (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011).23. UNDP Report, Governance for Sustainable Human Development, 1997.24. Yu Keping, Lun guojia zhili xiandaihua [Essays on the Modernization of State

Governance] (Beijing: Sheke wenxian chubanshe, 2014).25. David Bandurski, “Yu Keping: Prizing the Will of the People,” http://cmhku.hk/

2012/04/16/21469/, date accessed 16 April 2012.26. Baogang Guo, China’s Quest for Political Legitimacy: The New Equity-Enhancing

Politics (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2010), 63.27. Yingjie Guo, “The Role of Intellectual Elites in China’s Political Reform,” in

Xiaowei Zang and Chien-wen Kou, eds., Elites and Governance in China (London:Routledge, 2013), 34.

28. David Shambaugh, China’s Communist Party: Atrophy & Adaptation (Berkeley, CA:University of California Press, 2008), 92–105.

29. Zhao Jianying, “Dangqian woguo wenhua rentong weiji de biaoxian ji yuanyin”[Manifestations of and Reasons for Our Country’s Current Cultural IdentificationCrisis], Lingdao Canyue [Leadership Reference] (2005): 19.

30. Andrew J. Nathan, “China at the Tipping Point? Foreseeing the Unforeseeable,”Journal of Democracy, 24, no. 1 (January 2013): 23.

31. Ignazio Castellucci, “Rule of Law with Chinese Characteristics,” Annual Survey ofInternational & Comparative Law, 13, no. 1 (2007): 35–92 and Jiefen Li, “SocialistRule of Law with Chinese Characteristics,” Issues & Studies, 43, no. 1 (March 2007):115–57.

32. Research Center for the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Character-istics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, “Socialist Democracy with ChineseCharacteristics: Features and Strengths.

33. Tony Saich, Governance and Politics of China (Hampshire, NY: Palgrave Macmillan,201), 125–26.

34. Shiping Hua, “All Roads Lead to Democracy,” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars,24, no. 1 (January–March 1992): 52.

35. It is also referred to as participatory democracy and consultative democracy.36. Fang Ning, “Minzhu de zhongguo jingyan” [China’s Democratic Experience],

http://www.aisixiang.com/data/46992.html, date accessed 22 November 2011.37. Zhou Lian, “The Debate in Contemporary Chinese Political Thought,”

in Fred Dallmayr and Zhao Tingyang, eds., Contemporary Chinese PoliticalThought, Debates and Perspectives (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky,2012), 32.

38. Li Junru, “Chinese Should Not Be So Humbled about Democracy,” http://politics.people.com.cn/GB/1026/4624705.html, date accessed 25 July 2006.

180 Notes

39. Jin Anping, Yao Chuanming, “Xieshang minzhu buying wudu” [DeliberativeDemocracy Should Not be Misinterpreted], Zhongguo Renming Zhengxie LilunYanjiuhui Huikan (Journal of Association on the Study of the Theory of ChinesePolitical Consultation), no. 3 (2007), http://chinaps.cass.cn/readcontent.asp?id=8049, date accessed 18 December 2014.

40. Chen Hongtai, “Zhongguo yin xuanze shenmo leixing de minzhu fazhan moshi”[What Kind of Model of Democratic Development China Must Choose], Zhongguotese shehuizhuyi yanjiu, no. 2 (2011), http://myy.cass.cn/news/457494.htm, dateaccessed 18 December 2014.

41. Zaijun Yuan, The Failure of China’s Democratic Reforms (Lanham: Lexington Books,2011).

42. Xiaoqin Guo, Dang dai zhongguo sixiangjie guoshi fangtanlu [Interviews of Contem-porary Chinese Thinkers] (Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 2009) and Xiao Sanza,Zuoyuo weinan: Zhongguo dangdai sicao fantang lu [Interviews of Scholars of Con-temporary Chinese Schools of Thought] (Fuzhou, China: Fujianjaoyu chubanshe,2012).

43. Guangbin Yang and Miao Li, “Western Political Science Theories and the Develop-ment of Political Theories in China,” Journal of Chinese Political Science, 14, no. 3(September 2009): 275–97.

44. Li Shenzhi, “Hongyang beida de ziyouzhuyi chuantong” [Promoting and Devel-oping the Liberal Tradition of Peking University], in Liu Junning, ed., Ziyouzhuyide xiansheng:Beida chuantong yu jinxiandai Zhongguo [The Harbinger of Liberalism:The Tradition of Peking University and Modern China] (Beijing: Zhongguo renshichubanshe, 1998), 4–5.

45. Didi Tang and Gillian Wong, “Chinese Scholars Push for Mild Political Reform,”http://news.yahoo.com/chinese-scholars-push-mild-political-reform-092942854.html, date accessed 26 December 2012.

46. Bai Gang, “Xiandai xifang minzhu zhuyi” [Review of Contemporary WesternDemocracy], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/zgyj/xzmj/article_2010070612683_4.html, date accessed 6 July 2010.

47. Li Shenzhi, “Yeyao tuidong zhengzhi gaige” [Promoting Political Reform Too],Dangdai Zhongguo yanjiu [Modern China Studies], (April 1998): 17–9.

48. Suisheng Zhao, ed., Debating Political Reform in China: Rule of Law vs. Democratiza-tion (Armonk: Sharpe, 2006).

49. Huainian Li Shenzhi [In Commemoration of Li Shenzhi], 2 vols., publishedunofficially in January 2006, 339.

50. Zhou Zhixin, speech delivered at the Harvard University on 2 May 2013, http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_2013051583418.html, date accessed1 June 2013.

51. Yang Yao, “A Chinese Way of Democratisation?” China: An International Journal,8, no. 2 (September 2010): 343.

52. Zhang Mingshu, Zhongguoren xiangyao shenmoyang de minzhu [What Kind ofDemocracy Do the Chinese People Want] (Beijing: Social Science DocumentationPublishing House, 2013).

53. Leftism is used in a different sense from the currently popular usage in the West.In China, The New Leftists are more like conservatists, they oppose the policy ofmarket-oriented reform and liberal democracy.

54. Jiang Qing, A Confucian Constitutional Order: How China’s Ancient Past Can ShapeIts Political Future (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), 202.

Notes 181

55. Zhang Weiwei, The China Wave: Rise of a Civilizational State (Hackensack, NJ:World Century Publishing Corporation), 118.

56. Ibid., 115.57. Han Zhu, “China Should Avoid Traps of Universalism,” http://www.china.org.cn/

opinion/2012-06/28/content_25758932.htm, date accessed 28 June 2012.58. Xie Yue, “Xinzuopai yu ziyouzhuyi de zhengzhixue zhizheng” [The Debate over

Political Science between New-Left and Liberalism], Shanghai Jiaotong daxue xue-bao: zhexue shehuikehuipan [Journal of Shanghai Jiaotong University: Philosophyand Social Sciences Edition], no. 1 (2003): 19–24.

59. Wang Shaoguang, Minzhu sijiang [Four Lectures on Democracy] (Beijing:Shenghuo Dushu Xinzhi Press, 2008).

60. Ibid.61. Hu Angang, “Huihuang shinian: Zhongguo chengong zhidao zai nali?” [Brilliant

Decade: What Is the Secret of the Chinese Success?], Renmin Ribao [People’s Daily,Overseas Edition] (3 July 2012).

62. Quoted in Daniel C. Lynch, “Envisioning China’s Political Future: Elite Responsesto Democracy as a Global Constitutive Norm,” International Studies Quarterly, 51(2007): 712.

63. C. Fred Bergsten, Charles Freeman, Nicholas R. Lardy, and Derek J. Mitchell,China’s Rise: Challenges and Opportunities (Washington, DC: The Peterson Institutefor International Economics, 2008), 44.

64. Bo Zhiyue and Chen Gang, “Global Financial Crisis and the Voice of the New Leftin China,” EAI Background Brief, no. 443 (March 2009).

65. Hu Angang, “Equity and Efficiency,” in Chaohua Wang, ed., One China, ManyPaths (London: Verso, 2003), 226.

66. Xudong Zhang, ed., Whither China?: Intellectual Politics in Contemporary China(Durham: Duke University Press, 2001), 56.

