Hobbes's De Give was first published in Latinfrom Paris in 1642, and the English versionmade its appearance nine years later, in 1651,under the title Philosophicall RudimentsConcerning Government and Society. Thiremained the only English version to appear inHobbes's lifetime and for many years after hisdeath. It is a more or less literal translation ofthe Latin original, but with some deviationswhich are of interest, such as pas ages whichhave been expanded, embellished, or insertedfor the first time into the English translation.For this critical edition Professor Warrenderhas provided an Introduction and notes, andthe reader is also asked to refer to the Latinversion of De Cive (published as a separatevolume) for the background of De Cive and anassessment of its importance. The presentvolume contains an Index to both Latin andEnglish versions.

Howard Warrender was Professor of PoliticalTheory and Institutions at the University ofSheffield. He was author of The PoliticalPhilosophy of Hobbes (Clarendon Press,1957). He died in 1985.

Engraved title-page EI-State A

THE CLARENDON EDITION. OF THE

PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS OF THOMAS HOBBES

VOLUME III

DE CIVE

ENGLISH VERSION

THOMAS HOBBES

DE CIVETHE ENGLISH VERSION

entitled in the first edition

PHILOSOPHICALL RUDIMENTSCONCERNING GOVERNMENT

AND SOCIETY

A CRITICAL EDITION

BY

018688

OXFORD

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

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versity Press

British Library Cataloguing in Publication DataHobbes, Thomas

De cive: the English version.-(The Clarendon edition of the philosophicalworks of Thomas Hobbes; v. 3) .

I. Hobbes, Thomas. De CiveI. Title II. Warrender, Howard

320'.01 JC153·H6ISBN (}-11)-824623-4

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Hobbes, Thomas, 1588--1679.De Cive: the English version entitled in the first edition Philosophicall

rudiments concerning government and society.(The Clarendon edition of the philosophical works of Thomas Hobbes; v. 3)

Bibliography: p.Includes indexes.

I. Political science-Early works to 1700. 2. Natural law. 3. Authority.I. Warrender, Howard. II. Title. III. Series: Hobbes, Thomas, 1588--1679.

Works. 1983; v. 3·JC153·H5213 1983 320.1 82-12451

ISBN (}-11)-824623-4

Printed in Great Britainat the University Printing House, Oxford

by David StanfordPrinter to the University

FOREWORD AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

WHILE not the first to be written, Hobbes's De Give was the first versionof his political philosophy to be published, and indeed the first of hismajor original works to be put into print. Not that this was Hobbes'sinitial intention. In his grand plan for the systematic exposition of humanknowledge the treatise on society and politics was to be placed after thesnidy of body and of man. But, as Hobbes explains, finding his nativecountry sliding into civil war, the emergency plucked from him hispolitical work and 'what was last in order, is yet come forth first intime'. Given such a pedigree, it is I hope not inappropriate that DeGive should be the first of Hobbes's works to appear in the presentseries.

The Latin and English texts of De Give occupy respectively volumestwo and three in the scheme, and though separately bound, the twoversions as here produced are designed to complement each other and tobe used together.

This edition of De Give arises from a project I began as long ago as1960. Whereas Molesworth's collected edition of Hobbes's works haddone commendable service, as a standard source of reference, I had foundmyself on occasion obliged to resort to the original editions in order toclarify matters of interpretation in Hobbes's doctrine, and so led to becomeincreasingly aware- of the inadequacies of Molesworth's texts for the needsof the advanced student and in particular for certain research purposes.It seemed worth while, therefore, to undertake a revised edition ofHobbes's works, which would embody modem editorial practices andwould make a more complete use of manuscript as well as early printedsources than had been attempted by Molesworth and his assistant. Ihoped, further, to be able to make significant use of the Hobbes andrelated correspondence. As the scheme was finally envisaged, moreover,it appeared that allowance should- also be made for a prospective declineof facility in Latin, accompanied by the spread of English as a universallanguage for scholars. In addition, therefore, it seemed advisable to makeas much as possible of Hobbes's material readily available to the Englishreader.

I must in the first place record my considerable debt to the Delegatesof the Clarendon Press for their encouragement and confidence many

vi FOREWORD AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

years ago in approving of this enterprise and in agreeing to the publicationof DeCive. Indeed, without their encouragement and support it is unlikelythat the project would ever have begun. At a critical stage, moreover, theeditorial work was greatly advanced through a substantial grant from theSocial Science Research Council of Great Britain, which enabled me tovisit libraries and to secure research material and assistance. I am pleasedto have the opportunity to express my gratitude for their invaluablesupport.

In the production of the two texts I have incurred many debts.Inevitably an editor must rely deeply upon his library resources. I mustthank Bodley's Librarian and his staff for their courtesy and efficiency insupplying me with microfilm and photocopies of many of Hobbes's worksfrom their excellent collection of the early editions. May I thank also theLibrarian and staff of the British Library and the Bibliotheque Nationale,always most helpful; likewise the University Librarians of Glasgow andAberdeen for lending me special copies of De Give in their possession. Irecall with great pleasure my visits to King's College, Cambridge, ~hereI was allowed to consult the Keynes Collection and given much assis­tance with my enquiries. But above all, I am indebted to His Gracethe Duke of Devonshire and the Trustees of the Chatsworth Settlementfor granting me permission to make such extensive use of the Hobbesmanuscripts, and should like to add a tribute to Thomas Wragg forhis friendship and helpfulness during the many visits I made toChatsworth. May I also thank finally the Librarians and staff of myresident universities of Queen's, Belfast, and of Sheffield, who havecoped so admirably with my numerous demands upon their time andpatience.

A great deal of the editorial work for De Give was completed while Iwas a member of staff of the Queen's University of Belfast, against abackground of civil disorder only too tragically similar to that which ledHobbes to bring forth the original text. For her help with this editorialmaterial, my greatest debt is to Mrs Mary Faris, who worked as myresearch assistant on the Hobbes project for a number of years, thoughthe description understates her share in the exercise. Not only has MaryFaris provided specially for the present edition translations of Bruno'sverses and the Hobbes correspondence, but she has executed many of thetranslations J:equired throughout the texts; and more generally both theLatin and English versions of De Give owe a great deal to her eruditionand enthusiasm. I am pleased to acknowledge the significance of hercontribution. May I also thank Mrs Joan Barnwell for assistance with

FOREWORD AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii

material on the Elzevir presses and Mrs Carol Needham for helping tocheck the holdings of the Bibliotheque Nationale.

lowe especial thanks to Mrs Elizabeth Dawson for her much-valuedassistance in organizing and typing the editorial material for these twovolumes. Thanks are due also to Miss Isobel Dougherty and Mrs MaureenParrett who .dealt with the formidable mounds of xerox copying requiredat .various stages of the work; and to Dr and Mrs J. C. Davies whohelped with the arduous task of checking the variant readings fromsources for the Latin text. I have benefited considerably from theadvice and encouragement of Peter Nidditch, as well as from hisexample, and must thank' him for allowing some of his editorialvirtues to rub offon me. E. G. Jacoby generously supplied me with materialfrom his extensive knowledge of Tonnies' work in the field;and Tito Magri made available textual discoveries he had remarkedwhile preparing his scholarly Italian translation of De Give, at present inthe press.

I must make particular mention of Maurice Goldsmith, who read myentire typescript in its final stages, and contributed much useful criticism,advice, and information, for which' I am considerably in his debt. Notleast, it remains to add my thanks and compliments to the Publisher andhis staff for their invaluable assistance throughout, and to the Printer fordelivering in such excellent form the most difficult of Hobbes's majorworks to extract from the original texts. May I also thank the editors andpublishers of Rivista critica di storia della filosofia and The Library forpermission to republish herein material I contributed erstwhile to thesejournals. Further, may I use this occasion to indicate Il).y gratitude tomany others fr~m many parts of the world who have written to me atvarious times concerning the Hobbes project, and hope that the presentedition will be some recompense for their interest and friendship. LastlyI should like to thank my wife, to whom this edition of Hobbes's DeGive is dedicated, for living so cheerfully with it for so many years,for the holidays spent in Hobbesian places, and for her never-failingencouragement.

Without so much help and good will the present edition would havebeen much impaired if not impossible. Its shortcomings, nevertheless, aremy own, and I shall be pleased to have the omissions made good and myerrors amended. It will be sufficiently rewarding if I have been able toput the matter on a proper basis.

As I sign this foreword at the tercentenary of Hobbes's death, I amprompted to the reflection that whatever the deficiencies of the author

viii FOREWORD AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

whose work has been my preoccupation, there are few of the classic writersin political philosophy who have maintained so clearly their relevance tothe ever unfolding political scene, or are as likely so to continue.

How ARD W ARRENDER

Department ofPolitical Theoryand Institutions,The University of Sheffield4 December 1979

PLATES

CONTENTS

XI

EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION'

A. De Cive-The Background

B. De Cive-The English Text

I. EI The First English Edition

2. The English Translation 4

3. A note on Molesworth's edition 8

4. The Presented Text 9

C. The Apparatus

I. A scheme of reference for Hobbes's Works 10

2. Parallel Passages I I

3. The Footnotes-the numerical series II

4. The Footnotes-the letter series 14

5. The Index 16

Editions of the English De Cive (A Checklist) 17

Glossary of Directional Words and Symbols used in Footnotes 17

THE TEXT

Printed title-page EI 21

Epistle Dedicatory 23

The Author's Preface 29.

The Index of the Chapters 39

Part I. LIBERTY, Chs. I-IV 41

Part II. DOMINION, Chs. V-XIV 85

Part III. RELIGION, Chs. XV-XVIII 183

APPENDICES

A. Dedicatory Epistle to Lady Fane from c.c.B. Conversion Table to Molesworth's Edition

x CONTENTS

REFERENCES

INDEX TO EDITORIAL MATERIAL

INDEX TO DE GIVE (Latin and English versions)

PLATES

Frontispiece. Engraved title-page EI-State A

I. Engraved title-page EI-State B

II. Engraving and verse illustrating Liberty

III. Engraving and verse illustrating Dominion

IV. Engraving and verse illustrating Religion

275

277

279

PLATES

PLATES

Frontispiece: Engraved title-page EI-State A (size 72 x 127 mm).

The portrait ofHobbes with its Greek motto appears to have been taken fromthe full-page portrait in Sorbiere's French translation of De Give (1649). Themotto ('Second thoughts are wiser'-Euripides, Hippolytus 436) is perhapsSorbiere's apology for the inscription to the portrait in L2 which offendedHobbes. (See Editor's Introduction, Works, vol. II, pp. 10-12; for an illustrationof the engraved title-page EI-State B see below, Plate I.)

I. Engraved title-page EI-State B (siie 72 x 127 mm).

A variant, and presumed later, form of the engraved title-page (State B) isfound in many copies. This has 'Philosophicall Elements of .. .' 'corrected' to'Philosophicall Rudiments concerning .. .', thus agreeing with the printedtitle-page; the words Liberty, Dominion, Religion added to the figures; andreads simply 'By Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury' in place of the moreextended description. (See below, Editor's Introduction, pp. 2-4.) In somecopies of State B, the engraved title-page is a cancel. (For an illustration of theengraved title-page EI-State A see frontispiece.)

II. Engraving (size 69 x 84 mm) and verse; bound in EI to face Chap. I and tomark the beginning of the part of the book entitled Liberty. The Latinquotation may be translated as follows:

Is the King he who has laid aside fearand the ills of a fearful heart?·

He is the man whom impotent ambitionand the never stable favour

of the headlong commons does not moveWho set in a safe place

\iees everything beneath himself.

(Seneca, Thyestes 348-52, 365-6)

(* Most editors of Seneca do not print 'I'; hence rendering a statement 'The King is he whohas ...')

III. Engraving (size 68 x 86 mm) and verse; bound in EI to face Chap. V and tomark the beginning of the part of the book entitled Dominion. The Latinquotations may be translated as follows:

Does anyone rejoice in a kingdom? 0 treacherous gift!How many woes dost thou conceal with so calm a forehead?

(Seneca, Oedipus 6-7)

xiv PLATES

It is inevitable that he whom many fear should fear many.(Laberius 126R ap. Seneca, De Ira 2.11.3)

From gold is poison drunk: I say this from experience.(Seneca, Thyestes 453)

IV. Engraving (size 68 x 86 mm) and verse; bound in EI to face Chap. XV and tomark the beginning of the part of the book entitled Religion. The Latinquotation may be translated as follows:

He who is whole in life and pure from sinNeeds not the Moor's javelins nor bow,Nor, Fuscus, a quiver full of poisoned arrows.Whether he is about to make his wayThrough the shifting SyrtesOr the inhospitable CaucasusOr the places which the fabled Hydaspis bathes.

(Horace, Odes I 22. 1-8)

PLATE I

Engraved title-page EI-State B(Reproduced by permission of The Librarian, Aberdeen University)

PLATE II

Engraving and verse illustrating Liberty(Reproduced by permission of The Librarian, Aberdeen University)

PLATE III

~ififuamneregno gdlldtt! 0 falla.\· bonum!f0antum m~/omm fi-onte. quam 6!oinda regiJ?~cefJt. tjt ~.,mi'toI timeat, quem multi timent•eA/lro vtne"um bibie~Y': exprrtH4lotfllor.

Engraving and verse illustrating Dominion(Reproduced by permission of The Librarian, Aberdeen Universiry)

PLATE IV

Integer vit~ {celeri(quc purPANOli cget Mauri jamlis nee arclt,Nee VellClllttiI gravida (a6ittir

F ufCe pharetra.Sive pCI' SYl'tes iter ItftuOfil!,Sive faRurus per inhofPitaternCdHeafilrh, vet qUit toea fabltlofU$

Lambie HhlafPiJ.

Engraving and verse illustrating Religioll(Reproduced by permission of The Librarian, Aberdeen University)

EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION*

A. DE CIVE-THE BACKGROUND

HOBBES'S De Cive was published originally in Latin from Paris in 1642,followed by two further Latin editions in 1647 from Amsterdam. The

English translation of the work made its first appearance four years later

(London 1651) under the title Philosophical! Rudiments ConcerningGovernment and Society.

The present volume concerns the English version of De Cive. It is

intended, nevertheless, to be used in conjunction with Volume II of this

edition,l which covers the Latin text. Section A of the Editor's Introduc­

tion to that volume is devised as background to the work as a whole, and

to this the reader is referred. There remain to be considered here

some matters specific to the English version only.

B. DE CIVE-THE ENGLISH TEXT

1. E1 The First English Edition2

Taking advantage of a temporary relaxation in the censorship,3 the English

edition of De Cive was published from London in 1651, while Hobbes

• For a full description of .uthors and works "noted, see under References at the end of thevolume.

I Cited below as Works, vol. II.2 [Within a rule] Philosophic.1I Rudiments! CONCERNING! Government and Society. ! OR, !

A DISSERTATION! Concerning MAN in his severall! habitudes and respects, as ! the Memberof a So<;iety, first! Secular, and then Sacred. ! Containing! The Elements of Civill Politie in the!Agreement which it hath both with! Naturall and Divine Lawes. ! In which is demonstrated, ! Bothwhat the Origine ofJustice is,! and wherein the Essence of Christian ! Religion doth consist.! Togetherwith! The Nature, Limits, and Q!Jalificati-!ons both of Regiment and Subjection. ! [rule]! By THO:HOBBES. ! [rule] ! LONDON,! Printed by J.G. for R. ROYSTON, ! at the Angel in Ivie-lane. 1651.

Collation: 12mo. A12 B8 C-R12 S'Contents: Air engraved title-page; Al v blank; A2r printed title-page; A2V blank; A3r-AIOr The

Epistle Dedicatory; Alov blank; AIIr-B8v THE AUTHORS PREFACE TO THE READER; 54 TheIndex of the Chapters; Clr blank; Clv engraving; text pp. 1-363; S3v blank.

Pagination: 1-70; 71 blank; 72 engraving; 73-107; 108 misprinted 100; 109-159; 160 misprinted190; 161-232; 233 blank; 234 engraving; 235-65; 266 misprinted 286; 267-85; 286 misprinted 296;287-315; 316 misprinted 290; 317-63.

Notes: This volume is sometimes erroneously described as 8vo. lG. = John Grismond, the printerwhom Royston regularly employed (Macdonald and Hargreaves Thomas Hobbes: A Bibliography, p.23). The Index ofthe Chapters printed on leaf S4 (the concluding sheet of the book) has been removedand placed after the Preface in most copies. The catchword concluding the Preface fits this location,which may also be said to derive general support from the Latin editions. In some copies, however

[See p. 2 for n. 2 cont. and n. 3]

2 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

was still living in Paris.! Nevertheless, there seems no doubt that itspublication was authorized by him. This the first English edition(designated E1 in the present work) remained the only English versionto appear during Hobbes's lifetime and for many years later. In fact Ihave not been able to trace a second English edition until it is includedin Molesworth's collection of Hobbes's English Works (1839-45).2

E1 differs from its Latin predecessors in having a printed title-page aswell as an engraved frontispiece. Items found in some of the Latin versionsdo not reappear. The verses by Bruno and Hobbes's portrait with itsinscription (Lz) are understandably omitted; absent also are the lettersof commendation sent by Mersenne and Gassendi to Sorbiere (L3). Onthe other hand, with the English version, there are included for the firsttime three engravings, one of which precedes each of the three subdivisionsof the book. Otherwise, E1 is a more or less literal rendering of the Latinoriginal, though as we shall see there are deviations in the translation thatare a matter of interest.

The English publication has two main variant forms, which affecthowever only its title-pages. 3

State A. The engraved title-page resembles that of the second andthird Latin editions of 1647 (Lz and L3) with the three parts of the book,Liberty, Dominion, and Religion, represented by three female figures.There has been added, however, a portrait of Hobbes in miniature witha Greek motto ('Second thoughts are wiser'), which appears to derivefrom Sorbiere's French translation of De Cive (1649). (The motto isperhaps Sorbiere's apology for the inscription to the portrait in Lz whichcaused Hobbes so much consternation.4) The engraved title-page StateA gives the title of the book as Philosophicall Elements of Goverment andCivil! Society and is at variance with the printed title-page which readsPhilosophical! Rudiments concerning Government and Society. Otherwise, itneed only be remarked that at the foot of the page appear the words'Written in Latine by Tho: Hobbes of Malmesbury. And now translatedinto English 1651'.

(e.g. Bodl. 12 e. 1761) the Index may be found immediately preceding the Epistle Dedicatory; andsee also below, Text ad loc.

Copies: Bodl. (2); BL; Keynes; Aberdeen University Library (2). (The above list does not includeall copies consulted, but covers all major variations remarked.)

3 See Works, vol. II, Editor's Introduction, p. IS.

1 In the same year (1651) there followed publication of the English Leviathan, also from London,and towards the end of that year the termination of Hobbes's French exile with his return to hisnative country. See ibid., pp. 15-16.

2 EW, vol. II. 3 For a reproduction of these title-pages see frontispiece and Plate I.4 See Works, vol. II, Editor's Introduction, pp. 10-12.

B. DE GIVE-THE ENGLISH TEXT 3

State B. A presumed later form of the engraved title-page is foundin many copies. This has Philosophical! Elements of . .. 'corrected' toPhilosophical! Rudiments concerning . . ., thus so far agreeing with theprinted title-page; the words Liberty, Dominion, Religion have been addedto the appropriate figures; and the foot of the page reads simply 'ByThomas Hobbes of Malmesbury' in place of the more extended descrip­tion. In some copies of State B, the engraved title-page is a cancel. Theprinted title-pages do not require special comment, except that 'THO :HOBBES' (State A) is misprinted 'TH : HOBBES' in some copies ofState B.

The reasons adduced above for regarding State B as the later are notconclusive, though the factors mentioned point in that direction. Someconfirmation, however, may be derived from the condition of the twoengravings. As the same plate was apparently used for both, it would beeasier to convert it from State A to B than vice versa without leavingconspicuous traces of the former state. And signs of alteration or erasureare not immediately obvious on the engravings themselves. But further,if State B is subjected to close scrutiny, what appear to be remnants fromState A can be discerned in the lower left corner,l and may be held tosubstantiate considerably the order in which we have placed these engravedtitle-pages.

Apart from the engraved and printed title-pages, States A and Bareidentical throughout and printed from the same sheets. They constituteseparate issues, therefore, but do not rank as separate editions. 2 Thereare, indeed, some minor discrepancies between copies of Ex-severalprinting errors in some copies are correct in others. But these 'corrections'or 'mistakes' differentiate batches within State B; they do not separateState B from State A. Such distinctions as may be based on the text,therefore, run counter to those based on title-page.

There must also be mentioned a further variant form of Ex, thoughits authenticity is debatable and it falls to be considered more fully inthe next section. A few copies (in each case associated with State A) haveprefixed to the whole work a Dedicatory Epistle to a Lady Fane whichis 'signed' ee, the main interest of which lies in eco's claim to be the

1 On this point lowe a great deal to a communication from T. Magri. Examining copies of StateB in the Bodleian and the British Libraries with the aid of a magnifying glass, he was able to discoverbeneath the first two words of the inscription 'By Thomas Hobbes' traces of the words 'Written in'and on a lower line 'And now', which matched part of the inscription of State A. I was able toconfirm these observations.

2 An analogous problem was encountered in the case of Lz and Lza, which differed in their tide­pages. See Works, vol. II, Editor's Introduction, pp. 4'-5.

4 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

translator of the English version. These copies have also a page of erratapreceding Hobbes's Dedicatory Epistle to the Earl of Devonshire, andprinted under the head 'FAULTS ESCAPED'.! Owing to the fewnessof copies, there is some difficulty in regarding both c.c.'s letter and thepage of errata as authorized; and for the former at least it would runmuch against Hobbes's practice to have approved its inclusion. We havetherefore reproduced the letter to Lady Fane in Appendix A of the presentvolume and not at the beginning of Hobbes's work. The errata, however,have been treated on their merits,2 and embodij:d in the text or relegatedto the foot of the page as these indicated, with appropriate notes in eachinstance.

2. The English Translation

As remarked elsewhere,3 though the demand for El appears to have beenslight and it was soon overshadowed by the English Leviathan, itnevertheless offers a forceful English translation of De Give, which hasits own attractions and contains passages not without literary merit. Atthe same time it must be admitted that the title is cumbersome, notmemorable, and its connection with De Give not readily indicated. Thework suffers also from Latinisms which on occasion import stiffness intothe diction and can even lead to confusion.4 Nor is the punctuation beyondreproach. 5 But despite all, something of Hobbes's quality unmistakablyemerges.

From Aubrey's testimony, indeed, it has generally been assumed thatthe English translation was the work of Hobbes himself. In his Life ofEdmund Waller, he recounts the matter as follows:

I have heard him say that he [Waller] so much admired Mr. Thomas Hobbes'booke De Cive, when it came forth, that he was very desirous to have it donneinto English, and Mr. Hobbes was most willing it should be done by Mr. Waller'shand, for that he was so great a master of our English language. Mr. Wallerfreely promised him to doe it, but first he would desire Mr. Hobbes to make anessaye; he (T.H.) did the first booke, and did it so extremely well, that Mr.Waller would not meddle with it, for that nobody els could doe it so well. Had

1 I am indebted to S. Mintz and to a Bibliographical Note by H. J. H. Drummond for bringingthese copies to my attention (cf. H. J. H. Drummond, 'Hobbes's Philosophicall Rudiments, 1651',The Library, 5th ser., vol. XXVIII (1973), pp. 54-6). I have also been greatly assisted by the loanof such a copy for close inspection from the Library of Aberdeen University.

2 For the most part they cover points which would have required editorial intervention in any case.3 Works, vol. II, Editor's Introduction, pp. 15, 20-2, 29-32.4 The employment of 'this', 'that'; 'these', 'those'; 'here', 'there'; for example, to indicate 'the

former' and 'the latter', follows Latin usage in EI, which is directly opposite to the English convention.In a number of cases it has been necessary to draw attention to this matter in the text, below, inorder to avoid misunderstanding. 5 See below, pp. 9, 13-14.

B. DE GIVE-THE ENGLISH TEXT 5

he thought he could have better performed it, he would have himselfe been thetranslator. 1

Since Aubrey, commentators have normally accepted his account ofthe matter at its face value, though it has sometimes been suggested thatthe backing for it was thin, and in particular on stylistic grounds it hasbeen objected that EI did not match Hobbes's other English works. 2 Suchdoubts have been augmented by the discovery of a few copies of EI,referred to above, which contain an extra gathering. In these copies thereis prefixed to the whole work a dedicatory epistle 'signed' c.c. andaddressed 'To the honourable, and truly virtuous, the Lady Fane, Widdowto Sir George Fane, Brother to the Earl of Westmerland of blessedmemory'.3 In commending the book (and himself) to her ladyship, c.c.appears to make the claim, not merely to have assisted, but to have beenthe translator of the English version. H. J. H. Drummond, who veryhelpfully brought this dedicatory epistle to notice, is inclined to acceptboth the authenticity of c.c.'s letter and the claim that it makes, thoughrecognizing that the identity of c.c. himself is a matter of conjecture.4

1 Aubrey, Brief Lives 1669-16g6, ed. A. Clark, vol. II, p. 277.2 A. G. Wernham, for example, is reported as having suspected E, as most unlikely to have been

the work of Hobbes himself on such grounds (Drummond, op. cit., p. 55).3 Lady Fane is presumably Anne, daughter of Sir Oliver Boteler, of Teston in Kent; second wife

of Sir George Fane, by whom he had three sons and three daughters. Sir George Fane, brother toFrancis, first Earl of Westmorland (died March '628), was seated at Burston in Kent. In the firstyear of James I he was chosen as a member of parliament for the port of Sandwich and one of theknights of the shire for Kent in ,8 Jac. I; also for Maidstone in 2' Jac. I; " 3, and '5 Car. I. SirGeorge died 26 June ,640 aged 59, being survived by Lady Fane, who died on 5 March ,663 andis buried at Hunton (cf. Collins's Peerage of England, ed. Sir E. Brydges, London ,812, vol. III, pp.293-4)·

4 Op. cit., pp. 54-5. With regard to the identity of c.c. Drummond offers several names: SirCharles Cavendish or some other member of the Cavendish family, Christopher Cartwright, SirCharles Cotterell, and Charles Cotton. All are possibilities, but of none have I been able to traceany connection with the English translation of Hobbes's De Cive, nor indeed any special relationshipwith Lady Fane. Of those mentioned, the person most likely to have known Lady Fane was SirCharles Cavendish (Sir Francis Fane, third son of the first Earl of Westmorland, was during thecivil wars appointed by Sir Charles's brother, Newcastle, as governor of Doncaster and afterwardsof Lincoln- The Life of William Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle by Margaret, Duchess of Newcastle,ed. C. H. Firth, 2nd edn., London n.d., pp. 86-7; Collins's Peerage, ed. Brydges, op. cit., vol. III,p. 300). Nevertheless, the correspondence between Sir Charles Cavendish and Dr John Pell, whichruns up to ,65', makes frequent mention of Hobbes and his publications, but gives no indicationthat Sir Charles Cavendish is engaged upon any translation of Hobbes's De Cive (c£, e.g., HelenHervey, 'Hobbes and Descartes in the Light of some Unpublished Letters of the Correspondencebetween Sir Charles Cavendish and Dr. John Pell', Osiris, vol. X ('952), pp. 67-90). Moreover, if,650-1 were busy years for Hobbes, Sir Charles Cavendish was still more preoccupied. He returnedfrom exile with Lady Newcastle probably late in 1651 and at once concerned himself with thedischarge and rescue of his estates (10 December) and those of his brother. He would hardly havebeen in a position to undertake the production of EI, nor, petitioning for the return of his property,inclined to compromise himself thereby. The remaining Cavendishes at this time are not a promisingspeculation. Colonel Charles had fallen in the Civil War and Viscount Mansfield (at the age of 24)is unlikely.

6 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

In default of clear information on c.c.'s identity, we can only fall backupon items of general circumstance and upon internal evidence. It wascommon enough for Hobbes to accept assistance from friends andassociates in the production of his works; it was equally common for himto give no acknowledgement of such assistance in his published volumes.To the best of our knowledge, for example, Sir William Petty helped inthe drawing of the diagrams at least for Hobbes's Optics if not with thecontent,l and Henry Stubbe laboured over the Latin Leviathan,2 thoughtheir names do not appear in the final product.' Further, in following thecourse of the Latin version of De Give, we have already seen evidence ofHobbes's general disinclination to allow preliminary material to be pushedinto his publications;3 also, punctuation apart, he appears to have beenvery particular indeed about the text itself. In noting errata for Lz, heleaves no doubt of his concern that the defects in question should be putright and even offers to pay himself for this to be done.4 From Hobbes'sgeneral disposition and method of working, it would appear quite possiblethat in the production of the English version of De Give, he receivedassistance from c.c. or otherwise; but unlikely that he would approvethe text without considerable oversight on his part. Still less likely is itthat he would have authorized the publication of c.c. 's epistle at thebeginning of his work.

The variant forms of EI indeed may well have arisen from Hobbes'sobjections in this matter. A few early copies may have contained c.c.'sepistle. This is associated with the engraved title-page State A5 whichgives the work as 'Written in Latine by Tho: Hobbes of Malmesbury.And now translated into English . . .' Thus from both the epistle andthe frontispiece it could be inferred that Hobbes was responsible for theLatin version only. He may have disapproved of both on these groundsand insisted upo~ the exclusion of the epistle; also upon a revisedfrontispiece (State B) where the English title of the work was simplyfollowed by the words 'By Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury', from whichHobbes's own involvement in the English version would be assumed.The bulk of the copies were then bound up with the State B frontis­piece.

1 Aubrey, Brief Lives, ed. Dick, p. 237.2 Cf. letters from Henry Stubbe to Hobbes, MSS at the British Library and Chatsworth: O.

Nicastro, Lettere di Henry Stubbe a Thomas Hobbes, Siena 1973 (Stubbe's letters are reproducedin English).

3 Cf. Works, vol. II, Editor's Introduction, pp. 10-12.4 Hobbes to Sorbiere, 22 October 1646 (cf. Works, vol. II, Appendix B, Letter II).S Though there are some further State A copies which do not contain c.c.'s epistle.

B. DE GIVE-THE ENGLISH TEXT 7

We turn now to the internal evidence. As previously noted, it has beenremarked that the prose style of EI differs, it is thought significantly,from Hobbes's usual work in English. It is true that the English versionof De Cive does not read like the English Leviathan or the Elements ofLaw, which were thought out and written directly in English. But it mustbe remembered that in the case of E I, this would be a matter of Hobbestranslating his own Latin original, which could well account for thedifference. EI contains plenty of Hobbesianisms. And what of c.c.? Hisepistle provides us with only a relatively short sample of his work, andno doubt some floweriness and gallantry of style is required by the occasionand therefore not entirely typical. Even so, on stylistic grounds I find itmore credible that Hobbes translated EI than that it was the work ofc.c., unless, indeed, Hobbes stood over him in the process. 1

It is instructive, perhaps, in this connection to look at the discrepanciesbetween the Latin and the English versions of De Cive. In Volume IIare noted the words and phrases of the Latin text which are omitted andhave no counterpart in the English translation. These can (with somedifficulty) be written off as oversights or even permissible latitude for thetranslator by the prevailing standards of the time. It is not so easy,however, to deal in this way with the complementary problem-thepassages that were expanded, embellished, or simply inserted for the firsttime into the English translation. These are detailed in the footnotes tothe English text in the present volume, and the reader may judge forhimself their significance. To note a few examples from Hobbes'sDedicatory Epistle alone, we give below a literal English rendering of theLatin text, and opposite for comparison the corresponding translation asfound in EI.

Dedicatory Epistle:

para. 2

7

8

10

Latin text(literally translated)

virtues of peacewarlike virtues[absent]

a convenient principle ofteachinga violent death

EIthe twin-sisters of peacethe two daughters of Warand ~herefore yield never aharvestan idoneous Principle ofTractationa contre-naturallDissolution

1 This is a matter on which statistical or computer techniques could probably be employed withprofit. Our presented texts, which preserve the original spellings, etc., and provide for copy-text tobe fully recovered, should be of assistance in such an enterprise. An editor of Hobbes's materialsoon realizes how very little research has been done on many points. In the present edition one ofmy objectives has been to provide as far as possible an adequate base for research projects.

8 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

To assume that c.c. was solely responsible for the English translationis to assume that he took a great deal upon himself in this part of thework at least; and a great deal more than Hobbes would have allowedwithout his own active participation and sanction.!

Finally, we have Aubrey's testimony for Hobbes's involvement in thematter. The anecdotal Aubrey has been suspect for the last century toscholars who prefer their facts unvarnished and their documentationcomplete. Nevertheless, on past form he has shown an obstinate tendencyto turn out to be right, and in the absence ef better evidence to thecontrary we may elect to follow him on this occasion.

3. A note on Molesworth's edition

Molesworth's printing of the English version of De Cive2 is of necessitytaken from EI. The internal engravings, however, were omitted andHobbes's explanatory notes printed at the foot of the page and not (asin the original) in the text following the relevant paragraph. Molesworth,moreover, has modernized the spelling; the work has been extensivelyrepunctuated; incidence of capitals much altered; and italics alteredthough less so. It would appear that Molesworth did not have to handthe list of Errata for EI. Nevertheless, he has made the amendmentsindicated by it for about two-thirds of the list (directed probably fromthe sense of the passage concerned, or from comparison with the Latinversion). I have noted also that here and there he has needlessly substituteddifferent words in the English text, though in fairness it should be addedthat for about half of these cases he might have consulted the LatinverSlOn.

The great difficulty with Molesworth's edition of course is that hegives no indication of what he has done and no means for the reader torecover his copy-text. 3

1 The most conspicuous divergencies between the Latin and the English versions of De Civeappear in fact in the early part of the work. It may be (as Aubrey indicates) that Hobbes didmake a start upon the English translation and that he took considerable liberties with the Latintext. In the event, someone else (possibly c.c.) may then have been recruited to continue orassist with the second and third subdivisions of the work, contributing thereto a more literalrendering. '

2 EW, vol. II.3 Respecting Lamprecht's edition of the English De Cive, see Works, vol. II, Editor's Introduction,

p.28n.

B: DE CIVE-THE ENGLISH TEXT 9

4. The Presented Text'

The publication of 1651 (EI) was the only English edition of De Givethat appeared during Hobbes's lifetime and is thus an automatic choiceas our copy-text for the English version. 2

Since the English text has only one source it tends to be more imperfectthan the Latin text presented in Volume II, which was the product ofseveral sources. In this case, therefore, it has been all the more advisableto compare the English and Latin versions. It has also been necessary tomake editorial interventions in the text more liberally than we consideredallowable in the case of the Latin version.

In the English text presented below, some words and phrases havebeen inserted or substituted by the editor. These are always printed withinsquare brackets in the text and are confined to instances where there issome clear mistake or omission in E I. In every case such interventionhas the backing of the Latin text, and the EI reading is given in footnotes.

The original punctuation of EI leaves much to be desired, which mayindeed be one of the reasons why this particular text has never achievedthe audience its content merited. Apart from occasional misprints or clearmistakes, there are passages where the punctuation renders it extremelydifficult for the reader to retain the argument. I have in consequence beenled to amend the text more extensively in matters of punctuation than inmatters of substance. But even here, editorial intervention has beengrounded as far as possible on the Latin version, the punctuation of whichis often superior to that of the English translation. 3 Editorial punctuationis not enclosed in square brackets in the text, but it is marked in eachcase and the original punctuation of E 1 recorded in the footnotes.

Thus, although it has been necessary to depart from the strictest ruleswhich were used for the Latin text, I have endeavoured to keep editorialintervention to a minimum and to ground such intervention upon theLatin text itself. Moreover, with the aid of the footnotes, the copy-textof the English version is fully recoverable in all respects.

1 Where it is necessary to specify uniquely the text as established in this edition, with its attendantamendments, variant readings, etc., we refer to the 'presented text', or where this is possible withoutambiguity, simply to the 'Text'.

2 The Text is based upon a photo-reproduction of both States A and B taken from copies of Elin the Bodleian Library, Oxford.

3 See below, pp. 13-14n.

10 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

C. THE APPARATUS

I. A scheme of reference for Hobbes's Works l

As indicated in Volume II, we have instituted a general scheme of referencewherein Hobbes's works are cited by short title, chapter, and paragraph.Chapters are always indicated by Roman numerals and paragraphs byArabic numerals regardless of the style in which they were printed in theoriginal editions. Thus 'De Give V. 8' denotes De Give, Chapter V,paragraph 8, and unless specified otherwise refers indifferently to bothLatin and English versions. 2 Such a system has the merit of providingreference to the original editions also, as to other texts, regardless ofpage-numbers.

The operation of this scheme in the case of De Give has required onlyminor modification to the original. Hobbes's Dedicatory Epistle is notparagraphed and in his Preface the paragraphs are not numbered. In thepresent edition we have supplied for these two items paragraphingnumerals which are printed in the margin in square brackets. 3 At thesame time the original format has been preserved, maintaining Hobbes'sown paragraphing or lack of it. For the body of the text, Hobbes's ownnumbered paragraphs are used. Though there are about a dozen of theseparagraphs that are inconveniently long for reference purposes, it was notworthwhile to subdivide them by decimal numbers. I was in any caseanxious to keep editorial intervention in the text to a minimum.4

Many years of Hobbesian commentary have relied upon page-referencesto the Molesworth edition, and too often for the reader this source is not

1 For Sections (I) and (2), which concern some general features, the information which followshas appeared in the corresponding part of Volume II. It is reprinted here (mutatis mutandis) for theconvenience of the reader.

