NOTTINGHAM INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE 2011

STUDY GUIDE

Disarmament and International Security

CONTENTS Committee Personnel & Contact Abbreviation Guide Committee Description Agenda Item 1: Regulation of the Trade in Arms and Weapons • Introduction • Background (Historical Context & Recent Developments) • Key Issues • State and bloc Positions Agenda Item 2: Fundamentalism and outreach strategies in East Africa • Introduction • Background (Historical Context & Recent Developments) • Key Issues Key Documents & Research Links Bibliography

COMMITTEE PERSONNEL & CONTACT Committee President: Geraint Thomas

Head Chair: Suad Al-Riyami Vice-Chairs: Florain Gruenwald and Kirsten Hald Contact Address: disec.nottsmun11@gmail.com

ABBREVIATION GUIDE DRC-Democratic Republic of the Congo NATO-The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation RECSA-The regional centre on small arms SIPRI- The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute UK- The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland USA/US- United States of America

COMMITTEE DESCRIPTION DISEC is the First Committee of the United Nations General Assembly, meeting regularly every October for a 4-5 week session. DISEC deals with the often tense issue of weapons, their use, their regulation and their trade in general as well as broader issues of international security. All 192 UN members are able to partake in DISEC and no nations have the power to veto. The actual legislative power of DISEC however is limited to recommendations, reports and draft resolutions that are then passed on to the General Assembly.

AGENDA ITEM 1 Issues with the export of arms by developed nations to fuel the fighting in countries with

changing regimes

Introduction The International Arms Trade is a highly contentious issue of global politics and security. The arms trade can involve the trade of weaponry, either in part or whole, or in the supplying of training and expertise. When developing nations then sell arms to states either repressing internal dissent or to states in the process of civil war it would not be beyond belief that these nations are contributing either to prolonging the conflict or to contributing to the suffering of the named repressed peoples; and though arms embargoes and international treaties regulating the export and supply of arms to many nations undergoing such crises these are often fiercely opposed by the developed nations supplying these arms. Background The necessity for most nations to be able to defend themselves in a globalised economy with various arms producers has led to the development of complex arms trade deals, often from developed nations to less developed nations. Some weapons produced by certain countries have been extremely popular alternately because of a low level of expense combined with high reliability (such as the famous Kalashnikov AK-47 assault rifle) or due to a high level of technological superiority (which usually include jet engine aircraft on a technical par with the source nations’ own level of weaponry). It is estimated that some 1.5 trillion US dollars are spent annually1, equivalent to approximately 2.7% of the global GDP. This amount is somewhat less than the 4% GDP at the end of the cold war, and the cuts in military budgets were far greater in developed than developing countries, especially in the main protagonist states of the Cold War, which in itself has led to a greater attempt by the arms industry to sell their goods to developing countries in order to maintain viability.

1

1 http://www.globalissues.org/article/75/world-military-spending

The arms trade is, almost definitively, a controversial branch of a nation’s economy, as well as being a complex one due to varying levels of regulation between different states, with some nations, such as Russia, owning several of its arms companies2, others owning part shares in their major arms companies, and others being entirely private and separate from the state. Many of the larger arms deals are nevertheless brokered by the involved source governments. There are three major areas of arms trade: Land, Naval and Areal weaponry. For most developing nations it is the land based weapons, particularly small arms, which are the most common forms of import in unit number. Naval arms supplied are usually second hand vessels (for example the world war two vessel the USS Pheonix later became renamed the ARA General Belgrano when it was obtained by Argentina). The Areal market is the most technologically advanced and therefore the most expensive area of the arms industry, with the supply of missiles and aircraft therefore being limited to very small numbers by developing countries. The notable exceptions to this being forms of military aid or selling to nations with strategic value, such as Saudi Arabia’s Al-Yamamah3 arms deal for which aircraft is traded for crude oil; or the gifting of arms by the USA to nations such as Colombia, Israel and Egypt in exchange for political support. The controversy caused by this industry is exacerbated by countries undergoing civil disturbance. NATO was condemned for supplying arms to the Libyan rebellion, now the National Transitional Council, both because of the claims that the supply was to aid the rebellion rather than to protect civilian lives, and due to claims that the supply of arms could reach dangerous hands such as al-Qaeda. More historically the UK was heavily condemned for its supplying of “training Aircraft”, which were easily converted to fully functional Typhoon ground attack jets, to Indonesia during its suppression and attempted genocide in East Timor. The legacy of the Cold War in particular has left weapons of various sizes and power littered across the regions which were dominated by proxy wars, especially in African nations such as Liberia, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Furthermore after the collapse of the Soviet Union many weapons were sold at cut prices due to their being a surplus supply of weaponry. This was both from former Soviet bloc nations (notably the Russian federation and Ukraine) whose arms industries now far outstripped the domestic capacity to buy them, and from NATO member States whose lack of enemies meant that that their arms budgets would be cut, leading to the same (albeit less severe) effect on the arms companies. It may be noted that there have been notable correlations between the supply of arms to nations during the cold war and the level of violence that has occurred in those nations, notably in Somalia, Ethiopia/Eritrea, the DRC, and Liberia4. Most of these nations had violent conflicts after the Cold War was over and most of them are either unstable or still in a state of civil war. This impacts on the need for nations to achieve the MDG’s, as of the 34