67. For more discussion of Pan Wei’s criticism of liberal democracy, see “Towarda Consultative Rule of Law Regime in China,” Journal of Contemporary China,12, no. 34 (February 2003): 3–43; also Suisheng Zhao, ed., Debating Polit-ical Reform in China: Rule of Law vs. Democratization (New York: Sharpe,2006).

68. Jiang Qing, A Confucian Constitutional Order: How China’s Ancient Past Can ShapeIts Political Future (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013), 202.

69. Pan Wei, “Toward a Consultative Rule of Law Regime in China,” in SuishengZhao, ed., Debating Political Reform in China: Rule of Law vs. Democratization(Armonk: Sharpe, 2002), 3–43.

70. For a general discussion of this issue, see Rey-Ching Lu, Chinese Democracyand Elite Thinking (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), Fred Dallmayr andZhao Tingyang, eds., Contemporary Chinese Political Thought, Debates and Per-spectives (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 2012), and Ethan J. Leiband Baogang He, eds., The Search for Deliberative Democracy in China (New York:Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).

71. Zheng Yongnian, “Zhonggong changqi chizheng de tiaozhang yu zhihui” [Chal-lenges to Long-term Governance of the CCP and Wisdom], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_2013050482632.html, date accessed 4 May 2013.

72. Cheng Li, “Introduction: Assessing China’s Political Development,” in Cheng Li,ed., China’s Changing Political Landscape: Prospects for Democracy (Washington, DC:Brookings Institution Press, 2008), 11.

182 Notes

7 Debating China’s Economic Reform

1. Dali Yang, “Economic Transformation and Its Political Discontents in China:Authoritarianism, Unequal Growth, and the Dilemmas of Political Develop-ment,” Annual Review of Political Science, 9 (2006): 143–64.

2. Sun Yixian, Chen Aisheng, Li Yunli, and Fang Hongyan, “Guanyu xinzuopaisichao zui daxueshen yingxiang zhuankuan de diaocha baogao,” [The Investiga-tion Report of the Trend of the New Left Thought’s Influence on UndergraduateStudents] Nanchang hangkonggongye xueyuan xuebao shehuikehuipan [Journal ofNanchang Institute of Aeronautical Technology, Social Science Edition], 8, no. 1(January 2006): 30–3.

3. This observation is based on my fieldwork in China.4. Peter Moody, Conservative Thought in Contemporary China (Lanham: Lexington

Books, 2007), 5.5. For details, see He Li, “Returned Students and Political Change in China,” Asian

Perspective, 30, no. 2 (Summer 2006): 5–29.6. Chaohua Wang, “Introduction,” in Chaohua Wang, ed., One China, Many Paths

(London: Verso, 2003), 28.7. For more information on liberalism in China, see Xu Youyu, “The Debates

between Liberalism and the New Left in China Since the 1990s,” ContemporaryChinese Thought, 34, no. 3 (2003): 6–17.

8. Xu Youyu, “Contemporary Chinese Society’s Ideological Splits,” http://en.chinaelections.org/newsinfo.asp?newsid=13310, date accessed 17 November2010.

9. Wang Hui, “The New Criticism,” in Wang ed., One China, 61.10. Liu Junning, “Classical Liberalism Catches on in China,” Journal of Democracy, 11,

no. 3 (July 2000): 53.11. Xu, “Contemporary Chinese Society’s Ideological Splits.”12. Neoliberalism is a philosophy, arising in the 1960s. Neoliberalism emphasizes the

importance of economic growth and asserts that social justice is best maintainedby minimal government interference and free market forces.

13. Hayek is highly respected by most Chinese scholars, even then Premier ZhuRongji, has Hayek on his bookshelf. Cited in Liu Junning, “Classical LiberalismCatches on in China,” 48.

14. Liu Junning is a liberal political scientist and founder of the journal Res Publica,which fosters the theoretical and public rise of liberal thinking in China.

15. Kate Zhou, “China’s Break from Serfdom,” A Review by the Grassroot Institute ofHawaii, published on 29 March 2004, http://www.mackinac.org/6479?print=yes,date accessed 1 August 2014.

16. Mark Leonard, What Does China Think? (New York: Public Affairs, 2008), 33.17. “China Confident in Maintaining Economic Growth: Premier,” http://www.

china.org.cn/english/2007lh/203252.htm], date accessed 16 March 2007.18. Wang Shaoguang and Hu Angang, Zhongguo guojia nengli baogao [A Study of the

State Capacity of China] (Shenyang, China: Liaoning People’s Publisher, 1993).19. Wang Shaoguang, “Jianli yige qiangyouli de minzhu guojia – jianlun “zhengquan

xingshi” yu “guojia nengli” de qubie” [Establishing a Powerful Democratic State:Also on the Distinction between the “Form of Government” and “State Capac-ity”], in Dangdai zhongguo yanjiu zhongxin lunwen [Essays from the Center ofContemporary Chinese Studies], no. 4 (1991).

20. Hu Angang “Equity and Efficiency,” in Wang ed., One China, 225–6.

Notes 183

21. Ren Ze, “Is China’s ‘New Left’ ‘Liberal Left?’ ” in Gong Yang, ed., Sichao: Zhongguo“xinzuopai” jiqi yingxiang [Schools of Thought: China’s “New Left” and Its Impact](Beijing: China Social Science Press, 2003), 313.

22. For details, see Yong Deng and Thomas G. Moore, “China Views Globaliza-tion: Toward a New Great-Power Politics?” The Washington Quarterly, 27: 3(Spring 2004), 117–36 and James H. Mittelman, “Globalization and Develop-ment: Learning from Debates in China,” Globalizations, 3, no. 3 (September 2006):377–91.

23. For detailed study on the subject, see Nick Knightm, Imagining Globalisation inChina: Debates on Ideology, Politics and Culture (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar,2008).

24. Li Shenzhi, “Quanqiuhua yu zhongguo wenhua” [Globalization and ChineseCulture], Taipingyang xuebao, 2 (1994), 3–11.

25. Wang, “The New Criticism,” 79.26. Zhou Qiren is a professor at the China Center for Economic Research at Peking

University. Fan Gang is an economics professor at Peking University and directorof government-affiliated National Economic Research Institute in Beijing.

27. Fred Bergsten, “A Partnership of Equals: How Washington Should Respond toChina’s Economic Challenge,” Foreign Affairs, 87, no. 4 (July–August 2008): 57.

28. Wang, “The New Criticism.”29. “China Regulates Foreign Mergers for More Investment,” People’s Daily

Online (11 September 2006), http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/200609/11/eng20060911_301644.html, date accessed 1 August 2014.

30. Yongguo Chen, “Globalization: Resistance from the Chinese New Left,” ARIEL:A Review of International English Literature, 34, no. 1 (January 2003): 111–26.

31. For a detailed study on the impact of FDI, see Yasheng Huang, Selling China: For-eign Direct Investment during the Reform Era (New York: Cambridge University Press,2002).

32. Han Deqiang, Pengzhuang: quanqiuhua xianjing yu zhongguo xianshí xuanze [TheCrash – The Global Trap and China’s Realistic Choice], (Beijing: Beijing EconomicManagement Press, 2000).

33. Shaoguang Wang, “The Social and Political Implications of China’s WTO Mem-bership,” Journal of Contemporary China, 9, no. 25 (November 2000):373–405.

34. Wang Hui, “Contemporary Chinese Thought and the Question of Modernity,”in Xudong Zhang, ed., Whither China: Intellectual Politics in Contemporary China,(Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2001), 160. Also see Wang Hui,China’s New Order: Society, Politics, and Economy in Transition (Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press, 2003).

35. For details, see Yongnian Zheng, Globalization and State Transformation in China(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

36. Xu, “Contemporary Chinese Society’s Ideological Splits.”37. For details, see Mobo Changfan Gao, “The Rise of Neo-Nationalism and the

New Left: A Post-Colonial and Postmodernism Perspective,” in Leong Liew andShaoguang Wang, eds., Nationalism, Democracy and National Integration in China(London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), 44–62.