2 Specific reference to the English version only is followed by '(E)' and to the Latio version by'(L)'. Hence De Cive V. 8 (E). etc.

3 Hence 'De Cive Epist. Oed. 3' refers to Hobbes's 'The Epistle Dedicatory, paragraph 3' and'Preface 5' to 'The Authors Preface to the Reader, paragraph 5' and their Latin equivalents.

4 The great stumbling-block to the system of reference we have adopted has in the past beenLeviathan, paragraphs to which were not numbered in the original version and in which Hobbes'sown paragraphing was highly individualistic. For the present edition (vols. IV and V) both theEnglish and Latin Leviathan have been supplied with paragraph numbers, though again Hobbes'soriginal format has been preserved. Worthwhile alone for its assistance in matching the English andLatin texts, I hope that the paragraphing improves also the readability of the work. With Elementsof Law the only difficulty arises from reference to chapters; as in no other version of Hobbes'spolitical philosophy, the numbering of chapters begins afresh with Part II of the book. It has beennecessary, therefore, to renumber the chapters to run continuously (moreover, Human Nature andDe Corpore Politico are treated as one work with a single series of chapter numbers). The appropriatemodifications are introduced in our version of the Elements of Law (vol. I). When this referencesystem becomes fully operative it is hoped that its advantages will be sufficiently apparent that itwill be generally employed in the printing of Hobbes's texts.

c. THE APPARATUS II

immediately to hand. We provide in Appendix B a conversion table forMolesworth page-references in respect of the English text of De Give,and in Volume II a similar table for the Latin version. This should enablethe reader to translate Molesworth references with reasonable accuracyinto the chapter-paragraph system.

2. Parallel Passages

In the presented text of De Give references are given to the parallelpassages in Elements of Law and Leviathan. These are printed in themargin in square brackets, as a rule immediately below the subtitle ofthe paragraph affected. Such passages have been interpreted as strictly aspossible and the system is not devised to serve the general purpose of anindex. It is hoped that these references can be used negatively as well aspositively; that is, their absence shows diversity between the variousversions of Hobbes's political philosophy as their presence shows identity.They should also provide some guide to differences of scale, as when atopic in one version spreads over a chapter and in another occupies amere paragraph. Superficially the various accounts of Hobbes's politicalphilosophy look very similar. The references to parallel passages showthat this similarity conceals a great deal of divergence.

Included in the same framework are a series of references prefaced by'efo' These do not indicate parallel passages but other major parts of thework where the same topic is treated, though here in a different context,or much revised, or perhaps in a different or even a contradictory manner.Such references are often difficult to find when needed, especially on sucha diffused subject, for example, as Hobbes's method. Though inevitablyless systematic than the guide to parallel passages, they have been addedtherefore for the convenience of the reader.

3. The Footnotes-the numerical series

Editorial material that is specific to the English text only is indicated inthe text by a series of superior numerals, with appropriately numberedfootnotes on the relevant page. 1

Such material covers:(a) General explanation of some feature or section of the text; or

additional information concerning a person or item mentioned; or again,an editorial translation into English of some extended passage appearing

1 Where a single word in the text is affected, the word is followed immediately by a single superiornumeral; where a phrase or more extended passage is affected, the phrase, etc., is marked out bythe interval between twin superior numerals.

12 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

in the text in a foreign language. Such notes are enclosed in squarebrackets to separate them from material which actually bears upon thewording or punctuation of the text itself.

(b) Spelling: In the general interests of readability and accuracy, the short's' has been printed in place of the long's' (J or f) throughout thetext; and Greek words have required special treatment. I Otherwise, theoriginal spelling has been completely preserved, even where this impliesdifferential spelling of the same word on the same page or even in thesame sentence. No attempt has been made to introduce a uniformity intoHobbes's spelling, which would have been false and misleading. Misprints(not always easily distinguished from Hobbesian spellings), however, arepresented in the text in their correct form, and the misprinted versionfrom Ex is recorded in the footnotes. 2

(c) Glossary explanations: It has generally been assumed that the readerwill soon become familiar with Hobbes's spelling and undismayed by itsdiversity. But where it appeared that some misunderstanding might arise,the modem equivalent spelling has been indicated in a footnote (precededby the symbol '= ');3 likewise also with a few unusual (though notnecessarily misleading) spellings on their first occurrence or early in thework, in order to give the reader some assurance in the matter.

Notes have also been added for words whose meaning is now obscure.For such words a modem equivalent is indicated (again preceded by thesymbol' = ').4 Where appropriate the Latin version is also cited in supportof the equivalent offered.

Finally under this head and similarly prefixed, foreign words and phrases

, The Greek words and phrases scattered through the text (some forty-five words in all) havebeen set in a standard fount in modern use. Divergencies that are purely typographical have beenpassed over. In the marking of accent for such words, nevertheless, the copy-text has been followed,save that where the Latin De Give is more correct than the English version, Er has been amended,with appropriate notes. (Cf. Works, vol. II, Editor's Introduction, p. 59.)

2 The italic 'b' and italic 'k' provide an exceptional problem. The type employed in E, oftenrenders it extremely difficult to distinguish these two letters (even if many copies of the bookare consulted) especially where type has been battered or heavily inked; and frequently indeed,the printer appears to have used the letters interchangeably. Some of the clearer instances ofthis kind of misprinting are recorded in the footnotes, but I have not attempted a completecatalogue of the phenomenon, which would have been conjectural as well as voluminous. Instead,I thought it more important to clear all doubtful cases against the original Latin text and toestablish the English reading accordingly.

3 Thus (Epist. Oed. I, p. 23) 'then' in Ihe Text is followed by superior numeral 3 andrelated footnote '3 = than' ('then' is commonly used in EI where we should use 'than', which cansometimes lead to at least a momentary confusion). (Epist. Oed. 5, p. 25) 'humane" in the Textcarries the footnote'! = human', which gives the modem equivalent. (In Hobbes's work, 'humanelaws' normally means 'human laws' (cf. 1. 10), i.e. laws made by men as opposed to divine laws;such laws mayor may not be humane in our sense.)

4 For example (X. 18, p. 140), footnote 2 cites from EI 'wildy' and gives' = wieldy = lively' etc.

C. THE APPARATUS 13

in the text are provided with an editorial English translation, where theEnglish equivalent is not given or not adequately given in the text itself.

(d) Equivalents from the Latin version. More generally, equivalentreadings from the Latin text are also provided in the numbered footnotes,though the interest in these notes lies in their bearing on the Englishversion, whether by way of corroboration or whether as presenting adifferent nuance. Such notes are introduced by the rubric 'L =' (meaning'the Latin text is equivalent to') followed by an editorial translation intoEnglish of the Latin material relevant and then, enclosed in round brackets,the Latin reading itself. 1 The main purpose of these notes is clarificationof the English text.

To tum from explanation of the text, to its amendment:(e) Editorial intervention-words and phrases. Where there app€ars to

be some clear omission or mistake in the English version, words or phraseshave been inserted by the editor. Such insertions or substitutions arealways enclosed in square brackets in the text and have the backing ofthe Latin version. 2 In such instances, which have been kept to a minimum,the EI reading is presented in footnotes.

(f) Biblical quotation and citation presents a special case. It is not clearwhich Bibles Hobbes used, nor indeed how far he quoted from memory.Biblical quotations and citation of chapter and verse of the Bible in EIhave been compared with the Authorized Version; and on this basis bothquotations and citations in EI are not infrequently incorrect. Thequotations in the text have been allowed to stand in Hobbes's originalform (apart from misprints). For citation of chapter and verse of theBible, however, I have given where requisite the correct reference in thetext, enclosed in square brackets, in order to save the reader much fruitlesssearch. The (incorrect) citation from EI in such cases is presented in thefootnotes. 3

(g) Editorial intervention-punctuation and capitalization. Where theoriginal punctuation of EI renders the text unintelligible or seriouslymisleading, I have felt obliged to supply an editorial amendment. In suchcases amended punctuation has been substituted in the text; the place ismarked by a superior numeral and the relevant footnote gives the

, Thus (V. 5, p. 87) 'ensuing,2' in the Text carries the footnote '2 L = seeking (cupiendo)'; (V.5, p. 88) 'brutall" in the Text carries the footnote "L = brute (brutarum)'; (VI. 15, p. 100)'propriety'" in the Text carries the footnote '2 L = property (proprietatem)'.

2 Cf. for example, (XII. I, p. 146) footnote 2-2, where EI has apparendy two lines omitted; anda translation of the missing material is supplied from the Latin text.

3 A similar problem arose with the Latin version of De Give. See Works, vol. II, Editor'sIntroduction, pp. 58-9.

EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

punctuation as found in E!. For notes of this kind symbols have beenemployed; the word preceding the punctuation is represented by a tilde("') and followed by the punctuation ofE!. Where there is no punctuationa caret (/\) is printed to emphasize the fact, thus focusing attentionspecifically upon the punctuation (or lack of it) that is at issue.!

Where editorial intervention has occasioned the conversion of a capitalletter of the copy-text to lower case or vice versa, a similar note is added,with a tilde for the word affected followed by 'cap.' or 'I.c.' as the casemay be, to indicate the reading of EI: ('" cap. or '" I.c.). Such alterationof capitals or lower-case letters, however, has been confined solely topunctuational amendment or its consequences. 2 Mid-sentence capital andlower-case spellings have been preserved throughout as in the copy-text.

Finally, the addition of the symbol 'cf. L' in parentheses at the end ofa punctuational footnote indicates that the related amendment to theEnglish text has been based upon and is covered 3 by the punctuation ofthe Latin version.

4. The Footnotes-the letter series

Beneath the numerical footnotes there is also printed a further series ofnotes that are tied to the text by superior letters. Again if a single wordin the text is affected, the word is followed immediately by a superiorletter (a or b, etc.); if a number of words is affected, the passage isdemarcated by the interval between twin superior letters (a-a or b-b,

etc.). These notes should be used in conjunction with similarly letterednotes in Volume II, and their central function is to indicate divergenciesbetween the Latin and the English versions of De Give.

The categories of information covered are as follows:(a) Translation of abandoned material. As indicated in Volume II, with

the Amsterdam editions of 1647 Hobbes made considerable additions tothe Latin version of De Give, thus giving the work its definitive form.

1 Thus, (I. 10, p. 48) 'dedar'd.4 It' in the Text carries note '4,,- 1\ EI', which means that EIreads 'dedar'd It' (a dear case of the erroneous omission of a full point); (II. I, p. 52) 'excus'd;2but' in the Text carries note '2 "-, EI', which means that EI reads 'excus'd, but'; (III. 3

', p. 74)

'acknowledge this state,2 as long3 as they' in the Text carries the notes '2 ....... A EI' and '3 "', EI',which means that EI reads 'acknowledge this state as long, as they'.

2 For example, (Preface '9, p. 35) 'dispute "not, itS so' in the Text carries the note ,~s "-. "­cap. EI', which means that EI reads 'dispute not. It so'; (III. 9, p. 66) '2figure. For" in the Textcarries the note '-2-2 ""'; ....... I.e. EI" which means that EI reads 'figure; for'.

3 The rubric (cf. L) embraces almost ninety per cent of the total amendments I have made tothe punctuation of E" and implies that the corresponding punctuation of the Latin version is eitheridentical with such amendment or (in the appropriate direction) exceeds it. Contrariwise, absence ofthe rubric does not hinder that for some of the remaining amendments indirect or incidental supportmay be available from the Latin version.

C. THE APP ARA TUS 15

Since EI is a translation of the definitive version of the work, theseadditions are embodied in EI and raise no problem at this point. In thereorganization of the Latin ts:xt, however, some passages that are foundin the Chatsworth manuscript (MS) and the first Latin edition (LI) weredeleted or replaced by a revised version. These discarded passages in theiroriginal Latin form are recorded in the appropriate notes to the Latin text.

In the present volume the larger and more significant of these passagesare translated into English. Superior letters indicate the part of the textwhere the passage in question originally belonged. In an appropriatelylettered note, there is provided a statement of the sources concerned (MS,LI, or in a very few cases some variant upon these sources), a guide to

the Latin passage, and finally an editorial translation. l This enables theEnglish reader to follow in all important respects the successive historyof the text as well as its final form.

For the rest we are concerned with divergencies between the Englishtranslation (EI) and the Latin version in its definitive form (L). In spiteof the fact that the one is more or less a literal rendering of the other,there are significant discrepancies, which are of interest particularly whenconsidering the problem of the identity of the translator, and the extentto which EI may be held to correct or supersede the Latin version.

(b) Latin material with no equivalent in Er. Words and phrases in theLatin version of De Give that were omitted in the English translation,and so have no counterpart in EI, are indicated by appropriate notes tothe Latin text in Volume II, where editorial translations are also provided.To these the reader is referred and they are mentioned here simply forcompleteness.

(c) English material (EI) with no equivalent in the Latin version. Wordsand phrases that were added in the English translation and have nocounterpart in the Latin original are indicated by lettered footnotes inthe present volume. This information is given under the rubric 'EI adds',followed by the word or passage that is specific to E I only. 2

(d) EI expands L: a modification of the above. In a few cases it hasbeen necessary to indicate simply that a passage in EI is an expansion orembellishment of the Latin original. But the discrepancy in such instancesis too diffuse or not sufficiently important to allow of itemized identifica­tion and translation within a justifiable space. In such cases the passage

1 Cf., for example, 1. " p. 41, where note 'b-b' provides an English rendering of the originalbeginning of the text as found in MS and 1.1.

2 Thus (Epist. Oed. 7, p. 26) note 'a-a EI adds and ... harvest' indicates that the passage markedin the text 'a-a' 'and therefore yield never a harvest' was added in E I and has no counterpart in theLatin version.

I 16 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

in question is indicated by twin superior letters in the text with a footnoteof the form 'EI expo', followed by the corresponding Latin passage. Allare examples where the English translation (in some way) augments theLatin over the range specified. 1

Finally we turn from cases of omission or augmentation to differencesbetween the English and Latin versions in the meaning and implicationof the words used.

(e) For a number of words or phrases in the text, related notes giveeither the counterpart from the Latin version (prefixed L) or an editorialtranslation of the Latin counterpart (prefixed L =)2 for purpose ofcomparison with the EI reading. It will be evident that this materialvaries considerably in significance. In general, where an editorial transla­tion into English is offered, the discrepancies between EI and the Latinversion are such that the reader of EI should take cognizance of them.Where the Latin excerpt is printed alone, the notes reflect nuances andpoints of interest intended for the reader who is working through boththe Latin and the English texts for himself. 3

In some cases the notes are followed by the directional word pref Thismeans that I have regarded the Latin version at the point indicated aspreferable to that of EI; though I have not, for some reason, thoughtthere to be a sufficient case for promoting such reading (in translation)into the text itself.4

5. The Index

The Index printed at the end of the present volume is divided into twoparts. An index to editorial material gives page-references to items in theEditor's Introduction, the Appendices, and generally to what is specificto this edition.

This is followed by the Index to De Give, which covers both the Latinand the English versions of the work indifferently unless otherwiseindicated. Here reference is by the chapter and paragraph system, and

1 A number of examples are provided by the notes to Epist. Oed. 1.

2 And normally followed also by the Latin itself, enclosed in round brackets.3 The reader is nevertheless advised that as my main objective has been to establish the texts,

the assistance provided in this area has limitations. Comparison of the Latin and English versionsof De Give is a considerable study in its own right and well deserves attention. At some levels,however, divergencies (or possible mistranslations) require detailed and lengthy discussions that aremore appropriate to a monograph.

• Thus, e.g. (VI. 7, p. 94), 'certaina' in the Text carries the note 'a L = uncertain (incerto)pre!, (The Latin reading in this case makes better sense. The E I reading, however, was not sononsensical as to demand editorial intervention, in square brackets, in the text.)

:;. t

·11,i~

0J

C. THE APPARATUS

covers Hobbes's material, including his explanatory notes and all variantreadings of the text. This index is devised to serve the text of Volume IIas well as that printed below; but it is to a degree independent of thepresent edition and intended to be used also as an index to the originalversions of the work.

EDITIONS OF THE ENGLISH DE CIVE

(A CHECKLIST)

I. Philosophicall Rudiments CONCERNING Government and Society . .. ByTHO: HOBBES. LONDON, Printed by J.G. for R. ROYSTON, at the Angel inIvie-lane. 1651.1

2. Contained in: The English Works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury,2 ed.Molesworth [EW, vol. II] London 1839-45. (Reprint: Aalen 1962- .)

3. De Cive or The Citizen By Thomas Hobbes, ed. Sterling P. Lamprecht. NewYork: Appleton-Century-Crofts 1949.

4. Contained in: Man and Citizen, ed. Bernard Gert. Garden City, NY: Doubleday1972 •

GLOSSARY OF DIRECTIONAL WORDS AND SYMBOLSUSED IN FOOTNOTES

L

L=

EI

EIadds ...

EI exp....

pref.

means 'is equivalent to'. (Used to indicate alternative (modern)spellings and meanings for words that might otherwise be obscure orconfusing.)

means 'the Latin version ofDe Cive'. (And more specifically the Latintext as presented in Volume II.)

means 'the Latin version ofDe Cive is equivalent to'. (This symbol isfollowed by an editorial translation into English of the relevant Latintext.)

means 'the first English edition of De Cive' (1651).

means '(the material indicated) appears for the first time in EI' (andthus has no counterpart in the Latin version).

means 'EI is an expansion or embellishment of the Latin text (overthe range indicated)'.

means 'preferable' (indicates a reading regarded by the editor aspreferable, but not, for some reason, promoted to the presented textitself).

1 See above, pp. 1-2 n.2 See under References, below.

18 EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

In punctuational notes:

,...., indicates a word (for purposes of location)-tilde.

,....,cap. indicates a word beginning with a capital letter.

,...., I.e. indicates a word beginning with a lower-case letter.

A indicates absence of punctuation-caret.

(cf. L) indicates that an amendment is based upon and covered by thepunctuation of the Latin version.

THE TEXT

Philofophicall RudimentsCONCERNING

Government and Society.OR,

A DISSERTATIONConcerning MAN in his feverall

habitudes and refpects, asthe Member of a Society, firft

Secular, and then Sacred.

Containing

The Elements of Civill Politie in theAgreement which it hath both with

Naturall and Divine Lawes.

In which is demonJtrated,

Both what the Origine of ]uftice is,and wherein' the Effence of Chriftian

Religion doth conlift.

Together ";th

The Nature, Limits, and Q!lalificati­ons both of Regiment and Subjection.

By THO: HOBBES.

LONDON,

Printed by J. G. for R. ROYSTON,at the Angel in Ivie-lane. I 65 I.

[printed tide-page EI-State A.][The above tide-page has been composed atthe Oxford University Press and is a closecopy of the original.

The printed tide-page E I - State B is

identical with that of State A, except that insome copies the author's name has beenmisprinted TH : HOBBES in place of THO:HOBBES.]

[The following table of ERRATA is found in a few copies of EI, under Ibe heading FAULTSESCAPED. Owing to the relative scarcity of Ibe leaf, its aulbenticity is in some doubt.Nevertheles., where the items listed are well justified on internal grounds and from comparisonwilb Ibe Latin version, they have been embodied in the text below, with appropriate notes;where rejected they are given in footnotes as variant readings. The original page and linenumbers have been converted to those of the present volume.]

FAULTS ESCAPED.

I N the Epistle Dedicatory the last page but one, and the lastline but one [po 28. 1. 3], read, if it be not vulgar. In the Preface

p. [34]. 1. [22]. r. constitute. In the Preface p. [37]. 1. [23]. r. so muck.p. [«]. 1. [33]. dele they. p. [55]. 1. [23]. d either, r. where both parties.p. [58].1. [3]. d. a. r. I promise. p. [59].1. [20]. d. Realmes, r. two Cities.and 1. [33]. r. a bitter life p. [67]. [35]. d. slander, r. reproach. p. [68].1. [20]. d. weaker, r. wiser. and 1. [21]. r. or often. p. [69]. d. in themargent, The eleventh Law of things to be had in common; and read,The tenth Law ofNature, ofEquity, or against the accepting ofpersons.p. [71].1. [37]. r. to be dis-engaged. p. [85]. 1. [16]. r. it is an old saying.p. [108]. 1. [17]. r. necessary. p. [121]. 1. [27]. r. is a right reasoning.p. [138]. 1. [30]. r. to be discussed. p. [140]. 1. [16]. r. active p. [147].1. [37]. d. a. p. [155]. 1. [33]. r. Pelias. p. [155]. 1. [37]. r. Pelias.p. [190].1. [27]. r. is to be. p. [207].1. [5]. r. rejected. p. [244].1. [28].d. the. p. [255]. 1. [14]. r. would be otherwise.

TO THE

Right Honourable,WILLIAM,

Earle of Devonshire, I

My most honoured Lord.

aMay it please your Lordship,a

I T was the speech of the Roman people (to whom the name ofKing had been render'd odious, as well by the tyrannie of the

Tarquins, as by the Genius and Decretals of that City) b'Twas thespeech I say of the Publick, however pronounced from a privatemouth, (if yet Cato the Censor were no more then3 such)b That allKings are to be reckon'd amongst ravenous Beasts. CBut what a Beastof Prey was the Roman people, whilst with its conquering Eagles iterected its proud Trophees so far and wide over the world, bringingthe Africans, the Asiaticks, the Macedonians, and the Achreans, withmany other despoyled Nations, into a specious bondage, with thepretence of preferring them to be Denizons of Rome?C So that ifCato's saying were a wise one, 'twas every whit as wise that ofPontius Telesinus;4 who dflying about with open mouthd through allthe Companies of his Army, (in that famous encounter which hehad with Sylla) cryed out, That Rome her selfe, Cas well as Sylla,C

[In Ihe second Latin edition (L2) there werepublished before the Dedicatory Epistle com­plimentary verses by Henricus Bruno;, also aportrait of Hobbes, with an inscription. a.Works, vol. II, ad loc.; also Plate IV andEditor's Introduction, pp. 10~12. For anEnglish translation ofthe verses and a note onBruno, see vol. II, Appendix A.]

1 [William Cavendish (1617-84), third Earlof Devonshire, sometime pupil of Hobbesand later his patron and employer (see Works,vol. II, Editor's Introduction, pp. 5-6).]

2 [The Dedicatory Epistle is not para­graphed. Paragraphing numerals in squarebrackets have been added by the Editor aspart of a general system of reference forHobbes's Works. See above, Edi~or's Intro­duction, pp. 10-II.]

3 = than.4 [Pontius Telesinus: a Samnite patriot,

and leader of the last effort to avert Romansupremacy in Italy; marched on Rome (82BC), being defeated by Sulla at the CollineGate after a severe struggle.]

a-a. L. Excellentissime Domine.b-b EI expo prolata ... Censoris.c-c L = But what a beast was the Roman

people itself, who had laid waste almost thewhole earth through men like Mricanus,Asiaticus, Macedonicus, Achaicus, and itsother citizens who took their titles from theraces they had despoiled? [Hobbes here refersto the Roman custom of bestowing on vic­torious generals a cognomen from the nameof the race they had conquered; cf. ScipioAfricanus, and so on.]

d-d EI expo circumuolans.e-<! E I adds as .. Sylla.

24 THE EPISTLE

was to be raz'd; for that there would alwayes be Wolves andDepra:datours oftheirt Liberty, unlesse the Forrest that lodg'd themwere grubb'd up by the roots. To speak impartially, both sayingsare very true; That Man to Man is a kind of God; and that Man to

[2] Man is an arrant Wolfe: The first is true, if we compare Citizensamongst themselves; and the second, if we compare Cities. In theone, there's some analogie of similitude with the Deity, to wit, Justiceand Charity, bthe twin-sisters ofpeace:b But in the other, Good menmust defend themselves by taking to them for a Sanctuary Cthe twodaughters of War,c Deceipt and Violence: that is din plaine termesd

a meere brutall Rapacity: which although men object to one anotheras a reproach, by an inbred custome which they have of beholdingtheir own actiOl;J.s in the persons of other men, wherein, as in aMirroir, all things on the left side appeare to be on the right, & allthings on the right side to be as plainly on the left; fyet the naturallright of Preservation which we all receive from the uncontroulableDictates of Necessity,l will not admit it to be a Vice, though it

[3] .confesse it to be an Unhappinesse.f Now that with Cato himselfe,(a Person of so great a renowne for wisdome) Animosity should soprevaile instead of Judgement, and Partiality instead of Reason, thatthe very same thing which he thought equall in his Popular State,he should censure as unjust in a Monarchical, other men perhapsmay have leisure to admire. But I have been long since of thisopinion, That there was never yet any more-then-vulgar-prudencethat had the luck of being acceptable to the Giddy People; but eitherit hath not been understood, or else having been so, hath beenlevell'd and cryed downe. gThe more eminent Actions and Apothegmsboth of the Greeks and Romans have been indebted for their Eulogiesnot so much to the Reason, as to the Greatnesse of them, and verymany times to that prosperous usurpation (with which our Historiesdoe so mutually upbraid each other) which as a conquering Torrentcarryes all before it, as well publick Agents as publick Actions, in

[4] the streame of Time.g Wisdome properly so call'd is nothing elsebut this, The perfect knowledge ofthe Truth in all matters whatsoever. 2

Which being derived from the Registers and Records of Things, and

1 [See below, I. 1-9.]2 [See Elemmts of Law V. 5, 6; Leviathan

IV. 6-8.]

• L = Italian.b-b L. virtutibus pacis [the virtues of

peace].c-c L. virtutes Bellicas [the warlike virtues].d-d EI adds in plaine tennes.e EI adds meer.f-f Cf. L.g-g Cf. L.

DEDICATORY 25

that as 'twere through the Conduit of certain definite Appellations,cannot possibly be the work of a suddaine Acutenesse, but of awell-ballanc'd Reason, which by the Compendium of a word, we callPhilosophy. For by this it is, that a way is open'd to us, in whichwe travell from the contemplation ofparticular things to the Inference

[5] or result of universall.Actions. Now look how many sorts of thingsthere are which properly fall within the cognizance of humane!reason, into so many branches does the tree of Philosophy divide itselfe. And from the diversity of the matter about which they areconversant, there hath been given to those branches a diversity ofNames too: For treating of Figures, tis call'd Geometry; of motion,Physick; of naturall right, Moralls; put all together, and they makeup Philosophy. Just as the British, the Atlantick, and the IndianSeas, being diversly christen'd from the diversity of their shoares,doe notwithstanding all together make up The Ocean. And truly theGeometricians have very admirably perform'd their part. For what­soever assistance doth accrew to the life of man, whether from theobservation of the Heavens, or from the description of the Earth,from the notation of Times, or from the remotest Experiments ofNavigation; Finally, whatsoever things they are in which this presentAge doth differ from the rude simplenesse of Antiquity, we must

[6] acknowledge to be a debt which we owe meerly to Geometry.2 Ifthe Morall Philosophers had as happily discharg'd their duty, I knownot what could have been added by humane Industry to thecompletion of that happinesse, which is consistent with humane life.For were the nature of humane Actions as distinctly knowne, as thenature of Quantity in Geometricall Figures, the strength of Avariceand Ambition, which is sustained by the erroneous opinions of theVulgar, as touching the nature of Right and Wrong, would presentlyfaint and languish; And Mankinde should enjoy such an ImmortallPeace, that (unlesse it were for habitation, on supposition that theEarth should grow too narrow for her Inhabitants) there would

1 = human.2 [Aubrey (Brief Lives, ed. Dick, p. ISO)

gives the following account ofHobbes's initia­tion into Geometry. 'He was 40 yeareg oldbefore he looked on Geometry; which hap­pened accidentally. Being in a Gentleman'sLibrary ... , Euclid's Elements lay open, and'twas the 47 Ellibri I. He read the Proposition.By G-, sayd he ... this is impossible! So hereads the Demons,tration of it, which referred

him back to such a Proposition; which propo­sition he read. That referred him back toanother, which he also read. Et sic deinceps[and so in turn] that at last he was demonstra­tively convinced of that trueth. This madehim in love with Geometry ... I have heardMr. Hobbes say that he was wont to drawlines on his thigh and on the sheetes, abed,and also multiply and divide.']

THE EPISTLE

[7] hardly be left any pretence! for war. But now on the contrary, thatneither the Sword nor the Pen should be allowed any Cessation;That the knowledge of the Law of Nature should lose its growth,not advancing a whit beyond its antient stature; that there shouldstill be such siding with the severall factions of Philosophers, thatthe very same Action should bee decryed by some, and as muchelevated by others; that the'very same man should at severall timesembrace his severall opinions, and esteem his own Actions farreotherwise in himselfe then he does in others;2 These I say are somany signes, so many manifest Arguments, that what hath hithertobeen written by Morall Philosophers, hath not made any progressin the knowledge of the Truth; but yet have took with the world,not so much by giving any light to the understanding, as entertainmentto the Affections, whilest by the successefull Rhetorications of theirspeech they have confirmed them in their rashly received opinions.So that this part of Philosophy hath suffered the same destiny withthe publick Wayes, which lye open to all passengers to traverse upand down or the same lot with high wayes and open streets; Some fordivertisement, and some for businesse; so that what with the Im­pertinencies of some, and the Altercations of others, those wayes

[8] have never a seeds time, aand therefore yield never a harvest.a Theonely reason of which unluckines should seem to be this; Thatamongst all the writers of that part of Philosophy, there is not onethat hath used ban idoneous3 Principle of Tractation.4.b For we maynot, as in a Circle, begin the handling of a Science from what pointwe please. There is a certain Clue of Reason, whose beginning isin the dark, but by the benefit of whose Conduct, wee are led as'twere by the hand into the clearest light, so that the Principle ofTractation is to be taken from that Darknesse, and then the lightto be carried thither for the irradiating its doubts. As often thereforeas any writer, doth either weakly forsake that Clue, or wilfully cutit asunder, he describes the Footsteps, not of his progresse in Science,

[9] but of his wandrings from it. And upon this it was, that when Iapplyed my Thoughts to the Investigation of Naturall Justice, I was

1 pretece EI.2 [See below, I. 4; III. 26; XVII. 8.]3 idoneous: apt, fit, or suitable (O.E.D.).4 traetation: handling or treating of a sub-

ject in discourse or writing (O.E.D.).. [Theuse of this word in Hobbes's case may haveovertones. He was not merely addicted togeometry and the geometrical method, but

also to diagrammatic thinking and representa­tion. For Hobbes, to solve a problem was todraw it.]

a-a E I adds and ... harvest.b-b L = a convenient principle of teaching

(commodo docendi principio).

DEDICATORY 27

presently advertised from the very word Justice, (wich signifies asteady Will of giving everyone his Owne) that my first enquiry wasto be, from whence it proceeded, that any man should call any thingrather his Owne, then another mans. And when I found that thisproceeded not from Nature, but Consent, (for what Nature at firstlaid forth in common, men did afterwards distribute into severallImpropriations, I was conducted from thence to another Inquiry,namely to what end, and upon what Impulsives, when all was equallyevery mans in common, men did rather think it fitting, that everyman should have his Inclosure; And I found the reason was, thatfrom a Community of Goods, there must needs arise Contentionwhose enjoyment should be greatest, and from that Contention allkind of Calamities must unavoydably ensue, which by the instinct

[10] of Nature, every man is taught to shun. Having therefore thus arrivedat two maximes of humane Nature, the one arising from the con­cupiscible part, which desires to appropriate to it selfe the use ofthose things in which all others have a joynt interest, the otherproceeding from the rationall, which teaches every man to fly aacontre-naturall Dissolution,a as the greatest mischiefe that can arriveto Nature; Which Principles being laid down, I seem from them tohave demonstrated by a most evident connexion, in this little workof mine, first the absolute necessity of Leagues and Contracts, and

[II] thence the rudiments both of morall and of civill Prudence. ThatAppendage which is added concerning the Regiment of God, hathbeen done with this intent, that the Dictates of God Almighty inthe Law of nature, might not seem repugnant to the written Law,revealed to us in his word. I have also been very wary in the wholetenour of my discourse, not to meddle with the civill Lawes of anyparticular nation whatsoever, That is to say, I have avoyded cominga shore, which those Times have so infested both with shelves, and

[12] Tempests. At what expence of time and industry I have beene inthis scrutiny after Truth, I am not ignorant; but to what purpose,I know not. For b,eing partiall Judges of our selves, we lay a partiallestimate upon our own productions. I therefore offer up this Bookb

to your Lordships,c not favour, but censure first, as having foundby many experiments, that it is not the credit of the Author, northe newnesse of the work, nor yet the ornament of the style, but

a-<> L = a violent death (mortem violentarn).b L has diminutive libellum.e £1 adds Lordships.

28 THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY

only the weight of Reason, which recommends any Opinion to yourLordships Favour and Approbation. If it fortune to please, that isto say, if it be sound, if it be usefull, if it lbe not vulgar; 1 I humblyoffer it to your Lordship as both my Glory, and my Protection; Butif in any thing I have erred, your Lordship will yet accept it as aTestimony of my Gratitude, for that the means of study which Ienjoyed by your Lordships Goodnesse, I have employed to theprocurement of your Lordships Favour. aThe God of Heaven crownyour Lordship with length of Dayes in this earthly Station, and inthe heavenly Jerusalem, with a crown of Glory.a

bYour Honours mosthumble,2 and mostdevoted Servant,

THO. HOBBS .

•-. be vulgar EI (ef. ERRATA; cf. L).2 bumble E..

...... cr. L.b EI omits the date and place.

THEAUTHORsa

PREFACETO THE

READER. b

[1]' READER,b I promise thee here such things, which ordinarilypromised, doe seeme to challenge the greatest attention, and I

lay them here before thine eyes, whether thou regard the dignity orprofit of the matter treated of, or the right method of handling it, orthe honest motive, and good advice to undertake it, or lastly themoderation of the Authour. In Cthis Rookc thou shalt finde brieflydescribed the duties ofmen, First as Men, then as Subjects, Lastly, asChristians; under which duties are contained not only the elements ofthe Lawes of Nature, and of Nations, together with the true originall,and power ofJustice, but also the very essence of Christian Religion itselfe, so farre forth as the measure ofthis my purpose could well bear it.

[2] Which kinde ofdoctrine (excepting what relates to Christian Religion)the most antient Sages did judge fittest to be delivered to posterity,either curiously adorned with Verse, or clouded with Allegories, as amost beautifull and hallowed mystery of Royall authority; lest by thedisputations ofprivate men, it might be defiled; Other Philosophers inthe mean time, to the advantage ofmankinde, did contemplate the faces,and motions of things;2 others, without disadvantage, 3 their natures,and causes. Rut in after times, Socrates is said to have been the first,who truly loved this civill Science, although hitherto not throughlyunderstood, yet glimmering forth as through a cloud in the governmentof the Common weale, and that he set so great a value on this, thatutterly abandoning, and despising all other parts of Philosophy,4 hewholly embraced this, as judging it onely worthy the labour ofhis minde.

[3] After him comes Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, and other Philosophers, as

1 [In the Preface, the paragraphingnumerals in square brackets have been addedby the Editor as part of a general system ofreference for Hobbes's Works. See above,Editor's Introduction, pp. 10-11.]

2 ,....." Er.3 ~; EI (cf. L).

4 Philosopy E1.

• E I adds Authors.b L = Readers (with second person plural

throughout).c-c L has diminutive hoc Iibello.

3° THE PREFACE

well Greeke, as 'Latine. And' now at length all men of all Nations,not only Philosophers, but even the vulgar, have, and doe still dealewith this as a matter ofease, exposed and prostitute to every Mother-wit,and to be attained without any great care or 2study. And 2 which makesmainly for its dignity, those who suppose themselves to have it, or arein such employment, as they ought to have it, doe so wonderfully pleasethemselves in its Ida:a, as they easily brooke the followers of other artsto be esteemed and styled ingenuous, learned, skilfull, what you will;except prudent: for this Name, in regard of civill knowledge, theypresume to be due to themselves onely. Whether therefore the worth ofarts is to be weighed by the worthinesse of the Persons who entertainthem, or by the number of those who have written of them, or by thejudgement of the wisest; certainly this must carry it, which so neerlyrelates to Princes, and others engaged in the government of mankinde,ain whose adulterate Species a also the most part of men doe delightthemselves, and in which the most excellent wits of Philosophers have

[4] been conversant. The benefit of it when rightly delivered (that is) whenderived from true Principles by evident connexion, we shall then bestdiscerne, when we shall but well have considered the mischiefes thathave befallen mankinde in its counterfeit and babling form; for in suchmatters as are speculated for the exercise of our wits, if any errourescape us, it is without hurt; neither is there any losse, but of timeonely: but in those things which every man ought to meditate for thesteerage of his life, it necessarily happens, that not onely from errours,but even from ignorance it selfe, there arise offences, contentions, nay

[5] even slaughter it selfe. Look now, how great a prejudice these are, such,and so great is the benefit arising3 from this doctrine of morality, trulydeclared. How many Kings (and those good men too) hath this oneerrour, That a Tyrant King might lawfully be put to death, been theslaughter of? How many throats hath this false position cut, That aPrince for some causes may by some certain men be deposed? And whatblood-shed hath not this erroneous doctrine caused, That Kings are notsuperiours to, but administrators for the multitude? Lastly, how manyrebellions hath this opinion been the cause of, which teacheth that theknowledge whether the commands of Kings be just or unjust, belongs toprivate men, and that before they yeeld obedience, they not only may,

1-1 ,.."".., ....... 1.c. EI.2-2 _, -I.e. EI (cf. L).3 a ising EI.

a-O L. falsa specie.