2 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Defence_industry_of_Russia

3 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Yamamah_arms_deal

4 http://www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms/reports/congo.htm

nations least likely to achieve these goals worldwide, 22 are either in or emerging from some form of conflicts. The largest exporters of arms in the world by net value of goods (including military aid) as measured by SIPRI include most of the world’s wealthiest nations, notably all the P-5 member states are in the top 6 exporters (with Germany being the third place), and the largest and most successful weapons firms are almost entirely from the USA, with the exception being BAE systems (though this is mainly due to a contract with the USA’s pentagon for mine-resistant vehicles).

Rank 2010 Rank 2009 Supplier 2010 (million US$)

1 1 USA 8641

2 2 Russia 6039

3 3 Germany (FRG) 2340

4 6 China 1423

5 5 UK 1054

6 4 France 834

7 11 Sweden 806

8 10 Italy 627

9 7 Spain 513

10 9 Netherlands 503

Others 2208

Total 249875

Key issues Civil wars Civil wars are the most severe condition in which the supply of arms requires regulation, this includes both the supply of arms to factions within a civil war and to the supply of arms to civilian groups, particularly criminal gangs. It was estimated in 1999 that around a million firearms were in in circulation in the 1.3m population capital city of Somalia, Mogadishu6. The arms available are not only due to direct export, as an arms embargo on Somalia’s non-security forces is maintained, and Eritrea was also subjected to an arms embargo7 due to its own breaking of the arms embargo on Somalia (due to supplying the Al-Shabaab8 militia which controls a significant proportion of the south of the country), but due to the relatively porous border with its neighbours: a common problem in developing nations, especially in Africa9.

5 http://www.sipri.org/databases/armstransfers

6 http://www.un.org/ecosocdev/geninfo/afrec/vol15no4/154arms.htm

7 http://www.sipri.org/databases/embargoes/un_arms_embargoes/somalia

8 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Shabaab#Support_allegations

9 http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2010/sc9886.doc.htm

Any resolution would have to deal with the myriad of problems faced by exporting arms to nations undergoing civil war; issues involved in the containing of conflicts, protecting human life, and preventing the arms from leaving the conflict zones and reaching other conflict zones, as well as the issue of nations taking sides with particular factions: in the case of the Libyan civil war both sides were offered support from different governments10 11.

Figure 1-African States which have undergone some form of civil conflict since

independence12 Oppression by governments The stability of governments and the protection of human rights while respecting national sovereignty create a difficult balancing act to maintain. The export of arms by developed nations to nations with a reputation of totalitarian activities against dissidents is a common activity, which is not limited to any particular supplying nation. This impacts on the issue of supplying weapons to states undergoing regime change as such weaponry can violently repress regime change. A resolution would have to determine to what extent supplying arms to some nations constitutes a security threat to the people of said nations and whether the prolonging of the conflict may in fact save more lives, as was part of the argument by NATO in its intervention in Libya against the original Qaddafi regime. The added point to this is that the supplying of arms to oppressed people can ultimately lead to a civil war, causing all the issues seen there. Determining long term stability As the unrest in the Arab world has demonstrated, even the most stable-seeming regimes have the capacity to collapse seemingly overnight. The collapse of the Mubarak regime in Egypt is one of particular importance, as Egypt is well-equipped with weapons given in US

10

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/africa/2011/06/2011629234644934286.html 11