38. Zheng, Globalization and State Transformation, 51.39. Ibid., 41.40. See Chin-Chuan Lee, “Rethinking the Political Economy: Implications for Media

and Democracy in Greater China,” Javnost-the Public, 8, no. 4 (2001): 92, and

184 Notes

Gloria Davies, “Habermas in China: Theory as Catalyst,” China Journal, 57(January 2007): 78, for further discussion.

41. Most of Qiangguo (Strong China) Forum’s 28 recommended netters at http://people.com.cn/GB/32306/33607/index.html are clearly identified as leftists.

42. David Kelly, “Guest Editor’s Introduction,” Contemporary Chinese Thought, 38,no. 1 (Fall 2006): 3–14.

43. Jehangir S. Pocha, “China’s Inequities Energize New Left Failures of Reform BuoyNew Thinking,” The San Francisco Chronicle, 19 June 2005.

44. Jehangir S. Pocha, “China’s Inequities Energize New Left,” San Francisco Chronicle,(19 June 2005), F1.

45. Lang Xianping posts a series of commentaries and papers on his Web site. Fordetails, see http://www.langxianping.com.cn

46. Zhang Weiying is one of China’s most prominent economists.47. Gong Xiantian, “Yibu weibei xianfa he beili shehuizhuyi jibenyuanze de

‘wuquanfa (cao’an)’ ” [A ‘(Draft) Property Law’ That Violates the Constitutionand Deviates from the Fundamental Principles of Socialism], http://www.wyzxsx.com/xuezhe/gongxiantian/ShowArticle.asp?ArticleID=62, date accessed 1 Decem-ber 2008.

48. Joseph Fewsmith, “China in 2007: The Politics of Leadership Transition,” AsianSurvey, 48, no. 1 (January–February 2008), 84.

49. Au Loong-Yu, “Chinese Nationalism and the ‘New Left’,” Socialist Outlook,no. 10 (Summer 2006), http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article3234,date accessed 18 December 2014.

50. Xu Jilin, “The Fate of an Enlightenment: Twenty Years in the Chinese IntellectualSphere (1978–1998),” in Merle Goldman and Edward Gu, eds., Chinese Intellectualsbetween State and Market (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), 199.

51. Andrew Borwne, “Influential Voice Sees 20 Years of Roaring Growth,” Wall StreetJournal, 20 (August 2014): A4.

52. Xu Youyu, “The Debates between Liberalism and the New Left in China since the1990s,”6.

53. Pocha, “China’s Inequities Energize New Left.”54. “Establishment intellectual” is a term coined by Carol Hamrin and Timothy

Cheek. For details, see Carol Lee Hamrin and Timothy Cheek eds., China’sEstablishment Intellectuals (Armonk: Sharpe, 1986).

55. For details, see “The Top 100 Public Intellectuals,” Foreign Policy, no. 166 (May–June 2008), 58–61.

56. He Yanhong, “Dangdai zhongguo de ‘zinzuoyi wenxue’ ” [The “New Left-WingLiterature” in Contemporary China], Nanfang wentan [Southern Cultural Forum],no. 1 (2008): 5–11.

57. Yinghong Cheng, “Che Guevara: Dramatizing China’s Divided Intelligentsia atthe Turn of the Century,” Modern Chinese Literature and Culture, 15, no. 2 (Fall2003): 1–44.

58. Xiao Gongqin, “Xinzuopai he dangdai zhongguo zhishifenzi de fenhua” [NewLeft and the Polarization of Intellectuals in Contemporary China], in Gong Yang,ed., Sichao: Zhongguo “xinzuopai” jiqi yingxiang [Schools of Thought: China’s “NewLeft” and Its Impact] (Beijing: China Social Science Press, 2003), 415.

59. “Na Er” literally meaning “there,” is a mispronunciation of “ying te na xiong naier” (Internationale) by the grandmother in the story. “Na Er” also means “where.”The dream of international solidarity of the working class – where is it to be foundin China today?

Notes 185

60. See, for example, He Bingmeng, ed., Xinziyouzhuyi pingxi [Analysis ofNeoliberalism] (Beijing: Social Science Documentation Publishing House, 2004).

61. Wu Yifeng is a well-known Marxist economist at Renmin University.62. Cited in Joseph Fewsmith, “China under Hu Jintao,” China Leadership Monitor,

no. 14 (Spring 2005), http://www.hoover.org/publications/clm/issues/2903766.html, date accessed 1 August 2014.

63. Eva Cheng, “Beijing Attacks ‘New Left’ Magazine,” Green Left Weekly, no. 725(21 September 2007).

64. Jim Yardley, “China’s Leaders Are Resilient in Face of Change,” New York Times,6 August 2008.

65. Dajun Economic Watch has been established by Zhong Dajun, a well-known NewLeft. Unirule Institute of Economics (or “Tianze” in Chinese), was established byMao Yushi, a well-known liberal economist.

66. For details, see Geremie R. Barmé and Gloria Davies, “Have We Been NoticedYet? Intellectual Contestation and the Chinese Web,” in Goldman and Gu, eds.,Chinese Intellectuals between State and Market, 75–108.

67. Leslie Hook, “The Rise of China’s New Left,” Far Eastern Economic Review, 170,no. 3 (2007): 12.

68. Cui Zhiyuan is a well-known New Left thinker. For details, see Daniel Bell, China’sNew Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a Changing Society (Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press, 2008), 193.

69. Mark Leonard, “China’s New Intelligentsia,” Prospect, no. 144 (March 2008),1–9, http://cdd.stanford.edu/press/2008/prospect-intelligentsia.pdf, date accessed19 December 2014.

70. Leslie Hook, “The Rise of China’s New Left,” Far Eastern Economic Review, 170,no. 3 (2007): 13.

71. Gloria Davies, Worrying About China: The Language of Chinese Critical Inquiry(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007), 102.

72. Mark Leonard, “China’s New Intelligentsia.”73. For details, see Pan Wei, “Ganyu yu xifang zhankai zhengzhi guannian

jingzheng,” g [Dare to Compete with the West in Political Discourse], HuanqiuShibao [The Global Times], 25 January 2008, http://wen.org.cn/modules/article/view.article.php?293/c10, date accessed 19 December 2014.

74. Moody, Conservative Thought in Contemporary China, 9.75. According of Wang Hui, “Today we are no longer an isolated group of intel-

lectuals. We have become a broad-based movement with real support fromthe people which gives us clout.” Cited in Pallavi Aiyar, “The IdeologicalDebate in China,” 25 April 2006, http://www.thehindu.com/2006/04/25/stories/2006042505010900.htm, date accessed 5 August 2008.

76. Kerry Brown, “The Communist Party of China and Ideology,” China: An Interna-tional Journal, 10, no. 2 (August 2012): 56.

8 Debate over Legitimacy

1. Philippe C. Schmitter, “What Is Legitimacy and How Can It Be Acquired? Lessonsfrom Deviant Case,” in Deng Zhenglai and Sujian Guo, eds., Reviving Legitimacy:Lessons for and from China (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield-Lexington, 2011), 29.

2. Robert A. Dahl, Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven: Yale UniversityPress, 1971), 124–88.

186 Notes

3. Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, ed. Talcott Parsons(New York: The Free Press, 1964), 325.

4. Yanqi Tong, “Morality, Benevolence, and Responsibility: Regime Legitimacy inChina from Past to the Present,” Journal of Chinese Political Science, 16, no. 2 (June2011): 145.

5. Elizabeth Perry and Mark Selden, eds., Chinese Society: Change, Conflict andResistance, 3rd ed. (London: Routledge, 2010), 11.

6. Baogang Guo, China’s Quest for Political Legitimacy: The New Equity-EnhancingPolitics (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2010), 184.

7. Stuart Reynolds Schram, ed., Foundations and Limits of State Power in China(London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,1987), x.

8. Karl Bünger, “Concluding Remarks on Two Aspects of the Chinese Unitary State asCompared with the European State System,” in Stuart R. Schram, ed., Foundationsand Limits of State Power in China (London: School of Oriental & African Studies,University of London, 1987), 316.