TO THE READER 3'

but ought to dispute them?l Besides, in the morall Philosophy nowcommonly received, there are many things no lesse dangerous then those,

[6] which it matters not now to recite. I suppose those antients foresaw this,who rather chose to have the Science ofJustice wrapt up in fables, thenopenly exposed to disputations: for before such questions began2 to bemoved, Princes did not sue for, but already exercised the supreme power.They kept their Empire entire, not by arguments, but by punishing thewicked, and protecting the good; likewise Subjects did not measure whatwas just by the sayings and judgements ofprivate men, but by the Lawesof the Realme; nor were they kept in peace by disputations, but bypower and authority: yea they reverenced the supreme power, whetherresiding in one man or in a councell, as a certain visible divinity;therefore they little used as in our dayes, to joyn themselves withambitious, and hellish spirits, to the utter ruine of their State; for theycould not entertain so strange a phansie3 as not to desire the preservationof that by which they were preserved; in truth, the simplicity of thosetimes was not yet capable of so learned a piece offolly. Wherefore itwas peace, and a golden age, which ended not before that Saturn being

[7] expelled, it was taught lawfull to take up arms against Kings. This Isay, the Antients not only themselves saw, but in one of their fables,they seem very aptly to have signified it to us; for they say, that whenIxion was invited by Jupiter to a banquet, he fell in love, and beganto court Juno her selfe; offering to embrace her, he clasp't a clowd,from whence the Centaures proceeded, by nature halfe men, halfe horses,a fierce, a fighting, and unquiet generation; which changing the namesonly, is as much as if they should have said, that private men beingcalled to Counsels of State desired to prostitute justice, the onely sisterand wife of the supreme, to their own judgements, and apprehensions,but embracing a false and empty shadow instead ofit, they have begottenthose hermaphrodite4 opinions of morall Philosophers, partly right andcomely, partly brutall and wilde, the causes of all contentions, and s

[8] blood-sheds. Since therefore such opinions are daily seen to arise, ifanyman now shall dispell those clowds, and by most firm reasons demonstratethat there are no authenticall doctrines concerning6 right and wrong,good and evill, besides the constituted Lawes in each Realme, andgovernment; and that the question whether any future action will provejust or unjust, good or ill, is to be demanded of none, but those to whom

1 [See Elements XXVII. 5, 6, 9, 10; DeCive XII. 1-4,8; Leviathan XXIX. 4, 6, 10.]

2 bega EI.

3 = fancy.• hermophrodite EI.5 aud EI. 6 conccening EI.

32 THE PREFACE

the supreme hath committed the interpretation of his Lawes; surely hewill not only shew us the high way to peace, but will also teach us howto avoyd the close, darke, and dangerous by-paths offaction and sedition,then 1 which I know not what can be thought more profitable.

[9] Concerning my Method, I thought it not sufficient to use a plain andevident style in what I had to deliver, except I took my begining fromthe very matter of civill goverment, and thence proceeded to itsgeneration, and form, and the first beginning ofjustice; for every thingis best understood by its constitutive causes; for as in aa watch,a or somesuch smallb engine, the matter, figure, and motion ofthe wheeles, cannotwell be known, except it be taken in sunder, and viewed in parts; so tomake a more curious search into the rights of States, and duties ofSubjects, it is necessary, (I say not to take them in sunder, but yet that)they be so considered, as if they were dissolved, (i.e.) that wee rightlyunderstand what the quality of humane nature is, in what matters itis, in what not fit to make up a civill government, and how men mustbe agreed among themselves, that intend to grow up into a well-grounded

[10] State. 2 Having therefore followed this kind of Method; In the firstplace I set down for a Principle by experience known to all men, anddenied by none, to wit, that the dispositions of men are naturally such,that except they be restrained through feare of some coercive power,every man will distrust and dread each other, and as by naturall righthe may, so by necessity he will be forced to make use of the strength

[II] hee hath, toward the preservation3 of himself. You will object perhaps,that there are some who deny this;4 truly so it happens, that very manydo deny it. But shall I therefore seem to fight against my selfbecause Iaffirm that the same men confesse, and deny the same thing? In truthI do not, but they do, whose actions disavow what their discoursesapprove of We see all countries though they be at peace with theirneighbours, yet guarding their Frontiers with armed men, their Towneswith Walls and Ports,S and keeping constant watches. To what purposeis all this, if there be no feare ofthe neighbouring power? Wee see evenin well-governed States, where there are lawes and punishments appointedfor offendors, yet particular men travell not without their Sword bytheir sides, for their defences, neither sleep they without shutting not

1 = than.2 [With regard to Hobbes's Method, see

Elements IV. 10, II; De Cive Preface 22;

Leviathan III. 6; V; IX. 1-3; XX. 'S; Con­clusion (E) 10.]

3 preservatiii ~ I.

4 _, EI (cf. L).5 = gates (cf. L).

a-a L. Horologio automato.b L. paulo implicatiore.

TO THE READER 33

only their doores against their fellow Subjects,1 but also their Trunksand Coffers for feare of domestiques. Can men give a clearer testimonyof the distrust 2 they have each of other, and all, of all? How since theydoe thus, and even Countreyes as well as men, they publiquely professetheir mutuall feare and diffidence; But in disputing they deny it, thatsas much as to say, that out of a desire they have to contradict others,

[12] they gainsay themselves. Some object that this principle being admitted,it would needs follow, not onely that all men were wicked (which perhapsthough it seeme hard, yet we must yeeld to, since it is so clearly declar'dby holy writ) but also wicked by nature (which cannot be granted withoutimpiety).3 But this, that men are evill by nature,4 fol/owes not fromthis principle; for though the wicked were fewer then the righteous, yetbecause we cannot distinguish them, there is a necessity of suspecting,heeding, anticipating, subjugating, selfe-defending, ever incident to themost honest, andfairest condition'd; much lesse do's itfollow that thosewho are wicked are so by nature, for though from nature, that is fromtheir first birth, as they are meerly sensible Creatures, they have thisdisposition, that immediately as much as in them lies, they desire anddoe whatsoever is best pleasing to them, that either through feare theyfly from, or through hardnesse repell those dangers which approach them,yet are they not for this reason to be accounted wicked; for the affectionsof the minde which arise onely from athe lower parts of the soulea arenot wicked themselves, but the actions thence proceeding may be so

[13] sometimes, as when they are either offensive, or against duty. Unlesseyou give Children all they aske for, they are peevish, and cry, 1 5 andstrike their Parents6 sometimes, and all this they have from nature, yetare they free from guilt, neither may we properly call them wicked;first, because they cannot hurt; next, because wanting the free use ofreason they are exempted from all duty; these when they come to riperyeares having acquired power whereby they may doe hurt, if they shallcontinue to doe the same things, then truly they both begin to be, andare properly accounted wicked; In so much as a wicked man is almostthe same thing with a childe growne strong and sturdy, or a man of achildish disposition; band malice the same with a defect of reason inthat age, when nature ought to be better governed through goodeducation and experience.b Unlesse therefore we will say that men are

1 Sebjects EI.2 djstrnst E I.

3 _) /\ Er (ef. L).4 [See Leviathan XIII. 9; XXVII. 4.]

5 = aye.

a-a L. natura animali.b-b Cf. L.

6 Patents EI.

34 THE PREFACE

naturally evill, because they receive not their education and use ofreasonfrom nature, we must needs acknowledge that men may derive desire,feare, anger, and other passions from nature, Rand yet not impute the

[14] evill effects of those unto nature.R The foundation l therefore which Ihave laid standing firme, I demonstrate in the first place, that the stateofmen without civill society (which state we may properly call the stateof nature) is nothing else but a meere warre of all against all; and inthat warre all men have equall right unto all things; Next, that allmen as soone as they arrive to understanding of this hatefull condition,doe desire (even nature it selfe compelling them) to be freed from thismisery. But that this cannot be done except by compact, they all quittthat right which they have unto all things. Furthermore I declare, andconjirme what the nature of compacts is; how and by what meanesthe right of one might be transfer'd unto another to make theircompacts valid; also what rights, and to whom they must necessarilybe granted for the establishing2 of Peace, I meane what those dictatesof reason are, which may properly be term'd the Lawes of nature;and all these are contain'd in that part of this booke which I entitleLiberty.

[IS] These grounds thus layd, I shew farther what civill government, andthe supreme power in it, and the divers kinds of it are; by what meanesit becomes so, (5 what rights particular men, who intend to constitute3

this civill government, must so necessarily transfer from themselves onthe supreme power, whether it be one man, or an assembly of men, thatexcept they doe so it will evidently appeare to be no civill government,but the rights which all men have to all things, that is the rights ofWarre will still remaine. Next, I distinguish the divers kindes of it, towit, Monarchie, Aristocratie, Democratie, and paternaII Dominion, andbthat of Masters over their Servants;4.b I declare how they areconstituted, andI compare their severall conveniences and inconvenienceseach with other: furthermore, I unfold what those things are whichdestroy it, and what his or their duty is who rule in chiefe. Last of all,I explicate the natures ofthe Law, and ofsinne, and I distinguish S Lawfrom Counsell, from compact, 6 from that which I call Right; alt? whichI comprehend under the title of Dominion.

1 fonndation E I.2 estabishling EI.3 constitune El (cf. ERRATA).4 ,..." Er.5 diginguish EI.

6 _ 1\ El (cf. L).7 _, El (cf. L).

a-a L. ut tamen . .. sint.l>-b El expo Despoticum.

TO THE READER 35

[16] In the last part of it which is entituled1 Religion, lest that rightwhich by strong reason I had confirm'd the Soveraigne powers in thepreceding discourse have over their Subjects, might seem to be repugnantto the sacred Scriptures, I shew in the first place how it repugns notthe Divine right, for as much as God overrules all rulers by nature,(i.e.) by the Dictates of naturall reason. In the second, for as much asGod himselfe had a peculiar dominion over the Jewes by vertue of thatantient Covenant of Circumcision. In the third, because God doth nowrule over us Christians by vertue of our Covenant of Baptisme; andtherefore the authority of Rulers in chieft, or of civill government, isnot at all, we see, contrary to Religion.

[17] In the last place I declare what duties are necessarily requir'dfrom2

us, to enter into the Kingdome of Heaven; and of those I plainlydemonstrate, and conclude out of evident testimonies of holy writ,according to the interpretation made by all, that the obedience which Ihave affirm'd to be due from particular Christian Subjects unto theirChristian Princes cannot possibly in the least sort be repugnant unto

[18]3 Christian Religion. You have seene my Method, receive now the reasonwhich mov'd me to write this; I was studying Philosophie4 for my5minde sake,s and I had gathered together its first Elements in all kinds,and having digested them into three Sections by degrees, I thought tohave written them so as in the first I would have treated of6 a body,and its generall properties; in the second ofman and his speciall faculties,and affections; in the third, of civill government and the duties ofSubjects: Wherefore the first Section would have contained the firstPhilosophie, and certaine elements of6 Physick; 7 in it we would haveconsidered the reasons of Time, Place, Cause, Power, Relation, Propor­tion, Quantity, Figure, and motion. In the second we would have beeneconversant about imagination, Memory, intellect, ratiocination, appetite,Will, good and Evill, honest and dishonest, and the like; what this last

[19] Section handles, I have now already shewed you. Whitest I contrive,order, pensively and slowly compose these matters, for lonely doereason, I dispute 8not, itS so happen'd in the interim, that my Countrysome few yeares before the civill Warres did rage, was boyling hotwith questions concerning the rights of Dominion, and the obedience

1 = entitled.2 STom EI.3 [In paras. 18 and '9 Hobbes gives the

first distinct public intimation of the relationin which the treatise stands to his generalphilosophical scheme, and explains why it

appears out of due order. See Works, vol. II,Editor's Introduction, pp. 1-3, 9- II.]

4 Philosphie E I.5-5 = mind's sake.6 os EI. 7 = Physics.8-8 "-'. "-' cap. EI (cf. L).

THE PREFACE

due from Subjects, the true forerunners of an approaching War;And was the cause which (all those other matters deferr'd) ripen'd,and pluckt from me this third part. Therefore it happens that whatwas last in order, is yet come forth first in time, and the rather,because I saw that grounded on its owne principles sufficiently knowne

[20] by experience it would not stand in need of the former Sections. I havenot yet made it out of a desire of praise (although if I had, I mighthave defended my selfel with this faire excuse, that very few doe thingslaudably, who are not affected with commendation) but for your sakesReaders, who I perswaded my selfe,l when you should rightly apprehendand throughly understand this Doctrine I here present you with, wouldrather chuse to brooke with patience some inconveniences under govern­ment (because humane affairs cannot possibly be without some) thenaselfe opiniatedlya disturb the quiet of the publique; That, weighing thejustice of those things you are about, not by the perswasion and adviseof private men, but by the Lawes of the Realme, you will no longersuffer ambitious men through the streames ofyour blood to wade to theirowne power; That you will esteeme it better to enjoy your selves in thepresent state though perhaps not the best, then by waging Warre,indeavour to procure a reformation for other men in another age, your

[21] selves in the meane while either kill'd, or consumed with age; Farther­more, for those who will not acknowledge themselves subject to the civillMagistrate, and will be exempt from all publique burthens, and yet willlive under his Jurisdiction, and looP for protection from the violenceand injuries of others, that you would not looke on them as fellowSubjects, but esteeme them for enemies, and spies, and that yee rashlyadmit not for Gods Word all which either openly or privately theyshall pretend to bee so. I say more plainly, if any Preacher, Confessor,or Casuist, shal but say that this doctrin is agreeable with Gods word,namely, That the chief ruler, nay any private man may lawfully beput to death without the chiefes command, or that Subjects may resist,conspire, or covenant against the supreme power, that ye by no meansbeleeve them, but instantly declare their names. He who approves ofthese reasons, will also like my intention in writing this book.

[22] Last ofaI,3 I have propounded to my self this rule through this wholediscourse; First, not to define ought which concerns the justice of singleactions, but leave them4 to be determined by the laws. Next not to

1 se/se EI.2 looks EI.3 = all.

4 theEI.

..... EI adds selfe opiniatedly.

TO THE READER 37

dispute the laws ofany government in special, that is, not to point whichare the laws ofany country, but to declare what the laws ofall countriesare. Thirdly not to seem of opinion, that there is a lesse proportion ofobedience due to an Aristocraty or Democraty, then a Monarchy; forthough I have endeavoured by arguments in my tenth Chapter to gaina belief in men, that Monarchy is the most commodious government(which one thing alone I confesse in this whole book not to bedemonstrated, but only probably stated) 1 yet every where I expresly say,that in all kind ofGovernment whatsoever, there ought to be a supremeand equall power. Fourthly, not in any wise to dispute the positions ofDivines, except those which strip Subjects of their obedience, and shakethe foundations of civill government. Lastly, lest I might imprudentlyset forth somewhat of which there would be no need, what I had thuswritten, I would not presently expose to publique interest, wherefore Igot some few copies privately disperst among some of my friends, thatdiscrying the opinions of others, ifany things appeared erroneous, hard,or obscure, I might correct, soften, and explain them.

[23] These things I found most bitterly excepted against: that I had madethe civill powers too large, but this by Ecclesiasticall Persons; that Ihad utterly taken away liberty ofconscience, but this by Sectaries; thatI had set Princes above the civil Laws, but this by Lawyers; whereforeI was not much moved by these mens reprehensions, (as who in doingthis did but do their own business) except it were tye those knots 2S0

much2 faster.[24] But for their sakes who have a title been staggered at the Principles

themselves, to wit the nature of men, the authority or right of nature,the nature of compacts and contracts, and the originall of civillgovernment, because in finding fault they have not so much followedtheir Passions, as their common sense, I have therefore in some placesadded some annotations whereby I presumed I might give some satisfac­tion to their differing thoughts; Lastly I have endevoured to offend nonebeside those whose Principles these contradict, and whose tendera mindesare lightly offended by every difference of opinions.

Wherefore if ye shall meet with some things which have more ofsharpnesse, and lesse of certainty then they ought to have, since theyare not so much spokenfor the maintenance ofparties, as the establishmentof peace, and by one whose just grieffor the present calamities of his

1 [See Leviathan XX. IS; Conclusion (E)10.]

2-2 somewhat EI (cf. ERRATA).

a EI adds tender.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER

country, may very charitably be allowed some liberty, it is his onlyrequest to ye Readers, ye will deign to receive them with an equallmind.a

a [In the third Latin edition (L3) therewere published at the end of the Preface,letters from Gassendi and Mersenne toSorbiere relating to De Give (cf. Works, vol.

II ad loc. and Editor's Introduction, pp. 10­13 n.). For an English translation of theseletters and notes, see vol. II, Appendix A.]

The Index of the Chapters underthe titles of LIBERTY .

CHAP. I.OF the State of men without civilla society.

CHAP. II.Of the Law of nature concerning contracts.

CHAP. III.Of the other Lawes of nature.

CHAP. IV.That the Law of nature is a divine Law.

[51]

[61]

[85]

EMPIRE.2

CHAP. V.OF the causes, and first Originall, of civill government.

CHAP. VI.Of the right, whether we consider it in an Assembly, or in one

Person, which he hath who is endued with supreme authority.[90 ]

Of the three kindesMonarchy.

CHAP. VII.of government, Democraty, Aristocraty, and

[106]CHAP. VIII.

Of the right which bLords and Mastersb have over their Servants.[117]

CHAP. IX.Of the rights which Parents have over

Kingdome Paternall.their children, and of a

[121]CHAP. X.

A comparison of the three kinds of government eachaccording to the inconveniences of each one.

with other,[ 129]

1 The original page references have beenconverted to those of the present volume.

2 [Elsewhere, the Second Part of the bookis entitled 'DOMINION'.]

a EI adds dvill.b-b EI expo Dominorum.

4° INDEX

CHAP. XI.The places and examples of Scripture concerning the right of

government, which make for proof of the foresaid Doctrines.[141]

CHAP. XII.Of the inward causes which dissolve all civill government.

CHAP.! XIII.Of the duties of those men awho sit at the Helm of State.a

CHAP. XIV.Of Lawes, and Sinnes.

RELIGION.CHAP. XV.OF Gods government by nature.

CHAP. XVI.Of hisb government by the old Covenant.

CHAP. 2 XVII.Of hisb government by the new Covenant.

CHAP. XVIII.Of those things which are necessary for

Kingdom of Heaven.

[216]

our entrance into the[249]3

1 "'" 1\ EI. 2 "'-', EI.3 [In most copies of EI, The Index of the

Chapters is placed, as here, to follow thePreface. The Index, however, concludes withcatchword 'DOMI-', which would in fact beappropriate only if it were bound immediately

preceding the Second Part of the book,entitled 'DOMINION'. But see also above,Editor's Introduction, pp. I n.-2 n.]

a-a L. qui . . . administrant.b L. Dei.

Philosophicall ElementsOF

A truea Citizen.

LIBER TY.I

CHAP. I.

Of the state of men without Civil! Society.

I. The Introduction. II. That the beginning of Civill Society is from mutuall fear.Ill. That men by nature are all equall. IV. Whence the will of Mischieving ariseth.V. The Discord arising from comparison of Wills. VI. From the Appetite many haveto the same thing. VII. The definition ofRight. VIII. A right to the end gives a rightto the means necessary to that end. IX. By the right of nature every man is judge ofthe means which tend to his own preservation. X. By Nature all men have equall rightto all things. XI. This right which all men have to all things is unprofitable. XII. Thestate of men without civill society is a meere State ofWarre; The definitions of Peaceand Warre. XIII. War is an adversary to mans preservation. XIV. It is lawfull forany man by naturall right to compell another whom he hath gotten in his power to givecaution of his future obedience. XV. Nature dictates the seeking after Peace.

I. bTHe faculties of Humane nature may be reduc'd unto fourkinds; Bodily strength, Experience, Reason, Passion.

Taking the beginning of this following Doctrine from these, we willdeclare in the first place what manner of inclinations men who areendued with these faculties bare towards each other,b and whether,and by what faculty, 2 they are bom3 apt for Society, and so preservethemselves against mutuall violence; then proceeding, we will shewwhat advice was necessary to be taken for this businesse, and what

TheIntroduction.

[Elements XIV. I.]

1 [In E, an engmving, with Latin verse,faces Chap. I and marks the beginning of thepart of the book entitled Liberty. See Plate IIand attached note.]

2", A EI. 3 '""', EI.

a E, adds true.b-b MS, L I: Exposita est . . . alteros =

[There has been set forth in the preceding

section ,human nature as a whole, compre­hending the faculties both of the body andof the mind; these however can all be reducedto four kinds, which are, Bodily strength,Experience, Reason, Passion. We shall beginthe present section from a consideration ofthe human condition, namely, what attitudeof mind men endowed with these gifts ofnature bear towards each other.]

42 LIBERTY Chap. I

are the conditions of Society, or of Humane Peace; that is to say,(changing the words onely) what are the fundamentall Lawes ofNature.

'That the II. The greatest part of those men who have written oughtbeginning of concerning Commonwealths, either suppose, or require us, or beg

mutuall society IS b I' Th M . C (*) b fi S .fi fi

• of us to e leve, at an IS a reature orn fit or oClety:rom ear.The Greeks call him IZwov 7ToAL'TLKOV, I and on this foundation theyso build up the Doctrine of Civill Society, as if for the preservationof Peace, and the Government of Man-kind there were nothing elsenecessary, then that Men should agree to make certaine Covenantsand Conditions together, which themselves should then call Lawes.Which Axiom, though received by most, is yet certainly False, andan Errour proceeding from our too slight contemplation of HumaneNature; for they who shall more narrowly look into the Causes forwhich Men come together, and delight in each others company,shall easily find that this happens not because naturally it couldhappen no otherwise, but by Accident: For if by nature one Manshould Love another (that is) as Man, there could no reason bereturn'd why every Man should not equally Love every Man, asbeing equally Man, or why he should rather frequent those whoseSociety affords him Honour or Profit. We doe not therefore bynature seek Society for its own sake, but that we may receive someHonour or Profit from it; these we desire Primarily, that Secondarily:How by what advice Men doe meet, will be best known by observingthose things which they doe when they are met: For if they meetfor Traffique, it's plaine every man regards not his Fellow, but hisBusinesse; if to discharge some Office, a certain Market-friendshipis begotten, which hath more of Jealousieb in it then Truee love,and whence Factions sometimes may arise, but Good will never; iffor Pleasure, and Recreation of mind, every man is wont to pleasehimself most with those things which stirre up laughter, whence hemay (according to the nature of that which is Ridiculous) bycomparison of another mans Defects and Infirmities, passe the morecurrant in his owne opinion; and although this be sometimesinnocent, and without offence; yet it is manifest they are not somuch delighted with the Society, as their own Vain glory. But forthe most part, in these kind of meetings, we wound the absent;2

1-1 = a social (or political) animal [ef.Aristotle Politics 1. 2 ('253 a)].

2 ......... , EI.

a-. L = That the beginning of eivilsociety is from mutual fear.

b L. metus [fear]. c E. adds True.

Chap. I LIBERTY 43

their whole life, sayings, actions are examin'd, judg'd, condemn'd;nay, it is very rare, but some present areceive a fling a before theypart, so as his reason was not ill, who was wont alwayes at partingto goe out last. And these are indeed the true delights of Society,unto which we are carryed by nature,l (i.e.) by those passions whichare incident to all Creatures, untill either by sad experience, or goodprecepts, it so fall out (which in many never happens) that theAppetite, of present matters, be dul'd2 with the memory of thingspast, without which, the discourse of most quick and nimble men,on this subject, is but cold and hungry.

But if it so happen, that being met, they passe their time inrelating some Stories, a.nd one of them begins to tell one whichconcernes himselfe; instantly everyone of the rest most greedilydesires to speak of himself too; if one relate some wonder, the restwill tell you miracles, if they have them, if not, they'l fein them:Lastly, that I may say somewhat of them who pretend to be wiserthen others; if they meet to talk of Philosophy, look how many men,so many would be esteem'd Masters, or else they not only love nottheir fellowes, but even persecute them with hatred: So clear is itby experience to all men who a little more narrowly consider Humaneaffaires, that all free congress ariseth either from mutual poverty,or from vain glory, whence the parties met, endeavour to carry withthem either some benefit, or to leave behind them that sameEVOOK'P.ELV3 some esteem and honour with those, with whom theyhave been conversant: The same is also collected by reason out ofthe definitions themselves, of Will, Good, Honour, Pro./itable. b Forwhen we voluntarily contract Society, in all manner of Society welook after the object of the Will, i.e. that, which everyone of those,who gather together, propounds to himselfe for good; now whatsoeverseemes good, is pleasant, and relates either to the senses, or themind, but all the mindes pleasure is either Glory, (or to have a goodopinion of ones selfe) or referres to Glory in the end; the rest areSensuall, or conducing to sensuality, which may be all comprehendedunder the word Conveniencies. All Society therefore is either forGain, or for Glory;4 (i.e.) not so much for love of our Fellowes, asfor love of our Selves: but no society can be great, or lasting, which

1 "-. Et (cf. L).2 = dulled.3 = to be well thought of.• "-. Et (cf. L).

a-a L = are made a show of by gibes(dicteriis traducuntur).

b MS, L t: superiore sectione traditis =[derived from the previous section.]

44 LIBERTY Chap. I

begins from Vain Glory; because that Glory is like Honour, if allmen have it, no man hath it, for they consist in comparison andprecellence;a neither doth the society of others advance any whit thecause ofmy glorying in my selfe; for every man must account himself,such as he can make himselfe, without the help of others. But thoughthe benefits of this life may be much farthered by mutuall help,since yet those may be better attain'd to by Dominion, then by thesociety of others: I hope no body will doubt but that men wouldmuch more greedily be carryed by Nature, if all fear were removed, 1

to obtain Dominion, then to gaine Society. We must therefore resolve,that the Originall of all great, and lasting Societies, consisted not inthe mutuall good will men had towards each other, but in the (*)mutuall fear they had of each other.

Annotation. Born fit] Since we now see actually a constituted Society among men,and none living out of it, since we discern all desirous of congresse, andmutuall correspondence, it may seeme a wonderfull kind ofstupidity, tolay in the very threshold of this Doctrine, such a stumbling block beforethe Readers, as to deny Man to be born fit for Society: Therefore Imust more plainly say, That it is true indeed, that to Man, by nature,or as Man, that is, as soone as he is born, Solitude is an enemy; forInfants have need of others to help them to live, and those of riperyears to help them to live well, wherefore I deny not that men (evennature compelling) desire to come together. But civill Societies are notmeer Meetings, but Bonds, to the2 making whereof, Faith and Compactsare necessary: The Vertue whereof to Children, and Fooles,b and theProfit whereof to those who have not yet tasted the miseries whichaccompany its defects, is altogether unknown; whence it happens, thatthose, because they know not what Society is, cannot enter into it; these,because ignorant ofthe benefit it brings, care notfor it. Manifest thereforeit is, that all men, because they are born in Infancy, are born unaptfor Society. Many also (perhaps most men) either through defect ofminde, or want of education remain unfit during the whole course oftheir lives; yet have3 Infants, as well as those ofriper years, an humanenature; wherefore Man is made fit for Society not by Nature, but byEducation: furthermore, although Man were born in such a conditionas to desire it, it followes not, that he therefore were Born fit to enterinto it; for it is one thing to desire, another to be in capacity fit for

1", 1\ E, (cf. L).2 tbe EI.3 have they Infants E, (cf. ERRATA).

• L = precedence or excellence (praecel­lentia).

b L. indoctis.

Chap. I LIBERTY 45

what we desire; for even they, who through their pride, will not stoopto equall conditions, I without which there can be no Society, do yetdesire it.

The mutuall fear] It is objected: 2 It is so improbable that men should Annotation.

grow into civill Societies out offear, that if they had been afraid, they [Le-viathan cf.

would not have endur'd each others looks: They presume, I believe, that XIII. 8-10.)

to fear is nothing else then to be affrighted: I comprehend in this wordFear, a certain foresight offuture evill; neither doe I conceive flightthe sole property offear, but to distrust, suspect,3 take heed, provide sothat they may not fear, is also incident to the fearfull. They who goto Sleep, shut their Dores;4 they who Travell carry their Swords withthem, because they fear Theives. Kingdomes guard their Coasts andFrontiers with Forts, and Castles;5 Cities are compast with Walls, andall for fear of neighbouring Kingdomes and Townes; even the strongestArmies, and most accomplisht for Fight, yet sometimes Party for peace,as fearing each others power, and lest they might be overcome. It isthrough fear that men secure themselves, by flight indeed, and in corners,if they think they cannot escape otherwise, but for the most part byArmes, and Defensive Weapons; whence it happens, that daring to comeforth, they know each others Spirits; but then, if they fight, CivillSociety ariseth from the Victory, if they agree, from their Agree-ment.

III. The cause of mutuall fear consists partly in the naturall That men by

equality of men, partly in their mutuall will of hurting: whence it nature are al/

h . h fi h . equal/.comes to passe t at we can nelt er expect rom ot ers, nor promise. I hi· F 'f I k fi II [Elements XIV. 2.to our se ves t e east securIty: or 1 we 00 on men u grown, Leviathan

and consider how brittle the frame of our humane body is, (which XIII. I.)

perishing, all its strength, vigour, and wisdome it selfe perishethwith it) and how easie a matter it is, even for the weakest man tokill the strongest, there is no reason why any man trusting to hisown strength should conceive himself made by nature above others:they are equalls who can doe equall things one against the other; butthey who can do the greatest things, (namely kill) can doe equallthings. All men therefore among themselves are by nature equall;the inequality awe now discern,a hath its spring from the CivillLaw.

1 "'; EI (cf. L).2 objcted EI.3 "'; EI (cf. L).

4 "', EI (cf. L).5 "',EI.a-a L. quae nunc est.

LIBERTY Chap. I

[Elements cf.

XIV·3·De Give cf.

III. 26;cf. XVII. 8.]

From theAppetite many

have to thesame thing.

[Elements XIV. 5.LeviathanXIII. 3.]

Whence the wil of IV. All men in the State of nature have a desire, and will to hurt,mischieving each but not proceeding from the same cause, neither equally to be

other ariseth. condemn'd;l for one man according to that naturall equality whichis among us, permits as much to others, as he assumes to himself(which is an argument of a temperate man, and one that rightlyvalues his power);2 another,3 supposing himselfe above others, awillhave a License to doe what he lists,a and challenges Respect, andHonour, as due to him before others, (which is an Argument bof afiery spirit:)b This mans will to hurt ariseth from Vain glory, andthe false esteeme he hath of his owne strength; the other's,4 fromthe necessity ofdefending himselfe, his liberty, and his goods Cagainstthis mans violence.c

The discord from V. Furthermore, since the combate of Wits is the fiercest, thecomparisonof greatest discords which are, must necessarily arise from this Conten­

WitS. tion; for in this case it is not only odious to contend against, but[Elements cf. 5

XIV. 4.] also not to consent; for not to approve of what a man saith is nolesse then tacitely to accuse him of an Errour in that thing whichhe speaketh; as in very many things to dissent, is as much as if youaccounted him a fool whom you dissent from; which may appearhence, that there are no Warres so sharply wag'd as between Sectsof the same Religion, and Factions of the same Commonweale,6

where the Contestation is? Either concerning Doctrines, or PolitiquePrudence. And since all the pleasure, and jollity of the mind consistsin this; even to get some, with whom comparing,8 it9 may findsomewhat wherein to Tryumph, and Vaunt it self; its impossible butmen must declare sometimes some mutuall scorn and contempteither by Laughter, or by Words, or by Gesture, or some signe orother; then which there is no greater vexation of mind; and thenfrom which there cannot possibly arise a greater desire to doe hurt.

VI. But the most frequent reason why men desire to hurt eachother, ariseth hence, that many men at the same time have anAppetite to the same thing; which yet very often they can neitherenjoy in common, nor yet divide it;10 whence it followes that thestrongest must have it, and who is strongest must be decided bythe Sword.

1 "', EI (cf. L).3 ....... A EI.5 sai h EI.7 "': EI (cf. L).8 .......... /\ EI.10 "', EI (cf. L).

2 '" 1\ EI (cf. L).4 others EI.

6", 1\ EI (cf. L).

9 "-', EI.

lH'o L ~ wants that he alone may beallowed to do all things (omnia licere sibi solivult).

b-b L. ingenij ferocis.c-c L. contra hune.

Chap. I LIBERTY 47

By right ofnature all menhave equall rightto all things.

[Elements XIV. 10.

Leviathan XIV. 4.]

VII. Among so many dangers therefore, as the naturall lusts of The definition

men do daily threaten each other withall, to have a care of ones of Right.

selfe is not a matter so scornfully to be Iookt upon, as if so be there [Elements XIV. 6.

h d b d 'II I fi ' h d ' De GIVe cf. I. '4;a not een a power an WI e tm one to ave one otherwIse; cf. II. I, 18;

for every man is desirous of what is good for him, and shuns what cf. XIV. 3·

is evill, but chiefly the chiefest of naturall evills, which is Death; ~~at;~:;and this he doth, by a certain impulsion of nature, no Iesse then cf. XIV. 3;

that whereby a Stone moves downward: It is therefore neither absurd, cf. XXVI. 30.]

nor reprehensible; neither against the dictates of true reason for aman to use all his endeavours to preserve and defend his Body, andthe Members thereof from death and sorrowes; but that which isnot contrary to right reason, that all men account to be done justly,and with right; Neither by the word Right is any thing else signified,then that liberty which every man hath to make use of his naturallfaculties according to right reason: Therefore the first foundation ofnaturall Right is this, That every man as much as in him lies endeavourto protect his life and members.

VIII, But because it is in vaine for a man to have a Right to the A right 'to the'end, if the Right to the necessary meanes be deny'd him; it followes, end gives also a

h ' h hR' h h' If h I rlght to thet at smce every man at a Ig t to preserve Imse , e must a so means.

be allowed a Right to use all the means, and do all the actions, without [Elements XIV. 7.

which he cannot preserve himself. Leviathan XIV. 1.]

IX. Now whether the means which he is about to use, and the By the right of

action he is performing, be necessary to the preservation of his Life, nature every man., IS Judge of the

and Members, or not, he hImself, by the nght [ofF nature, must be means which tend

judg;3 for say another man, judg3 that it is contrary to right reason to his

that I should judg3 of mine own perill: why now, because he judgeth preservation.

of what concerns me, by the same reason, because we are equall by [Elements XIV. 8.'II I' d I f h' h' h d b I h' h c Lev.athanXIV.1.]nature, WI JU ge a so 0 t mgs w IC oe e ong to 1m; t erelore

it agrees with right reason (that is) it is the right of nature that Ijudge of his opinion, (i,e.) whether it conduce to my preservation,or not,

X.4 Nature hath given to everyone a right to alP That is6 it wasIawfull for every man in the (*) bare state of nature, or before suchtime as men had engag'd themselves by any Covenants, or Bonds,to doe what hee7 would, and against whom he thought fit, and to

1-1 to to the EI.2 of absent EI (cf. L and sense ofpassage).3 = judge.4 10 Er.

5 '" A ( EI [the corresponding) is absentEI; see also L].

6 as EI (ef L and construction ofpassage).7 = he.

LIBERTY Chap. I

possesse, use, and enjoy all what he would, or could get. Now becausewhatsoever a man would, it therefore seems good to him becausehe wills it, and either it really doth, or at least seems to him tocontribute toward his preservation, (but we have already allowedhim to be judge in the foregoing Article whether it doth or not, inso much as we are to hold all for necessary whatsoever he shallesteeme so) and by the 7. Article it appeares that by the right ofNature those things may be done, and must be had, which necessarilyconduce to the protection of life, and members, it followes, that inthe state of nature, To have all, and do all is lawfull for all. Andthis is that which is meant by that common! saying, Nature hathgiven all to all, from whence we understand likewise, that in thestate of nature, Profit is the measure of Right.

Annotation. 2 In the meere state of Nature] This is thus to be understood: Whatany man does in the bare state of Nature is injurious to no man; notthat in such a State he cannot offend God, or break the Lawes ofNature; for Injustice against men presupposeth 3Humane Lawes,3 such,as in the State ofNature there are none: Now the truth ofthis propositionthus conceived is sufficiently demonstrated to the mindfull Reader in theArticles immediately foregoing; but because in certaine cases the difficultyof the conclusion makes us forget the premises, I will contract thisArgument, and make it most evident to a single view; every man hathright to protect himself, as appears by the seventh Article. The sameman therefore hath a right to use all the means which necessarily conduceto this end by the eight Article: But those are the necessary meanswhich he shall judge to be such by the ninth Article. He therefore hatha right to make use oj, and to doe all whatsoever he shall judge requisitefor his preservation: wherefore by the judgement ofhim that doth it, thething done is either right, or wrong; and therefore right. True it istherefore in the bare State of Nature, esc but if any man pretendsomewhat to tend necessarily to his preservation, which yet he himselfdoth not confidently believe so, he may offend against the Lawes ofNature, as in the third Chapter of this Book is more at large declar'd. 4

It hath been objected by some: If a Sonne kill his Father, doth he himno i,yury? I have answered, That a Sonne cannot be understood to beat any time in the State of Nature, as being under the power andcommand of them to whom he ownes his protection as soon as ever he

1 ciimon EI.2 '" A EI.