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/africa-mideast/china-offered-gadhafi-huge-stockpiles-of-arms-libyan-memos/article2152875/page1/ 12

http://jhmathre.files.wordpress.com/2009/07/africa_civil_wars.gif

foreign aid. This has unsettling connotations for the possibility of supplying nations with weaponry which could easily find its way into the illicit arms trade if a sudden transition of power can lead to corrupt selling of weapons on the black market. While the prediction of such events may be notoriously difficult it may be worth discussing regulating arms sales to states with a lower level of stability. The illicit arms trade Corruption in developed countries, the unlicensed production of weapons and poorly regulated borders have led to criminal organisations, including pirates in Somalia and bandits in the DRC, as well as several militias in states such as Sierra Leone (the RUF13) and Uganda (the LRA14) being able to obtain high levels of firepower on the black market. The illicit arms trade is a major complicating factor in nations undergoing regime change as they have ample potential to greatly increase the levels of murder, looting and other serious crimes during any transitional or chaotic period. Methods of recovering illicit weaponry and preventing their distribution via international cooperation (and intergovernmental bodies such as RECSA) and preventing the illicit distribution from source nations would be an important issue to discuss in limiting the scale and violence of a conflict. State and Bloc positions The USA As the single largest defence spender and exporter of weaponry the United States will often oppose over-regulation of its arms trade. The US only overturned its position against the Arms Trade Treaty in 2009 (which the USA had been the only voter against resolution 61/89 calling for such a treaty to be drawn) and is still negotiating the terms of the treaty. The issue is complicated by the very independent nature of the Arms manufacturers in the USA, which have an understandably heavy lobbying power due to their economic importance to the nation. The Russian Federation The somewhat unstable domestic market for weapons in combination with a reputation for cheap but reliable weaponry have led Russian-designed firearms to become among the most prolific source of weapons, particularly small arms such as the AK-47, available for as little as US$6 in some areas of Africa on the black market (although this is probably due to illegal production). Russia abstained on the vote for the forming of an arms trade treaty, and has traditionally shown little worry as to the status of the nations to which it sells its weaponry. China China has shown a great deal of interest in the developing world in various economic forms and the arms trade is no exception. It has, like the Russian Federation, shown few qualms about who it sells its weaponry to, selling arms, particularly aircraft, to Libya, Sudan and Zimbabwe, often accepting raw materials in lieu of cash, undercutting some of the Russian

13

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sierra_Leone_Civil_War

14 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lord%27s_Resistance_Army

markets15. As a result China is unlikely to agree with a high level of regulation either in supplying states undergoing conflict or to oppressive regimes. The EU The combined arms industries of the EU causes it to be a central player in the issue of arms exports to developing countries. It contains many major exporters of arms, with several countries including the UK and France noted for using arms deals in order to enhance their own strategic goals; France is being pursued by the Taiwanese government for compensation over a failure of a naval contract16, however it’s arms deals with Morocco, Mauritania, Niger and Mali are designed primarily to ensure stability against al-Qaeda17. Germany has signed a contract to export battle tanks to Saudi Arabia despite its official policy of military non-intervention18, and the UK is noted for its highly controversial arms deals, many of which occurred during the 80’s. Despite this level of arms export as a whole the EU has shown itself to be relatively favourable towards effective regulation of the arms industry, committed to promoting multilateral disarmament and non-proliferation19. The AU The African Union is at the forefront of the issue of arms trade, its member nations bearing the brunt of the most acute failures of arms regulation. As a result the majority of the AU nations would be extremely favourable to heavy regulation of arms to states undergoing civil chaos, and actively seek ways to enforce non-proliferation20. However some nations such as Ethiopia21, Nigeria, Rwanda and Uganda22 have shown a propensity for involving themselves in the affairs of their neighbours and would prefer for their involvements not to be entirely curbed while preventing the developed world from having too great a say in regional affairs through its arms industry.

AGENDA ITEM 2: Fundamentalism and outreach strategies in East Africa

Introduction Religion in all its forms has, for centuries, influenced politics. Whilst some states may be guided by their religion others are more pragmatic and some even appear to leave religion by the wayside. Africa, as a continent, has been subjected to centuries of colonisation and the imposition of religion upon its people. Africa sits between two powerful religions,

15

http://www.upiasia.com/Security/2009/01/26/china_expanding_african_arms_sales/1148/ 16

http://www.defensenews.com/story.php?i=7934063 17

http://www.eurasiareview.com/05112011-mauritania-mali-and-niger-increase-military-power-buying-arms-from-france/ 18

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/jul/09/germany-arms-sale-saudi-arabia 19

http://www.europa-eu-un.org/articles/en/article_7338_en.htm

20 http://www.au.int/en/sites/default/files/press%20release%20Lome%20-%20small%20arms-2.pdf