9. Yanqi Tong and Shaohua Lei, Social Protest in Contemporary China, 2003–2010:Transitional Pains and Regime Legitimacy (New York: Routledge, 2013), 27.

10. Yu Keping, “Zhongguo zhengzhixue de jincheng” [The Development of PoliticalScience in China], Xueshu Yuekan [Academic Monthly], 39, no. 11 (2007): 5–11.

11. Zhang Qiang and Robert Weatherley, “The Rise of ‘Republican Fever’ in the PRCand the Implications for CCP Legitimacy,” China Information, 27, no. 3 (2013):281.

12. Rey-Ching Lu, Chinese Democracy and Elite Thinking (New York: PalgraveMacmillan, 2011), 61.

13. John T. Jost and Brenda Major, “Emerging Perspectives on the Psychology ofLegitimacy,” in John T. Jost and Brenda Major, eds., The Psychology of Legiti-macy: Emerging Perspectives on Ideology, Justice, and Intergroup Relations (CambridgeUniversity Press, 2001), 4.

14. Yu Keping, “Shibada zhihou de zhongguo: gaige guanjianqi” [China after the 18thParty Congress: A Crucial Period], Zhehuizhuyi Yanju [Research on Socialism], no. 2(2013): 1–11.

15. Wang Shaoguang, “Is the Way of Humane Authority a Good Thing,” in JiangQing, ed., A Confucian Constitutional Order: How China’s Ancient Past Can Shape ItsPolitical Future (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), 141–47.

16. Daniel A. Bell, “Introduction,” in Jiang Qing, A Confucian Constitutional Order:How China’s Ancient Past Can Shape Its Political Future (Princeton, NJ: PrincetonUniversity Press, 2012), 16.

17. Jie Chen, Popular Political Support in Urban China (Stanford: Stanford UniversityPress and Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2004).

18. Kjeld Erik Brodsgaard and Zheng Yongnian, eds., The Chinese Communist Party inReform (New York: Routledge, 2006), 2.

19. Shanding Zhou, “Changes in the Official Ideology in Contemporary China,”Griffith Asia Institute Regional Outlook Paper, no. 29 (2011).

20. Bloomberg Businessweek, “China’s Spending on Internal Policing OutstripsDefense Budget.” Bloomberg Businessweek, http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=newsarchive&sid=amYa34Dsls3s&pos=9. date accessed 6 March 2011.

21. Robert Weatherley, Politics in China Since 1949: Legitimizing Authoritarian Rule(New York: Routledge, 2013), 14.

Notes 187

22. Yu Jianrong, “Social Conflict in Rural China Today: Observations and Analysis onFarmers’ Struggles to Safeguard Their Rights,” Social Sciences in China, 26, no. 3(Autumn 2005): 125–36.

23. Xie Yue, “Rising Central Spending on Public Security and the Dilemma FacingGrassroots Officials in China,” Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 42, no. 2 (2013):87–9.

24. Andrew Jacobs and Chris Buckley, “China’s Wen Warns of Inequality and Vowsto Continue Military Buildup,” New York Times, 5 March 2013.

25. Quoted in Bruce Gilley and Heike Holbig, “The Debate on Party Legitimacyin China: A Mixed Quantitative/Qualitative Analysis,” Journal of ContemporaryChina, 18, no. 59 (March 2009): 341.

26. Wang Changjiang, “Zhongshi dui ‘dangde liyi’ wenti de yanjiu” [Emphasizingthe Research on the “Interest of the Party”], Makesi Zhuyi yu Xianshi [Marxism &Reality], no. 4 (2004): 4–7.

27. “China’s Hu Jintao Warns Congress Corruption Could Cause Fall ofState,” http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/nov/08/china-hujintao-warning-congress-corruption, date accessed 8 November 2012.

28. Chris Buckley, “Vows of Change in China Belie Private Warning,” New York Times,14 February 2013.

29. David Easton, A System of Analysis of Political Life (New York: Wiley, 1967),301–02.

30. Ibid., 310.31. For details, please see Kerry Brown, “The Communist Party of China and

Ideology,” China: An International Journal, 10, no. 2 (August 2012): 52–68.32. Peter Moody, Tradition and Modernization in China and Japan (Belmont, CA:

Wadsworth, 1995), 172.33. “Chinese President Hu Jintao Warns of Cultural Warfare from West,” Daily Tele-

graph, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/china/8988195/Chinese-President-Hu-Jintao-warns-of-cultural-warfare-from-West.html, date accessed 2January 2012.

34. Diana Lary, “The Uses of the Past: History and Legitimacy,” in Andre Laliberteand Marc Lanteigne, eds., The Chinese Party-State in the 21st Century: Adaptationand the Reinvention of Legitimacy (London: Routledge, 2008), 133.

35. Pramit Pal Chaudhuri and Reshma Patil, “China, the Nervous Dragon,” HindustanTimes, 11 October 2010.

36. Kang Xiaoguang, “Falungong wenti de zhengzhi xiaoying” [The Political Effectof the Falun Gong Problem], Zhongguo shehui daokan [Guide to Chinese Society],no. 33 (2000), quoted in David Ownby, “Kang Xiaoguang: Social Science, CivilSociety, and Confucian Religion,” China Perspectives, no. 4 (2009): 104.

37. Kang Liu, Globalization and Cultural Trend in China (Honolulu: University ofHawaii Press, 2003), 129.

38. Yu Keping, “Good Governance and Legitimacy,” in Deng Zhenglai and SujianGuo, eds., China’s Search for Good Governance (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011),15.

39. Dingxin Zhao,“The Mandate of Heaven and Performance Legitimation in Histori-cal and Contemporary China.” American Behavioral Scientist, 53, no. 3 (November2009): 416.

40. Dingxin Zhao, The Power of Tiananmen: State-Society Relations and the 1989 BeijingStudent Movement (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2001), Chapter 7.

188 Notes

41. Baogang Guo, “Political Legitimacy and China’s Transition Towards a Mar-ket Economy,” in Lowell Dittmer and Guoli Liu, eds., China’s Deep Reform:Domestic Politics in Transition (New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,2006), 154.

42. Baogang Guo, “Political Legitimacy a China’s Transition,” Journal of ChinesePolitical Studies, 8, no. 1–2 (Fall 2003): 1–16.

43. Xiong Guangqing, “Zhongguo gongchandang chizheng hefaxing de zhuangbian:lishi, xianshi yu qianjing” [Transformation of the Origin of Political Legitimacyof the Chinese Communist Party: History, Reality and Prospect], http://www.aisixiang.com/data/39760.html, date accessed 1 August 2014.

44. Tong and Lei, Social Protest in Contemporary China, 12.45. Tong, “Morality, Benevolence, and Responsibility,” 145–46.46. Ibid., 146.47. Zheng Yongnian, Globalization and State Transformation in China (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 2004), 41.48. Yuchao Zhu, “ ‘Performance Legitimacy’ and China’s Political Adaptation Strat-

egy,” Journal of Chinese Political Science, 16 (February 2011): 136.49. Jiang Qing, Shengming xinyang yu wangdao zhengzhi [Faith About Life and the

Politics of the Kingly Way] (Taipei: Yangzhengtang Wenhua), 292.50. Jiang Qing, “From Mind Confucianism to Political Confucianism,” in Ruiping

Fan, ed., The Renaissance of Confucianism in Contemporary China (New York:Springer, 2011), 24.

51. Ruiping Fan, “Jiang Qing on Equality,” in Ruiping Fan, ed., The Renaissance ofConfucianism in Contemporary China (New York: Springer, 2011), 64.

52. Peter Sandby-Thomas, Legitimating the Chinese Communist Party since Tiananmen:A Critical Analysis of the Stability Discourse (London: Routledge, 2011), 7.

53. Yu Keping, “Good Governance and Legitimacy,” in Deng Zhenglai and SujianGuo, eds., China’s Search for Good Governance (London: Palgrave Macmillan,2011), 6.

54. Huang Jingjing, “Democracy ‘in Progress,’ ” Huanqiu Shibao [Global Times],19 November 2011.

55. Mark Leonard, China 3.0: Understanding the New China, 16, http://ecfr.eu/content/entry/china_3.0, date accessed 1 August 2014.