3-3 L = human laws (Leges Humanas).4 "'" A EI (cf. L).

Chap. I LIBERTY 49

is born, namely either his Fathers, or his Mothers, or his that nourishthim, as is demonstrated in the ninth Chapter.

XI. But it was the least benefit for men thus to have a common The right of all

Right to all things; for the effects of this Right are the same, almost, to all is

as if there had been no Right at all; for although any man might unprofitable.

f h· T'h'" Id h .. b [Elementssay 0 every t mg, IS IS mme, yet cou e not enJoy It, y reason XIV. 10.]

of his Neighbour, who having equall Right, and equall power, wouldpretend the Isame thing 1 to be his.

XII. If now to this naturall proclivity of men, to hurt each other, The state of men

which they derive from their Passions, but chiefly from a vain without Society is

esteeme of themselves: You adde, the right of all to all, wherewith a state of War.

b 'h' d h h b 'h . d h . [Elements XIV. 11.one y rtg t mva es, t e ot er y rtg t reSIsts, an w ence anse Leviathan XIII.

perpetuall jealousies and suspicions on all hands, aand how hard a 7·]

thing it is to provide against an enemy invading us, with an intentionto oppresse, and ruine, though he come with a small Number, and The definition of

no great Provision;a.2 it cannot be deny'd but that the naturall state War, and Peace.3

of men, before they entr'd into Society, was a meer War, and thatnot simply, but a War of all men, against all men; for what is WAR,but that same time in. which the will of contesting by force, is fullydeclar'd either by Words, or Deeds? The time remaining, is termedPEACE.

XIII. But it is easily judg'd how disagreeable a thing to the War is an

preservation either of Man-kind, or of each single Man, a perpetuall adversaryr,r7 • B .. II' . b' d f to mansrr ar IS: ut It IS perpetua m ItS own nature, ecause m regar 0 preservation.

the equality of those that strive, it cannot be ended by Victory; for [Elements XIV. 12.

in this state the Conquerour is subject to so much danger, as it were Leviathan XIII.

to be accounted a Miracle, if any, even the most strong should close 8,10.]

up his life with many years, and old age. They of America areExamples hereof, even in this present Age: Other Nations have beenin former Ages, which now indeed are become Civill, and Flourishing,but were then few, fierce, short-lived, poor, nasty, and destroy'd ofall that Pleasure, and Beauty of life, which Peace and Society arewont to bring with them. Whosoever therefore holds, that it hadbeen best to have continued in that state in which all things werelawfull for all men, he contradicts himself; for every man, by naturallnecessity desires that which is good for him: nor is there any thatesteemes a war of all against all, which necessarily adheres to such

1-' same thing thing E1.2 """', Er.3 Pace E1.

a-a cr, L.

5° LIBERTY Chap. I

That by the rightof nature it is

lawfull for anyman to compell

him whom hehath in his

power to givehim caution for

his futureobedience.

[Elements XIV. 13.De Cive cf.

r. 7; cf. II. I, 18;cf. VIII. 1-4, 9.

Leviathan cf.XIV. 1-4, 20;

cf. XX. 7, 8.]

[De Cive cf.XV. 5.]

2[Nature dictatesthe seeking after

Peace.]'

[Elements XIV. 14.Leviathan

XIV. 4.]

a State, to be good for Ihim. And 1 so it happens that through feareof each other we think it fit to rid our selves of this condition, andto get some fellowes; that if there needs must be war, it may notyet be against all men, nor without some helps.

XIV. Fellowes are gotten either by constraint, or by consent; ByConstraint, when after fight the Conqueror makes the conqueredserve him either through feare of death, or by laying fetters on him:By consent, when men enter into society to helpe each other, bothparties consenting without any constraint. But the Conqueror mayby right compell the Conquered, or the strongest the weaker, (as aman in health may one that is sick, or he that is of riper yearesa childe) unlesse he will choose to die, to give caution of his futureobedience. For since the right of protecting our selves according to

our owne wills proceeded from our danger, and our danger fromour equality, its more consonant to reason, and more certaine forour conservation, using the present advantage to secure our selvesby taking caution; then, when they shall be full growne and strong,and got out of our power, to endeavour to recover that power againeby doubtfull fight. And on the other side, nothing can be thoughtmore absurd, then by discharging whom you already have weak inyour power, to make him at once both an enemy, and a strong one.From whence we may understand likewise as a Corollarie in thenaturall state of men, That a sure and irresistible power confers theright ofDominion, and ruling over those who cannot resist; insomuch,as the right of all things, that can be done, adheres essentially, andimmediately unto this omnipotence hence arising.

XV. Yet cannot men expect any lasting preservation continuingthus in the state of nature (i.e.) of War, by reason of that equalityof power, and other humane faculties they are endued withall.Wherefore to .seek Peace, where there is any hopes of obtaining it,and where there is none, to enquire out for Auxiliaries of War, isthe dictate of right Reason; that is, the Law of Nature, as shall beshewed in the next Chapter.

1-1 "', '" I.e. EI (cf. L). 2-2 Marginal suhtitle absent EI (cf head oj Chap.).

Chap. II LIBERTY

CHAP. II.

Of the Law of Nature concerning Contracts.

5'

I. That the Law of Nature is not an Agreement of Men, but the Dictate of Reason.II. That the fundamentall Law of Nature is to seek Peace where· it may be had, andwhere· not, to defend our selves. III. That the first speciall Law of Nature is not toretain our Right to all things. IV. What it is to quit' our Right, what to transfer it.V. That in the transferring of our right the will of him that receives it is necessarilyrequired. VI. No words but those of the present tense transferre any right. VII.Words of the future, if there be some other tokens to signifie the will are valid inthe translation of Right. VIII. In matters of free gift our Right passeth not fromus, through any words of the future. IX. The definition of Contract, and Compact.X. In Compacts our Rightpassethfrom us, through words of the future. XI. Compactsof mutuall faith in the State of Nature are of no effect, and vain; but not so inCivill Government. XII. That no man can make Compacts with Beasts, nor yetwith God without Revelation. XIII. Nor yet make a Vow to God. XIV. ThatCompacts oblige not beyond our outmost endeavour. XV. By what meanes we arefreed from our Compacts. XVI. That promises extorted through feare of death inthe State of Nature are valid. XVII. A latter Compact contradicting the former, isinvalid. XVIII. A Compact not to resist him that shall prejudice my Body is invalid.XIX. A Compact to accuse ones self is invalid. XX. The definition of Swearing.XXI. That Swearing is to be conceived in that forme which he useth that takesthe Oath. XXII. An Oath superaddes nothing to the Obligation which is made byCompact. XXIII. An Oath ought not to be prest, but 2where the breach of Compactsmay be kept private, or cannot be punisht, but from God himself. 2

I. J\LL Authors agree not concerning the definition of the That the Law

.rt. Natural! Law, who notwithstanding doe very often make ofnature is notan agreement of

use of this terme in their Writings. The Method therefore, wherein men, but the

we begin from definitions, and exclusion of all equivocation, is only Dictates of

proper to them who leave no place for contrary Disputes; for the Reason.

rest, if any man say, that somwhat is done against the Law of Nature, [Elements xv. I.De Give cf.

one proves it hence, because it was done against the generall I. 7, '4;

Agreement ofall the most wise, and learned Nations: But this declares cf. XIV. 2, 3·

not who shall be the judg of the wisdome and learning of all Nations: LeViajthan XIV.3,4·

Another hence, That it was done against the Generall consent ofall Man-kind; which definition is by no means to be admitted; forthen it were impossible for any but Children, and Fools,b to offendagainst such a Law; for sure, under the notion of Man-kind, theycomprehend all men actually endued with Reason. These therefore

1 L = to give up (relinquere).2-2 Gf. marginal subtitle below.

a L = if (si).b L = madmen (mente captis).

52 LIBERTY Chap. II

either doe Naught against it, or if they doe Ought,l it is withouttheir joint accord, and therefore ought to be excus'd;2 but to receivethe Lawes of Nature from the Consents of them, who oftner Break,then Observe them, is in truth unreasonable: besides, Men condemnethe same things in others, which they approve in themselves; on theother side, they publickly commend what they privately condemne;and they deliver their Opinions more by Hear-say, then anySpeculation of their own; and they accord more through hatred aofsome objecta, through fear, hope, love, or some other perturbationof mind, then true Reason. And therefore it comes to passe, thatwhole Bodyes of people often doe those things by Generall accord,or Contention, which those Writers most willingly acknowledge tobe against the Law of Nature. But since all doe grant that is doneby RIGHT, which is not done against Reason, we ought to judgthose Actions onely wrong, which are repugnant to right Reason,(i.e.) which contradict some certaine. Truth collected by rightreasoning from true Principles; but that Wrong which is done, wesay it is done against some Law: therefore True Reason is a certaineLaw, which (since it is no lesse a part of Humane nature, then anyother faculty, or affection of the mind) is also termed naturall.Therefore the Law of Nature, that I may define it, is the Dictate ofright (*) Reason, conversant about those things which are either tobe done, or omitted for the constant preservation of Life, andMembers, as much as in us Iyes. '

Annotation. Right R:eason.] By Right Reason in the naturall state of men, Iunderstand not, as many doe, an infallible faculty, but the act ofreasoning, that is, the peculiar and true ratiocination of every manconcerning those actions ofhis which may either redound to the dammage,or benefit of his neighbours. I call it Peculiar, because although in aGivill Government the reason of the Supreme (i.e. the Givill Law) isto be received by each single subject for the right; yet being without thisGivill Government, (in which state no man can know right reason fromfalse, but by comparing it with his owne) every mans owne reason is tobe accounted not onely the rule of his owne actions which are done athis owne perill, but also for the measure ofanother mans reason, in suchthings as doe concerne him. I call it True; that is, concluding from trueprinciples rightly fram'd, because that the whole breach of the Lawesof Nature consists in the false reasoning, or rather folly of those men

1 = aught. 2 "', El (cf. L). ...... E, adds of some object.

Chap. II LIBERTY 53

who see not those duties they are necessarily to performe toward othersin order to their owne conservation; but the Principles ofRight reasoningabout such like duties are those which are explained in the 2, 3, 4, 5,6, and 7. Articles of the first Chapter.

II. But the first and fundamentall Law of Nature is, That Peace That is the.. fundamentall

IS to be sought after where It may be found; and where not, there to Law ofNature

provide our selves for helps of War: For we shewed in the last Article to seek Peace

of the foregoing Chapter, that this precept is the dictate of right where it may be. f . h II L h had and wherereason; but that the Dictates 0 ng t reason are natura awes, t at t' t J.I: dno, 0 ueJen

hath been newly prov'd above; But this is the first, because the rest our selves.

are deriv'd from this, and they direct the wayes either to Peace, or [Elements cf.

self-defence. xv. I.

Leviathan XIV. 4.]

III. But one of the Naturall Lawes deriv'd from this fundamentallone is this, That the right of all men, to all things, ought not to beretain'd, but that some certain rights ought to be trans/err'd, orrelinquisht: for if everyone should retain his right to all things, itmust necessarily follow, that some by right might invade; and others,by the same right, might defend themselves against them, (for everyman, by naturall necessity, endeavours to defend his Body, and thethings which he judgeth necessary towards the protection of hisBody) .therefore War would follow. He therefore acts against thereason of Peace, (i.e.) against the Law of Nature, whosoever he be,that doth not part with his Right to all things.

IV. But he is said to part with his right, who either absolutelyrenounceth it, or conveys it to another. He absolutely renounceth it,who by some sufficient Signe, or meet Tokens, declares that he iswilling that it shall never be lawfull for him to doe that again, whichbefore, by Right, he might have done; but he conveys it to another,who by some sufficient Signe, or meet Tokens, declares to that other,that he is willing it should be unlawfull for him to resist him, ingoing about to do somewhat in the performance where he mightbefore, with Right, have resisted him; but that the conveyance ofRight consists meerly in not resisting, is understood by this, thatbefore it was convey'd, he, to whom he convey'd it, had even thenalso a right to all, whence he could not give any new Right: But theresisting Right he had, before he gave it, by reason whereof theother could not freely enjoy his Rights, is utterly abolisht: Whosoevertherefore acquires some Right in the naturall state of men, he onelyprocures himself security, and freedome from just molestation in

The first specialLaw ofNature is,That our Rightsto all things oughtnot to be retain'd.

[Elements XV. 2.

Leviathan XIV. 5.]

What it is to quitour right, whatto convey it.

[Elements XV. 3.Leviathan XIV. 6;cf. XIV. 7.]

54 LIBERTY Chap. II

The will of thereceiver mustnecessarily be

dec/ar'd beforethe right be

convey'd.

[Elements XV. 4.]

Words conveynot, except they

relate to the timepresent.

[Elements XV. 5.LeviathanXIV. 12.]

Words of thefuture suffice toconvey, if other

testimonies of ourwill be not

wanting.

[Elements XV. 6.LeviathanXIV. 12.]

In matters offreegift words of the

future conveighno Right.

[Elements XV. 7.LeviathanXIV. 12.]

the enjoyment of his Primitive Right: As for example, if any manshall sell, or give away a Farme, he utterly deprives himself onlyfrom all Right to this Farme, but he does not so from others also.

V. But in the conveyance of Right the will is requisite not onelyof him that conveys, but of him also that accepts it. If either bewanting, the Right remaines: for if I would have given what wasmine, to one who refus'd to accept of it, I have not therefore eithersimply renounc'd my Right, or convey'd it to any man; for the causewhich mov'd me to part with it to this Man was in him onely, notin others too.

VI. But if there be no other Token extant of our will either toquit, or convey our Right, but onely Words; those words must eitherrelate to the present, or time past; for if they be of the future onely,they convey nothing: for example, he that speaks thus of the timeto come, I will give to morrow, declares openly that yet he hath notgiven it; so that all this day his right remains, and abides to morrowtoo, unlesse in the interim he actually bestowes it: for what is mine,remains mine till I have parted with it. But if I shall speak of thetime present, suppose thus; I doe give, or have given you this to bereceived to morrow, by these words is signified that I have alreadygiven it, and that his Right to receive it to morrow, is conveyed tohim by me to day.

VII. Neverthelesse, although words alone are not sufficient tokensto declare the Will;3 if yet to words relating to the future, thereshall some other signes be added, they may become as valid, as ifthey had been spoken of the present: If therefore, as by reason ofthose other signes, it appear, that he that speaks of the future, intendsthose words should be effectuall toward the perfect transferring ofhis Right, they ought to be valid; for the conveyance ofright dependsnot on words, but (as hath been instanc'd in the 4. Article) on thedeclaration of the Will.

VIII. If any man conveigh some part of his right to another,and doth not this for some certain benefit received, or for somecompact, a conveighance in this kind is called a Gift, or free Donation.But in free donation those words onely oblige us which signifie thepresent, or the time past; for if they respect the future, they obligenot as words, for the reason given in the foregoing Article: It mustneeds therefore be, that the Obligation arise from some other tokens

a MS, LI, L2: prout .. ostensurn est [as has been shown in the preceding section,].

Chap. II LIBERTY 55

The definition ofContract, andCovenant.

[ElementsXV. 8,9.De Give cf.XIV. 2.LeviathanXIV. 9.]

of the Will: But, because whatsoever is voluntarily done, is done forsome good to him that wils l it; there can no other token be assignedof the Will to give it, except some benefit either already receiv'd, orto be acquir'd; but is suppos'd, that no such benefit is acquired, norany compact in being; for if so, it would cease to be a free gift: Itremains therefore, that a mutuall good turne without agreement beexpected; but no signe can be given, that he, who us'd future wordstoward him who was in no sort engag'd to return a benefit, shoulddesire to have his words so understood, as to oblige himselfe thereby.Nor is it suitable to Reason, that those who are easily enclined todoe well to others, should be oblig'd by every promise, testifyingtheir present good affection: And for this cause, a promiser in thiskind, must be understood to have time to deliberate, and power tochange that affection as well as he to whom he made that promise,may alter his desert. But he that deliberates, is so farre forth free,nor can be said to have already given: But if he promise often, andyet give seldome, he ought to be condemn'd of levity, and be callednot a Donour, but Doson.a

IX. But the act of two, or more, mutually conveighing their Rights,is call'd a Contract. But in every Contract, either both parties instantlyperforme what they contract for, insomuch as there is no trust hadfrom either to other; or the one performes, the other is trusted, orneither performe. Where2 both parties performe presently, there theContract is ended, as soon as 'tis performed; but where there iscredit given either to one, or both, there the party trusted promisethafter-performance; and this kind of promise is called a COVENANT.

X. But the Covenant made by the party trusted with him, who In Covenants we

hath already performed, although the promise be made by words passe away our. . . RIghts by words

pomtmg at the future, doth no lesse transfer the nght of future signifying the

time, then3 if it had been made by words signifying the present, or future.

time past: for the others performance is a most manifest signe that [Elements xv. 9.

he so understood the speech of him whom he trusted, as that he Leviathan. XIV. '3.]

would certamly make performance also at the appointed time; andby this signe the party trusted knew himselfe to be thus understood,which, because he hindred not, 'twas an evident token of his Will

1 = wills.2 Eeither E, (cf. ERRATA).3 the E, (= then = than).

a = L1wawv = About to give. MS, LI:cum Antiocho = [with Aotiochus.] The MS,

LI reading is presumably a mistaken refer­ence to Antigonus III (known as Doson),king of Macedon 263-22' Be and wasperhaps for this reason omitted in Lz, L3,and EI.

56 LIBERTY Chap. II

Covenants in thestate of nature

are in vain, andofnone effect, not

so in Civi/lGovernment.

[Elements XV. 10.

Leviathan XIV.15·]

Annotation. 2

That no man canmake Compacts

with Beasts,neither withGod withoutRevelation.

[Elements XV. II.

Leviathan XIV.17·]

to performe. The promises therefore which are made for some benefitreceived (which are also Covenants) are Tokens of the Will; that is,(as in the foregoing Section hath been declared) of the last act ofdeliberating, whereby the liberty of non-performance is abolisht,and by consequence are obligatory; for where Liberty ceaseth, therebeginneth Obligation.

XI. But the Covenants, which are made in contract of mutualltrust, neither party performing out of hand, if there (*) arise a justsuspiciona in either of them, are in the state of nature invalid: forhe that first performes by reason of the wicked disposition of thegreatest part of men studying their owne advantage, either by right,or wrong, exposeth himself to the perverse will of him with whomhe hath Contracted; for it suites not with reason, that any manshould performe first, if it be not likely that the other wilP makegood his promise after; which, whether it be probable, or not, hethat doubts it, must be judge of, as hath been shewed in the foregoingChapter in the 9. Article. Thus, I say, things stand in the state ofnature, but in a Civill State, when there is a power which can compellboth parties, he that hath contracted to perform first, must firstperforme; because, that since the other may be compell'd, the causewhich made him fear the others non-performance, ceaseth.

Arise] For, except there appear some new cause offear, either fromsomewhat done, or some other token of the Will not to performe fromthe other part, it cannot be judg'd to be a just fear,. b for the cause whichwas not sufficient to keep him from making Compact, must not sufficeto authorize the breach of it, being made.

XII.3 But from this reason, that in all Free-gifts, and Compacts,there is an acceptance of the conveighance of Right required: itfollowes, ~hat no man can Compact with him who doth not declarehis acceptance; and therefore we cannot compact with Beasts, neithercan we give, or take from them any manner of Right, by reason oftheir want of speech, and understanding. Neither can any manCovenant with God, or be oblig'd to him by Vow, except so farforth as it appeares to him by Holy Scriptures, that he hathsubstituted certaine men who have authority to accept of such likeVowes and Covenants, as being in Gods stead.

1 will not make EI (cf. L; and the sense ofthe passage).

2 '" 1\ EI.3 X 1. EI.

• L. metus [fear].b L. metus (cf. above).

Chap. II LIBERTY 57

In what mannerwe are freed fromCompacts.

[Elements cf.XV. 12.

LeviathanXIV. 19.]

XIII. Those therefore doe vow in vain, who are in the state of Nor yet Vow

nature, where they are not tyed by any Civill Law, (except by most to God.

certain Revelation the Will of God to accept their Vow, or Pact, be [Leviathan

d k fi 'f h h 17 b XIV. 17·]rna e nown to them) or 1 w at t ey yOW, e contrary to the Lawof Nature, they are not tyed by their Vow, for no man is tyed toperform an unlawfull act;l but if what is vowed, be commanded bysome Law of nature, it is not their Vow, but the Law it self whichties them; but if he were free before his vow, either to doe it, ornot doe it, his liberty remaines, because that the openly declar'dWill of the obliger is requisite to make an obligation by Vow, whichin the case propounded is suppos'd not to be: Now I call him theObliger to whom anyone is tyed, and the Obliged him who is tyed.

XIV. Covenants are made of such thingsa onely as fall under our Compacts oblige

deliberation, for it can be no Covenant without the Will of the not beyondour utmost

Contractor, but the Will is the last act of him who deliberates; endeavours.

Wherefore they onely2 concerne things possible, and to come; no man [Elements cf.

therefore, by his Compact, obligeth himself to an impossibility. But xv. 12, 18.

yet, though we often Covenant to doe such things as then seem'd, ;c;~~t:;.~possible when we promis'd them, which yet afterward appear to beimpossible, bare we therefore freed from all obligation?b The3 reasonwhereof is, that he who promiseth a future4 incertainty receives apresent benefit; on condition, that he return another for it: for hisWill, who performes the present benefit hath simply before it,5 forits object, a certain good valuable with the thing promised; but thething it selfe not simply, but with condition if it could be done; butif it should so happen, that even this should prove impossible, whythen he must perform as much as he can. Covenants therefore obligeus not to perform just the thing it selfe covenanted for, but ourutmost endeavour; for this onely is, the things themselves are notin our power.

XV. We are freed from Covenants two wayes, either by perform­ing, or by being forgiven: By performing, for beyond that we oblig'dnot our selves. By being for-given, because he whom we oblig'dour selves to by forgiving, is conceiv'd to return us that Right whichwe past over to him; for, forgiving, implies giving: that is, by thefourth Article of this Chapter, a conveyance of Right to him towhom the gift is made.

1 "', El (cf. L). 2 on Iy EI.3 '" I.e. Er (cf. L).4 "', EI (cf. L). 5 "'; El (cf. L).

a L. actionibus [actions].b-b L = we are not therefore freed from

all obligation.

LIBERTY Chap. II

Promises forc'dfrom us through

feare of deathare! valid in thestate of nature.

[Elements XV. '3.LeviathanXIV. zo.]

A latter Compactcontradicting the

former is invalid.

[Elements XV. '4.LeviathanXIV. Zl.]

A promise not toresist him thatprejudices my

Body is invalid.

[LeviathanXIV. zz.]

XVI. Its an usuall question, Whether Compacts extorted from us,through fear, do oblige, or not: For example, If to redeeme my life,from the power of a Robber, P promise to pay him 1001. next day;and that I will doe no act whereby to apprehend, and bring him to

Justice, whether I am tyed to keep promise, or not? But3 thoughsuch a Promise must sometimes be judged to be of no effect, yet itis not to be accounted so, because it proceeded from fear, for thenit would follow that those promises which reduc'd men to a civilllife, and by which Lawes were made, might likewise be of noneeffect, (for it proceeds from fear of mutuall slaughter, that one mansubmits himselfe to the Dominion of another:) And he should playthe fool finely, who should trust his captive covenanting with theprice of his redemption. It holds universally true, that promises doeoblige when there is some benefit received; and that to promise, andthe thing promised, be lawfull: But it is lawfull, for the redemptionof my life, both to promise, and to give what I will of mine owneto any man, even to a Thief. We are oblig'd therefore by promisesproceeding from fear, except the Civill Law forbid them, by vertuewhereof, that which is promised becomes unlawfull.

XVII. Whosoever shall contract with one to doe, or omit some­what, and shall after Covenant the contrary with another; he makethnot the former, but the latter Contract unlawfull: for, he hath nolonger Right to doe, or to omit ought, who by former Contracts hathconveyed it to another; wherefore he can conveigh no Right by latterContracts, and what is promised, is promis'd without Right: He istherefore tyed onely to his first Contract; to break which is unlawfulI.

XVIII. No man is oblig'd by any Contracts whatsoever not toresist him who shall offer to kill, wound, or any other way hurt hisBody; for there is in every man a certain high degree of fear, throughwhich he apprehends that evill which is done to him to be thegreatest, and therefore by naturall necessity he shuns it all he can,and 'tis suppos'd he can doe no otherwise: When a man is arriv'dto this degree of fear, we cannot expect but he will provide forhimself either by flight, or fight. Since therefore no man is tyed toimpossibilities, they who are threatned either with death, (which is

1 are not valid EI.[A mistake on an important point for

Hobbes's political theory. The erroneousreading begins with the marginal subtitle ofLz and is continued in the marginal subtitlesof LJ and EI, though in all these editions

the same subtitle at the head of the Chapteris correct. In support of the presented text,cf. also Leviathan XIV. 20 as well as the senseof the paragraph.]

2 a Et (cf. ERRATA).3 '" I.e. EI (cf. L).

Chap. II LIBERTY 59

the greatest evill to nature) or wounds, or some other bodily hurts,and are not stout enough to bear them, are not obliged to endurethem. Farthermore, he that is tyed by Contract is trusted, (for Faithonly is the Bond of Contracts) but they who are brought topunishment, either Capitall, or more gentle, are fettered, or stronglyguarded, which is a most certain signe that athey seem'd notsufficiently bound from non resistance by their Contracts.a Its one.thing if I promise thus: If I doe it not at the day appointed, killme. Another thing if thus: If I doe it not, though you should offerto kill me, I will not resist: All men, if need be, contract the firstway; but there is need sometimes. This second way, none, neitheris it ever needfull; for in the meer state of nature, if you have amind to kill, that state it selfe affords you a Right; insomuch as youneed not first trust him, if for breach of trust you will afterwardkill him. But in a Civill State, where the Right of life, and death,and of all corporall punishment is with the Supreme; that sameRight of killing cannot be granted to any private person. Neitherneed the Supreme himselfe contract with any man patiently to yeeldto his punishment, but onely this, that no man offer to defend othersfrom him. If in the state of nature, as between two Cities,l thereshould a Contract be made, on condition of killing, if it were notperform'd, we must presuppose another Contract of not killing beforethe appointed day. Wherefore on that day, if there be no performance,the right of Warre returnes; that is, an hostile state, in which allthings are lawfull, and therefore resistance also. Lastly, by thecontract of not resisting, we are oblig'd of two Evills to make choiceof that which seemes the greater; for certaine Death is a greater evillthen Fighting; but of two Evills it is impossible not to chuse theleast: By such a Compact therefore we should be tyed to impossibili­ties, which is contrary to the very nature of compacts.

XIX. Likewise no man is tyed by any Compacts whatsoever toaccuse himself,b or any other, by whose dammage he is like toprocure himselfe a bitter2 life; wherefore neither is a Father oblig'dto bear witnesse against his Sonne, nor a Husband against his Wife,nor a Sonne against his Father; nor any man against anyone, by

The Compact ofself-accusation isinvalid.

[LeviathanXIV. 23.]

1 Realmes E, (cf. ERRATA).2 beller E, (cf. ERRATA).

a-a MS, L I: non videri . . . obligatos esse= [they seemed not sufficiently bound, how­ever much by the pacts they were bound not

to resist.]b MS, LI: accusandum; frustra ... necne

= [for it is useless for us to make himpromise, if when he has kept his promise, wedo not know whether or not he has kept it.]

60 LIBERTY Chap. II

The definitionof an Oath.

[Elements Xv. 15.Leviathan

XIV. 24, 25·]

The Swearingmust be conceiv'd

in that fashionwhich he uses,

who takes it.

[Elements XV. 16.LeviathanXIV. 25.]

Swearing addesnothing to the

Obligation whichis by Compact.

[Elements XV. 17.LeviathanXIV. 26.]

whose meanes he hath his subsistance; for in vain is that testimonywhich is presum'd to be corrupted from nature; but although noman be tyed to accuse himself by any compact, yet in a publiquetryalP he may, by torture, be forc'd to make answer; but such answersare no testimony of the fact, but helps for the searching out of truth;insomuch as whether the party tortur'd his answer be true, or false,or whether he answer not at all, whatsoever he doth, he doth it byRight.

XX. Swearing is a speech joyned to a promise, whereby thepromiser declares his renouncing of Gods mercy, unlesse he performhis word; which definition is contained in the words ·themselves,which have in them the very essence of an Oath, to wit, so God helpme, or other equivalent, as with the Romans, Doe thou Jupiter sodestroy the deceiver, as I slay this same Beast: R neither is this anylet,2 but that an Oath may as well sometimes be affirmatory, aspromissory; for he that confirmes his affirmation with an Oath,promiseth that he speaks truth. But though in some places it wasthe fashion for Subjects to Swear by their Kings; that custome tookits Originall hence, That those Kings took upon them Divine Honour;for Oathes were therefore introduc'd that by Religion, and considera­tion of the Divine Power men might have a greater dread of breakingtheir Faiths, then that wherewith they fear men, from whose eyestheir actions may lie hid.

XXI. Whence it followes, that an Oath must be conceived in thatforme which he useth, who takes it; for in vain is any man broughtto Swear by a God whom he beleeves not, and therefore neitherfeares him. For though by the light of nature it may be known thatthere is a God, yet no man thinks he is to Swear by him in anyother fashion, or by any other name then what is contain'd in theprecepts of his own proper, that is, (as he who Swears imagines)the true Religion.

XXII. By the definition of an Oath we may understand, that abare Contract obligeth no lesse, then that to which we are Sworn;for it is the contract which binds us, the Oath relates to the Divinepunishment, which it could not provoke, if the breach of contractwere not in its selfe unlawfull; but it could not be unlawfull if theContract were not obligatory. Furthermore, he that renounceth themercy of God obligeth himselfe not to any punishment, because it

1 = trial. 2 = hindrance (cf. L. Neque obstat). • L. Porcam [sow].

Chap. II LIBERTY 61

is ever lawfull to deprecate the punishment howsoever provok'd,and to enjoy Gods Pardon if it be granted. The onely effect thereforeof an Oath is this, To cause men who are naturally inclin'd to breakall manner of faith, through fear of punishment, to make the moreConscience of their words and actions.

XXIII. To exact an Oath, where the breach of contract, if any An Oath is not to

be made, cannot but be known, and where the party compacted, be prest but wherethe breach of

withall wants not power to punish, is to do somewhat more then is Contract can

necessary unto self-defence, and shewes a mind desirous not so much either be kept

to benefit it selfe, as to prejudice another. For an Oath, out of the private, or notf, f . . k . d h . . fG d bepunishtbutvery orm 0 swearIng, IS ta en In or er to t e provocation 0 0 S from Cod alone.

anger, that is to say, of him that is Omnipotent against those whotherefore violate their Faith, because they think, that by their ownstrength they can escape the punishment of men; and of him thatis Omniscient against those, who therefore usually break their trust,because they hope that no man shall see them.

CHAP. III.

Of the other Lawes of Nature.

I. The second Law of Nature is to perform Contracts. II. That trusta is to be heldwith all men without exception. III. What injury is. IV. Injury can be done to nonebut those with whom we Contract. V. The distinction ofJustice into that of men, andthat ofActions. VI. The distinction ofcommutative, and distributive Justice examin'd.VII. No injury can be done to him that is willing. VIII. The third Law of Natureconcerning Ingratitude. IX. The fourth Law of Nature, That every man renderhimselfe usefull. X. Thefifth Law, OfMercy. XI. The sixth Law, That punishmentsregard the future only. XII. The seventh Law, Against reproach. XIII. The eighthLaw, Against pride. XIV. The ninth Law, Of humility. XV. The tenth, Of equity,or against acceptance ofpersons. XVI. The eleventh, Of things to be had in common.XVII. The twelfth, Of things to be divided by Lot. XVIII. The thirteenth, Ofbirthright, and first possession. XIX. The fourteenth, Of the safeguard of them whoare Mediators for Peace. XX. The fifteenth, Of constituting an Umpire. XXI. Thesixteenth, That no man is judge in his own Cause. XXII. The seventeenth, ThatUmpires must be without all hope of reward from those whose Cause is to bejudged. XXIII. The eighteenth, Of witnesses. XXIV. The nineteenth, That therecan no Contract be made with the Umpire. XXV. The twentieth, Against Glutony;band all such things as hinder the use of Reason. XXVI. The Rule by which we maypresently know, whether, what we are doing, be against the Law of Nature, or not.XXVII. The Lawes of Nature oblige only in the Court of Conscience. XXVIII. The

a L. Fides (cf. marginal subtide below). b L. crapulam (more often means drunken­ness).

62 LIBERTY Chap. III

The second Lawof nature to

performContracts.

[Elements XVI. I.Leviathan XV. I.]

That Faitha is tobe kept with all

men withoutexception.

[Leviathancf. XV. 8.]

Injury defin'd.

[Elements XVI. 2.

Leviathan XIV. 7;cf. XV. I.]

Lawes ofNature are somtimes broke by doing things answerable to those Lawes. XXIX.The Lawes of Nature are unchangeable. XXX. Whosoever endevours to fulfill theLawes ofNature is a just man. XXXI. The naturall and morall Law are one. XXXII.How it comes to passe, that what hath been said of the Lawes of nature is not thesame with what Philosophers have delivered concerning the vertues. XXXIII. The Lawof Nature is not properly' a Law, but as it is delivered in Holy Writ.

I. }\Nother of the Lawes of Nature is, to performe Con-rt. tracts, or to keep trust; for it hath been shewed in the

foregoing Chapter that the Law of Nature commands every man,as a thing necessary, to obtain Peace; to conveigh certain rights fromeach to other, and that this (as often as it shall happen to be done)is called a Contract: But this is so farre forth onely conducible topeace, as we shall performe our selves, what we contract with others,shall be done, or omitted; and in vaine would Contracts be made,unlesse we stood to them. Because therefore, to stand to our Covenants,or to keep faith, is a thing necessary for the obtaining of peace,it will prove by the second Article of the second Chapter to bea precept of the naturall Law.

11.2 Neither is there in this matter, any exception of the persons,with whom we Contract, as if they keep no faith with others; orhold, that none ought to be kept, or are guilty of any other kind ofvice: for he that Contracts, in that he doth contract, denies thataction to be in vaine, and it is against reason for a knowing man todoe a thing in vain; and if he think himself not bound to keep it,in thinking so, he affirms the Contract to be made in vain: Hetherefore, who Contracts with one with whom he thinks he is notbound to keep faith, he doth at once think a Contract to be a thingdone in vaine, and not in vaine, which is absurd. Either thereforewe must hold trust with all men, or else not bargain with them;that is, either there must be a declared Warre, or a sure and faithfullPeace.

III. The breaking of a Bargain, as also the taking back of a gift,(which ever consists in some action, or omission) is called anINJURY: But that action, or omission, is called unjust, insomuchas an injury,3 and an unjust action, or omission, signifie the samething, and both are the same with breach of Contract and trust: Andit seemes the word Iniury came to be given to any action, or omission,because they were without Right; he that acted, or omitted, having

1 properply EI.3~; EI (cf. L).

2 II. absent EI. a L. Fides (cf. subtitle at head ofChapter).

Chap. III LIBERTY

before conveyed his Right to some other. And there is some likenessebetween that, which in the common course of life we call Injury;and that, which in the Schools is usually called Absurd. For evenas he, who by Arguments is driven to deny the Assertion whichhe first maintain'd, is said to be brought to an Absurdity; in likemanner, he who through weaknesse of mind does, or omits thatwhich before he had by Contract promis'd not to doe, or omit,commits l an Injury, and falls into no lesse contradiction, then he,who in the Schools is reduc'd to an Absurdity. For by contractingfor some future action, he wills it done; by not doing it, he wills itnot done, which is to will a thing done, and not done at the sametime, which is a contradiction. An Injury therefore is a kind ofabsurdity in conversation,as an absurdity is a kind of injury indisputation. 2

IV. From these grounds it followes, that an (*) injury can bedone to no man but him with whom3 we enter Covenant, or towhom3 somewhat is made over by deed of gift, or to whom somwhatis promis'd by way of 4 bargain. And4 therefore damaging and injuringare often disjoyn'd: for if a Master command his Servant, who hathpromis'd to obey him, to pay a summe of money, or carry somepresent to. a third man; the Servant, if he doe it not, hath indeeddamag'd this third party, but he injur'd his Master onely. So alsoin a civill government, if any man offend another, with whom hehath made no Contract, he damages him to whom the evill is done,but he injures none but him to whom the power of governmentbelongs: for if he, who receives the hurt, should expostulate themischief; and he that did it, should answer thus, What art thou tome? Why should I rather doe according to yours, then mine ownewill, since I do not hinder, but you may do your own, and not mymind? In which speech,s where there hath no manner of pre-contractpast, I see not, I confesse, what is reprehensible.

Injury can be done against no man] The word injustice relates tosome Law: Injury to some Person, as well as some Law. For what'sunjust, is unjust to all; but there mayan injury be done, and yet notagainst me, nor thee, but some other; and sometimes against no privateperson, but the Magistrate only; sometimes also neither against theMagistrate, nor any private man, but onely against God; for throughContract, and conveighance of Right, we say, that an injury is done

An injury canonely be done tohim with whomwe Contract.