21 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somalia

22 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo

Christianity and Islam, both of which have found a way to infiltrate all levels of Africa society. This mixture of religions can be seen throughout Africa where customs and traditions from each appear to co-exist and even influence the very operation of communities. Christianity has seen rapid growth within Africa with numbers of Christians increasing from around 10 million in 1900 to 250 million in 2000, with the number of Muslims growing from 34 million to 300 million in the same time period. Whilst there are fewer Christians they are more evenly spread across the continent whereas the Muslim populations of Africa are more fragmented. It is concentrated in the northern states bordering the Mediterranean Sea and in certain areas of other states including Ghana, Nigeria and Sudan.23

The coverage of the major religions within Africa

Various strategies have been used as part of outreach programs including24:

Public debates

Tracts, pamphlets, leaflets and newspapers

Radio

Provision of work and accommodation

Education and provision of scholarships However in the digital age and the age of international education, the possibility for radicalisation and the contradiction of existing norms that may upset the sociological fabric of a nation is growing.

23

J Haynes, Introduction to International Relations and Religion pp. 302-303 24

J Chesworth, ‘Challenges to the Next Christendom: Islam in Africa’ in FJS Wijsen, Global Christianity: Contested Claims (2007, Editions Rodopi NV, Netherlands), pp. 124-125

‘…“religious fundamentalist” was first applied to…conservative evangelicals inside the mainstream Protestant denominations in the early…twentieth century, as a generic term, it

is now widely applied additionally to a multitude of groups outside the corpus of Christianity, especially, but not exclusively, to Judaist and Islamist entities…’

J Haynes, Religious Fundamentalism and Politics

Background Believe what I tell you to believe – the colonisers (pre-1914): Islam grew in Africa along the traditional trade routes along the North African and Pacific Ocean waterways. This growth was also coupled with jihad during the 1800s and early 1900s and the slow decline of the Ottoman influence on the continent as a whole. The growth of the Sufi brotherhoods and other reformist organisations coincided with the consolidation of European colonial power.25 The Sufi brotherhoods and other reformist organisations took up the development of Islam within Africa at this time. In some countries, such as Cameroon and Chad, power was concentrated into the hands of a small minority as a result of the religious power they also held. In order countries, however, there was not necessarily this immediate creation of an elite. The growth of Islam across Africa also saw a redefinition of what it mean to be a Muslim, with much of the way the religion was practiced was shaped by the prevailing social and economic conditions of the time.26 The European colonisers actually adopted a more co-operative and co-existent relationship between themselves and the local rulers of their new African colonies. This can be seen, for example, in Nigeria where a system of indirect rule was used whereby the colonists would gain the land and ability to use it but the local ruler would be left in charge under the watchful eye of the colonising authorities. This system allowed existing norms and structures to continue.27 The colonists even utilised local people to quash uprisings. In 1906, the Fulani helped put down an Islamic revolt in Satiru and the Fulani even then acted as intermediaries between the local peoples and the colonisers.28 In the period before 1914, whilst the European colonisers were looking to gain substantial footholds on the continent, the conversion of people to Christianity was slow. It was only after the complete occupation of the continent that Christianity could begin to grow in a more sustained way. The introduction of Christianity was not done on its own but was coupled with the introduction of education and health systems that meant an elite was created. Many of the leaders in post-colonial Africa were drawn from this elite. The outreach strategy that the early Christian missionaries used in Africa was open air meetings. Some of these meetings would take place up to four times a week in prominent outdoor places, such as the market place as well as setting up areas for preaching.29 This strategy was however not without dangers or risks as it would allow opposition to the Christian teachings to be visibly and vocally raised. 25

J Haynes, Introduction to International Relations and Religion pp. 304-305 26

J Haynes, Introduction to International Relations and Religion pp. 304-305 27

J Haynes, Introduction to International Relations and Religion p. 303 28

J Haynes, Introduction to International Relations and Religion pp. 303-304 29

J A Chesworth ‘Fundamentalism and Outreach Strategies in East Africa: Christian Evangelism and Muslim Da’Wa’ ISITA Colloquium (2003), pp. 4-6

The changing world – religion and independence (1914-2000): the roots of fundamentalism within Christianity on the African continent appear to have come from the failed promises of independence, with growing poverty and marginalisation, as well as being reactionary to the growth of Islam.30 It has been within the period of independence that fundamentalism and fundamentalist ideology has arisen.