56. Teng Biao, “Political Legitimacy and ‘Charter 08,’ ” http://www.hrichina.org/content/3791, date accessed 14 June 2014.

57. Liu Xiaobo, “Two Essays on China’s Quest for Democracy,” Journal of Democracy,22, no. 1 (January 2011): 154. Liu Xiaobo is an independent intellectual and thepresident of Independent Chinese PEN Center. He was sentenced to 11 years’imprisonment and two years’ deprivation of political rights on 25 December2009 in connection with his signing of Charter 08.

58. Jinghao Zhou, “Legitimacy without Democracy, Way of Transition Toward Super-power,” American Journal of Chinese Studies, 19, no. 1 (October 2012): 127.

59. Yang Fan, “Weiji yu fan weiji” [Crisis and Anti-Crisis], Zhanlue yu guanli [Strategiesand Management], no. 3 (1998): 36–55.

60. Wang Shaoguang, Minzhu sijiang [Four Lectures on Democracy] (Beijing:Shenghuo Dushu Xinzhi Press, 2008) and Leonard, China 3.0.

61. Emilie Frenkiel, “Political Change and Democracy in China, An Interview withWang Shaoguang,” http://www.laviedesidees.fr/spip.php?page=print&id_article=797, accessed 15 July 2009.

Notes 189

62. Cui Zhiyuan, “Liberal Socialism and the Future of China: A Petty BourgeoisieManifesto,” in Tian Yu Cao, ed., China’s Model for Modern Development (London:Routledge, 2005), 157–74.

63. For detailed discussion on this subject, Ma Licheng. Dangdai zhongguo bazhongshehui sichao [Contemporary Chinese Social Thought] (Beijing: Shehui KexueWenxian Publishing, 2012). 166–69.

64. Ibid., 161–75.65. Jiang Qing, “From Mind Confucianism to Political Confucianism,” 23.66. Jiang Qing, A Confucian Constitutional Order: How China’s Ancient Past Can Shape

Its Political Future (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012).67. David Ownby, “Kang Xiaoguang: Social Science, Civil Society, and Confucian

Religion,” China Perspectives, no. 4 (2009): 109.68. Ibid, 101–02.69. “Prof. Kang Rejects ‘Westernisation’, Advocates ‘Confucianisation,’ ” http://www.

franzbleeker.de/modern_society_kangxiaoguang_confucianism_001.html, dateaccessed 1 August 2014.

70. Ibid.71. Kang Xiaoguang, Renzheng: Zhongguo zhengzhi fazhan de disantiao daolu [Benevo-

lent Government: The Third Road to China’s Political Development] (Singapore:World Scientific, 2005), vii–xlix.

72. Ai Jiawen, “Two Sides of One Coin: The Party’s Attitude Toward Confucianismin Contemporary China,” The Journal of Contemporary China, 18, no. 61(2009): 701.

73. Zhuo Wenhua, “Dangdai zhongguo makesizhuyi xinyang weiji yu chongjianzhilu” [Marxism Belief Crisis and the Road of Reconstruction in ContemporaryChina], Journal of Chongqing University of Posts and Telecommunications (SocialScience Edition), 23, no. 3 (2011): 16–20.

74. Dingxin Zhao, “China’s Prolonged Stability and Political Future: Same PoliticalSystem, Different Policies and Methods,” Journal of Contemporary China, 10, no. 28(August 2001): 440.

75. Zbigniew Brzezinski, “Disruption without Disintegration,” Journal of Democracy,9, no. 1 (January–March 1998): 5.

76. Adam Przeworski, “Some Problems in the Study of Transition to Democracy,” inGuillermo O’Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter, Laurence Whitehead, ed., Transi-tions from Authoritarian Rule: Comparative Perspectives (Baltimore: Johns HopkinsUniversity Press, 1986), 52.

77. Bruce Gilley, “The Beginning of the End,” Wall Street Journal (8 June 2008), http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB121252350348242359, date accessed 19 December 2014.

78. For detail, see Sébastien Billioud Confucianism, “ ‘Cultural Tradition’ and OfficialDiscourses in China at the Start of the New Century,” China Perspectives, no. 3(2007): 50–65.

79. Jinghan Zeng, “The Debate on Regime Legitimacy in China: Bridging the WideGulf between Western and Chinese Scholarship,” Journal of Contemporary China,23, no. 88 (2014): 616.

9 Conclusion: Fragmentation and Consensus

1. Keith Bradsher, “Next Made-in-China Boom: College Graduates,” New York Times,16 January 2013, A1.

190 Notes

2. Timothy Cheek, “The End of Intellectuals: 60 Years of Service, Subversion, andSelling in China,” in William C. Kirby, ed., The People’s Republic of China at 60:An International Assessment (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2011),349.

3. “Liu Yazhou shangjiang tan qingzhengfu weihe baigei ribenren” [General LiuYazhou on Why the Qing Court Was Defeated by Japan], http://www.aisixiang.com/data/73989.html, date accessed 15 April 2014.

4. Wenfang Tang, “Party Intellectuals’ Demand for Reform in ContemporaryChina,” Hoover Essays in Public Policy, no. 97 (Stanford: Hoover Institution,Stanford University, 1999), 32.

5. Bhaskar Roy, “Mao Is Dead, Long Live Mao,” http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/node/1433, date accessed on 4 October 2014.

6. Liu Kang, “Dinner Party of Discourse Owners: China’s Intellectual Scene Today,”The Minnesota Review, no. 79 (2012): 113.

7. Xiaoqin Guo, State and Society in China’s Democratic Transition: Confucianism,Leninism, and Economic Development (New York: Routledge, 2003), 67.

8. Shiping Hua, “All Roads Lead to Democracy,” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars,24, no. 1 (January–March 1992): 44.

9. Gang Guo, “Party Recruitment of College Students in China,” Journal of Contem-porary China, 14, no. 43 (May 2005), 371.

10. Dominik Mierzejewski, “ ‘Not to Oppose But to Rethink’: The New Left Discourseon the Chinese Reforms,” Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia, 8, no. 1 (2009): 26.

11. Yang Fan, et al, “Xianzheng nengfou chengwei xinde gaige gongshi?” [CanDemocratic Constitutionalism Become New Consensus for New Reform?], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_2013041981695.html, date accessed16 April 2013.

12. The number of registered social groups in China reached nearly 425,000 in 2009,according to a latest bulletin released by Chinese Ministry of Civil Affairs. Quotedin Zuo Likun, “425,000 Social Groups Registered in China,” China Daily, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2010-02/03/content_9423772.htm, date accessed3 February 2010.

13. Citied in Timothy Cheek, “The Worlds of China’s Intellectuals,” in Lionel Jensenand Timothy Weston, eds., China in and beyond the Headlines (Lanham: Rowman& Littlefield, 2012), 159.

14. Rong Jian, “Meiyou sixiang de zhongguo” [An Unthinking China], http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_2013032679928.html, date accessed1 August 2014.

15. Tian is one of the oldest Chinese terms for the cosmos. Tu Wei-ming, “ChineseIntellectuals Once Represent Heaven (tian), But Now They Are Facing ConsensusCrisis,” http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_2013061785672.html,date accessed 17 June 2013.

16. Huang Jingjing, “Democracy ‘in Progress,’ ” Huanqiu Shibao [Global Times],19 November 2011, http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/686345.shtml, dateaccessed 18 December 2014.

17. Kalpana Misra, “Globalization Revisited: Evolving Chinese Discourses on theOpen Door Policy and Integration with the World Economy,” in Chandra Chari,ed., Superpower Rivalry and Conflict: The Long Shadow of the Cold War on theTwenty-first Century (London: Routledge, 2010), 124.

18. Wang Huning, a former professor at Fudan University, serves as a memberof Politburo and Director of the Policy Research Office of the CCP CentralCommittee.