[Elements XVI. 3.LeviathanXV. 10.]

Annotation.

1 comits EI.3 who EI.

2 [ef. Kant.] 4-4 "-. "- I.e. EI (ef. L).5 speech EI.

LIBERTY Chap. III

The distinction ofJustice into that

of men andactions.

against this, or that man. Hence it is (which we see in all kind ofGovernment) that what private men contract between themselves byword, or writing, is releast againe at the will of the Obliger. But thosemischiefts which are done against the Lawes of the Land, as theft,homicide, and the like, are punisht not as he wills, to whom the hurtis done, but according to the will ofthe Magistrate; that is, the constitutedLawes.a

V.I These words just, and unjust, as also justice, and 2 injustice, areequivocall; for they signifie one thing when they are attributed toPersons, another when to actions: When they are attributed toActions,Just signifies as much as what's done with Right, and unjust,

[Elements XVI. 4·Leviathan XV. 9.] as what's done with injury: he who hath done some just thing is not

therefore said to be a just Person, but guiltlesse, and he that hathdone some unjust thing, we doe not therefore say he is an unjust,but guilty man. But when the words are applyed to Persons; to bejust, signifies as much as to be delighted in just dealing, to studyhow to doe righteousnesse, or to indeavour in all things to doe thatwhich is just; and to be unjust, is to neglect righteous dealing, or tothink it is to be measured not according to myb contract, but somepresent benefit; so as the justice or injustice of the mind, the intention,or the man, is one thing; that of an action, or omission, another;and innumerable actions of a just man may be unjust, and of anunjust man, just: But that man is to be accounted just, who dothjust things because the Law commands it, unjust things only byreason of his infirmity; and he is properly said to be unjust who dothrighteousness for fear of the punishment annext unto the Law, andunrighteousnesse by reason of the iniquity of his mind.

The distinction of VI. The justice of actions is commonly distinguisht into twocommutative and kinds' Commutative and Distributive the former whereof they say

distributive . ' . A' h '. II hi' 'G . II . 3 dJustice examin'd. conSIsts In nt metlca ,t e atter In eometnca proportIOn: an[Elements XVI. 5. thatC is conversant in exchanging, in buying, selling, borrowing,

Leviathan XV. 12.] lending, location, and conduction, and other acts whatsoever belong-ing to Contracters, where, if there be an equall return made, hencethey say springs a commutative justice: But this d is busied about thedignity, and merits of men; so as if there be rendred to every man

1 '" 1\ El.2 and in italics EI (ef. L).3 "-, EI (cf. L).

a L = laws. And so injury against this man

cannot arise except after a conveyance ofrightto him.

b L. suo [his].c L. IlIam [ = the former].d L. Hane [ = the latter].

Chap. III LIBERTY 65

IKard. r.qv dgtav 1 more to him who is more worthy, and lesseto him that deserves lesse, and that proportionably, hence they sayariseth distributive justice: I acknowledge here some certaine distinc­tion of equality; to wit, that one is an equality simply so called, aswhen two things of equall value are compar'd together, as a poundof silver with twelve ounces of the same silver; the other is anequality, 2secundum quoda, 2 as when a 1000. pound is to be dividedto an hundred men, 600. pounds are given to 60. men, and 400. to40. where there is no equality between 600. and 400. But3 when ithappens, that there is the same inequality in the number of themto whom it is -distributed, everyone of them shall take an equallpart, whence it is called an equall distribution: But such like equalityis the same thing with Geometricall proportion. But what is all thisto Justice? for neither, if I sell my goods for as much as I can getfor them, doe I injure the buyer, who sought, and desir'd them ofme? neither if I divide more of what is mine to him who deserveslesse, so long as I give the other what I have agreed for, do I wrongto either? which truth our Saviour himself, being God, testifies inthe Gospell.4 This therefore is no distinction ofJustice, but of equality;yet perhaps it cannot be deny'd, but that Justice is a certain equality,as consisting in this onely; that since we are all equall by nature,one should not arrogate more Right to himselfe, then he grants toanother, unlesse he have fairly gotten it by Compact. And let thissuffice to be spoken against this distinction ofJustice, although nowalmost generally receiv'd by all, lest any man should conceive aninjury to be somewhat else, then the breach of Faith, or Contract,as hath been defin'd above.

VII. It is an old saying, Volenti non fit iniuria (the willing manreceives no injury) yet the truth of it may be deriv'd from ourPrinciples. For grant, that a man be willing that that should be done,which he conceives to be an injury to him; why then that is doneby his will, which by Contract was not lawfull to be done; but hebeing willing that should be done, which was not lawfull by Contract,the Contract it self (by the 15. 5 Article of the foregoing Chapter)becomes void: The Right therefore of doing it returnes, therefore itis done by Right; wherefore it is no injury.

No injury can bedone to him thatis willing.

[LeviathanXV. 11.]

1-1 = according to his worth.2-2 = according to something (secundum

quod renders the normal Greek philosophicalterm for relative). 3 '" I.e. E1.

4 [ef. Matthew 20. 1-16.]5 '" /\ EI (cf. L; also III. 24, below).

a L = quid.

66 LIBERTY Chap. III

The fourth Lawof nature, that

every man renderhimself usefull.

[Elements XVI. 8.Leviathan XV. 14.]

The third Law VIII. The third precept of the Natural! Law, is, That you sufferof nature of not him to be the worse for you, who out of the confidence he had inmgratttude. fi d'd d1 h ifi b . hyou, rst t you a goo turn; or t at you accePt not a gl t, ut wit

[Elements . d d h h . h II h . .XVI. 6, 7. a mm to en eavour, t at t e gIver s a ave no Just occasIOn to repent

Leviathan XV. 13·] him of his gift. For without this he should act without reason thatwould conferre a benefit where he sees it would be lost; and bythis meanes all beneficence, and trust, together with all kind ofbenevolence would be taken from among men, neither would therebe ought of mutuall assistance among them, nor any commencementof gaining grace and favour; by reason whereof the state of Warrewould necessarily remain, contrary to the fundamental! Law ofNature:But because the breach of this Law is not a breach of trust, orcontract, (for we suppose no Contracts to have pass'd among them)therefore is it not usually termed an iniury, but because good turnsand thankes have a mutuall eye to each other, it is calledINGRATITUDE.

IX. The fourth precept of Nature, is, That every man renderhimself useful! unto others: which, that we may rightly understand,we must remember that there is in men, a diversity of dispositionsto enter into society, arising from the diversity of their affections,not unlike that which is found in stones, brought together in theBuilding, by reason of the diversity of their matter, and 2figure. For2

as a stone, which in regard of its sharp and angular form takes upmore room from other stones then it fils up it selfe, neither becauseof the hardnesse of its matter cannot well be prest together, or easilycut, and would hinder the building from being fitly compacted, iscast away, as not fit for use: so a man, who for the harshness of hisdisposition in retaining superfluities for himself, and detaining ofnecessaries from others,3 and being incorrigible, by reason of thestubbornnesse of his affections, is commonly said to be uselesse, andtroublesome unto others. Now, because each one not by Right onely,but even by natural! necessity is suppos'd, with all his main might,to intend the procurement of those things which are necessary tohis own preservation; if any man will contend on the other side forsuperfluities, by his default there will arise a Warre, because thaton him alone there lay no necessity of contending, he therefore actsagainst the fundamental! Law of Nature: Whence it foIlowes (whichwee were to shew) that it is a precept of nature; That every man

1 good a turn EI. 2-2 ~; ~ I.e. EI (ef. L). 3 ~; EI (cf. L).

Chap. III LIBERTY

The fift Law ofnature ofmercifulnesse.

[Elements XVI. 9.Leviathan XV. IS.]

accommodate himselfe to others. But he who breaks this Law maybe called use/esse, and troublesome. Yet Cicero opposeth inhumanityto this usefulnesse, as having regard to this very Law.

X. The fift precept of the Law of nature is: That we must forgivehim who repents, and asketh pardon for what is past; having first takencaution for the time to come. The pardon of what is past, or theremission of an offence, is nothing else but the granting of peace tohim that asketh it, after he hath warr'd against us, & now is becomepenitent. But Peace granted to him that repents not, that is, to himthat retains an hostile mind, or that gives not caution for the future;that is, seeks not peace, but oportunity, is not properly peace butfiare, and therefore is not commanded by nature. Now to him thatwill not pardon the penitent, and that gives future caution, peace itselfe it seems is not pleasing; which is contrary to the natural! Law.

XI. The sixth precept of the naturall Law is, That in revenge The sixth Law

and punishments we must have our eye not at the evil! past, but the that punishments

fi d 1 Th . I' Ifill' £1" . h fi onely regard theuture goo. at IS: t IS not aw u to In 1ct pums ment or any future.

other end, but that the offender may be corrected, or that others [Elements XVI. 10.

warned by his punishment may become better. But this is confirmed Leviathan XV. 16.]

chiefly from hence, that each man is bound by the law of nature toforgive one another, provided he give caution for the future, as hathbeen shewed in the foregoing Article. Furthermore, because revenge,if the time past be onely considered, is nothing else but a certaintriumph, and glory of minde, which points at no end, (for itcontemplates onely what is past; but the end is a thing to corne)but that which is directed to no end is vain; That revenge thereforewhich regards not thefuture, proceeds from vaine glory, and thereforewithout reason. But to hurt another without reason introduces awarre, and is contrary to the fundamental! Law of Nature; It istherefore a precept of the Law of nature, that in revenge wee looknot backwards but forward. Now the breach ofthis Law, is commonlycalled CRUELTY.

XII. But because all signes of hatred, and contempt provoke most The seventh Law

of all to brawling and fighting, insomuch as most men would rather of natu,: against

lose their lives, (that I say not their Peace) then suffer reproach2.a, slander.. fi 11 . h h I Th" 'b d b h L [Elements XVI. II.It 0 owes In t e sevent p ace, at It IS prescn e y t e aw Leviathan XV. 17.]

of nature, that no man either by deeds, or words, countenance, orlaughfer, doe declare himselft to hate, or scorne another. The breach

1 [cf. Bentham.]2 slander EI (cf. ERRATA).

• L. contumeliam (cf. below; also subtitleat head of Chapter).

68 LIBERTY Chap. III

The eight Lawagainst Pride.'

[Elements XVII. 1.

Leviathan XV. 18.]

The ninth Lawof humility.

[Elements XVII. 2.

Leviathan XV. 19.]

of which Law is called Reproach.a But although nothing be morefrequent then the scoffes and jeers of the powerfull against the weak,and namely of Judges against guilty persons, which neither relateto the offence of the guilty, nor the duty of the Judges, yet thesekind of men do act against the Law ofnature, and are to be esteemedfor contumelious.b

XIII. The question whether of two men be the more worthy,belongs not to the naturall, but civill state;2 for it hath been shewedbefore, Chap. 1. Art. 3. that all men by nature are equall, andtherefore the inequality which now is, suppose from riches, power,nobility of kindred, is come from the civil! Law. I know that Aristotlein his first book of Politiques affirmes as a foundation of the whole3politicall science,3 that some men by nature are made worthy tocommand, others onely to serve;4 as if cLord and MasterC weredistinguished not by consent of men, but by an aptnesse, that is,a certain kind of naturall knowledge, or ignorance; which foundationis not onely against reaS6n (as but now hath been shewed) but alsoagainst experience: for neither almost is any man so dull ofunderstanding as not to judge it better to be ruled by himselfe, thento yeeld himselfe to the government ofanother; neither if the wiserd . 5

and stronger doe contest, have thesee ever, or often6 the upper handof those. r Whether therefore men be equall by nature, the equalityis to be acknowledged, or whether unequall, because they are liketo contest for dominion, its necessary for the obtaining ofPeace, thatthey be esteemed as equal!;7 and therefore it is in the eight place aprecept of the Law of nature, That every man be accounted by natureequal! to another, the contrary to which Law is PRIDE.

XIV. As it was necessary to the conservation of each man, thathe should part with some of his Rights, so it is no lesse necessaryto the same conservation, that he retain some others, to wit the Rightof bodily protection, of free enjoyment of ayre,8 water, and allnecessaries for life. Since therefore many common Rights are retainedby those who enter into a peaceable state, and that many peculiar

1,,", /\ EI.2 "-, EI (cf. L).3-3 [An early use in English of the term

'political science'.]4 ........ , El.5 weaker EI (cf. ERRATA; also L).6 after EI (cf. ERRATA); L = always or

often (semper auI saepe).7 "-', EI.

8 = air.

a L. CONTVMELIA.b L. contumeliosis.c-c L _= Master and servant (Dominus &

seruus).d L = wiser (sapientiores).e L. illi [ = the former].f L. his [= the latter].

Chap. III LIBERTY

ones are also acquired, hence ariseth this ninth dictate of the naturallLaw, to wit, That what Rights soever any man challenges to himselfe,he also grant the same as due to all the rest: otherwise he frustratesthe equality acknowledged in the former Article. For what is it elseto acknowledge an equality of persons in the making up of society,but to attribute equall Right and Power to those whom no reasonwould else engage to enter into society? But to ascribe equall thingsto equalls, is the same with giving things proportionall to propor­tionals. l The observation of this Law is called MEEKNES, theviolation 7TA€ov€gta,2 the breakers by the Latines are styled 3Immodicif5 immodesti.3

XV. In the tenth place it is commanded by the Law of nature,That every man in dividing Right to others, shew himselfe equall toeither party. By the foregoing Law we are forbidden to assume moreRight by nature to our selves, then we grant to others. We may takelesse if we will, for that sometimes is an argument of modesty. Butif at any time matter of Right be to be divided by us unto others,we are forbidden by this Law to favour one more or lesse thenanother. For he that by favouring one before another, observes notthis naturall equality, reproaches him whom he thus undervalues:but it is declared above, that a reproach is against the Lawes ofNature. The observance of this Precept is called EQUITY; thebreach, Respect of Persons. The Greeks in one word term it7TpOaW7TOA7J.pta. 5

XVI. From the foregoing Law is collected thisa eleventh, Thosethings which cannot be divided, must be used in common, (if they can)and (that the quantity of the matter permit) every man as much as helists, but if the quantity permit not, then with limitation, and propor­tionally to the number of the users: for otherwise that equality can byno means be observed, which we have shewed in the forgoing Articleto be commanded by the Law of Nature.

XVII. Also what cannot be divided, nor had in common, it isprovided by the Law of nature (which may be the twelfth Precept)that the use of that thing be either by turns, or adjudged to one onelyby lot, and that in the using it by turns, it be also decided by lot who

4The tenth Lawof Nature, ofEquity, oragainst theaccepting ofpersons. 4

[Elements cf.XVII. 2.

Leviathan XV. 20.]

The 11.· law, ofthings to be hadin common.

[Elements XVII. 3.Leviathan XV. 21.]

The 12. law, ofthings to bedivided by lot.

[Elements XVII. 4.Leviathan XV. 22.]

1 "-, E1 (cf. L). 2 = arrogance.3--3 = immoderate and overbearing.4-4 The eleventh law, oj things to be had in

common. E1 (cf. ERRATA; also subtitles athead of Chap., and paras. XIV, XVI).

s = respect of persons [New English Bible

-favouritism; Revised Standard Version­partiality].

• [Cf. subtitles at head of Chap. continuewith ordinal numerals; also L.]

• E 1 adds this.

70 LIBERTY Chap. III

The 16. law, thatno man must be

judge in his ownecause.

shall have the first use of it; For here also regard is to be had untoequality: but no other can be found, but that of lot.

The 13. law, of XVIII. But all lot is twofold; arbitrary, or naturall; Arbitrary isbirth-right and that which is cast by the consent of the Contenders, and it consistsfirst possessIOn. . h (h ) fi N 11 . . . (.

III meer c ance as t ey say or ortune. atura IS prlmogemture III[Elements XVII. 5· 1Leviathan XV. 23.] Greek K),:fJPovoll,{a, as it were given by lot) or first possession.

Therefore the things which can neither be divided, nor had incommon, must be granted to the first possessour, as also those thingswhich belonged to the Father are due to the Sonne, unlesse theFather himselfe have formerly conveighed away that Right to someother. Let this therefore stand for the thirteenth Law of Nature.

The 14. law, of XIX. The 14 Precept of the Law of nature is; That safety mustthe safety of be assured to the Mediatorsfor Peace. For the reason which commands

those who areMediators for the end, commands also the means necessary to the end. But the

Peace. first dictate of Reason is Peace; All the rest are means to obtain it,[Elements XVI. 13. and without which Peace cannot be had. But neither can Peace beLeviathan XV. 24·] had without mediation, nor mediation without safety; it is therefore

a dictate of Reason, that is, a Law of nature, That we must give allsecurity to the Mediators for Peace.

The IS. law, of XX. Furthermore, because, although men should agree to makeappointingan all these, and whatsoever other Lawes of Nature, and should

umpire. endeavour to keep them, yet doubts, and controversies would daily[Elements XVII. 6.Leviathan XV. 25.] arise concerning the application of them unto their actions, to wit,

whether what was done, were against the Law, or not, (which wecall, the QJ.Iestion of Right) whence will follow a fight betweenParties, either sides supposing themselves wronged; it is thereforenecessary to the preservation of Peace (because in this case no otherfit remedy can possibly be thought on) that both the disagreeingParties refer the matter unto some third, and oblige themselves bymutuall compacts to stand to his judgement in deciding the con­troversie. And he to whom they thus refer themselves is called anArbiter. It is therefore the 15. Precept of the naturall Law, Thatboth parties disputing concerning the matter of right submit themselvesunto the opinion and judgement of some third.

XXI. But from this ground, that an Arbiter or Judge is chosenby the differing Parties to determine the controversie, we gather,that the Arbiter must not be one of the Parties: for every man ispresumed to seek what is good for himselfe naturally, and what is

1 7TA'lPovofLta EI (cf. L) [= inheritance].

Chap. III LIBERTY 7'

[Elements cf.XVII. 6.Leviathan XV. 26.]

just, onely for Peaces sake, and accidentally; and therefore cannotobserve that same equality commanded by the Law of nature soexactly as a third man would do: It is therefore in the sixteenthplace contained in the Law of nature, That no man must be Judge orArbiter! in his own cause.

The '7. law, that

XXII. From the same ground followes in the seventeenth place, Arbhiters mlluhst be .rWtt out a ope OJ

That no man must be Judge who propounds2 unto himself any hope of reward from the

profit, or glory, from the victory of either part: for the like reason parties whose cause

swayes here, as in the foregoing Law. is to be judged.[Elements cf. XVII. 7.Leviathan XV. 27.]

The 183 law, ofwitnesses.

XXIII. But when there is some controversie of the fact it selfe,to wit, whether that bee done or not, which is said to bee done, thenatural! Law wills, that the Arbiter trust both Parties alike, that is, [Leviathan

(because they affirm contradictories) that hee believe neither: He XV. 28.]

must therefore give credit to a third, or a third and fourth, or more,that he may be able to give judgement of the fact, as often as byother signes he cannot come to the knowledge of it. The 18. Lawofnature therefore injoynes Arbiters, and Iudges4 of fact, That wherefirm and certain signes of the fact appear not, there they rule theirsentence by such witnesses, as seem to be indifferent to both Parts.

XXIV. From the above declared definition of an Arbiter may be The '9. law, that

furthermore understood That no contract or promise must passe no contract is tob h' d h ' . hId h' . d b be made with theetween 1m an t e partIes w ose u ge e IS appointe, y vertue judge.

whereof he may be engaged to speak in favour of either part, Snay, or 5 [Elements

be oblig'd to judge according to equity, or to pronounce such sentence XVII. 7.]

as he shal! truly judge to be equal!. The Judge is indeed bound6 togive such sentence as he shall judge to be equall by the Law ofNature re-counted in the 15. Article. To the obligation of whichLaw nothing can be added by way of Compact. Such compacttherefore would be in vain. Besides, if giving wrong judgement, heshould contend for the equity of it, except such Compact be of noforce, the Controversie would remain after Judgement given, whichis contrary7 to the constitution of an Arbiter, who is so chosen, asboth parties have oblig'd themselves to stand to the judgement whichhe should pronounce. The Law of Nature therefore commands theJudge 8to be dis-engaged,8 which is its 19 precept.

1 Arhiter Er.3 10. E1.5--5 = nor even.

2 proponnds E r.4 = Judges.

6 hound Er.7 con rary EI.8-8 be to dis-engag'd EI (cf. ERRATA).

LIBERTY Chap. III

[ElementsXVII. 10.

Leviathan XV. 3r.]

The 20.

Law, againstGluttony,· and

such things ashinder the use

of Reason.

[Leviathan cf.XV. 29.]

XXV. Farthermore, forasmuch as the Lawes ofNature are noughtelse but the dictates of Reason, so as, unlesse a man endeavour topreserve the faculty of right reasoning, he cannot observe the Lawesof Nature, it is manifest, that he, who knowingly, or willingly, dothought, whereby the rationall faculty may be destroyed, or weakned,he knowingly, and willingly, breaks the Law of nature: For there isno difference between a man who performes not his Duty, and himwho does such things willingly, as make it impossible for him to doeit. But they destroy and weaken the reasoning faculty, who doe thatwhich disturbs the mind from its naturall state; that which mostmanifestly happens to Drunkards and Gluttons: we therefore sin inthe 20 place against the Law of Nature by Drunkennesse.

The rule by which XXVI. Perhaps some man, who sees all these precepts of Naturea man may deriv'd by a certain artifice from the single dictate of Reason advising

presently knowwhether what he us to look to the preservation, and safegard of our selves, will say,

is about to act, be That the deduction of these Lawes is so hard, that it is not to beagainst the law of expected they will be vulgarly known, and therefore neither will

nature, or not. they prove obliging: for Lawes, if they be not known, oblige not,[EDlemeents XVfIII. 9: nay, indeed are not Lawes. To this I answer, it's true, That hope,

e weco .4,cf. XVII. 8. fiar, anger, ambition, covetousnesse, vain glory, and other perturbations

Leviathan XV. 30.] of mind, doe hinder a man so, as he cannot attaine to the knowledge

of these Lawes, whilst those passions prevail in him: But there isno man who is not sometimesI in a quiet mind; At that time thereforethere is nothing easier for him to know, though he be never so rudeand unlearn'd, then this only Rule, That when he doubts, whetherwhat he is now doing to another, may be done by the Law ofNature,or not, he conceive himselfe to be in that others stead. Here instantlythose perturbations which perswaded him to the fact, being nowcast into the other scale, disswade him as much: And this Rule isnot onely easie, but is Anciently celebrated in these words, Quodtibi fieri2 non vis, alteri ne ficeris: Do not that to others, you wouldnot have done to your self

The lawes of XXVII. But because most men, by reason of their perverse desirenature oblige only of present profit, are very unapt to observe these Lawes, although

tn the court of , .Conscience. acknowledg d by them, If perhaps some others more humble then

the rest should exercise that equity and usefulnesse which Reasondictates, those not practising the same, surely they would not followReason in so doing; nor would they hereby procure themselves peace,

1 somettmes EI.2 sieri EI.

a L. crapulam (cf. spelling and note at headof Chapter).

Chap. III LIBERTY 73

but a more certain quick destruction, and the keepers of the Lawbecome a meer prey to the breakers of it. It is not therefore to beimagin'd, that by Nature, (that is, by Reason) men are oblig'd tothe (*) exercise of all these Lawes in that state of me!1 wherein theyare not practis'd by others. We are oblig'd yet in the interim toa readinesse of mind to observe them whensoever their observationshall seeme to conduce to the end for which they were ordain'd.We must therefore conclude, that the Law of Nature doth alwayes,and every where oblige in the internall Court, or that of Conscience,but not alwayes in the externall Court, but then onely when it maybe done with safety.

The exercise of all these Lawes] Nay among these Lawes some Annotation.

things there are, the omission whereof (provided it be done for Peace,or Self-preservation) seemes rather to be the fulfilling, then breach ofthe Naturall Law; for he that doth all things against those that doeall things, and plunders plunderers, doth equity; but on the other side,to doe that which in peace is an handsome action, and becomming anhonest man, is dejectednesse, and poornesse of spirit, and a betrayingof ones self in the time of War. But there are certain naturall Lawes,whose exercise ceaseth not even in the time of War it self; for I cannotunderstand what drunkennesse, or cruelty (that is, Revenge which respectsnot the future good) can advance toward peace, or the preservation ofany man. Briefly, in the state ofnature, what's just, and unjust, is-not tobe esteem'd by the Actions, but by the Counsell, and Conscience of theActor. That which is done out of necessity, out of endeavour for peace,

. for the preservation of our selves, is done with Right; otherwise everydamage done to a man would be a breach of the naturall Law, and aninjury against God.

XXVIII. But the Lawes which oblige Conscience, may be broken ~~e Lawes of1 vature are some-

by an act, not onely contrary to them, but also agreeable with them, times broken by

if so be that he who does it be of another opinion: for though the an act agreeable

act it self be answerable to the Lawes, yet his Conscience is against to those Lawes.the [Elements XVII. 13·

m. Leviathan XV. 3I.]

XXIX. The Lawes of Nature are immutable, and eternall: Whatthey forbid, can never be lawfull; what they command, can neverbe unlawfull: For pride, ingratitude, breach of Contracts l (or injury), 2

inhumanity, contumely, will never be lawfull; nor the contrary vertues

The Lawes ofNature areimmutable.

[LeviathanXV. 32.]

1 "", EI. 2 "-) /\ EI.

74 LIBERTY Chap. III

He whoendeavours to

fulfill the LawesofNature, is just.

[LeviathanXV. 33.]

The naturallLaw is the samewith the morall.

[ElementsXVII. 14.LeviathanXV. 34.]

to these ever unlawfull, as we take them for dispositions of the mind,that is, as they are considered in the Court of Conscience, whereonely they oblige, and are Lawes. Yet actions may be so diversifiedby circumstances, and the Civill Law, that what's done with equityat one time, is guilty of iniquity at another; and what suits withreason at one time, is contrary to it another. Yet Reason is still thesame, and changeth not her end, which is Peace, and Defence; northe meanes to attaine them, to wit, those vertues of the minde whichwe have declar'd above, and which cannot be abrogated by anyCustome, or Law whatsoever.

XXX. It's evident by what hath hitherto been said, how easilythe Lawes of Nature are to be observ'd, because they require theendeavour onely, (but that must be true and constant) which whoso shall performe, we may rightly call him JUST. For he who tendsto this with his whole might, namely, that his actions be squar'daccording to the precepts of Nature, he shewes clearly that he hatha minde to fulfill all those Lawes, which is all we are oblig'd toby rationall nature. Now he that hath done all he is oblig'd to, is 1

a Just Man.XXXI. All Writers doe agree that the Natural! Law is the same

with the Moral!. Let us see wherefore this is true. We must knowtherefore, that Good and Evil! are names given to things to signifiethe inclination, or aversion of them by whom they were given. Butthe inclinations of men are diverse, according to their diverseConstitutions, Customes, Opinions; as we may see in those thingswe apprehend by sense, as by tasting, touching, smelling; but muchmore in those which pertain to the common actions of life, wherewhat this man commends, (that is to say, calls Good) the otherundervalues, as being Evil; Nay, very often the same man at diversetimes, praises, and dispraises the same thing. Whilst thus they doe,necessary it is there should be discord, and strife: They are thereforeso long in the state of War, as by reason of the diversity of thepresent appetites, they mete Good and Evill by diverse measures.All men easily acknowledge this state,2 as long3 as they are in it, tobe evill, and by consequence that Peace is good. They therefore whocould not agree concerning a present, doe agree concerning a futureGood, which indeed is a work of Reason; for things present areobvious to the sense, things to come to our Reason only. Reason

1 itEI. Z "'" 1\ Er. 3,","" Er.

Chap. III LIBERTY 75

declaring Peace to be good, it followes by the same reason, that allthe necessary means to Peace be good also, and therefore, thatModesty, Equity, Trust, Humanity, Mercy (which we have demon­strated to be "necessary to Peace) are good Manners, or habits, (thatis) Vertues. The Law therefore, in the means to Peace, commandsalso Good Manners, or the practise of Vertue: And therefore it iscall'd Moral!.

XXXII. But because men cannot put off this same irrationall Whence it comes

appetite, whereby they greedily prefer the present good (to which, to passe, that. 1 . what hath been

by strict consequence, many lunfore-seen evI11s doe adhere) before said concerning

the future, it happens, that though all men doe agree in the the Law, is not

commendation of the foresaid vertues, yet they disagree still concern- the same with. h' N " h h f h d h . fi what hath beenmg t elr ature, to wit, m w at eac 0 t em ot consist; or as delivered by

oft as anothers good action displeaseth any man, that action hath Philosophers

the name given of some neighbouring vice; likewise the bad actions, concerning the

which please them, are ever entituled to some Vertue; whence it Vertues.

comes to passe that the same Action is prais'd by these, and call'd [ElementsXVII.14·

Vertue, and dispraised by those, and termed vice. Neither is there Leviathan xv. 34.1as yet any remedy found by Philosophers for this matter; for sincethey could not observe the goodnesse of actions to consist in this,that it was in order to Peace, and the evill in this, that it related todiscord, they built a moral! Philosophy wholly estranged from themoral! Law, and unconstant to it self; for they would have the nat\J.reof vertues seated in a certain kind of mediocrity betweene two extremes,and the vices in the extremes themselves;2 which is apparently false:For to dare is commended, and under the name ofJortitude is takenfor a ·vertue, although it be an extreme, if the cause be approved.Also the quantity of a thing given, whether it be great, or little, orbetween both, makes not liberality, but the cause of giving it. Neitheris it injustice, if I give any man more, of what is mine own, then Iowe him. The Lawes oj Nature therefore are the summe of Moral!Philosophy, whereof I have onely delivered such precepts in thisplace, as appertain to the preservation of our selves against thosedangers which arise from discord. But there are other precepts ofrational! nature, from whence spring other vertues: for temperancealso is a precept of Reason, because intemperance tends to sicknesse,and death. And so fortitude too, (that is) that same faculty of resistingstoutly in present dangers, (and which are more hardly declined

}-1 unfore-seen- E I . 2 [Cf. Arislode Nicomachean Ethics II. 6 (IIo6b).]

LIBERTY Chap. III

then overcome) because it is a means tending to the preservation ofhim that resists.

The Law of XXXIII. But those which we call the Lawes ofnature (since theynature is not are nothing else but certain conclusions understood by Reason, of

properb

lyt a latw, things to be done, and omitted; but a Law to speak properly andu as, ,s

delivered in holy accurately, is the speech of him who by Right commands somewhatScripture. to others to be done, or omitted) are not (in propriety of speech)

[Elements Lawes, as they proceed from nature; yet as they are delivered byLev;atha;~~·3~~j God in holy Scriptures, (as we shall see in the Chapter following)

they are most properly called by the name of Lawes: for the sacredScripture is the speech ofGod commanding over all things by greatestRight.

CHAP. IV.

That the Law ofNature is a Divine Law.

'[I. The naturall, and morall Law is divine. II. Which is confirmed in Scripture ingenerall. III. Specially in regard ofthe fundamentalllaw ofnature in seeking ofpeace.IV. Also in regard of the first law of nature in abolishing all things to be had incommon. V. Also the second law of nature, concerning faith to be kept. VI. Also ofthe third law, ofthankfulnesse. VII. Also the fourth law, ofrendring our selves usefull.VIII. Also ofthe fifth law, concerning mercy. IX. Also ofthe sixth law, that punishmentonely looks at the future. X. Also of the seventh law, concerning slander. XI. Also ofthe eighth, against pride. XII. Also ofthe ninth, ofequity. XIII. Also the 10. againstrespect ofPersons. XIV. Also ofthe I I. Law, Ofhaving t/lose things in common whichcannot be divided. XV. Also of the 12. Of things to be divided by Lot. XVI. Also ofappointing a Judge. XVII. Also of the 17. Law, That the Arbiters must receive noreward for their Sentence. XVIII. Also of the 18. concerning Witnesses. XIX. Alsoof the 20. Law, against Drunkennesse. XX. Also in respect of that which hath beensaid, that the Law of Nature is eternall. XXI. Also that the Lawes of Nature doepertain to Conscience. XXII. Also that the lawes ofnature are easily observ'd. XXIII.Lastly in respect of the Rule by which a man may presently know whether what he isabout to act be against the law of nature, or not. XXIV. The law of Christ is the lawof nature.],

The naturall, andmorall law is

divine.

[ElementsXVIII. 1.]

I. THE same Law which is Naturall, and Morall, isalso wont to be called Divine, nor undeservedly, as well

because Reason, which is the law of Nature, is given by God toevery man for the rule of his actions; as because the precepts of

1-1 [The table of subtitles at the head ofthis Chapter is absent E1. The present table

has been compiled by the Editor from themarginal subtitles of E1.]

Chap. IV LIBERTY 77

living which are thence derived, are the same with those which havebeen delivered from the divine Majesty, for the LAWES of hisheavenly Kingdome, by our Lord Iesus Christ, and his holy Prophetsand Apostles. What therefore by reasoning we have understood aboveconcerning the law of nature, we will endeavour to confirme thesame in this Chapter by holy writ.

II. But first we will shew those places in which it is declared, Which is

that the Divine Law is seated in right reason. Psalm 37. a.1[30, 31]1. confirmed in

T'h h if h . h '11 b . d' . d d h' . SCripture Ine mout 0 t e rIg teous WI e exercIse m WIS ome, an IS tongue general/.

will be talking of Iudgement: The law of God is in his heart. Jerem. [Elements

31. 33. I will put my law in their inward parts, and write it in their XVIII. 2.]

hearts. Psal. 19. 7. The law ofthe Lord is an undefiled law, convertingthe soule. ver. 8. The Commandement of the Lord is pure, and givethlight unto the eyes. Deuteron. 30. I I. This Commandement which Icommand thee this day, it is not hidden from thee, neither is it far off?&c. verso 14. But the word is very nigh unto thee, in thy mouth, andin thine heart; that thou maist doe it. Psal. 119. [34]3. Give meunderstanding, and I shall keep thy law. verso 105. Thy word is a lampunto my ftet, and a light unto my paths. Proverbs 9. 10. The knowledgeofthe holy is understanding. John I. I. Christ the Law-giver himselfeis called the word. verso 9. The same Christ is called the true light'that lighteth every man that cometh in the world. All which aredescriptions of right reason, whose dictates, we have shewed before,are the lawes ofnature.

III. But that which wee set downe for the fundamentall law of Specially in

nature, namely, that Peace was to be sought for, is also the summe regard of the

f th d·· I '11 b 'f, b h I R fundamental/lawo e Ivme aw, WI e mall! est y t ese p aces. om. 3· 17· of nature in

Righteousnesse, (which is the summe of the law) is called the way of seeking ofpeace.

Peace Psal. 85. 10. Righteousnesse and Peace have kissed each other. [Elements

Matth. 5. 9. Blessed are the Peace-makers, for they shall be called the XVIII. 3·]

children of God. And after Saint Paul in his 6. Chapter to theHebrewes, and the last verse had called Christ (the Legislator ofthat law we treat of) an High-Priest for ever after the order ofMelchizedeck;4 he addes in the following Chapter, the first verse,

1~1 31 , 32 EI.2 oJEI.3 14 EI.4 Melehizedeck E I.

• L. Psalm 36 [Refers to the same Psalmas EI. Some versions of the Latin Psalter

differ from the English in having Psalms 9and 10 printed as one, and in dividing Psalm147 into two parts at verse II. Here andelsewhere the psalm-numbers were adjustedin Er. Verses 30, 31, however, is the correctreference for both versions].

LIBERTY Chap. IV

This Melchizedeck was King of Salem, Priest of the most high God,l&c. verso 2. First being by interpretation King of Righteousnesse, andafter that also King of Salem, which is, King of peace. Whence it iscleare, that Christ the King in his Kingdome placeth Righteousnesseand Peace together. Psal. 34 [I4Y Eschue evill and doe good, seekpeace and ensue it. Isaiah 9. 6, 7. Unto us a child is born, unto us aSonne is given, and the government shall be upon his shoulder, and hisname shall be called Wonderfull, Counsellour, the mighty God, theeverlasting Father, the Prince of peace. Isaiah 52. 7. How beautifullupon the mountaines are the feet ofhim that bringeth good tidings, thatpublisheth peace, that bringeth good tidings of good, that publishethsalvation, that saith unto Sion, thy God reigneth! 3 Luke 2. 14. In theNativity of Christ, the voice of them that praised God saying, Glorybe to God on high, and in earth peace, good will towards men. AndIsaiah 53. 5. The Gospell is called the chastisement of our peace.Isay4 59. 8. Righteousnesse is called the way of Peace. The way ofpeace they know not, and there is no judgement in their goings. Micah5. 4, 5· speaking of the Messias, he saith thus, Hee shall stand andfeed in the strength of the Lord, in the Majesty of the name ofthe Lordhis God, and they shall abide, for now shall he be great unto the endof the earth; And this man shall be your Peace, &c. Provo 3. [I, 2]5.My sonneforget not my law, but let thine heart keep my Commandements,for length of dayes, and long life, and peace, shall they adde to thee. 6

Also in regard of IV. What appertains to the first law of abolishing the communitythe first law ~f of all things, or concerning the introduction of meum (5 tuum, We

nature In •• h fi I h d h·abolishing all perceive III t erst p ace ow great an a versary t IS same

things to be had Community is to Peace, by those7 words of Abraham to Lot, Gen.in common. 13. 8. Let there be no strife I pray thee, between thee and me, and

between thy heard-men,8 and my heard-men, for we be brethren. Is notthe whole land before thee? Separate thy selfe I pray thee from me.And all those places of Scripture by which we are forbidden totrespasse upon our neighbours, as, Thou shalt not kill, thou shalt notcommit adultery, thou shalt not steal, &c. doe confirm the law ofdistinction between Mine, and Thine; for they suppose the right ofall men to all things to be taken away.