The use of public and outdoor meetings continued to be a key part of the outreach strategies used by Christian missionaries in the post-war period and consistently passed the periods of independence in the 1960s and 1970s. However there had begun, in the 1960s, a move towards rallies rather than mere public meetings and they were a regular occurrence from the mid-1980s. The most famous of these rallies are the Big Harvest Crusades which have taken place in Dar es Salaam since the late 1980s. Rallies do however allow for a movement away

from the mere teaching of the gospel to the output of certain views or thoughts that could pose a problem.31 By the mid-1990s, as a result of these meetings and the Crusades – especially the ‘Christ For All Nations’ Crusade – there were over 20,000 new churches in Africa, however they were not all the same. Whilst many shared similar characteristics their teachings of the faith differed.32 Millions of Africans have said to have joined fundamentalist churches because of the intensity of the prayer experience, the attraction of a simple and comprehensible message that seems to make sense out of the chaos which many followers perceive all around them, a moral code that offers guidance and the resuscitation of community values and a sense of group solidarity.33 Above and beyond this there is a hope of increased prosperity and wealth from being part of such a group, however if the promise or hope of increased prosperity goes unanswered there is then a problem as to who do they turn to obtain a resolution? One outreach strategy that was adopted by Islamic organisations throughout Africa was the production of leaflets and pamphlets. The use of this strategy grew as a result of the increased number of graduates coming back to their home nations having studied in areas where Islam is the dominant religion, such as Saudi Arabia.34 Above and beyond the production of leaflets and the writing of books by leading Islamic preachers in Africa was the use of comparative religious studies in both meetings and writings. This comparative

30

J Haynes ‘Religious Fundamentalism and Politics’, p. 39 31

J A Chesworth ‘Fundamentalism and Outreach Strategies in East Africa: Christian Evangelism and Muslim Da’Wa’ ISITA Colloquium (2003), pp. 6-7 32

J Haynes ‘Religious Fundamentalism and Politics’, pp. 42-43 33

J Haynes ‘Religious Fundamentalism and Politics’, p. 44 34

J A Chesworth ‘Fundamentalism and Outreach Strategies in East Africa: Christian Evangelism and Muslim Da’Wa’ ISITA Colloquium (2003), p. 13

approach was used as a mechanism to encourage Christians to question their faith and challenge their preconceived views as to what it meant to be Christian. The Muslims did use the debates around comparative religious studies to their advantage by making the fundamentalist Christians look ignorant and foolish by preparing arguments and rebuttals that the Christians had not as they felt that they, knowing the Bible, would have the upper hand.35

Ratio of Christians and Muslims across Africa

Recent developments (2000s): the use of new technology has influenced outreach strategies. It is not all necessarily now about having public meetings or creating support for a rally but rather using new media to reach out to a mass population. In Kenya two of the major television stations broadcast evangelists, some of whom also hold rallies.36 The use of media, whilst it has the potential to widen participation can lead to a dilution of the theological thought behind what is being taught. 35

J A Chesworth ‘Fundamentalism and Outreach Strategies in East Africa: Christian Evangelism and Muslim Da’Wa’ ISITA Colloquium (2003), pp. 15-19 36

J A Chesworth ‘Fundamentalism and Outreach Strategies in East Africa: Christian Evangelism and Muslim Da’Wa’ ISITA Colloquium (2003), p. 11

In certain countries however religion has been used as a means to develop government policy. In Sudan for example the government undertook a process of ‘Arabicisation’ to turn the Christian south of the country into an Islamic region, as much of the north already was.37 During the recent referendum on the Kenyan constitution, the political parties within the country attempted to divide the country along religious lines to obtain a sufficiently satisfactory outcome.38 Key Issues Threats to security and radicalism Whilst public meetings and rallies are part of the outreach strategies of both Christianity and Islam, they can be used a vehicle for expressing personal opinions. A number of the Christian crusades within Nigeria have been cancelled due to the outspoken opposition to Islam that has been professed at such rallies. The authorities there have not done it to stifle rights necessarily but rather to ensure local security.39 Rallies have been used as a means to coerce people into turning to religion by denouncing others and professing that the followers of these religions are damned to hell. This is something that can be seen from a rally held by Bonnke in the Mathare Valley in 1991.40 The use of coercive or ‘damnation’ tactics leads to a perception of offense and threats. In certain instances, preachers have been expelled from countries for using these tactics in their sermons.41 Radicalism and fundamentalism could also be seen in the increase in the number of African students who have studied abroad. They have brought back to their home countries interpretations of their religion, especially Islam, which is a more puritanical version than that they may be practiced in their home community. Indeed, some of these students have become influence by the ideals of al-Qaeda among other interpretations of Islam.42 Above and beyond the influence of these international Islamic groups is the use of Islam as a revolutionary ideology. These revolutionary groups offer a unification of restless ambitions of a counter-elite within the Islamic communities of Africa and are used as a vehicle for grievances of the Muslim masses. There are a number of groups within Africa who fall within this category including the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and the Islamic Party of Kenya.43 The idea of radicalism for religious thought has spilled over into radicalism for political thought as well. For fundamentalist Christians in Africa, socialism is seen as an ‘evil’ and