Notes 191

19. Joseph Fewsmith, “Debating Constitutional Government,” China Leadership Mon-itor, no. 42 (October 2013), 7.

20. Yingjie Guo, “Discourse of Justice and Class: Impact of China’s Intellectual Eliteson Social Policy,” in Xiaowei Zang and Chien-wen Kou, eds., Elites and Governancein China (London: Routledge, 2013), 28.

21. Robert Lawrence Kuhn, How China’s Leaders Think: The Inside Story of China’s Past,Current and Future Leaders (Malden, MA: John Wiley & Sons, 2009), 451.

22. Ibid, 22.23. Joseph Fewsmith, The Logic and Limits of Political Reform in China (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 2013), 17.

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Index of Chinese Names and Phrases

08 Xianzhang 08 , 16, 27

badao , 87Bai Tongdong , 90baoshoupai , 7baoshou zhuyi , 43Bo Xilai , 57–9

Cai Renhou , 79Cao Siyuan , 63, 65cha’e xuanju , 147Chan Joseph , 90Chan Koonchung , 42Chang Tung-sun , 97Chen Duxiu , 62Chen Ming , 41Chen Kuiyuan , 55Chen Wei Gang , 55Chen Yun , 37Cheng Enfu , 91Chiang Kai-shek , 36, 43, 68, 90Confucius , 2, 3, 29, 80–1, 86, 88, 92Cui Zhiyuan , 46, 52–3, 58, 99, 123,

129, 142cuozhi jutigan de miuwu , 49

dailudang , 109daminzhu , 41, 43, 52, 99, 112–13dangji minzhu , 101dangnei minzhu , 100danwei , 18, 28, 162ndao , 83daotong , 79datong , 62, 83dagong wusi , 83Deng Liqun , 37Deng Xiaoping , 1, 8, 17, 23, 35, 42,

45, 47, 49–50, 64–5, 74, 81, 89, 99,100, 110, 115, 116–17, 132, 134, 153

dezhi , 80dezheng , 86Dushu , 46, 128–9

Ershiyi shiji , 19, 128

Fan Gang , 119Fan Zhongyan, , 3Fang Keli , 82, 83Fang Ning , 104fang , 153–4fanpu , 80fansi , 51fazhan caishi yingdaoli , 25fazhi , 103–4Feng Chongyi , 18, 25

Gan Yang , 43, 46, 89, 90, 119Gao Fang , 75, 101Gao Hua , 53Gao Quanxi , 85gemingdang , 158geren zhuyi , 27Gong tian xia , 42Gong Xiantian , 125Gong Yuzhi , 50Gonggong luncong , 43, 128Gongshiwang , 6Gongyang , 86–7, 144guihua , 78Guo Baogang , 137guojiao , 91guojin mintui , 58guojin minyejin , 58Guomindang , 3, 43, 68–9, 97guoqing , 100, 152Guoti Yuan , 144guoxue re , 79guoxue , 80

haigui , 116Han Deqiang , 121Han Yuhai , 52, 121He Fang , 67He shang , 7He Xin , 35–6, 38hefaxing , 133hexie , 80houxue , 48Hu Angang , 56, 111–12, 118

201

202 Index of Chinese Names and Phrases

Hu Jintao , 24, 40, 75, 83, 102–4,126, 130, 135–6

Hu Jiwei , 36Hu Qiaomu , 37Hu Qili , 23Hu Shaohua , 41, 92Hu Shih , 3, 97Hu Shuli , 53Hu Yaobang, , 23Huang Ping , 128

Jiang Kanghu , 62Jiang Qing , 10, 86–7, 90–2, 139,

144–6Jiang Zemin , 24, 40, 83, 103, 126jianli hexie shehui , 103jiaqiang shehuizhuyi minzhu he fazhi

, 103jihua , 78jiudangpai , 76

Kang Xiaoguang , 10, 45, 88–90, 92,136, 145–6

Kang Youwei , 97Lang Xianping , 123, 124

Li Fan , 25Li Junru , 99, 105Li Rui , 63, 65, 66Li Shenzhi , 21, 22, 99, 106–7, 109,

116, 119Li Xiguang , 58Li Zehou , 22, 44, 68, 85, 155Liang Qichao , 16, 97liangtouzhen , 63limin , 137Lin Yifu (Justin Lin) , 126Liu Junning , 19, 20–1, 41, 43, 85,

99, 106, 116, 118Liu Xiaobo , 141, 152Liu Yazhou , 151Liu , 44, 68, 155

Ma Lichen , 66Mao Yushi , 50, 99Mao Zedong , 4, 36, 39, 49, 51–2,

57, 62, 65, 83, 89, 110, 113, 134,147, 156

minben , 80, 91minben sixiang , 83

ming buzheng, ze yanbushun, yanbushun,ze shibucheng ,

, 2minzhu shehui zhuyi , 61Mou Zongsan , 79

Nanfang Dushibao , 19Nanfang Zhoumo , 19, 128Na Er, , 127, 184nnanxun , 17

Pan Wei , 56, 58, 72, 111–12

Qian Xun , 97Qin Hui , 18, 20, 63, 70–1, 93, 106,

116Qin Xiaoying , 36Qing (dynasty) , 20, 68, 104, 144, 151Qiu Feng (Yao Zhongqiu) , 84quanqiu jiazhi , 22, 108qunzhong yundong , 41, 43

Ren Jiantao , 49renmin minzhu xianzheng , 108renmin minzhu zhuanzheng ,

108renmin minzhu , 101Renmin Ribao , 26, 36, 49, 72renzheng , 86, 145Rong Jian , 155rujia shehuizhuyi gongheguo

, 90ruoshi qunti , 117ruxue , 81, 82

sanmin zhuyi , 62sannong , 129sanxin weiji , 51shehui minzhu zhuyi , 61shehui minzhu , 101shetuan , 154shi , 3, 5Shi Tianjian , 97shou , 153–4shui ke zaizhou, yike fuzhou ,

154Shumin Yuan , 144sichao , 1sixiang , 2sixiang jiefang , 7

Index of Chinese Names and Phrases 203

Su Shaozhi , 104Sun Yat-sen , 36, 61, 97, 156

taizidang , 38Tang Liang , 41tian , 155, 190ntianming , 137tianxia , 93tianxia weigong , 62Tianya , 128tizhinei , 18tizhiwai , 18Tong Yanqi , 138tongluren , 4Tongru Yuan , 144Tu Wei-ming (Du Weiming) , 9, 93,

155

Utopia , 46, 59, 71, 129

Wang Changjiang , 135Wang Hui , 46, 48, 50, 59, 92, 99,

118, 121, 123, 127–8, 130Wang Huning , 31, 34–5, 40, 157Wang Shaoguang , 46, 54, 58,

111–12, 118, 134, 142wangdao , 82, 86–8, 139, 144–6Wen Jiabao , 23–5, 53, 74–5, 118,

130wending , 135wenhua re , 19Wu Guanjun , 3Wu Jiaxiang , 31, 34, 42wumaodang , 109wuwei , 139

Xi Jinping , 31, 40, 42, 83, 135, 152,157

xian tianxiazhi you eryou, hou tianxiazhi leerle , , 3

xianzheng , 65, 108Xiao Gongqin , 31, 34–5, 37, 38–44xiaokang , 74, 80Xie Tao , 63–6, 68, 79, 71–2, 74, 76xieshang minzhu , 104–5xieshang , 104Xie Yue , 110Xin Zilin , 67, 76xin baoshou zhuyi , 38xin quanwei zhuyi , 38

xinrujia , 80xinruxue , 80xinshenghuo yundong , 90xinxing ruxue , 86xin zuopai , 46, 115xinzuoyi , 46Xiong Guangqing , 138xiti zhongyong , 85Xu Ben , 27Xu Jilin , 46, 71, 154Xu Youyu , 20, 71, 73, 81, 85, 116xue er you ze shi , 3xuetong , 79

Yan Fu , 16Yang Fan , 121Yanhuang Chunqiu , 62, 64, 71, 128yiren weiben , 24yijieji douzheng weigang , 25yican, ergai, sanjiehe , , , 52, 53yifa zhiguo yu yide zhiguo xiangjiehe