1 [Melchizedeck (Genesis '4. '7-20;Hebrews Chs. 6-8) appears to be a pre­Israelite king of Salem (probably Jerusalem)who united the offices of king and priest~

an awkward precedent for Old TestamentJewish theologians who normally contended

for their separation.]2 13 EI.3 "-' ? Er (cf. L; also Authorized Version).4 = Isaiah.s 12 EI [L is correct]. 6 "', E1.7 rhose EI. 8 = herdsmen.

Chap. IV LIBERTY 79

Also of the fifthlaw, concerningmercy.

V. The same precepts establish the second law ofnature ofkeeping Also the second

trust: for what doth, Thou shalt not invade anothers right, import, law of nature,concerning faith

but this? Thou shalt not take possession of that, which by thy contract to be kept.

ceaseth to be thine; but expressely set down, Psal. 15. verso I. To him [Elements

that asked, Lord who shall dwell in thy Tabernacle? It is answered, XVIII. 5.]

avers. [3, 4]l.a. He that sweareth unto his neighbour, and disappointethhim not; and ProVo 6. I. My sonne if thou be surety for thy friend,bif thou have stricken thy hand with a stranger,b Thou art snared withthe words of thy mouth.

VI. The third Law concerning gratitude is proved by these places, Also of the

Deut. 25. 4. Thou shalt not muzzle the Oxe when he treadeth out the third law, of

h· h s· PIC . b k f thankfulnesse.corn; w IC amt au I. or. 9. 9. mterprets to e spo en 0 men,not Oxen onely. Provo 17. 13. Who so rewardeth evill for good, evill r:~e;:~m:.]shall not depart from his house. And Deut. 20. 10, I I. When thoucomest nigh unto a city to fight against it, then proclaim peace unto it.And it shall be if it make thee answer of peace, and open unto thee,then it shall be that all the people that is found therein, shall betributaries unto thee, and they shall serve thee. Proverbs 3. 29. Devisenot evill against thy neighbour, seeing he dwelleth securely by thee.

VII. To the fourth Law ofaccommodating our selves, these precepts Also the fourth

are conformable, Exod. 23. 4, 5. If thou meet thine enemies Oxe, or law, ofrendring

h · A' h h I lb" b k h . . if our selves usefull.tS sse gOing astray, t ou sat sure!)' ring tt ac to tm again; t .thou see the Asse of him that hateth thee lying under his burden, and ~71e;~~I. 8.]

wouldest forbear to help him, thou shalt surely help with him, verso 9.Also, thou shalt not oppresse a stranger. Provo 3. 30. Strive not witha man without a cause, if he have done thee no harme. Provo 15. 18.A wrathfull man stirreth up strife, but2 he that is slow to anger, appeasethstrife. 18. 24. There is a friend that sticketh closer then a brother.The same is confirmed, Luke 10. By the Parable of the Samaritan,who had compassion on the Jew that was wounded by theeves, andby Christs precept, Matth. 5. 39. But I say unto you, that ye resistnot evill, but whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek, turn to himthe other also, &c.

VIII. Among infinite other places which prove the fifth law, theseare some. Matth. 6. 14. If you forgive men their trespasses, yourheavenly Father will also forgive you: but ifyou forgive not men their

[Elementstrespasses, neither will your Father forgive your trespasses. Math. 18. cf. XVIII. 8.]

1 5 Er. 2 bus EI. previous sentence).b-b El adds if thou ... stranger.

a-a EI adds verso 5 (but cf. L. ref. in

80 LIBERTY Chap. IV

Also of theseventh law,

concerningslander.

Also of thesixth law, that

punishment onelylooks at the

future.

[ElementsXVIII. 11.]

21. Lord how oft shall my Brother sinne against me, and I forgive him?till seven times? Jesus saith unto him, I say not till seven times, but tillseventy times seven times: that is, Itoties quoties. 1

IX. For the confirmation of the sixth law, all those places arepertinent which command us to shew mercy; such as Mat. 5· 7.Blessed are the mercifull, for they shall obtain mercy. Levit. 19. 18.Thou shalt not avenge, nor bear any grudge against the children of thypeople. But there are, who not onely think this law is not proved byScripture, but plainly disproved from hence, that there is an eternallpunishment reserved for the wicked after death, where there is noplace either for amendment, or example. Some resolve this objectionby answering, That God, whom no law restrains, refers all to hisglory, but that man must not doe so; as if God sought his glory,(that is to say) pleased himselfe in the death of a sinner. It is morerightly answered, that the institution of eternall punishment wasbefore sin, and had regard to this onely, that men might dread tocommit sinne for the time to come.

X. The words of Christ prove this seventh, Matth. 5. 22. But I sayunto you, That whosoever is angry with his brother without a cause,shall be in danger of the judgement, aand whosoever shall say unto hisBrother Racha,2 shall be in danger ofthe Counsell,a but whosoever shallsay, thou foole, shall be in danger of hell fire. Provo 10. 18. Bee thatuttereth a slander is a foote. Provo 14. 21. Bee that despiseth hisneighbour, sinneth. 15. I. Grievous words stir up anger. Provo 22. 10.

Cast out the scorner, and contention shall goe out, and reproach shallcease.

Also ofthe XI. The eighth law of acknowledging equality of nature, that is,eighth, agains~ of humility, is established by these places. Mat. 5. 3. Blessed are the

pride. poor in spirit, for theirs is the Kingdom of heaven. Provo 6. 16, 19.[Elements T'h . h' d h h L d h b . .cf. XVIII. 6.] ese SIX t mgs ot t e or ate, yea seven a.re an a ommatzon unto

him: A proud look, &c. ProVo 16. 5. Everyone that is proud is anabomination unto the Lord, though hand joyne in hand, he shall not beunpunished. I I. 2. When pride cometh, then cometh shame, but withthe lowly, is wisdome. Thus Isay440. 3. (where the comming of theMessias is shewed forth, for preparation towards his Kingdome) Thevoyce of him that cryed in the wildernesse, was this: Prepare ye

a-a E I adds and whosoever ... Counsell.

1-1 = as many times as [= every time].2 = you fool! (Revised Standard Version

of Bible) [rhe Authorized Version leavesthis word uDttanslated as it is a very strong

term of abuse].3 ""' A EI. • = Isaiah.

Chap. IV LIBERTY 81

the way of the Lord, make strait in the desart a high way for ourGod. Every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain, and hill,shall be made low; which doubtlesse is spoken to men, and not tomountains.

XII. But that same Equity which we prov'd in the ninth place1 Also ofthe ninth,

to be a Law of Nature, which commands every man to allow the aof equity.a

same Rights to others they would be allow'd themselves, and which [Elements. .. 11 h h L b'd' h h' h M XVIII. 6.]contames m It ate at er awes eSI es, IS t e same w lC oses

sets down, Levit. ,19. 18. Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self;and our Saviour calls it the summe of the morall Law, Mat. 22. 36.Master, which is the great Commandement in the Law? Jesus said untohim, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God bwith all thine heart, and withall thy soul, and with all thy mind;b this is the first and greatCommandement, and the second is like unto it, Thou shalt love thyneighbour as thy self. On these two Commandements hang all the Lawand the Prophets. But to love our neighbor as our selves, is nothingelse, but to grant him all we desire to have granted to our selves.

XIII. By'the tenth Law respect of persons is forbid; as also by Also the 10.

these places following, Mat. 5. 45. That ye may be children ofyour against respect

Father which is in Heaven; for he maketh the sun to rise on the Evill, ofPersons.

and on the Good, (5c. Callos. 3. I I. There is neither Greek,c nor Jew,dcircumcision, nor uncircumcision,d Barbarian, or Scythian, bond, orfree, but Christ is all, (5 itl all. Acts 10. 34. Of a truth, I perceive,that God is no respecter ofPersons. 2 Chron. 19. 7. There is no iniquitywith the Lord our God, nor respect of persons, enor taking of gifts. e

Ecclus. 35. 12. The Lord isJudge, and with him is no respect ofPersons.Rom. 2. I I. For there is no respect ofpersons with God.

XIV. The eleventh Law, which commands those things to be held in Also of the II.

common which cannot be divided, I know not whether there be any Law, Of havingthose things in

expresse place in Scripture for it, or not; but the practise appears common which

every where in the common use of Wels, Wayes, Rivers, sacred cannot be

things, &c. for else men could not live. divided.

XV. We said in the twelfth place, that it was a Law of Nature, Also of the 12.

That where things could neither be divided, nor possess'd in common,2 Of things to be

they should be dispos'd by lot, which is confirm'd as by the example divided by Lot.

1 [See III. IS above, where Equity isdescribed under the tenth law; cf. also L.]

2 cffmon EI.

a-a L. de modestia [ofhumility- cf. above,III. 14].

b-b EI adds with all ... mind.e L. Gentilis.d-d EI adds circumcision, nor uncircum­

cision.e-e E I adds nor taking of gifts.

82 LIBERTY Chap. IV

Also of the 18.

Also of the 17.Law, That the

Arbiters mustreceive no reward

for theirSentence.

[Elements of Moses, who by Gods command, INumb. 34. 1 divided the severallXVIII. 7·] parts of the land of promise unto the Tribes by Lot: So Acts I. 24.a

by the example of the Apostles, who receiv'd Matthias, before Justus,into their number, by casting Lots, and saying, Thou Lord, bwhoknowest the hearts of all men,b shew whether of these two thou hastchosen, C5c. Provo 16. 33. The lot is cast into the lappe, but the wholedisposing thereof is of the Lord. And which is the thirteenth Law, 2

the Succession was due unto Esau, as being the First-born of Isaac,if himself had not sold it, (Gen. 25. 30.) or that the Father had nototherwise appointed.

Also of XVI. Saint Paul writing to the Corinthians, Epist. I. Chap. 6.appointing a reprehends the Corinthians of that City for going to Law one with

Judge. another before infidell Judges who were their enemies, calling it afault, that they would not rather take wrong, and suffer themselvesto be defrauded; for that is against that Law, whereby we arecommanded to be helpful to each other. But if it happen theControversie be concerning things necessary, what is to be done?Therefore the Apostle, Ver. 5. speaks thus, I speak to your shame.Is it so that there is not one wise man among you, no, not one thatshall be able to judge between his brethren? He therefore, by thosewords confirmes that Law of Nature which we call'd the fifteenth,to wit, Where Controversies cannot be avoided, there by the consentof Parties to appoint some Arbiter, and him some third man; so as(which is the 16 Law) neither of the Parties may be judge in hisown Cause.

XVII. But that the Judge, or Arbiter, must receive no reward forhis Sentence, (which is the 17. Law) appears, Exod. 23. 8. Thoushalt take no gift; for the gift blindeth the wise, and perverteth thewords of the righteous. Ecclus. [20]3. 29. Presents and gifts blind theeyes ofthe wjse. Whence it followes, that he must not be more oblig'dto one part then the other, which is the 19. Law, and is also confirm'd,Deut. I. 17. Ye shall not respect persons in Judgment, ye shall hearthe small as well as the great; and in all those places which are broughtagainst respect of Persons.

XVIII. That in the judgement of Fact, witnesses must be had,concerning (which is the 18. Law) the Scripture not only confirmes, but requiresWitnesses.

more then one, Deut. 17. 6. At the mouth of two witnesses, or three

1-1 Numb. 6. 34. El (a ref to Numbers Ch.34 [v. 13]; the 6 is a misprint).

2 '" 1\ EI. 3 21 EI.

• EI adds 24.b-b EI adds who ... men.

Chap. IV LIBERTY

Also of the 20.

Law, againstDrunkennesse.

witnesses, shall he that is worthy of death be put to death. The sameis repeated, Deut. 19. 15.

XIX. Drunkennesse, which we have therefore in the last placenumbred among the breaches of the Naturall Law, because it hindersthe use of right Reason, is also forbid in sacred Scripture for thesame reason. Provo 20. I. Wine is a mocker, strong drink is raging,whosoever ais deceived therebya isb not wise. And Chap. 31. 4, 5. Itis not for Kings to drink wine, lest they drink, and forget the Law, andpervert the judgement of any of the aiflicted: but that we might knowthat the malice of this vice consisted not formally in the quantityof the drink, but in that it destroyes Judgement and Reason, itfollowes in the next Verse, Give strong drink to him that is ready toperish, and wine to those that be heavy of heart. Let him drink, andforget his poverty, and remember his misery no more. Christ useth thesame reason in prohibiting drunkenesse, Luk. 21. 34. Take heed toyour selves, lest at any time your hearts be overcharg'd with surfettingand drunkennesse.

XX. That we said in the foregojng Chapter, The Law of Nature Also in respect of

is elernall, is also prov'd out of the fifth of S. Matth. 18. Verily I that which hath'11 R d E h . . I h II been said, that thesay unto you, tl eaven an art passe, one Jot, or one tltt e, s a Law ofNature is

in no wise passe from! the Law, and Psal. 119. V. 160. Everyone of eternal!.

thy righteous judgements endureth for ever. [ElementsXVIII. 4.]

XXI. We also said, That the Lawes of Nature had regard chieflyunto Conscience; that is, that he isjust, who by all possible endeavourstrives to fulfill them. And although a man should order all hisactions (so much as belongs to externall obedience) just as the Lawcommands, but not for the Lawes sake, but by reason of somepunishment annext unto it, or out of Vain glory, yet he is unjust.Both these are proved by the Holy Scriptures. The first, Esay2 55.7. Let the wicked forsake his way, and unrighteous man his thoughts,and let him return unto the Lord,3 and he wil have mercy upon him,and to our God, for he will abundantly pardon. Ezek. 18. 31. Castaway from you all your transgressions whereby you have transgressed,C5 make you a new heart, and a new spirit; for why will you die 0house of Israel? By which, and the like places, we may sufficientlyunderstand that God will not punish their deeds whose heart isright. The second out of the 29. of Isay4 13. The Lord said, Forasmuch

Also that theLawes of Naturedoe pertain toConscience.

[ElementsXVIII. 10.]

1 Jro EI.3 Lo d EI.

2 = Isaiah.4 = Isaiah.

a-a L. his delectatur [is pleased by them].b L. erit [will be].

LIBERTY Chap. IV

Also that thelawes of nature

are easilyobserv'd.

as this people draw near me with their mouth, and with their lips doehonour me, but have removed their heart far from me, therefore I willproceed, (5c. Mat. 5. 20. Except your righteousnesse shall exceed therighteousnesse ofthe Scribes and Pharisees ye shall in no case enter intothe Kingdom of Heaven; and in the following verses our Saviourexplains to them how that the commands of God are broken, notby Deeds only, but also by the Will; for the Scribes and Pharisesdid in outward act observe the Law most exactly, but for Gloriessake onely; else they would as readily have. broken it. There areinnumerable places of Scripture in which is most manifestly declar'dthat God accepts the Will for the Deed, and that as well in good,as in evill actions.

XXII. That the Law of Nature is easily kept, Christ himselfdeclares in the II. Chapter of Saint Matthew 28, 29, 30. Come untome, (5c. Take my yoke upon you, and learn of me, (5c. for my yokeis easie, and my burthen light.

XXIII. Lastly, the Rule by which I said any man might knowwhether what he was doing, were contrary to the Law, or not, towit, what thou wouldst not be done to, doe not that to another, is

XXIV. As the law of nature is all of it Divine, so the Law ofChrist by conversion, (which is wholly explain'd in the 5, 6, and 7.Chapter of S. Matthewes Gospell) is all of it also (except that oneCommandement of not marrying her who is put away for adultery,which Christ brought for explication of the divine positive Law,against the Jewes, who did not rightly interpret the Mosaicall Law)the doctrine of Nature: I say the whole Law of Christ is explain'din the fore-named Chapters, not the whole Doctrine of Christ; forFaith is a part of Christian Doctrine, which is not comprehended l

under the title of a Law; for Lawes are made, and given, in referenceto such actions as follow our will, not in order to our Opinions, andBelief, which being out of our power, follow not the Will.

[Elements cf.XVIII. 12.]

Lastly in respectof the Rule by

which a man maypresently know

whether what heis about to act be almost in the self same words delivered by our Saviour, Mat. 7. 12.

against the law of Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you,nature, or not. do you even so to them.

[Elements XVIII. 9.]

The law of Christis the law of

nature.

1 commprehended E 1.

DOMINION.!

CHAP. V.

Of the causes, and first begirzing of civil! Government.

I. That the Lawes of Nature are not sufficient to preserve Peace. II. That the Lawesof Nature, in the state of nature, are silent. III. That the security ofliving accordingto the Lawes of Nature consists in the concord ofmany Persons. IV. That the concordof many Persons is not constant enough for a lasting Peace. V. The reason why thegovernment of certain bruit creatures stands firm in concord onely, and why not ofmen. VI. That not onely consent, but 2 union also,> is required to establish the Peaceof men. VII. What union is. VIII. In union the Right of all men is conveighedto one. IX. What civill society is. X. What a civiIl Person is. XI. What it isto have the supreme power, and what to be a subject. XII. Two kindes of Cities,naturaIl, and by institution.

I.3. a I T is of it selfe manifest,a that the actions of men proceed from That the

the will, and the will from hope, and feare, insomuch as when Lawes of nature

they shall see a greater good, or lesse evill, likely to happen to them j/::Zenot

by the breach, then4 observation of the Lawes, they'I wittingly violate conservation of

them. The hope therefore which each man hath of his security, and Peace.

self-preservation, consists in this, that by force or craft he may [Elements

disappoint his neighbour, either openly, or by stratagem. Whence ~~~t~~nwe may understand, that the naturalllawes, though well understood, XVII. 1,2.]

doe not instantly secure any man in their practise, and consequently,that as long as there is no caution had from the invasion of others,there remains to every man that same primitive Right ofselfe-defence,by such means as either he can or will make use of (that is) a Rightto all things, or the Right ofwarre; and it is sufficient for the fulfilingof the naturall laDJ, that a man be prepared in mind to embracePeace when it may be had.

II. It is san oIds saying, That all lawes are silent in the time of That the Lawes

warre, and it is a true one, not onely if we speak of the civill, but of nature, in

1 [In EI an engraving, with Latin verse,faces Chap. V and marks the beginning ofthe parI of Ihe book entiIled Dominion. SeePlate III and attached note.]

2-2 ""', "" A in some copies of EI.

3 I. absent EI.

• = than.H a fond EI (cf. ERRATA); L = a

common (Tritum est).

&-0 MS, L I: Ostensum . . sectione = [I thas been shown in the preceding section,).

86 DOMINION Chap. V

the state of also of the natural/lawes, provided they be referr'd not to the mind,nature~ are but to the actions of men, by the third Chapter, lArt. 29. 1 And2 we

s,lent. h . f II . II h' hmean suc a war as IS 0 a men agamst a men; suc as IS t e[Elements ,. I h h' h f' . .XIX. 2. meer state OJ nature; at oug m t e warre 0 natIOn agamst natIOnLeviathan aa certain mean was wont to be observed.a And therefore in old

XVII. 1,2.] time there was a manner ofliving, and as it were a certain reconomy,which they called A7]arpLKT]V,3 living by Rapine, which was neitheragainst the law of nature, (things then so standing) nor voyd of gloryto those who exercised it with valour, not with cruelty. Their customewas, taking away the rest, to spare life, and abstain from Oxen fitfor plough, and every instrument serviceable to husbandry, whichyet is not so to be4 taken, as if they were bound to doe thus by thelaw of nature, but that they had regard to their own glory herein, lestby too much cruelty, they might be suspected guilty of feare.

That the III. Since therefore the exercise of the natural/ law is necessarysecurity of for the preservation of Peace, and that for the exercise of the natural/

living according l .. I .. h h 'd' hto the Lawes aw security IS no esse necessary, It IS wort t e conSl ermg w at

of nature, that is which affords such a security: for this matter nothing elseconsists in the can be imagined, but that each man provide himselfe of such meet

agreement of helps, as the invasion of one on the other may bee rendered somany.

[Elements dangerous, as either of them may think it better to refrain, then toXIX. 3. meddle. But first it is plain, that the consent of two or three cannot

Leviathan make good such a security; because that the addition but of one, orXVII. 3·] C h h 'd . ffi . k h .some lew on t e ot er SI e, IS su clent to rna e t e VIctory

undoubtedly sure, and hartens the enemy to attacque us. It is there­fore necessary, to the end the security sought for may be obtained,that the number of them who conspire in a mutuall assistance beso great, that the accession of some few to the enemies party maynot prove to them a matter of moment sufficient to assure the victory.

That the IV. Farthermore, how great soever the number of them is whoagreem~nt of meet on selfe-defence, if yet they agree not among themselves ofmany IS not .

constant enough some excellent means whereby to compasse thIS, but every man afterto preserve a his own manner shall make use of his endeavours, nothing will be

lasting Peace. done; because that divided in their opinions they will be an hinderance[Elements to each other, or if they agree well enough to some one action through;~~i:; hope of victory, spoyle, or revenge, yet afterward through diversity

cf. VI. I. of wits, and Counsels, or emulation, and envy, with which men

1-1 Act. 29 EI (L. Art. 27 pre!). a-a MS, LI: leges ... sunt = [certain laws2 '" I.e. E I. of nature are to be kept.]3 = plunder. 4 he EI.

Chap. V DOMINION

naturally contend, they will be so torne and rent, as they will neither Leviathan

give mutuall help, nor desire peace, except they be constrained to XVII. 3, 4·]

it by some common feare. Whence it foIlowes, that the consent ofmany, (which consists in this onely, as we have already defined inthe foregoing section, that they direct all their actions to the sameend, and the common good) that is to say, that the society proceedingfrom mutuall help onely, yeelds not that security which they seekfor, who meet, and agree in the exercise of the above-named lawesofnature; but that somewhat else must be done, that those who haveonce consented for the common good, to peace and mutuall help, mayby fear be restrained, lest afterward they again dissent, when theirprivate Interest shall appear discrepant from the common good.

V. Aristotlel reckons among those animals which he calls Politique, Why the

not man only, but divers others; as the Ant, the Bee, &c. which governmmt of. . some brUIt

though they be destitute of reason, by WhICh they may contract, and creatures stands

submit to government, notwithstanding by consenting, (that is to firm in concord

say) ensuing,2 or eschewing the same things, they so direct their alone, and not

actions to a common end, that their meetings are not obnoxious so of men.

unto any seditions. 3 Yet is not their gathering together a civil! r::;Z7.tsgovernment, and therefore those animals not to be termed political!, Leviathan

because their government is onely a consent, or many wills concurring XVII. 5·]

in one object, not (as is necessary in civill government) one will. Itis very true that in those creatures, living only by sense and appetite,their consent of minds is so durable, as there is no need of any thingmore to secure it, and (by consequence) to preserve peace amongthem, then barely their naturall inclination. But among men the caseis otherwise. For first among them there is a contestation of honourand preferment; among beasts there is none: whence hatred andenvy, out of which arise sedition and warre, is among men, amongbeasts no such matter. Next, the naturall appetite of Bees, and thelike creatures, is conformable, and they desire the common goodwhich among them differs not from their private; but man scarceesteems any thing good which hath not somewhat of eminence inthe enjoyment, more then that which others doe possesse. Thirdly,those creatures which are voyd of reason, see no defect, or thinkthey see none, in the administration4 of their Common-weales; butin a multitude of men there are many who supposing themselveswiser then others, endeavour to innovate, and divers Innovators

1 Aristole EI (cf. III. '3; X. 8).2 L = seeking (cupiendo).

3 [Cf. Aristode Politics I. 2 (I253a).]4 administtation E I.

88 DOMINION Chap. V

What Union

That not onelyconsent, but

union also isrequired to

establish thepeace of men.

[ElementsXIX. 6.

LeviathanXVII. 6.]

innovate divers wayes, which is a meer distraction, and civill warre.Fourthly, these brute creatures, howsoever they may have the useof their voyce to signify their affections to each other, yet want theythat same art of words which is necessarily required to those motionsin the mind, whereby good is represented to it as being better, andevill as worse then in truth it is; But the tongue of man is a trumpetofwarre, and sedition; and it is reported ofPericles, that he sometimesby his eleganta speeches thundered, and lightened, and confoundedwhole Greece it selfe. Fiftly, they cannot distinguish between injuryand harme; Thence it happens that as long as it is well with them,they blame not their fellowes: But those men are of most troubleto the Republique, who have most leasure to be idle; for they usenot to contend for publique places before they have gotten the victoryover hunger, and cold. Last of all, the consent of those brutalPcreatures is naturall, that of men by compact onely, (that is to say)artificiall; it is therefore no matter of wonder if somewhat more beneedfull for men to the end they may live in peace. Whereforeconsent, or contracted society, without some common power wherebyparticular men may be ruled through feare of punishment, doth notsuffice to make up that security which is requisite to the exercise ofnaturall justice.

VI. Since therefore the conspiring of many wills to the same enddoth not suffice to preserve peace, and to make a lasting defence, itis requisite that in those necessary matters which concern Peace andselfe-defence, there be but one will of all men. But this cannot 'bedone, unlesse every man will so subject his will to some other one,to wit, either Man or Counsell, that whatsoever his will is in thosethings which are necessary to the common peace, it be received forthe wills of all men in generall, and of everyone in particular. Nowthe gathering together of many men who deliberate of what is to bedone, or not to be done, for the common good of all men, is thatwhich I call a COUNSELL.

VII. This submission of the wits of all those men to the will ofIS. one man, or one2 Counsell, is then made, when each one of them

[Elements obligeth himself by contract to everyone of the rest, not to resist~~;;,:~ the will of that one man, or counsell, to which he hath submittedXVII. 6.] himselfe; that is, that he refuse him not the use of his wealth, and

strength, against any others3 whatsoever (for he is supposed still to

1 L = brute (brut.rum). 2 oue EI. 3 0 hers £1. • E t adds e1eg.nt.

Chap. V DOMINION 89

[ElementsXIX. 8.LeviathanXVII. 6.]

retain a Right of defending himselfe against violence) and this iscalled UNION. But we understand that to be the will of the counsell,which is the will ofthe major part of those men of whom the Counsellconsists.

VIII. But though the will it self be not voluntary, but only the In union, the

beginning of voluntary actions (for we will not to will, but to act) Right of all

and therefore falls least of all under deliberation, and compact; yet ;::;ftrred to

he who submits his will to the will of an other, conveighs to that one.

other the Right of his strength, and faculties; insomuch as when the [Elements

rest have done the same, he to whom they have submitted hath so XIX. 7·• • Leviathan

much power, as by the terrour of It hee can conforme the wIlls of XVII. 6.]

particular men unto unity, and concord.IX. Now union thus made is called a City, or civil! society, and What civill

also a civill Person; for when there is one will of all men, it is to be society is.

esteemed for one Person, and by the word (one) it is to be knowne,and distinguished from all particular men, as having its own Rightsand properties; insomuch as neither anyone Citizen, nor ~ll of themtogether (if we except him whose will stands for the will of all) isto be accounted the City. A CIT Y therefore (that we may define it)is one Person, whose will, by the compact of many men, is to bereceived for the will of them all; so as he may use all the power andfaculties of each particular person, to the maintenance of peace, andfor common defence.

X. But although every City be a civill Person, yet every civill What a civill

Person is not a City; for it may happen that many Citizens, by the Person is.

permission of the City, may joyne together in one Person, for the [Elements

d . f . h' Th '11 b . '11 P h XIX. 9·]omg 0 certam t mgs. ese now WI e (lVt ersons, as t ecompanies of Merchants, and many other Convents; I but Cities theyare not, because they have not submitted themselves to the will of thecompany simply, and in all things, but in certain things onely deter­mined by the City; and on such termes as it is lawfull for anyone ofthem to contend in judgement against the body it selfe ofthe sodality; 2

which is by no means allowable to a Citizen against the City: suchlike societies therefore are civill Persons subordinate to the City.

XI. In every city, That Man, or Counsell, to whose will each What it is to

particular man hath subjected his will (so as hath been declared) is have the supreme. power, what to

saId to have the SUPREME POWER, or CHIEFE COM- be subject.

MAND, or DOMINION; which power, and Right ofcommanding,

1 L = associations (conuentus); but cf. 2 "', E1 (cf. L) (= confraternity or associa-below, VII. 5 where the same word = meeting. tion).

9° DOMINION Chap. V

[ElementsXIX. 10.

LeviathanXVII. 6.]

[ElementsXIX. II; XX. 1.

LeviathanXVII. 7.]

consists in this, that each Citizen hath conveighed all his strengthand power to that man, or Counsell; which to have done (becauseno man can transferre his power in a naturall manner) is nothingelse then to have parted with his Right of resisting. Each Citizen,as also every subordinate civil! Person, is called the SUBJ E C T ofhim who hath the chiefe command.

Two kinds of XII. By what hath been sayed, it is sufficiently shewed, in whatCities, naturall, manner, and by what degrees many natural! persons, through desire

and by f . 1institution. 0 preservmg themselves, and by mutuall feare, have growne

together into a civil! Person, whom we have called a City. But theywho submit themselves to another for feare, either submit to himwhom they feare, or some other whom they confide in for protection;They act according to the first manner who are vanquished in warre,that they may not be slain; they2 according to the second,3 who arenot yet overcome, that they may not be overcome. The first mannerreceives its beginning from natural! power, and may be called thenatural! beginning of a City; the latter from the Counsel!, andconstitution of those who meet together, which is a beginning byinstitution. Hence it is, that there are two kinds of Cities, the onenatural!, such as is the paternal!, and despotical!; the other institutive,which may be also called political!. In the first the Lord acquires tohimselfe such Citizens as he will;4 in the other the Citizens by theirown wills appoint a Lord over themselves, whether he be one man,or one company of men endued with the command in chieft. But wewill speak in the first place of a City political! or by institution, andnext of a City natural!.

CHAP. VI.

Of the right of him, whether Counsell, or one Man onely,

who hath the supreme power in the City.

I. There can no Right be attributed to a multitude out of civill society, nor any actionto which they have not Sunder seale consented. s II. The Right of the greater numberconsenting, is the beginning ofa City. III. That every man retains a Right to protecthimse/fe according to his own free will, so long as there is no sufficient regard had tohis security. IV. That a coercive power is necessary to secure us. V. What the

1 mumutuall EI.3 S cond Er.

2 hey EI.4 "-', EI (cf. L).

5-5 Cf marginal subtitle belolP 'given theirparticular consents' (pref cf. L).

· Chap. VI DOMINION

Sword of Justice is. VI. That the Sword of Justice belongs to him who hath thechiefe command. VII. That the Sword of War belongs to him also. VIII. AllJudicature belongs to him too. IX. The Legislative power is his onely. X. Thenaming of Magistrates and other Officers of the City belongs to him. XI. Also theExamination of all doctrines. XII. Whatsoever he doth is unpunishable. XIII.aThat the command his Citizens have granted is absolute, and what proportion ofobedience is due to him.a XIV. The Lawes of the City bind him not. XV. Thatno man can challenge a propriety to any thing against his will. XVI. By the Lawesofthe City onely we come to know what theft, murder, adultery, and injury is. XVII.The opinion of those who would constitute a City, where there is no body should havean absolute power. XVIII. The marks of Supreme Authority. XIX. If a Citybe compar'd with a Man, he that hath the Supreme Power is in order to the City,as the humane soul is in relation to the Man. XX. That the Supreme Commandcannot by Right be dissolv'd through their consents by whose Compacts it was firstconstituted.

I. WE must consider first of all what a (*) multitude of men There can no

(gathering themselves of their owne free wills into society) Right beattributed to

is, namely, that it is not anyone body, but many men, whereof each a multitude

one hath his owne will, and his peculiar judgment concerning all considered out

things that may be propos'd. And though by particular Contracts of civill society,h . I h h' R' h d p' nor any action toeac smg e man may ave. IS own tg t, an roprtety, so as one which they have

may say This is mine, the other, That is his; yet will there not be not given their

any thing of which the whole multitude, as a Person distinct from particular

a single man, can rightly say, This is mine, more then anothers. consents.

Neither must we ascribe any action to the multitude, as it's one, but [Elements XX. 2.De Give cf. V. 4.

(if all, or more of them doe agree) it will not be an Action, but as Leviathan

many actions, as Men. For although in some great Sedition, it's cf. XVII. 3,4·)

commonly said, That the People of that City have taken up Armes;yet is it true of those onely who are in Armes, or who consent tothem. For the City, which is one Person, cannot take up Armesagainst it selfe. Whatsoever therefore is done by the multitude, mustbe understood to be done by everyone of those by whom it is madeup; and that he, who being in the Multitude, and yet consented not,nor gave any helps to the things that were done by it, must bejudg'd to have done nothing. Besides, in a multitude not yet reduc'dinto one Person, in that manner as hath been said, there remainesthat same state of nature in which all things belong to all men;1 andthere is no place for 2Meum (5 Tuum,2 which is call'd Dominion,and Propriety, by reason that that security is not yet extant whichwe have dec1ar'd above to be necessarily requisite for the practise ofthe Naturall Laws.

1 "', E, (cf. L).2-2 = Mine and Thine.

lH' MS, L,: Eidem ... deberi = [That fullobedience is owed to him by the citizens.)

92 DOMINION Chap. VI

Annotation.

The beginningof a City is the

Right of themajor part

agreeing.

[Elementscf. XX. 3.

Multitude, &c.] The Doctrine of the power of a City over it'sCitizens, almost wholly depends on the understanding of the differencewhich is between a multitude ofmen ruling, and a multitude ruled: Forsuch is the nature ofa City, That a multitude, or company of Citizens,not onely may have command, but may also be subject to command, butin diverse senses; which difference I did beleeve was clearly enoughexplained in this first Article; but by the objections of many againstthose things which follow, I discern otherwise; wherefore it seemed goodto me, to the end I might make afuller explication, to adde thesefew things.

By Multitude, because it is a collective word, we understand morethen one, so as a multitude of men is the same with many men; Thesame word, because it is of the singular number, signifies one thing,namely, one multitude; but in neither sense can a multitude be understoodto have one will given to it by nature, but to either a severall; andtherefore neither is anyone action whatsoever to be attributed to it:Wherefore a Multitude cannot promise, contract, acquire Right, conveighRight, act, have, possesse, and the like, unlesse it be everyone apart,and Man by Man; so as there must be as many promises, compacts,rights, and actions, as Men. Wherefore a Multitude is no naturallPerson; but if the same Multitude doe Contract one with another, thatthe will of one man, or the agreeing wills of the major part of them,shall be received for the will of all, then it becomes one Person; for itis endu'd with a will, and therefore can doe voluntary actions, such asare Commanding, making Lawes, acquiring and transferring of Right,and so forth; and it is oftner call'd the People, then the Multitude. Wemust therefore distinguish thus. When we say the People, or Multitude,wills, commands, or doth any thing, it is understood that the City whichCommands, Wills and Acts by the will of one, or the concurring willsof more, which cannot be done, but in an Assembly: But as oft as anything is said to be done by a Multitude ofMen, whether great, or small,without the will of that man, or assembly of men, that's understood tobe done by a subjected People, that is, by many single Citizens together,and not proceeding from one Will, but from diverse wills ofdiverse men,who are Citizens, and Subjects, but not a City.

II. Next, we must consider that everyone of the Multitude (bywhose meanes there may be a beginning to make up the City) mustagree with the rest, that in those matters which shall be propoundedby anyone in the Assembly, that be received for the will of allwhich the major part shall approve of; for otherwise there will beno will at all of a Multitude of Men, whose Wills and Votes differ

Chap. VI DOMINION 93

What the SwordofJustice is.

[Elements XX. 7.

[Elements XX. 6.De Give cf. II. II.

LeviathanXlV. '5;XVII. 2.]

[Elements XX. 5.De Giveef. I. 7, 10, 14;cf. VII. 18.LeviathanXIV. 8, 22;cf. XXI. '7-20;XXVII. 12.]

That every manretains a right ofprotecting himselfaccording to hisowne judgement,as long as he isnot secured.

so variously. Now ifanyone will not consent, the rest notwithstanding Leviathan

shall among themselves constitute the City without him: Whence it XVIII. I, 4·]

will come to passe, that the City retaines its primitive Right againstthe Dissentour, that is, the Right of War, as against an Enemy.

III. But because we said in the foregoing Chapter, the sixthArticle, That there was requir'd to the security of men, not onelytheir Consent, but also the Subjection of their wills in such thingsas were necessary to Peace and Defence; and that in that Union,and Subjection, the nature of a City consisted; We must discernenow in this place, out of those things which may be propounded,discuss'd, and stated in an Assembly of men, (all whose wills arecontain'd in the will of the major part) what things are necessaryto Peace, and common defence: But first of all, it is necessary toPeace, that a man be so farre forth protected against the violenceof others, that he may live securely, that is, that he may have nojust cause to fear others, so long as he doth them no injury. Indeed,to make men altogether safe from mutuall harmes, so as they cannotbe hurt, or injuriously kill'd, is impossible, and therefore comes notwithin ldeliberation. Butl care may be had there be no just causeof fear; for security is the end wherefore men submit themselves toothers, which if it be not had, no man is suppos'd to have submittedhimselfe to ought, or to have quitted his Right to all things, beforethat there was a care had of his security.