37

J Haynes, Introduction to International Relations and Religion p. 305 38

J Chesworth, ‘Challenges to the Next Christendom: Islam in Africa’ in FJS Wijsen, Global Christianity: Contested Claims (2007, Editions Rodopi NV, Netherlands), p. 127 39

J A Chesworth ‘Fundamentalism and Outreach Strategies in East Africa: Christian Evangelism and Muslim Da’Wa’ ISITA Colloquium (2003), p. 8 40

J A Chesworth ‘Fundamentalism and Outreach Strategies in East Africa: Christian Evangelism and Muslim Da’Wa’ ISITA Colloquium (2003), p. 9 41

J A Chesworth ‘Fundamentalism and Outreach Strategies in East Africa: Christian Evangelism and Muslim Da’Wa’ ISITA Colloquium (2003), p. 12 42

J Chesworth, ‘Challenges to the Next Christendom: Islam in Africa’ in FJS Wijsen, Global Christianity: Contested Claims (2007, Editions Rodopi NV, Netherlands), p. 128 43

J Haynes ‘Religious Fundamentalism and Politics’, pp. 57-58

devoid of a belief in God with Christian groups looking to discredit any socialist movement within their own country. Indeed, the experiments with ‘African Socialism’ in a number of countries which saw the concentration of power into the hands of a very select few left scars that have still to disappear.44 Competing interpretations of the same view There has been a trend of ‘born again’ Christianity in Africa, fusing together evangelical ideals and fundamentalist views on religion. Many of these ‘born again’ movements have harnessed the power of modern technology to reach their audience and congregations. They have deployed missionaries to continue with conversions and there is a tactic, present within their dogma that looks to offer ultimate salvation if and only if a person submits to the authority of the movement. However this view has often sat at odds with the more liberal or modernist views of others within the same religion. This can often to lead to schisms between communities or even within communities themselves.45 44

J Haynes ‘Religious Fundamentalism and Politics’, pp. 46-47 45

J Haynes ‘Religious Fundamentalism and Politics’, pp. 39-41

Bibliography AGENDA ITEM 1 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Yamamah_arms_deal http://www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms/reports/congo.htm http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Yamamah_arms_deal http://www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms/reports/congo.htm http://www.sipri.org/databases/armstransfers http://www.un.org/ecosocdev/geninfo/afrec/vol15no4/154arms.htm http://www.sipri.org/databases/embargoes/un_arms_embargoes/somalia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Shabaab#Support_allegations http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2010/sc9886.doc.htm http://english.aljazeera.net/news/africa/2011/06/2011629234644934286.html http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/africa-mideast/china-offered-gadhafi-huge-stockpiles-of-arms-libyan-memos/article2152875/page1/ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sierra_Leone_Civil_War http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lord%27s_Resistance_Army http://www.upiasia.com/Security/2009/01/26/china_expanding_african_arms_sales/1148/ http://www.defensenews.com/story.php?i=7934063 http://www.eurasiareview.com/05112011-mauritania-mali-and-niger-increase-military-power-buying-arms-from-france/ http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/jul/09/germany-arms-sale-saudi-arabia http://www.europa-eu-un.org/articles/en/article_7338_en.htm http://www.au.int/en/sites/default/files/press%20release%20Lome%20-%20small%20arms-2.pdf http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somalia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo AGENDA ITEM 2 J Haynes, Introduction to International Relations and Religion FJS Wijsen, Global Christianity: Contested Claims J A Chesworth ‘Fundamentalism and Outreach Strategies in East Africa: Christian Evangelism and Muslim Da’Wa’ J Haynes ‘Religious Fundamentalism and Politics’ Pictures: Map of religions in Africa http://filipspagnoli.files.wordpress.com/2010/10/religion_africa-animistes.png African church http://www.conradmbewe.com/2009/01/south-africa-land-of-contrasts.html Map of distribution of Christians and Muslims http://filipspagnoli.files.wordpress.com/2010/10/africa-religious-composition-map.png