, 103yifa zhiguo, jianli shehuizhuyi fazhi guojia

, 103yijieji douzheng weigang , 25yiyanyixingbang, yiyanyisangbang

, , 150Yao Yang , 109Yao Zhongqiu , 84Yu Haocheng , 36Yu Jianrong , 135Yu Keping , 44, 97, 99, 101–2,

133–4, 137Yuan Shikai , 36, 62Yuandao , 79, 174nyushi jujin , 74, 148

zaixiang , 3zaofan youli , 52Zhang Bingjiu , 31Zhang Junmai (Carsun Chang) , 97Zhang Musheng , 9Zhang Qianfan , 107Zhang Qiang , 32Zhang Weiwei , 42, 56–7, 110Zhang Weiying , 124Zhang Xiaojin , 40Zhang Xudong , 43Zhao Dingxin , 137Zhao Suisheng , 75

204 Index of Chinese Names and Phrases

Zhao Ziyang , 23, 34–5, 37–8Zheng Yongnian , 26, 44, 70, 75,

113, 122, 135, 139zhengdangxing , 133zhengdao , 143zhengtong , 79zhidao , 143zhishifenzi , 5, 6zhizheng nengli , 139zhizhengdang , 158Zhongguo guojia shehui dang ,

62Zhongguo minzhu shehui dang

, 62

zhongguomeng , 83

zhongxue weiti xixue weiyong, 85

zhongyong , 85

Zhou Lian , 26, 90

Zhou Qiren , 119

Zhu Muzhi, , 23

Zhu Rongji , 23, 24, 119–20

Zhu Xueqin , 15, 26, 106, 116, 119

Zhu Yuzhao , 139

ziyoupai , 16

ziyouzhuyi , 15

Subject and Name Index

Asian financial crisis, 26, 47, 117authoritarianism, 26, 32–3, 89

Bell, Daniel A, 6Bo Xilai, 57, 58–9Burke, Edmund, 39, 43

Cai Renhou, 79Cao Siyuan, 63, 65, 171nCCP (Chinese Communist Party), 2, 6,

8–9, 11, 17–18, 21, 24–5, 27, 33–4,36–40, 44–5, 49, 51, 53, 62–3, 65–6,69, 72, 75–6, 79–80, 82–3, 90–2,99–101, 103–5, 107, 110, 113, 116,119, 122–3, 134–6, 138, 140–3,145–8, 152–4, 156, 158

censorship, 4, 9, 27, 29, 74, 98,117, 128

Central Compilation and TranslationBureau, 105

Central Party School, 101, 105, 135Chan Koonchung, 42Charter 08, 16, 19, 27Chen Duxiu, 62Chen Kuiyuan, 55, 73Chen Ming, 41Chen Weigang, 55Chen Yun, 37Cheng Enfu, 91Chiang Kai-shek, 36, 43, 90China Dream, 83, 148China Model, 47, 56–8Chinese People’s Political Consultative

Conference, 103, 105Chongqing Model, 57–9civil society, 18, 28–9, 42, 44, 88, 111,

116, 129, 152class struggle, 6, 25, 45, 66, 74, 76,

92, 112cold war, 55, 56Communist revolution, 63, 151Confucian liberalism, 84Confucian Marxism, 82

Confucianism, 8, 10, 11, 79, 90–3revival of, 11, 80–1, 88, 93, 144see also liberal Confucianists; New

Confucianism; politicalConfucianism

Confucius, 2, 3, 29, 80, 81, 86, 88, 92conservatism, 7, 41, 43corporatism, 89, 146corruption, 3, 20, 22, 28, 41, 45, 49,

51–3, 55, 59, 65, 71, 108–9, 112,115, 118, 122, 125, 135, 137–8,141–3, 147–8, 155–6

Cui Zhiyuan, 46, 52–3, 58, 99, 123, 129,142

Cultural Revolution, 4, 6, 17, 21, 36,38–9, 41, 49, 51–3, 59, 71, 82, 99,133–4, 141–2, 150, 156

Davies, Gloria, 2deliberative democracy, 99, 101, 104–5democracy with Chinese characteristics,

39, 98–101, 106democracy trap, 142, 143democratic socialism, 6, 9–10, 60–8, 90,

151, 155, 158Deng Liqun, 37Deng Xiaoping, 1, 8, 17, 23, 35, 42, 45,

47, 49, 50, 64, 65, 74, 81, 89, 99,100, 110, 115–17, 132, 134, 153

Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong), 85Dushu (magazine), 46, 128, 129

economic reform, 2, 5, 7–9, 11, 20–1, 23,28, 34, 37, 42–4, 49, 68, 74, 81, 97,106–8, 110, 115–32, 147, 150, 155,158

election, 7, 16, 21, 25, 28, 32, 41, 53, 61,66, 69, 74, 77, 84, 88–9, 98–102,106–7, 110–11, 113, 138, 140–2,144, 147–8

electocracy, 142electoral democracy, 102, 105, 107, 110,

140–2Engels, Friedrich, 9, 60, 65–7, 76Ershiyi shiji (magazine), 19, 128

205

206 Subject and Name Index

faith crisis, 146Fan Gang, 119Fang Keli, 82, 83Fang Ning, 104Feng Chongyi, 18, 25Fewsmith, Joseph, 46, 50, 157Four Cardinal Principles, 17, 83,

151, 154Fukuyama, Francis, 91, 155

Gan Yang, 43, 46, 89, 90, 119Gao Fang, 75, 101Gao Hua, 53Gao Quanxi, 85global financial crisis, 26, 40, 54, 55, 56,

72, 77, 113globalization, 2, 4, 11, 18, 19, 22, 28, 30,

47–8, 54–5, 59, 108, 111–12, 115,117, 119–22, 125, 127, 143, 150,156–7

Goldman Merle, 1Gong Xiantian, 125Gong Yuzhi, 50Gonggong luncong (magazine), 43, 128good governance, 99, 101–3, 105,

110, 139definition of, 102

governing capacity, 135, 139grand democracy, 41, 43, 99, 112,

140, 148definition of, 52

Guo Baogang, 137Guomindang, 3, 43, 68–9, 97

Habermas, Jürgen, 122Han Deqiang, 121Han Yuhai, 52, 121harmonious society, 25, 71, 73–75, 83,

90, 103, 113, 125–6, 130, 148, 173nHayek, Frederick, 17, 19–20, 22–4, 29,

84–5, 116–18, 122He Xin, 35, 36, 38Hu Angang, 56, 111–12, 118Hu Jintao, 24, 40, 75, 83, 102–4, 126,

130, 135–6Hu Jiwei, 36Hu Qiaomu, 37Hu Shih, 3, 97Hu Shuli, 53

human rights, 16–17, 20–5, 30, 32, 55–6,78, 84, 92, 103, 106–7, 110, 112,117–18, 121

Huntington, Samuel, 32–3, 39, 91, 135–6

ideology, 1–6, 8, 11–12, 16–17, 24, 26–7,30–1, 35, 37–40, 45, 50, 61, 63–4,73–5, 80, 82–3, 85, 87, 90, 104, 106,110, 115–16, 122, 132, 134, 136–9,141–2, 146–8, 151, 153–5, 158

income inequality, 122, 125, 130, 151individualism, 16–17, 20, 22, 27, 85,

109, 117, 145inner-party democracy, 147–8intellectual discourse, 1–3, 5–7, 9, 17, 38,

64, 97, 127, 131, 150–1, 153, 156–7definition of, 3

intellectuals, 1–12, 15–19, 21, 23–7, 31,35–6, 38–41, 43, 46–9, 51, 58–9, 62,67, 69, 73, 75, 81, 84, 86–8, 91–2,97, 100–1, 109, 113, 114, 116, 118,120, 122, 126, 131, 133–5, 140–1,146, 148, 150–9

definition of, 6Internet, 4, 17, 19, 29, 79, 109, 125,

128–9, 131, 157

Jiang Kanghu, 62Jiang Qing, 10, 86, 87, 90–2, 139, 144–6Jiang Zemin, 24, 40, 83, 103, 126