IV. It is not enough to obtain this security, that everyone of That a coercive

those who are now growing up into a City, doe covenant with the power is. h b d . . N [ k "ll d necessary forrest, eIt er y wor s, or wrItmg, ot to stea , not to t, an to security.

observe the like Lawes; for the pravity of humane disposition ismanifest to all, and by experience too well known how little (removingthe punishment) men are kept to their duties, through conscienceof their promises. We must therefore provide for our security, notby Compacts, but by Punishments; and there is then sufficient provisionmade, when there are so great punishments appointed for everyinjury, as apparently it prove a greater evill to have done it, thennot to have done it: for all men, by a necessity of nature, chuse thatwhich to them appears to be the [esse evil!.

V. Now the right of punishing is then understood to be given toanyone, when every man Contracts not to assist him who is to bepunished. But I will call this Right, The Sword ofJustice. But these

1-1 "", "" I.e. EI (cf. L).

94 DOMINION Chap. VI

kind of contracts men observe well enough, for the most part, tilleither themselves, or their near friends are to suffer.

VI. Because therefore for the security of particular men, and, bycons~quence for the common peace, it is necessary that the right ofusing the Sword for punishment, be transferred to some Man orCounsell, that Man or Counsell is necessarily understood2 by Rightto have the supreme power in the City. For he that by Right punishethat his own discretion, by Right compells all men to all things whichhe himselfe wills; then which a greater command cannot be imagined.

VII. But in vain doe they worship peace at home, who cannotdefend themselves against forrainers; neither is it possible for themto protect themselves against forrainers, whose forces are not united;and therefore it is necessary for the preservation of particulars, thatthere be some one Counsell, or one man, who hath the Right to arm,to gather together, to unite so many Citizens in all dangers, and onall occasions, as shall be needfull for common defence against thecertaina number, and strength of the enemy; and again, (as often ashe shall finde it expedient) to make peace with them. We mustunderstand therefore, that particular Citizens have conveighed theirwhole Right of Warre, and Peace, unto some one Man or Counsell;And that this right (which we may call the Sword of Warre) belongsto the same Man, or Counsell, to whom the Sword ofJustice belongs;for no Man can by Right compell Citizens to take up armes, andbe at the expences of Warre, but he who by Right can punish himwho doth not obey. Both Swords therefore, as well this of War, asthat of Justice, even by the constitution it selfe of a City, andessentially, doe belong to the chiefe command.

The power of VIII. But because the right of the Sword is nothing else but toJudicature have power by right to use the sword at his own will, it followes,

belongs to h,m. h h . d f . . h . h fit at t e JU gement 0 Its rIg t use pertames to t e same party: or[Elements XX. 9· 'f h J . d . . d h f ..

Leviathan 1 t e power oJ JU gmg were m one, an t e power 0 executmg mXVIII. 9.] another, nothing would be done. For in vain would he give judgement,

who could not execute his commands;3 or if he executed them bythe power of another, he himselfe is not said to have the power ofthe Sword, but that other, to whom he is onely an Officer. Alljudgement therefore in a City belongs to him who hath the swords,(i.e.) to him, who hath the supreme authority.

[Elementscf. XX. 7.Leviathan

XVIII. 12;XXVIII. 2.]

That the Swordof Warre belongs

to him also.

LeviathanXXVIII. 2.]

That 1 the SwordofJustice belongsto him who hath

the chiefecommand.

[Elements XX. 8.Leviathan

XVIII. 7, 10.]

1 That EI. 2 understod EI. 3 "", EI. a L = uncertain (incertol pref

Chap. VI DOMINION 95

[ElementsXX. II, 19.

LeviathanXVIII. IL]

IX. Furthermore, since it no lesse, nay it much more conduceth The Legislative

to Peace to prevent brawles from arising, then to appease them being power is his also.

risen; and that all controversies are bred from hence, that the opinions [Elements

f d 'ff, 'M e..- T d',{; bl XX. 10, 19·o men I er concernmg eum v uum, just an u1lJust, propta e De Give

and unprofitable, good and evil!, honest and dishonest, and the like, cf. XII. 2, 7;

h' h d' h' , d . b 1 cf. XIV. 1,2.W IC every man esteems accor mg to IS own JU gement; It e ongs Leviathan

to the same chieft power to make some common Rules for all men, XVIII. 8;

and to declare them publiquely, by which every man may know XXVI. 2,4·]

what may be called his, what anothers, what just, what unjust, whathonest, what dishonest, what good, what evil!, that is summarily, whatis to be done, what to be avoyded in our common course of life. Butthose Rules and measures are usually called the civil! Lawes, or theLawes of the City, as being the Commands of him who hath thesupreme power in the City. And the CIVI LL LA W ES (that we maydefine them) are nothing else but the commands of him who haththe chiefe authority in the City, for direction of the future actionsof his Citizens.

X. Furthermore, since the affaires of the City, both those of That the naming

Warre, and Peace, cannot possibly be all administred by one man, ofMagistrates'and Officers,

or one Counsell, without Officers and subordinate Magistrates, and belongs to him

that it appertains to Peace, and common defence, that they to whom also.

it belongs justly to judge ofcontroversies, to search into neighbouringcounsels, prudently to wage war, and on all hands warily to attendthe benefit of the City, should also rightly exercise their offices; it isconsonant to reason, that they depend on, and be chosen by himwho hath the chiefe command both in War, and in Peace,

XI. It is also manifest, that all voluntary actions have their The Examination

beginning from, and necessarily depend on the will, and that the of doctrines.'II f d ' . , h d d h " f h d belongs to hImWI 0 mng, or omlttmg oug t, epen s on t e opInIon 0 t e goo likewise.

and evil! of the reward, or punishment, which a man conceives he [Leviathan

shall receive by the act, or omission; so as the actions of all men XVIII. 7.]

are ruled by the opinions of each; wherefore by evident and necessaryinference, we may understand that it very much concerns the interestof Peace, that no opinions or doctrines be delivered to Citizens, bywhich they may imagine, that either by Right they may not obeythe Lawes of the City, that is, the commands of that man, or Counsell,

. to whom the supreme power is committed, or that it is lawfull forto resist him, or that a lesse punishment remaines for him that

, Magistrats EL

DOMINION Chap. VI

denies, then him that yeelds obedience. For if one commandsomewhat to be done under penalty of naturall death, another forbidsit under pain of eternall death, and both by their own Right, it willfollow that the Citizens, although innocent, are not onely by Rightpunishable, but that the City it selfe is altogether dissolved; for noman can serve two Masters: nor is he lesse, but rather more, aMaster, whom we believe we are to obey for feare of damnation,then he whom we obey for feare of temporall death. It followestherefore, that this one, whether Man, or Court, to whom the Cityhath committed the supreme power, have also this Right, That heboth (*) judge what opinions and doctrines are enemies unto peace,and also that he forbid them to be taught.

Annotation. Judge what opinions, 5c.1 There is scarce any Principle, neither!in the worship ofGod, nor humane sciences, from whence there may notspring dissentions, discords, reproaches, and by degrees war it selfe,oneither doth this happen by reason of the falshood of the Principle, butof the disposition of men, who seeming wise to themselves, will needsappear such to all others: But though such dissentions cannot be hinderedfrom arising, yet may they be restrained by the exercise of the supremepower, that they prove no hinderance to the publique peace. Of thesekind ofopinions therefore I have not spoken of in this place. There arecertain doctrines wherewith Subjects being tainted, they verily believethat obedience may be refused to the City, and that by Right they may,nay ought, to oppose, and fight against chieft Princes, and dignities.Such are those, which whether directly, and openly, or more obscurely,and by consequence require obedience to be given to others beside themto whom the supreme authority is committed. I deny not, but this reflectson that power which many living under other government, ascribe tothe chiefe head ofthe Church of Rome, and also on that, which elsewhereout of that Church, Bishops require in theirs, to be given to them; andlast ofall, on that liberty which the lower sort ofCitizens under pretenceof Religion doe challenge to themselves,. for what civill war was thereever in the Christian world, which did not either grow from, or wasnourisht by this Root? The judgement therefore of doctrines, whetherthey be repugnant to civill obedience or not, and if they be repugnant,the power ofprohibiting them to be taught, I doe here attribute to thecivill authority; for since there is no man who grants not to the Citythe judgement of those things which belong to its Peace, and deftnce,

1 neither E I .

Chap. VI DOMINION 97

and it is manifest, that the opinions which I have already recited dorelate to its Peace, it followes necessarily, that the examination of thoseopinions, whether they be such, or not, must be referred to the City,that is, to him who hath the supreme authority.

XII. Last of all, from this consideration, that each Citizen hathsubmitted his Will to his who hath the Supreme Command in theCity, so as he may not employ his strength against him; it followesmanifestly, that whatsoever shall be done by him who commands,must not be punisht; afor as he who hath not power enough, cannotpunish him naturally; so neither can he punish !;tim by Right, whoby Right hath not sufficient power.a

XIII. It is most manifest by what hath been said, That in everyperfect City (that is, where no Citizen hath Right to use his faculties,at his owne discretion, for the preservation of himselfe, or wherethe Right of the private Sword is excluded) there is a Supreme powerin some one, greater then which cannot by Right be conferr'd bymen, or greater then which no mortall man can have over himself.But that power, greater then which cannot by men, be conveigh'don a man, we call (*) AB SOLUTE:b for whosoever hath sosubmitted his will to the will of the City, That he can, unpunisht,doe any thing, make Lawes, judge Controversies, set Penalties, makeuse, at his own pleasure, of the strength, and wealth of men, and allthis by Right, Ctruly he hath given him the greatest dominion thatcan be granted.c This same may be confirm'd by experience in allthe Cities which are, or ever have beene; for though it be sometimesin doubt, what Man, or Counsell, hath the Chief Command, yet everthere is such a Command, and alwayes exercis'd, except in the timeof Sedition, and Civill War, and then there are two Chiefe Commandsmade out of one: Now those seditious persons who dispute againstabsolute Authority, doe not so much care to destroy it, as to conveighit on others; for removing this power, they together take away CivillSociety, and a confusion of all things returnes. There is so muchobedience joyn'd to this absolute Right of the Chief Ruler, as is

Whatsoever hedoth isunpunishable.

[ElementsXX. 12, 19.

LeviathanXVIII. 6.]

That he hath anabsolutedominion grantedhim by hisCitizens, andwhat proportionof obedience isdue unto him.

[Elementscf. XX. 13.LeviathanXVIII. 14, 16, 18;XX. 14.]

ar-a MS, LI: Nam vt punire .. . resistere =

[For just as no man can naturally punish him,who cannot be resisted, so also no man canpunish by right him, who cannot by right beresisted.]

b MS, LI: & obedientiam ... possumus =

[and (we call) the obedience due to such apower entire and simple, so that from such

obedience there is nothing excepted which isnot contrary to the laws of God the ruler ofrulers, for we cannot transfer to men theobedience due to Him.]

c-c MS, LI: sane ... promisit = [truly hehas promised to show him'" the greatestobedience that can by right be shown. (* forei = him, cf Land EI)].

DOMINION Chap. VI

[Leviathancf. XXI. 6,

10-13.]

Annotation.

[De Give cf. X.1,3,6,7, 18;

cf. XIII. I, 2.

LeviathanXVIII. 18;

necessarily requir'd for the Government of the City, that is to say,so much as that Right of his may not be granted in vaine. Now thiskind of obedience, although for some reasons it may sometimes, byRight, be deny'd, yet because a greater cannot be perform'd, wewill call it S IMP L E. But the obligation to performe this growesnot immediately from that Contract by which we have conveigh'dall our Right on the City, but mediately from hence, That, withoutobedience, the Cities Right would be frustrate, and by consequencethere would be no City constituted. For it is one thing if I say, Igive you Right to Command what you will; another, if I say, I willdoe whatsoever you Command; and the Command may be such, asI would rather die then doe it; forasmuch therefore as no man canbe bound to will being kill'd, much lesse is he tyed to that, whichto him is worse then death: if therefore I be commanded to kill myself, I am not bound to doe it; for though I deny to doe it, yet theRight of dominion is not frustrated,l since others may be found,who being commanded, will not refuse to doe it; neither doe I refuseto doe that which I have contracted to doe. In like manner, if theChief Ruler command any man to kill him, he is not tyed to doeit, because it cannot be conceiv'd that he made any such Covenant;nor if he command to execute a Parent, whether he be innocent, orguilty, and condemned by the Law, since there are others, who,being commanded, will doe that, and a Son will rather die, thenlive infamous, and hated of all the world. There are many othercases, in which, since the Commands are shamefull to be done bysome, and not by others, Obedience may, by Right, be perform'dby these, and refus'd by those; and this, without breach of thatabsolute Right which was given to the Chief Ruler. For in no caseis the Right taken away from him, of slaying those who shall refuseto obey him. But they who thus kill men, although by Right giventhem from him that hath it, yet if they use that Right otherwisethen right Reason requires, they sin against the Lawes of Nature,(that is) against God.

Absolute] A popular state openly challengeth absolute dominion,and the Citizens oppose it not, for in the gathering together of manymen, they acknowledge the face of a City; and even the unskilfullunderstand, that matters there are rul'd by Counsell. Yet Monarchy isno lesse a City, then Democraty, and absolute Kings have their

1 f ustrated E I.

Chap. VI DOMINION 99

That he is nottied to observethe Lawes of theCity.

Counsellours, from whom they will take advice, and suffer their power, XIX. 4; XX. 14;

in matters ofgreater consequence, to be guided, but not recall'd. But it xxx. I.]

appears not to most men how a City is contain'd in the Person of aKing; and therefore they object against Absolute Command: First, thatif any man had such a Right, the condition of the Citizens would bemiserable: For thus they think, He will take all, spoil all, kill all; andevery man counts it his onely happinesse that he is not already spoil'dand kill'd. But why should he doe thus? not because he can; for unlessehe have a mind to it, he will not doe it. Will he, to please one, or somefew, spoil all the rest? First, though by Right, that is, without injuryto them, he may doe it, yet can he not doe it justly, that is, withoutbreach of the Naturall Lawes, and injury against God. And thereforethere is some security for Subjects in the Oaths which Princes take.Next, if he could justly doe it, or that he made no account of his Oath,yet appeares there no reason why he should desire it, since he findes nogood in it. But it cannot be deny'd but a Prince may sometimes havean inclination to doe wickedly; but grant then that thou hadst givenhim a power which were not a.bsolute, but so much onely as suffic'd todefend thee from the injuries of others, which, if thou wilt be safe, isnecessary for thee to give; are not all the same things to be feared? forhe that hath strength enough to protect all, wants not sufficiency tooppresse all. Here is no other difficulty then, but that humane affairescannot be without some inconvenience. And this inconvenience it self isin the Citizens, not in the Government; for ifmen could rule themselves,every man by his own command, that's to say, could they live accordingto the Lawes of Nature, there would be no need at all of a City, norof a common coercive power. Secondly, they object, That there is noDominion in the Christian world Absolute; which indeed is not true,for all Monarchies, ~nd all other States, .are so; for although they, whohave the chief Command, doe not all those things they would, and whatthey know profitable to the City, the reason of that is not the defect ofRight in them, but the consideration of their Citizens, who busied abouttheir private interest, and carelesse ofwhat tends to the publique, cannotsometimes be drawn to performe their duties without the hazard of the

• City. Wherefore Princes sometimes forbear the exe~cise of their Right,and prudently remit somewhat of the act, but nothing of their Right.

XIV. Neither can any man give somewhat to himselfe; for he isalready suppos'd to have what he can give himself; nor can he beoblig'd to himselfe, for the same Party being both the obliged, andthe Obliger, and the Obliger having power to release the obliged, it

100 DOMINION Chap. VI

[De Give cf. XII. 4.LeviathanXXVI. 5;

XXIX. 6.]

That no man canchallenge a

propriety inought against

him who hath theSupreme Power.

[De Givecf. XII. 7.LeviathanXXIV. 5;

XXIX. 7.]

Annotation.

were meerly in vain for a man to be obliged tohimselfe, becausehe can release himself at his own pleasure; and he that can doe this,is already actually free. Whence its plaine, that the City is not tyedto the Civill Lawes; for the Civill Lawes are the Lawes of the City,by which, if she were engag'd, she should be engag'd to her selfe.Neither can the City be oblig'd to her Citizen, because, if he will,he can free her from her obligation; and he will, as oft as she wills,(for the will of every Citizen is in all things comprehended in thewill of the City);! the City therefore is free when she pleaseth, thatis, she is now actually free; but the will of a Councell, or one whohath the Supreme Authority given him, is the will of the City; hetherefore containes the wills of all particular Citizens: Thereforeneither is he bound to the Civill Lawes (for this is to be bound tohimself) nor to any of his Citizens.

XV. Now because (as hath been shewn above) before the constitu­tion of a City all things belong'd to all men, nor is there that thingwhich any man can so call his, as any other may not, by the sameRight, claime as his own, (for where all things are common, there canbe nothing proper to any man) it followes, that (*) propriety2 receiv'dits beginning when Cities receiv'd theirs, and that that onely is properto each man which he can keep by the Lawes, and the power of thewhole City, (that is) of him on whom its chief command is conferr'd.Whence we understand, that each particular Citizen hath a propriety,to which none of his fellow-Citizens hath Right, because they aretyed to the same Lawes; but he hath no propriety in which the ChiefRuler (whose Commands3 are the Lawes, whose will contains thewill of each man, and who, by every single person, is constitutedthe Supreme Judge) hath not a Right. But although there be manythings which the City permits to its Citizens, and therefore theymay sometimes goe to Law against their Chief; yet is not that actionbelonging to Civill Right, but to Naturall Equity; neither is itconcerning what (*) by Right he may doe who hath the SupremePower, but what he hath been willing should be done, and thereforehe shall be judge himself, as though (the equity of the cause beingwell understood) he could not give wrong judgment.

Propriety receiv'd its beginning, &c.] What's objected by some,That the propriety ofgoods, even before the constitution of Cities, wasfound in Fathers of Families, that objection is vaine, because I have

2 L = property (proprietatem). 3 eomands EI.

Chap. VI DOMINION 101

already declar'd, That a Family is a little City: For the Sonnes of aFamily have a propriety of their goods granted them by their Father,distinguisht indeed from the rest of the Sons of the same Family, butnot from the propriety of the Father himself; but the 'Fathers ofdiverseFamilies, who are subject neither to any common Father, nor Lord,have a common Right in all things. .

What by Right he may doe, &c.] As often as a Citizen is grantedto have an action of Law against the Supreme, i.e. against the City,the question is not in that action, whether the City may, by Right, keeppossession ofthe thing in controversie, but whether by the Lawesformerlymade she would keep it; for the Law is the declared will ofthe Supreme:since then the City may raise money from the Citizens under two Titles,either as Tribute, or as Debt, in the former case there is no action ofLaw allowed; for there can be no question whether the City have Rightto require Tribute: in the. latter it is allowed, because the City will takenothing from its Citizens by fraud, or cunning, and yet if need require,all they have, openly; and therefore he that condemnes this place, saying,That by this doctrine it is easie for Princes to free themselves from theirDebts, he does it impertinently.

XVI. Theft, Murther, Adultery, and all injuries are forbid by theLawes of nature;l but what is to be called Theft, what Murther,what Adultery, what injury in a Citizen, this is not to be determined bythe naturall, but by the civill Law: for not every taking away of thething which another possesseth, but onely another mans goods is theft;but what is ours, and what anothers, is a question belonging to thecivill Law. In like manner, not every killing of a man is Murther, butonely that which the civill Law forbids; neither is all encounter withwomen Adultery, but ondy that which the civill Law prohibits. Lastly,all breach ofpromise is an injury, where the promise it selfe is lawfull,but where there is no Right to make any compact, there can be noconveighance of it, and therefore there can no injury follow, as hathbeen said in the second Chapter, Artie. 17. Now what we maycontract for, and what not, depends wholly upon the civill Lawes.The City.of Lacedcemon therefore rightly ordered that those youngmen who could so take away certain goods from others as not to becaught, should goe unpunisht; for it was nothing else, but to makea Law that what was so acquired should be their own, and notanothers. Rightly also is that man every where slain, whom we kill

1 "-', EI (cf. L).

Annotation.

It is known bythe civil! Lawswhat theft,murther,adultery,and injurie are.

102 DOMINION Chap. VI

in waITe, or by the necessity of selfe-defence. So also that copulationwhich in one City is Matrimony, in another will be judged Adultery.Also those contracts which make up Marriage in one Citizen, doenot so in another, although of the same City; because that he whois forbidden by the City (that is by that one man, or Councell, whosethe supreme power is) to contract ought, hath no Right to make anycontract, and therefore having made any, it is not valid, and byconsequence, no Marriage. But his contract which received noprohibition, was therefore of force, and so was Matrimony: neitheraddes it any force to any unlawfull contracts, that they were madeby an Oath, (*) or Sacrament, for those adde nothing to thestrengthningl of the contract, as hath been said above Chap. 2. Artie.22. What therefore Theft, what Murther, what Adultery, and ingenerall what injury is, must be known by the civill Lawes, that is,the commands of him who hath the supreme authority.

Annotation. 2 That they were made by an Oath or Sacrament, &c.] WhetherMatrimony bee a Sacrament (in which sense that word is usedby some Divines) or not, it is not my purpose3 to dispute: Onely I say,that the legitimate contract of a man and woman to live together, i.e.granted by the civill Law, whether it be a Sacrament, or not, is surelya legitimate Marriage; but that copulation which the City hath prohibitedis no marriage, since it is of the essence of Marriage to be a legitimatecontract. There were legitimate marriages in many places, as among theJewes, the Grecians, the Romans, which yet might be 4dissolved. But4

with those who permit no such contracts, but by a Law that they shallnever be broke, Wedlock cannot be dissolved; 5 and the reason is, becausethe City hath commanded it to be indissoluble, not because Matrimonyis a Sacrament. Wherefore the ceremonies which at weddings are to beperformed in the Temple, to blesse, or (if I may say so) to consecratethe husband and wife, will perhaps belong only to the office ofClergy-men;6 all the rest, namely who, when, and by what contractsMarriages may be made, pertains to the Lawes of the City.

The opinion of XVII. This same supreme command, and absolute power, seems sothose. who wo~/d harsh to the greatest part of men, as they hate the very naming ofconstItute a CIty . .

where there them; whIch happens chIefly through want of knowledge, whatshould not be any humane nature, and the civill Lawes are, and partly also through their

one endued with default, who when they are invested with so great authority, abuseabsolute power. h' h . I Th h h fi d't elr power to t elf own ust. at t ey may t ere ore avoy thIS

1 strenghning E I.

4-4 ""-'; '" l.e. EI.2 "" 1\ EI.

5 "-', EI (cf. L).3 pu pose El.

6 "-', EI (cf. L).

Chap. VI DOMINION '°3[Elementscf. XX. '3.LeviathanXVIII. '4, 18;XX. 14.]

kind of supreme authority, some of them will have a City well enoughconstituted, if they who shall be the Citizens convening, doe agreeconcerning certaine Articles propounded, and in that convent agitatedand approved; and doe command them to be observed, and punish­ments prescribed to be inflicted on them who shall break them: towhich purpose, and also to the repelling of a farraign enemy, theyappoint a certain and limited return, with this condition, that if thatsuffice not, they may call a new convention of estates. Who sees not-in a City thus constituted, that the Assembly who prescribed thosethings had an absolute power? If therefore the Assembly continue, orfrom time to time have a certain day, and place of meeting, thatpower will be perpetuall.' But if they wholly dissolve, either the Citydissolves with them, and so all is returned to the state of War, orelse there is 2somewhere2 a power left to punish those who shalltransgresse the Lawes, whosoever, or how many soever they be thathave it, which cannot possibly be without an absolute power: for hethat by right hath this might given, by punishments to restrain whatCitizens he pleaseth, hath such a power, as a. greater cannot possiblybe given by any Citizens.

XVIII. It is therefore manifest, that in every City there is some The notes of

one man, or Councell, or Court, who by Right hath as great a power supremeauthority.

over each single Citizen, as each man hath over himselfe considered[Elements

out of that civill state, that is, supreme and absolute, to be limited cf. xx. '3, '9.

onely by the strength and forces of the City it selfe, and by nothing Leviathan

else in the world: for if his power were limited, that limitation must ~II,I~.t 18;

necessarily proceed from some greater power; For he that prescribeslimits, must have a greater power then he who is confin'd by them;now that confining power is either without limit, or is again restrainedby some other greater then it selfe, and so we shall at length arriveto a power which hath no other limit, but that which is the 3terminusultimus3 of the forces of all the Citizens together. That same is calledthe supreme command, and if it bee committed to a councell, a supremecouncell, but if to one man, the supreme Lord of the City. Now thenotes of supreme command are these, To make and abrogate Lawes,To determine War and Peace, to know, and judge of all controversies,either by himselfe, or by Judges appointed by him; to elect allMagistrates, Ministers, and Counsellors. Lastly, if there be any manwho by Right can doe some one action which is not lawfull for any

1 perpetnall E1. 2-2 some where EI. 3-3 = ultimate limit or final boundary.

'°4 DOMINION Chap. VI

If the City becompared with a

man, hee whohath thesupreme

command, is inorder to the City,

as the humanesoule is to the

man, By Chap.S. Artie. 1.

[Leviathancf. XXI. 17.]

That thesupreme power

cannot byRight be

dissolved bytheir consents, bywhose compacts it

was constituted.

[De Giveef. VII. II, 12.

LeviathanXVIII. 2,3.]

Citizen or Citizens to doe beside himselfe, that man hath obtainedthe supreme power: For those things which by Right may not bedone by anyone or many Citizens, the City it selfe can onely doe:He therefore that doth those things useth the Cities Right, whichis the supreme power.

XIX. They who compare a City and its Citizens, with a man andhis members, almost all say, that he who hath the supreme power inthe City, is in relation to the whole City, such as the head is to thewhole man; But it appeares by what hath been already said, that hewho is endued with such a power, (whether it be a man, or a Court)hath a relation to the City, not as that of the head, but of the souleato the body.a For it is the soule by which a man hath a will, thatis, can either will, or nill;l so by him who hath the supreme power,and no otherwise, the City hath a will, and can either will'or nill.A Court of Counsellors is rather to be compared with the head, orone Counsellor, whose only Counsell (if of anyone alone) the chiefRuler makes use of in matters of greatest moment: for the office ofthe head is to counsell, as the soules is to command.

XX. Forasmuch as the supreme command is constituted by vertueof the compacts which each single Citizen, or subject, mutuallymakes with the other; but all contracts, as they receive their forcefrom the contractors, so by their consent they lose it again, and arebroken; perhaps some may inferre hence, that by the consent of allthe subjects together, the supreme authority may be wholly takenaway. Which inference if it were true, I cannot discerne what2 dangerwould thence by Right arise to the supreme Commanders. For sinceit is supposed, that each one hath obliged himselfe to each oth~r, ifanyone of them shall refuse, whatsoever the rest shall agree to doe,he is bound notwithstanding; neither can any man without injuryto me, doe that which by contract made with me, he hath obligedhimselfe not to doe. But it is not to be imagined that ever it willhappen, that all the subjects together, not so much as one excepted,will combine against the supreme power;3 wherefore there is no fearefor Rulers in chiefe, that by any Right they can be despoyled of theirauthority. If notwithstanding it were granted, that their Rightdepended onely on that contract4 which each man makes with hisfellow-citizen, it might very easily happen, that they might be robbed

1 L = not wish (nolle).2 whar EI.3 "', EI (cf. L).

4 conttact EI.

a-a EI adds to the body.

Chap. VI DOMINION l°S

of that Dominion under pretence of Right; for subjects being calledeither by the command of the City, or seditiously flocking together,most men think that the consents of all are contained in the votes ofthe greater Ipart. Which l in truth is false; for it is not from naturethat the consent of the major part should be received for the consentof all, neither is it true in tumults, but it proceeds from civill institu­tion, and is then onely true, when that Man or Court which haththe supreme power, assembling his subjects, by reason of the greatnesseof their number, allowes those that are elected a power of speakingfor those who elected them, and will have the major part of voyces,in such matters as are by him propounded to be discust, to be aseffectuall as the whole. But we cannot imagine that he who is chieft,ever convened his subjects with intention that they should disputehis Right, unlesse, weary of the burthen of his charge, he declaredin plain termes, that he renounces and abandons his government.Now because most men through ignorance esteem not the consentof the major part of Citizens only, but even of a very few, providedthey be of their opinion, for the consent of the whole City, it mayvery well seem to them, that the supreme authority may by right beabrogated, so it be done in some great Assembly of Citizens by thevotes of the greater number; But though a government be constitutedby the contracts of particular men with particulars, yet its Rightdepends not on that obligation onely;2 there is another tye alsotoward him who commands; for each Citizen compacting with hisfellow, sayes thus, I conveigh my Right on this Party, upon conditionthat you passe yours to the same; by which means, that Right whichevery3 man had before to use his faculties to his own advantage, isnow wholly translated on some certain man, or Councell, for thecommon benefit; wherefore what by the mutuall contracts each onehath made with the other, what by the donation of Right which everyman is bound to ratifie to him that commands, the government isupheld by a double obligation from the Citizens, first that which isdue to their fellow citizens, next that which they owe to their Prince.Wherefore no subjects how many soever they be, can with any Rightdespoyle him who bears the chiefe Rule, of his authority, evenwithout his own consent.

1-1 "'; '" I.e. Er (ef. L). 2 "', Er (ef. L). 3 evety Er.

r06 DOMINION

CHAP. VII.

Of the three kindes of Government,

Democraty, Aristocraty, Monarchie.

Chap. VII

I. That there are three kindes ofGovernment onely, Democraty, Aristocraty, Monarchie.II. That Oligarchy is not a diverse form ofgovernment distinct from Aristocraty, norAnarchy any Forme at all. III. That a Tyranny is not a diverse state from alegitimate Monarchy. IV. That there cannot be. a mixt state fashioned out of theseseverall species. V. That Democraty, except there be certain times and places ofmeetingprefixt, is dissolv'd. VI. In a Democraty the intervalls of the times of meeting mustbe short, or the administration of Government during the intervall committed to someone. VII. In a Democraty particulars Contract with particulars to obey the People;the People is oblig'd to no man. VIII. By what acts Aristocraty is constituted. IX.In an Aristocraty the Nobles make no Compact, neither are they oblig'd to any Citize~,or to the whole People. X. The Nobles must necessarily have their set meetings. XI.By what acts Monarchy is constituted. XII. Monarchy is by Compact oblig'd to nonefor the Authority it hath receiv'd. XIII. Monarchy is ever in the readiest capacityto exercise all those acts which are requisite to good' Government. XIV. What kindof sin that is, and what sort of men are guilty of it, when the City performes not itsoffice towards the Citizens, nor the Citizens towards the City. XV. A Monarchmade without /imitation of time hath power to elect his successor. XVI. Of limitedMonarchs. XVII. A Monarch retaining his Right of Government, cannot by anypromise whatsoever be conceived to have parted with his Right to the meanes necessaryto the exercise of his Authority. XVIII. How a Citizen is freed from subjection.

There are three I. WE have already spoken of a City by institution in its Genus;kinds of we will now say somewhat of its species. As for the

Government d·n; f C· . ··k fi h d·n; f h PI I erence 0 ItIes, It IS ta en rom tel erence 0 t e ersons,Demo::;;': to whom the Supreme Power is committed; this power is committed

Aristocraty, and either to one Man, or Councell, or some one Court consisting of manyMonarchy. men. Furthermore, a Councell of many men, consists either of all

[Elem~;t~:~: the Citizens, (insomuch as every man of them hath a Right to Vote,Leviathan and an interest in the ordering of the greatest affaires, if he willXIX. 1.] himselfe) or of a part onely; from whence there arise three sorts of

Government: The one, when the Power is in a Councell, where everyCitizen hath a right to Vote, and it is call'd a DEMOCRATY.The other, when it is in a Councell, where not all, but some partonely have their suffrages, and we call it an ARISTOCRATY.The third is that, when the Supreme Authority rests onely in one,and it is stiled a M 0 N ARC H Y. In the first, he that governes

a Er adds good.

Chap. VII DOMINION 107

is called LJijp.o,/ The PEOPLE. In the second, the NOBLES.In the third, the MONARCH.

II. Now, although Ancient Writers of Politiques have introduc'd Oligarchic is no

three other kindes of Government opposite to these, to wit, Anarchy state oj a Cityfi' D 01' h h . h d f dIStinct Jromor con USlOn to emocraty, tgarc y, t at IS, t e cornman 0 some Aristocratic;

few, to Aristocraty, and Tyranny to Monarchy, yet are not these neither is

three distinct formes of Government, but three diverse Titles given Anarchic any

b h h ·th d' I 'd . h h G state at ally t ose w 0 were el er ISP eas Wit t at present overnment, .or those that bare Rule. For men, by giving names, doe usually, not [Elements

cf. XX. 3.onely signifie the things themselves, but also their own affections, as Leviathan

love, hatred, anger, and the like, whence it happens that what one XIX. 2.]

man calls a Democraty, another calls an Anarchy; what one countsan Aristocraty, another esteemes an Oligarchie; and whom one titlesa King, another stiles him a Tyrant; so as we see these names betokennot a diverse kinde of Government, but the diverse opinions of theSubjects concerning him who hath the Supreme Power. For first,who sees not that Anarchy is equally opposite to all the forenam'dFormes? For that word signifies that there is no Government at all,that is, not any City. But how is it possible that no City should bethe species of a City? Farthermore, what difference is there betweenan Oligarchie, which signifies the Command of a few, or Grandees,or an Aristocraty, which is that of the Prime, or Chief Heads, morethen that men differ so among themselves, that the same thingsseeme not good to all men? Whence2 it happens, that those persons,who by some are look'd on as the best, are by3 others esteem'd tobe the worst of all men.

III. But men, by reason of their passions, will very hardly be That a Tyranny

perswaded that a Kingdome, and Tyranny, are not diverse kindes of is not a diverse

Cities, who though they would rather have the City subject to one, ;;;:;/;;:t; athen many, yet doe they not beleeve it to be well govern'd unlesse Monarchy.

it accord with their judgements: But we must discover by Reason, [Leviathan

and not by Passion, what the difference is between a King, and a XIX. 2.]

Tyrant: but first, they differ not in this, That a Tyrant hath thegreater power, for greater then the Supreme cannot be granted; norin this, That one hath a limited power, the other not; for he, whoseauthority is limited, is no King, but his Subject that limits him.Lastly, neither differ they in their manner of acquisition; for if ina Democratical!, or Aristocratical! Government some one Citizen

1 = the people. 2", l.e. Er. 3 dy EI.

108 DOMINION Chap. VII

should, by force, possesse himself of the Supreme Power, if he gainthe consent of all the Citizens, he becomes a legitimate Monarch; ifnot, he is an Enemy, not a Tyrant. They differ therefore in the soleexercise of their command, insomuch as he is said to be a King,who governs wel, and he a Tyrant that doth otherwise. The casetherefore is brought to this passe, That a King legitimately constitutedin his Government, if he seeme to his Subjects to Rule well, and totheir liking, they afford him the appellation of a King, if not, theycount him a Tyrant: Wherefore we see a Kingdome, and Tyranny,are not diverse Formes of Government, but one and the self-sameMonarch hath the name of a King given him in point of Honour,and Reverence to him, and of a Tyrant in way of contumely, andreproach. But what we frequently finde in bookes said against Tyrants,took its originall from Greek, and Roman Writers, whose Governmentwas partly Democraticall, and partly Aristocraticall, and thereforenot Tyrants onely, but even Kings were odious to them.

That there can IV. There are, who indeed doe think it necessary,l That a Supremeno mixt state Command should be somewhere extant in a City; but if it shouldbe form'd out

of these be in anyone, either Man, or Councell, it would follow (they say)fore-nam'd that all the Citizens must be slaves. Avoiding this condition, they

kindes of imagine that there may be a certaine Form ofGovernment compoundedGovernment. of those three kinds we have spoken of, yet different from each

[Elements particular, which they call a mixt Monarchie, or mixt Aristocraty, orxx. 15, 16.Leviathan mixt Democraty, according as anyone of thess: three sorts shall be

XIX. 9-11.] more eminent then the rest: For example, if the naming ofMagistrates, and the arbitration of War, and Peace, should belongto the King, Judicature to the Lords, and contribution of Moniesto the People, and the power of making Lawes too altogether, thiskind of State would they call a mixt'Monarchie forsooth. But if itwere possible that there could be such a State, it would no whitadvantage the liberty of the subject; for as long as they all agree,each single Citizen is as much subject as possibly he can be; but ifthey disagree, the State returns to a Civill War, and the Right ofthe private Sword, which .certainly is much worse then any subjectionwhatsoever: (*) But that there can be no such kind of Governmenthath been sufficiently demonstrated in the foregoing Chapter, Artic:6, 7, 8, 9, 10, II, 12.

Annotation. But that there can be no such kinde of Government] Most mengrant, That a Government ought not to be divided, but they would

1 necessarily EI (cf. ERRATA).