Kang Xiaoguang, 10, 45, 88, 90, 92, 136,145–6

Kang Youwei, 96keep up with the times, 74, 154Kelly, David, 3, 38

Lang Xianping (Larry Lang), 123, 124legitimacy, 9, 11–12, 21, 32, 35, 40, 69,

82–3, 86, 88–9, 101–2, 118, 122–3,132, 133–49, 150, 152, 158

legitimacy crisis, 134, 139–41, 146, 148source of, 136, 139, 144, 147

Leninism, 33, 83, 87, 113Li Fan, 25Li Junru, 99, 105Li Rui, 63, 65, 66Li Shenzhi, 2, 99, 106–7, 109, 116, 119Li Xiguang, 58Li Zehou, 22, 44, 68, 85, 155

Subject and Name Index 207

Liang Qichao, 16, 97liberal Confucianists, 80liberal democracy, 17–18, 23, 30–2, 34,

39, 45, 47, 54, 57, 81, 84, 88–9, 91,94, 97–8, 100–2, 106–7, 109–10,113, 139–40, 142, 144–5, 152, 157

definition of, 15liberal intellectuals, 16–18, 21, 25, 64,

120, 148liberalism, 3, 6–10, 37, 40, 43, 47, 59,

70–1, 73, 77, 81–2, 85, 99–100, 106,108, 115–17, 119, 123, 143, 150,152, 157

definition of, 15see also neoliberalism

Lin Yifu (Justin Yifu Lin), 126Liu Junning, 19, 20, 21, 41, 43, 85, 99,

106, 116, 118, 182nLiu Xiaobo, 141, 152Liu Yazhou, 151Liu Zaifu, 44, 68, 155

MacFarquhar, Roderick, 80Ma Lichen, 66Ma Shu Yun, 33mandate of heaven, 93, 137–9, 148Mao Yushi, 50, 99Mao Zedong, 4, 36, 39, 49, 51–2, 57, 62,

65, 83, 89, 110, 113, 134, 147, 156Maoism, 6, 10–11, 16, 47, 49–50, 53, 55,

59, 62, 99, 127, 143, 158Market-Leninism, 8, 26market-oriented reform, 5, 10–11, 15, 26,

28, 30, 47–8, 51, 55, 59, 72, 89, 102,109, 115, 123, 127, 141, 151, 155,157–8

market reform, 2, 8, 10–11, 46–7, 51, 59,73, 110, 116–18, 122, 125, 143, 151

Marx, Karl, 9, 41, 61, 66–7, 76, 78,119, 150

Marxism, 157, 158Marxist Confucians, 80May Fourth Movement, 21, 47, 79Meiji Restoration, 151meritocracy, 39, 81–2, 86, 90, 98middle class, 18, 28, 30, 34, 42, 47, 74,

113, 119, 121, 126, 147, 150Moody, Peter, 132, 136Mou Zongsan, 79

Nathan, Andrew, 40, 103national conditions, 40, 56, 73, 100–11,

141, 152National People’s Congress (NPC), 24,

123, 126, 131nationalism, 6, 11, 16, 22, 37, 46, 57, 59,

81, 117, 119–22, 126, 134, 136, 139,148, 158

neo-authoritarianism, 7, 9–11, 31–45,151, 155

neo-authoritarianism 2.0, 40–2neo–conservatism, 8, 10–11, 31, 37–40,

43–5neoliberalism, 59, 73, 125, 128, 182nNew Confucianism, 9–11, 45, 79–96, 155

definition of, 79New Left, 8–11, 22, 26, 41–3, 46–59,

70–8, 89, 92, 98–100, 109–11,115–16, 118–32, 140–3, 148, 151,154–5

new leftism, 8–10, 59, 76, 89, 98–100,110, 115–32, 155

Old Left, 37, 46, 48, 57, 71, 168none-party democracy, 99, 101open door policy, 50, 65, 74, 107, 156

Pan Wei, 56, 58, 72, 111–12party-state, 2, 11, 17–18, 24–5, 39, 45,

53, 72–3, 93, 102–3, 122, 128, 135,140, 147–8, 150, 153–4, 157

People’s Daily, 66, 72, 111Perry, Elizabeth, 133political Confucianism, 10–11, 86–90,

92, 140, 143–4political reform, 5, 10–11, 16–17, 19–21,

23, 30, 38, 42, 44, 53, 58, 65–6, 68,73–4, 76, 81, 88, 97, 99–105,107–14, 121, 142, 148, 152–3, 155–6

populism, 46, 59, 126, 140, 142–3post-isms, 48postmodernism, 10, 46public intellectual, 19, 86, 127, 153–4,

156putting the people first, 24–5, 75, 80, 83,

137, 148

Qian Xun, 97Qin Hui, 18, 20, 63, 71, 93, 106, 116Qin Xiaoying, 36

208 Subject and Name Index

Qing (dynasty), 20, 68, 104, 144, 151Qiu Feng (Yao Zhongqiu), 84

Ren Jiantao, 49returned students, 29, 116River Elegy, 7Rong Jian, 155rule of law, 15, 21, 23–5, 32–3, 44–5, 47,

57, 65, 75, 78, 84–5, 99, 102–3, 106,108, 112–23, 116–17, 137, 139, 141,143, 147–8

rule by law, 21, 36, 99, 101, 103–4, 108

scientific development, 25, 75Selden, Mark, 133social democracy

definition of, 61see also democratic socialism

social justice, 11, 16, 26, 41, 44, 46, 52,58, 61–2, 68–9, 75–6, 87–8, 112,122–3, 126–7, 131, 159

socialism with Chinese characteristics, 6,41, 45, 73–4, 80, 100, 134, 136, 148

southern tour, 17, 23, 117state capacity, 54, 111, 118, 142–3state-owned enterprises (SOEs), 23, 75,

120, 123statism, 6, 46, 59Su Shaozhi, 104Sullivan, Michael, 39Sun Yat-sen, 36, 61, 97, 156Swedish Model, 63, 65, 69–70, 75

Tiananmen, 5, 7–8, 11, 17–18, 35, 37–8,68, 92, 116, 129, 139, 147

Tu Wei-ming (Du Weiming), 9, 93, 155

universal values, 22, 24, 36, 55–6, 103,108, 112, 152

Wang Changjiang, 135Wang Hui, 46, 48, 50, 59, 92, 99, 118,

121, 123, 127–8, 130Wang Huning, 31, 34–5, 40, 157Wang Shaoguang, 46, 54, 58, 111–12,

118, 134, 142Washington Consensus, 123Wen Jiabao, 23–5, 53, 74–5, 118, 130

Womack, Brantly, 2World Trade Organization (WTO), 4, 24,

119–21, 128, 156Wu Guanjun, 3Wu Jiaxiang, 31, 34, 42

Xi Jinping, 31, 40, 42, 83, 135, 152, 157Xiao Gongqin, 31, 34–5, 37–9, 40–4Xie Tao, 63–6, 68, 71–2, 74, 76, 79Xie Yue, 110Xin Zilin, 67, 76Xiong Guangqing, 138Xu Ben, 27Xu Jilin, 46, 71, 154Xu Youyu, 20, 71, 73, 81, 85, 116

Yan Fu, 16Yang Fan, 121Yanhuang Chunqiu (magazine), 63, 64,

71, 128, 171nYao Yang, 109Yao Zhongqiu, 84Yu Haocheng, 36Yu Jianrong, 135Yu Keping, 44, 97, 99, 101–2, 133–4, 137Yuan Shikai, 36, 62Yuandao (magazine), 79, 174n

Zhang Bingjiu, 31Zhang Junmai (Carsun Chang), 97Zhang Musheng, 9Zhang Qianfan, 107Zhang Qiang, 32Zhang Weiwei, 42, 56, 57, 110Zhang Weiying, 124Zhang Xiaojin, 40Zhang Xudong, 43Zhao Dingxin, 137Zhao Suisheng, 75Zhao Ziyang, 23, 34–5, 37–8Zheng Yongnian, 26, 44, 70, 75, 113,

122, 135, 139Zhou Lian, 26, 90Zhou Qiren, 119Zhu Muzhi, 23Zhu Rongji, 23, 24, 119–20Zhu Xueqin, 15, 26, 106, 116, 119