Chap. VII DOMINION 1°9

have it moderated, and bounded by some limits. Truly it is very reasonableit should be so; but if these men, when they speak of moderating, andlimiting, do understand dividing it, they make a very fond I distinction.Truly, for my part, I wish that not onely Kings, but all other Personsendued with Supreme Authority would so temper themselves as to commitno wrong, and onely minding their charges contain themselves withinthe limits of the naturall, and divine Lawes: But they who distinguishthus, they would have the chiefpower bounded, and restrain'd by others;which, because it cannot be done, but that they who doe set the limits,must needs have some part of the power, whereby they may be enabledto doe it, the Government is properly divided, not moderated.

V. Let us see a little now in the constituting of each Form of That Democraty,

Governmen:t, what the constitutours doe. Those who met together except it have'th . t f C' I' h f' certain tImes and

WI In en IOn to erect a Ity, were a most In t e very act 0 meetIng places of

a Democraty; for in that they willingly met, they are suppos'd oblig'd meeting

to the observation of what shall be determin'd by the major part: prescrib'd, is

h· h h'l hI' d"d . d dissolv'dw IC , W let at convent asts, or IS a Journ to some certaIn ayes, .and places, is a clear Democraty; for that convent, whose will is thewill of all the Citizens, hath the Supreme Authority; and because inthis Convent every man is suppos'd to have a Right to give hisvoice, it followes, that it is a Democraty by the definition given inthe first Article of this Chap. But if they depart, and break up theConvent, and appoint no time, or place, where, and when they shallmeet again, the publick weal returns to Anarchy, and the same stateit stood in before their meeting, that is, to the state of all menwarring against all. The2 People therefore retains the supreme powerno longer then there is a certain day and place publiquely appointed,and known, to which whosoever will, may resort. For except thatbe known and determined, they may either meet at divers times,and places, that is in factions, or not at all; and then it is no longeroiJp.o" the People, but a dissolute multitude, to whom we can neitherattribute3 any Action, or Right: Two things therefore frame aDemocratie, whereof one (to wit the perpetuall prescription ofConvents) makes oiJp.ov, the People, 4 the other4 (which is a pluralityof voyces) 570 Kpa7o,5 or the power.

VI. Furthermore, it will not be sufficient for the People, so as to In Democratie,

maintain its supremacy, to have some certain known times, and places the Intervals of

1 = foolish, credulous.2 "" I.e. EI (cf. L).3 attribuee EI.

4--4 Iheother EI.s-s = the power or might.

110 DOMINION Chap. VII

By what acts anAristocraty is

framed.

[ElementsXXI. 6.)

I[In aDemocratyparticulars

Contract withparticulars to

obey the People;the People isoblig'd to no

man.]'

[ElementsXXI. 2.

Leviathancf. XVIII. 3.)

the times of of meeting, unlesse that either the intervals of the times be of lesseconvening must distance, then that any thing may in the mean time happen wherebybe short or the f h d fi f h C' b .

administr~tion of (by reason 0 tee ect 0 power) t e tty may e brought mtothe government some danger, or at least that the exercise of the supreme authority

committed to be, during the intervall, granted to some one man, or Councell. Forsome one. unlesse this be done, there is not that wary care, and heed taken

cf. [~t'~ti for the defence and Peace of single men which ought to be, andtherefore will not deserve the name of a City, because that in it forwant of security, every mans Right of defending himselfe at his ownpleasure, returns to him again.

VII. Democraty is not framed by contract of particular Personswith the People, but by mutuall compacts of single men each withother. But hence it appears in the first place, that the Personscontracting, must be in being before the contract it 2 selfe. But2 thePeople is not in being before the constitution of government, as notbeing any Person, but a multitude of single Persons; wherefore therecould then no contract passe between the People and the Subject.Now, if after that government is framed, the subject make anycontract with the People, it is in vain, because the People containswithin its will, the will of that subject to whom it is supposed tobe obliged; and therefore may at its own will and pleasure disengageit selfe, and by consequence is now actually free. But in the secondplace, that single Persons doe contract each with other may beinferred from hence, that in vain sure would the City have beenconstituted, if the Citizens had been engaged by no contracts to doe,or omit what the City should command to be done or omitted.Because therefore such kind of compacts must be understood topasse as necessary to the making up of a City, but none can bemade (as is already shewed) between the Subject and the People;3 itfollowes, that they must be made between single Citizens, namelythat each man contract to submit his will to the will of the majorpart, on condition that the rest also doe the like, as if everyoneshould say thus, I give up my Right unto the People for your sake,on condition, that you also deliver up yours, for mine.

VIII. An Aristocraty, or Councell of Nobles endued with supremeauthoritie, receives its originall from a Democraty, which gives upits Right unto it;4 where we must understand that certain mendistinguisht from others, either by eminence of title, blood, or some

1-1 Marginal subtitle absent EI (cf. head ofChapter).

2-2 ....... , ""' I.e. EI.4 "', EI (d L).

3 "', EI (cf. L).

Chap. VII DOMINION III

other Character, are propounded to the People, and by plurality ofvoyces are elected; I and being elected, the whole Right of the People,or City, is conveighed on them, insomuch as whatsoever the Peoplemight doe before, the same by Right may this Court of elected Noblesnow 2doe. Which2 being done, it is clear that the People, consideredas one Person, (its supreme authority being already transferred onthese) is no longer now in being.

IX. As in Democraty the People, so in an Aristocraty the Court In an

of Nobles is free from all manner of obligation; for seeing subjects Aristocraty theNobles make

not contracting with the People, but by mutuall compacts among no contract,

themselves, were tyed to all that the People did, hence also they nor are they

were tyed to that act of the People in resigning up its Right of obliged to any. h h d f N bl N' h Id h' C citizen or to thegovernment mto t e an s 0 0 es. eIt er cou t IS ourt, whole People.

although elected by the People, be by it obliged to any thing; for [Elements

being erected, the People is at once dissolved, as was declared above, XXI. 7.

and the authority it had as being a Person utterly vanisheth. Wherefore Leviathan. . . d cf. XVIII. 3, 5·]

the obligatIOn whIch was due to the Person must also vamsh, anperish together with it.

X. Aristocraty hath these considerations, together with Democraty; The Nobles must

First, that without an appointment of some certain times, and places, necessarily havetheir set

at which the Court of Nobles may meet, it is no longer a Court, or meetings.

one Person, but a dissolute multitude without any supreme power; [De Give

Secondly, that the times of their assembling cannot be disjoyned by cf. VII. [3·]

long intervalls, without prejudice to the supreme power, unlesse itsadministration be transferred to some one man: Now the reasonswhy this happens, are the same which we set down in the fifthArticle.

XI. As an Aristocratie, so also a Monarchy is derived from the By what acts a

Power of the People, transferring its Right, (that is) its Authoritie Monarchy isframed.

on one man: Here also we must understand, that some one man,either by name, or some other token, is propounded to be taken r:i7.';.ts

notice of above all the rest, and that by a plurality of voyces the Leviathan

h I R· h f h Pl' . h d h' '. h cf. XVIII. 1-5'woe 19 tot e eop e IS conve1g e on 1m, msomuc as cf. XIX. 4.] ,

whatsoever the People could doe before he were elected, the samein every Respect may he by Right now doe, being elected; whichbeing done, the People is no longer one Person, but a rude multitude,as being only one before by vertue of the supreme command, whereofthey now have made a conveyance from themselves on this one Man.

1 "", EI. 2-2 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).

112 DOMINION Chap. VII

That theMonarch is by

compact obligedto none,!or

the authoritie hehath received.

[Elementscf. XXI. 2,7,9.

LeviathanXVIII. 3, 5·]

A Monarch isever in the

readier capacityto exercise all

those actswhich are

requisite towell' governing.

[Leviathancf. XIX. 4.]

What kind ofsinthat is, and what

sort of men areguilty of it,

when the Cityperforms not its

office to theCitizens, not theCitizens towards

the City.

[Elementscf. XXI. 3, 7·

LeviathanXVIII. 3, 5;cf. XXX. I.]

[Elementscf. XXI. 4.]

XII. And therefore neither doth the Monarch oblige himselfe toany for the command he receives, for he receives it from the People;but as hath been shewed above, the People, as soon as that act isdone, ceaseth to be a Person;! but the Person vanishing, all obligationto the Person vanisheth. The subjects therefore are tyed to performobedience to the Monarch, by those compacts only by which theymutually obliged themselves to the observation of all that the Peopleshould command them, (that is) to obey that Monarch, if he weremade by the People.

XIII. But a Monarchy differs as well from an Aristocraty, as aDemocratie, in this chiefly, that in those there must be certain settimes and places for deliberation, and consultation of affaires, thatis, for the actuall exercise of it in all times, and places; For thePeople, or the Nobles not being one natural! Person must necessarilyhave their meetings. The Monarch who is one by nature, is alwayesin a present capacity to execute his authority.

XIV. Because2 we have declared above in the 7.9. and 12. Articles,that they who have gotten the supreme command are by no compactsobliged to any man, it necessarily followes, that they can doe noinjury to the subjects; for injury according to the definition made inthe third Article of the third Chapter, is nothing else but a breachof contract: and therefore where no contracts have part, there canbe no injury. Yet the People, the Nobles, and the Monarch maydiverse wayes transgresse against the other Lawes of nature, as bycruelty, iniquity, contumely, and other like vices, which come notunder this strict,and exact notion of injury. But if the subject yeeldnot obedience to the supreme, he will in propriety ofspeech be said tobe injurious as well to his fellow subjects, because each man hathcompacted with the other to obey, as to his chiefRuler,3 in resumingthat Right, which he hath given him, without his consent. And ina Democraty, or Aristocraty, if any thing be decreed against any Lawofnature, the City it selfe (i.e.) the civill Person sinnes not, but thosesubjects only by whose votes it was decreed;4 for sinne5 is aconsequence of the naturall expresse will, not of the politicall, whichis artificiall; for if it were otherwise, they would be guilty, by whomthe decree was absolutely disliked: But in a Monarchie, if the Monarch

1 "', EI (cf. L).2 B cause EI.3 '" /\ EI (cf. L).

• '" /\ EI (cf. L).

a EI adds well.

, "', EI (cf. L).

Chap. VII DOMINION 113

make any decree against the Lawes ofnature, he sins himselfe, becausein him the civill will and the naturall are all one.

XV. The people who are about to make a Monarch, may give A Monarch

him the supremacy either simply without limitation of time, or for made without. d· d . d·f· I d d !ImitatIon ofa certame season, an tIme etermme ; I sImp y, we must un erstan. l

.. . . tlme may e ectthat he who receIves It, hath the selfe-same power whIch they had, his successors.

who gave it, on the same grounds: therefore that the People by Right [Elements

could make him a Monarch, may he make another Monarch: insomuch XXI. 9,10.

h M h h h d ·· I' . Leviathanas t e onarc to w om t e comman IS sImp y gIven, receIves a XIX. 10, 14.]

Right not of possession onely, but of succession also, so as he maydeclare whom hee pleaseth for his successor.

XVI. But if the power be given for a time limited, we must have Of limited

regard to somewhat more then the bare gift onely: First, whether Monarchs.

the People conveighing its authority, left it selfe any Right to meet [Elements.. dIN·f· h d h· cf. XX. 17;at certam tImes, an p aces, or not. ext, I It ave reserve t IS XXI. 9, 10.

power, whether it were done, so as they might meet before that time Leviathan

were expired, which they prescribed to the Monarch. Thirdly, XIX. 9, 10, 14·]

whether they were contented to meet onely at the will of thattemporary Monarch and not otherwise. Suppose now the People haddelivered up its power to some one man for term oflife onely; whichbeing done, let us suppose in the first place, that every man departedfrom the Counsell without making any order at all concerning theplace where (after his death) they should meet again to make a newelection. I In this case it is manifest by the fifth Article of thisChapter, that the People ceaseth to be a Person, and is become adissolute multitude, everyone whereof hath an equall, to wit, anaturall Right to meet with whom he lists at divers times, and inwhat places shall best please him; nay, and if he can, engrosse thesupreme power to himselfe, and settle it on his own head. WhatMonarch soever therefore hath a command in such a condition, heis bound by the Law of nature (set down in the Article of the thirdChapter ofnot returning evil! for good) prudently to provide, that byhis death the City suffer not a dissolution, either by appointing acertain day, & place, in which those subjects of his who have a mindto it may assemble themselves, or else by nominating a successor:whether of these shall to him seem most conducible to their commonbenefit. He therefore who on this foresaid manner hath received hiscommand during life, hath an absolute power, and may at his discretion

1 elect on E1.

DOMINION Chap. VII

dispose of the succession. In the next place, if we grant that thepeople departed not from the election of the temporary Monarch,before they decreed a certain time and place of meeting after hisdeath, then the Monarch being dead, the authority is confirmed inthe people, not by any new acts of the subjects, but by vertue of theformer Right;! for all the supreme command (as Dominion) was in thePeople, but the use, and exercise of it was only in the temporaryMonarch, as in one that takes the benefit, but hath not the Right.But if the People after the election of a temporarie Monarch, departnot from the Court before they have appointed certain times, andplaces to convene, during the time prescribed him (as the Dictatorsin ancient times were made by the People of Rome) such an one isnot to be accounted a Monarch, but the Prime Officer of the People;and if it shall seem good, the People may deprive him of his officeeven before that time, as the People of Rome did, when they conferredan equall power on Minutius 2 Master of the horse, with QuintusFabius Maximus, whom before they had made Dictator. The reasonwhereof is, that it is not to be imagined, that, whether Man or Counsellwho hath the readiest, and most immediate power to act, shouldhold his command on such termes as not to be able actually toexecute it; for command is nothing else but a Right of commanding,as oft as nature allowes it possible. Lastly, if the People havingdeclared a temporary Monarch, depart from the Court on such termes,as it shall not be lawfull for them to meet without the command ofthe Monarch, we must understand the People' to be immediatelydissolved, and that his authority who is thus declared, is absolute;forasmuch as it is not in the power of all the subjects to frame theCity anew, unlesse he give consent who hath now alone the authority.Nor matters it, that he hath perhaps made any promise to assemblehis Subjects on some certain times, since there remains no Personnow in being, but at his discretion, to whom the promise was made.What we have spoken of these four cases of a People electing aTemporary Monarch will be more clearly explain'd by comparingthem with an absolute Monarch, who hath no heir apparent; for thePeople is Lord of the subjecta in such a manner as there can be no

1 "-, EI (cf. L),2 [M. Minucius Rufus: afteT the battle of

Trasimene (217 BC) Minucius was appointedMasteT ofthe Horse to Fabius by the Comitia,not by the dictatoT himself as was customary.Disobeying Fabius and in his absence he

successfully engaged Hannibal at Gerunium,wheTeupon the People appointed him co­dictatoT with Fabius. He feU at Cannae (216)(Livy XXII. 8, 27)].

a L. ciuium [ = citizens].

Chap. VII DOMINION

Heir but whom it self doth appoint. Besides, the spaces betweenthe times of the subjects meeting may be fitly compar'd to thosetimes wherein the Monarch sleepes, for in either the Acts ofcommanding ceases, the Power remaines: Farthermore, to dissolvethe convent, so as it cannot meet againe, is the death of the People;just as sleeping, so as he can never wake more, is the death of aman: As therefore a King, who hath no Heir, going to his rest, soas never to rise again, (i.e.) dying, if he commit the exercise of hisRegall Authority to anyone till he awake, does by consequence givehim the Succession; the People also electing a Temporary Monarch,and not reserving a power to convene, delivers up to him the wholeDominion of the Country: Furthermore, as a King going to sleepfor some season, entrusts the administration of his Kingdome tosome other, and waking takes it again; so the people having electeda Temporary Monarch, and withall retaining a right to meet at acertain day, and place, at that day receives its supremacy again. Andas a King who hath committed the execution of his Authority! toanother, himself in the mean while waking, can recall this commissionagaine when he pleaseth; so the People, who during the timeprescribed to the Temporary Monarch, doth by Right convene, mayif they please, deprive the Monarch of his Authority. Lastly, theKing, who commits his Authority to another while himself sleeps,not being able to wake againe till he whom he entrusted, give consent,loses at once both his power, and his life; so the people, who hathgiven the Supreme Power to a temporary Monarch in such sort asthey cannot assemble without his command is absolutely dissolv'd,and the power remaines with him whom they have chosen.

XVII. If the Monarch promise ought to anyone, or many subjects A Monarch

together, by consequence whereof the exercise of his power may retaining his

suffer prejudice, that Promise or Compact whether made by Oath, ~~v~r:!mentor without it, is null: for all Compact is a conveyance of Right, which. cannot by a~yby what hath been said in the fourth Article of the second Chapter, promise

. d . f h W'll' h B whatsoever berequires meet, an proper slgnes 0 tel m t e conveyer. ut conceiv'd t~ have

he who sufficiently signifies his will of retaining the end, doth also parted with his

sufficiently declare that he quits not his Right to the means necessary Right to the

to that end. Now he who hath promis'd to part with somewhat means necessary. . to the exerCIse

necessary to the Supreme Power, and yet retames the Power It selfe, of his Authority.

gives sufficient tokens, That he no otherwise promis'd it then so

1 Au hority EI.

II6 DOMINION Chap. VII

[LeviathanXVIII. IS.]

IBy whatmeanesl a

Subject is freedfrom his

subjection.

[ElementsXXI. 12-16;cf. XXI. 13.

De Cive cf. VI. 3.Leviathan

XXI. 17-20;XXVII. 12-14.]

farre forth as the power might be retain'd without it. Whensoevertherefore it shall appear that what is promis'd cannot be perform'dwithout prejudice to the power, the promise must be valued as notmade, (i.e.) of no effect.

XVIII. We have seen how Subjects, nature dictating, have oblig'dthemselves by mutuall Compacts to obey the Supreme Power. Wewill see now by what meanes it comes to passe that they are releas'dfrom these bonds of obedience. And first of all this happens byrejection,2 namely, if a man cast off, or forsake, but conveigh not theRight of his Command on some other; for what is thus rejected, isopenly expos'd to all alike, catch who catch can; whence again, bythe Right of nature, every subject may heed the preservation ofhimselfe according to his own judgement. In the second place, Ifthe Kingdome fall into the power of the enemy, so as there can nomore opposition be made against them, we must understand thathe, who before had the Supreme Authority, hath now lost it: Forwhen the Subjects have done their full indeavour to prevent theirfalling into the enemies hands, they have fulfill'd those Contractsof obedience which they made each with other, and what, beingconquer'd, 3 they promise afterwards, to avoid death, they must, withno lesse endeavour, labour to performe. Thirdly, in a Monarchy,(for a Democraty, and Aristocraty cannot fail) ifthere be no successour,all the subjects are discharg'd from their obligations; for no man issuppos'd to be tyed he knows not to whom, for in such a case itwere impossible to perform ought. And by these three wayes allsubjects are restor'd from their civill subjection to that liberty, whichall men have to all things, to wit, naturall, and salvage,4 (for thenaturall state hath the same proportion to the Civill, I mean libertyto subjection, which Passion hath to Reason, or a Beast to a Man:)Furthermore, each subject may lawfully be freed from his subjectionby the will of him who hath the Supreme Power, namely, if hechange his soile, which may be done two wayes, either by permission,as he, who gets license to dwell in another Country; or Command,as he, who is Banisht: In both cases he is free from the Lawes ofhis former Country, because he is tyed to observe those of the latter.

1-1 my what Beanes EI.2 ~ abdication (cf. IX. 7, below).

3 con uer'd EI.4 = savage (cf. L).

Chap. VIII DOMINION

CHAP. VIII.

Of the Rights of Lords over their Servants.

I. What Lord and Servant signifie. II. The distinction ofServants into such as upontrust enjoy their naturall liberty, or slaves, and such as serve, being imprison'd, orbound in fetters. III. The Obligation of a Servant arises from the liberty of bodyallow'd him by his Lord. IV. Servants that are bound are not by any Compacts tyedto their Lords. V. Servants have no propriety in their goods against their Lord. VI.The Lord may sell his Servant, or alienate him by Testament. VII. The Lord cannotinjure his Servant. VIII. He that is Lord of the Lord, is Lord also ofhis Servants.IX. By what means Servants are freed. X. Dominion over Beasts belongs to theRights of nature.

I. I N the two fore-going Chapters we have treated of an institutive,orfram'd Government, as being that which receives its originall

from the consent of many, who by Contract and Faith mutuallygiven, have oblig'd each other. Now followes, what may be said,concerning a naturall Government, which may also be call'd, Acquired,because it is that which is gotten by power, and naturall force. Butwe must know in the first place by what means the Right ofDominionmay be gotten over the Persons of men. Where such a Right isgotten, there is a kind of a little Kingdome; for to be a King, isnothing else but to have Dominion over many Persons; and thus aGreat Family is a Kingdom, & a Little Kingdome a Family. Let usreturn again to the state of nature, and consider men as if but evennow sprung out of the earth, and suddainly (like Mushromes) cometo full maturity without all kind of engagement to each other: Thereare but three wayes only whereby one can have the Dominion overthe Person of another; whereof the first is, if by mutuall Contractmade between themselves (for Peace, & self-defences sake) they havewillingly given up themselves to the Power and Authority of someman, or Councel of Men, & of this we have already spoken. The2 d is, If a man taken Prisoner in the Wars, or overcome; or elsedistrusting his own forces, (to avoid Death) promises the Conquerour,or the stronger Party, his Service, i.e. to do all whatsoever he shallcommand him; in which Contract the good which the vanquisht, orinferiour, in strength doth receive, is the grant of his life, which bythe Right of War in the naturall state of men he might have depriv'dhim of, but the good which he promises, is his service and obedience.

What Lord andServant are.

[ElementsXXII. 1,2;cf. XXIII. 1.

LeviathanXX. t, 7.J

lIS DOMINION Chap. VIII

By vertue therefore of this promise, there is as absolute service andobedience due from the vanquisht, to the vanquisher, as possiblycan be, excepting what repugns the Divine Lawes; for he who isoblig'd to obey the Commands of any man before he knowes whathe will command him, is simply, and without any restriction tyedto the performance of all Commands whatsoever. Now he that isthus tyed, is call'd a SERVANT, he to whom he is tyed, a LORD.Thirdly, there is a Right acquir'd over the Person of a Man, byGeneration; of which kind of acquisition somewhat shall be spokenin the following Chapter.

The distinction II. Everyone that is taken in the War, and hath his life spar'dof Servants into' him, is not suppos'd to have Contracted with his Lord;2 for every

such as upon one is not trusted with so much of his naturallliberty, as to be able,trust enjoy theirnatural/liberty; if he desir'd it, either to Hie away, or quit his service, or contrive

or Slaves, and any mischief to his Lord. And these serve indeed but within Prisons,

bsuch as serv:'d' or bound within Irons, and therefore they were call'd not by the

emg Imprisonor fettered. common name of Servant onely, but by the peculiar name of Slave,

[Elements XXII. 3. even as now at this day un serviteur, and un serf, or un esclave haveLevialhan diverse significations.xx. 7, 8.]

The obligationofa Servant

ariseth from thatfreedome which is

granted him byhis Lord.

[ElementsXXII. 3.

LeviathanXX. 7, 8.]

Servants thatare bound arenot obliged totheir Lord byany Contract.

[Elements XXII. 3.Leviathan

XX. 7, 8.]

Servants have nopropriety in

III. 3 The obligation therefore of a Servant to his Lord ariseth notfrom a simple grant of his life, but from hence rather, That he keepshim not bound, or imprison'd, for all obligation derives fromContract; but where's no trust, there can be no Contract, as appearsby the 2. Chap. Artic. 9. where a Compact is defin'd to be thepromise of him who is trusted. There is therefore a confidence andtrust which accompanies the benefit of pardon'd life, whereby theLord affords him his corporall liberty; so that if no obligation, norbonds of Contract had happen'd, he might not onely have made hisescape, but also have kill'd his Lord, who was the preserver of his life.

IV. Wherefore such kind of Servants as are restrain'd by imprison­ment, or bonds, are not comprehended in that definition of Servantsgiven above, because those serve not for the Contracts sake, but tothe end they may not suffer; and therefore if they Hie, or kill theirLord, they offend not against the Lawes of Nature, for to bind anyman is a plain signe, that the binder supposes him that is boundnot to be sufficiently tyed by any other obligation.

V. The Lord therefore hath no less Dominion over a Servant thatis not, then over one that is bound, for he hath a Supreme Power over

, unto EI (cf. subIide at head of Chapter). 2 "", EI. 3 III. absent EI.

Chap. VIII DOMINION

[LeviathanXX. 3.9;cf. XXI. 6.]

[ElementsXXII. {.LeviathanXX. 9.]

their goodsagainst theirLord.

The Lord maysell his Servant,or alienate himby Testament.

[Elements XXII. 5.Leviathan XX. 9.]

The Lord cannotbe injurious tohis Servant.

both, and may say of his Servant no lesse then of another thing,whether animate, or inanimate, This is mine; whence it followes,that whatsoever the Servant had before his servitude, that afterwardsbecomes the Lords; and whatsoever he hath gotten, it was gottenfor. his Lord: for he that can by Right dispose of the Person of aman, may surely dispose of all those things which that Person coulddispose of. There is therefore nothing which the Servant may retaineas' his own against the will of his Lord; yet hath he, by his Lordsdistribution, a propriety, and Dominion over his own goods, insomuchas one Servant may keep, and defend them against the invasion ofhis fellow Servant, in the same manner as hath been shewed before,that a subject hath nothing properly his owne against the will of theSupreme Authority, but every subject hath a propriety against hisfellow subject.

VI. Since therefore both the Servant himself, and all that belongsto him are his Lords, and by the Right of Nature every man maydispose of his owne in what manner he pleases; the Lord may eithersell, lay to pledge, or by Testament conveigh the Dominion he hathover his Servant, according to his own will and pleasure.

VII. Farthermore, what hath before been demonstrated concerningsubjects in an institutive Government, namely, that he who hath theSupreme Power can doe his subject no injury; is true also concerningServants, because they have subjected their will to the will of theLord; wherefore, whatsoever he doth, it is done with their wills, butno injury can be done to him that willeth it.

VIII. But if it happen that the Lord,l either by captivity2 or He that is Lord

voluntary subjection,3 doth become a Servant or Subject to another, of the Lord, is. . Lord also of the

that other shall not onely be Lord of him, but also of hiS Servants;4 Servants.

Supreme Lord over these, immediate. Lord over him. Now because [Elementsnot the Servant only, but also all he hath are his Lords; therefore XXII. 6.

his Servants now belong to this man, neither can the mediate Lord ~~a;~an

dispose otherwise of them then shall seeme good to the Supreme.And therefore, if sometime in civill Governments, the Lord have anabsolute power over his Servants, that's suppos'd to be deriv'd fromthe Right of Nature, and not constituted, but slightly pass'd overby the Civill Law.

IX. A servant is by the same manner freed from his servitude, By what meanes

that a Subject in an institutive government, is freed from his subjection; servants arefreed.

1", 1\ EI. 2 "'"', EI. 4 "-. EI (cf. L).

120 DOMINION Chap. VIn

[ElementsXXII. 7.

Leviathanef. xx. 7, 10.]

First, if his Lord enfranchize him, for the Right which the servanttransferred to his Lord over himselfe, the same may the Lord restoreto the servant again. And this manner of bestowing of liberty iscalled MAN UMIS S ION; which is just as if a City should permita Citizen to conveigh himselfe under the jurisdiction of some otherCity. Secondly, if the Lord cast off his servant from him, which ina City is banishment; neither differs it from Manumission in effect,but in manner onely: for there, liberty is granted as a favour, here,as a punishment: In both, the Dominion is renounced. Thirdly, ifthe servant be taken prisoner, the old servitude is abolished by thenew; for as all other ·things, so servants also are acquired by warre,whom in equity the Lord must protect, if he will have them to behis. Fourthly, the servant is freed for want of knowledge of asuccessour, the Lord dying (suppose) without any Testament, orHeire, for no man is understood to be obliged, unlesse he know towhom he is to perform the obligation. Lastly, the servant that is putin bonds, or by any other means deprived of his corporall liberty,is freed from that other obligation of contract, for there can be nocontract where there is no trust, nor can that faith be broken whichis not 19iven. But l the Lord who himselfe serves another, cannot so

[Elements free his servants, but that they must still continue under the powerXXII. 8.] of the supreme, for, as hath been shewed before, such servants are

not his, but the supreme Lords.The Dominion X. We get a right over irrationall Creatures in the same manner,

over beasts is by that we doe over the Persons of men, to wit, by force and naturallthe R~~;~r~ strength; for if in the state of nature it is lawfull for everyone, by

[Elements reason of that warre which is of all against all, to subdue, and alsoXXII. 9.] to kill men as oft as it shall seem to conduce unto their good, much

more will the same be lawfull against Brutes; namely at their owndiscretion, to reduce those to servitude which by art may be tamed,and fitted for use, and to persecute and destroy the rest by a perpetuallwarre, as dangerous and noxious. Our Dominion therefore over beasts,hath its originall from the right of nature, not from divine positiveRight: for if such a Right had not been before the publishing of thesacred Scriptures, no man by right might have killed a beast for hisfood, but he to whom the divine pleasure was made manifest byholy Writ; a most hard condition for men indeed whom the beastsmight devoure without injury, and yet they might not destroy them:

1-1 "-, "- I.e. EI (cf. L).

Chap. VIII DOMINION 121

Forasmuch therefore as it proceeds from the right of nature, that abeast may kill a man; it is also by the same Right, that a man mayslay a beast.

CHAP. IX.

Of the right of Parents over their children,

and of hereditary Government.

I. Paternall Dominion ariseth not from generation. II. Dominion over Infants belongsto him or her who first hath them in their power. III. Dominion over infants isoriginally the Mothers. IV. The exposed infant is his from whom he receives hispreservation. V. The ~hild that hath one Parent a Subject, and the other a Soveraign,belongs to him, or her in authority. VI. In such·a conjunction of man and woman,as neither hath command over the other, the children are the Mothers, unlesse bycompact or civill Law, it bee otherwise determined. VII. Children are no lesse subjectto their Parents, then Servants to their Lords, and Subjects to their Princes. VIII.Ofthe honour ofParents, and Lords. IX. Wherein Liberty consists, and the differenceofSubjects and Servants. X. There is the same Right over Subjects in an hereditaryGovernment, which there is [inJ' an institutive Government. XI. The questionconcerning the right of Succession, belongs only to Monarchy. XII. A Monarchmay by his Will and Testament, dispose of his supreme authority. XIII. Or giveit, or sell it. XIV. A Monarch dying without Testament, is ever supposed to willthat a Monarch should succeed him. XV. And some one ofhis children. XVI. Anda male rather then female. XVII. And the eldest rather then the yonger. XVIII.And his Brother if he want issue before all others. XIX. In the same manner thatmen succeed to the power, doe they also succeed to the right of succession.

I. SOcrates is a man, and therefore a living creature, is a rightreasoning, 2 and that most evident, because there is nothing

needfull to the acknowledging of the truth of the consequence, butthat the word Man3 be understood,4 because a living creature is inthe definition it selfe of a Man, and everyone makes up theproposition 5 which was desired, namely this, Man is a living Creature;And this, Sophroniscus is Socrates his Father, and therefore his Lord,is perhaps a true inference, but not evident, because the word Lordis not in the definition of a Father: wherefore it is necessary to makeit more evident, that the connexion of Father and Lord be somewhatunfolded. Those that have hitherto endeavoured to prove theDominion of a Parent over his children, have brought no other

PaternallDominion risethnot fromgeneration.

[Elementscf. XXIII. " 2.

LeviathanXX. 4, 5·]

1 in absent E, (cf. marginal subtitle below).2 seasoning E, (cf. ERRATA).

3 "-', EI. 4 understod EI.5 proportion E, (cf. L. propositionem).

122 DOMINION Chap. IX

Dominion overInfants belongs to

him who' firsthath them in his

power.

[ElementsXXIII. 3.

Leviathan XX. 5.]

Dominion overInfants is

originally theMothers.

[ElementsXXIII. 3.Leviathan

XX. 4, 5·]

argument then that of generation, as if it were of it selfe evident,that what is begotten by me, is mine; just as if a man should think,that because there is a triangle, it appeares presently without anyfarther discourse, that its angles are equall to two Rights. Besides,since Dominion (that is) supreme power is indivisible, insomuch asno man can serve two Masters, but two Persons male and female,must concurre in the act of generation, its impossible that Dominionshould at all be acquired by generation onely. Wherefore we willwith the more diligence in this place, enquire into the original ofpaternal Government.

II. Wee must therefore retume to the state of nature, in which,by reason of the equality of nature all men of riper yeares are to beaccounted equall; There by right of nature the Conqueror is Lordof the conquered: by the Right therefore of nature, the Dominionover the Infant first belongs to him who first hath him in his power;2but it's manifest that he who is newly born is in the Mothers powerbefore any others, insomuch as she may rightly, and at her own wil,either breed him up, or adventure him to fortune.

III. If therefore she breed him (because the state of nature is thestate of warre) she is supposed to bring him up on this condition,that being grown to full age he become not her enemy; (which is)that he obey her. For since by naturall necessity we all desire thatwhich appears good unto us, it cannot be understood that any manhath on such termes afforded life to another, that he might both getstrength by his years, and at once become an enemy; but each manis an enemy to that other whom he neither obeys nor commands.And thus in the state of nature, every woman that bears children,becomes both a Mother, and a Lord. But what some say, that inthis case, the Father by reason of the preeminence of sexe, and notthe Mother, becomes Lord, signifies 3 nothing. For3 both reason shewesthe contrary, because the inequality of their naturall forces is notso great, that the man could get the Dominion over the womanwithout 4warre. And4custome also contradicts not; for women, namelyAmazons, have in former times waged war against their adversaries,and disposed of their children at their own wils, and at this day indivers places, women are invested with the principall authority. Neitherdoe their husbands dispose of their children, but themselves; whichin truth they do by the right of nature; forasmuch as they who have

, who who first E1.

2 "', Er (ef. L).3--3 "", "'"' I.e. EI.4--4 "', '" I.e. Er (ef. L).

Chap. IX DOMINION 123

[Elementscf. XXIII. 3.LeviathanXX. s.]

The exposedInfant is histhat preserveshim.

The sonne of aSubject andchieft, is his thatcommands.

the supreme power, are not tyed at all (as hath bin shewed) to thecivill lawes. Adde also that in the state of nature it cannot be knownwho is the Father, but by the testimony of the Mother; the childtherefore is his whose the Mother will have it, and therefore hers;Wherefore originall Dominion over children belongs to the Mother,and among men no lesse then other creatures: The birth followesthe belly.

IV. The Dominion passes from the Mother to others, divers wayes;first, if she quit and forsake l her Right by exposing the child. Hetherefore that shall bring up the childe thus exposed, shall have thesame Dominion over it, which the Mother had. For that life whichthe Mother had given it (not by getting, but nourishing it) she nowby exposing, takes from it; Wherefore the obligation also which arosefrom the benefit of life, is by this exposition made voyd. Now thepreserved, oweth all to the preserver, whether in regard of hiseducation as to a Mother, or of his service, as to a Lord; for althoughthe Mother in the state of nature, where all men have a right to allthings, may recover her sonne again (namely by the same Right thatany body else might doe it) yet may not the Sonne rightly transferrehimselfe again unto his Mother.

V. Secondly, if the Mother· be taken prisoner, her Sonne is histhat took her, because that he who hath Dominion over the Person,hath also Dominion over all belonging to the Person; Wherefore overthe Sonne also, as hath been shewed in the foregoing Chapter, in

[Elementsthe fifth Article. Thirdly, if the Mother be a subject under what cf. XXIII. 4.

government soever, he that hath the supreme authority in that ~,a~~an

government, will also have the Dominion over him that is born ofher;2 for he is Lord also of the Mother,3 who is bound to obey himin all things. Fourthly, if a woman for societie sake give her selfe toa man on this condition; that he shall bear the sway; he that receiveshis being from the contribution of both Parties, is the Fathers, inregard of the command he hath over the Mother; but if a womanbearing rule shall have children by a Subject, the children are theMothers: for otherwise the woman can have no children withoutprejudice to her authority. And universally, if the society of the maleand female be such an union, as the one have subjected himselfe tothe other, the children belong to him or her that commands.

VI. But in the state of nature, if a man, and woman contract so, In such aas neither is subject to the command of the other, the children are conjunction of

1 sorsake Er. 2 "-. EI (cf. L). 3 "- ; EI (cf. L).

124 DOMINION Chap. IX

male and female,as neith~r hath

the commandingpower over the

other, thechildren are theMothers, except

by pact, or civilllaw, it beotherwise

determined.

[Elementscf. XXIII. 5-7.

LeviathanXX. 4, 5.]

Children are nolesse subject totheir Parents,

then servants totheir Lords, andsubjects to their

City.

[Elementscf. XXIII. 8.

Leviathancf. XX. 10.]

Of the honourdue to Parents

and Lords.

[Leviathancf. XXX. 10.]

the Mothers for the reasons above given in the third Article, unlesseby pacts it be otherwise provided. For the Mother may by pactdispose of her Right as she lists, as heretofore hath been done bythe Amazons, who of those children which have been begotten bytheir neighbours, have by pact allowed them the males, and retainedthe females to themselves; but in a civill government, if there be acontract of marriage between a man and woman, the children arethe Fathers; because in all Cities, viz. constituted of Fathers, notMothers governing their families, the domesticall command belongsto the man, and such a contract, if it be made according to the civillLaws, is called MATRIM 0 NY; but if they agree only to lyetogether, the children are the Fathers, or the Mothers variously,according to the differing civill Lawes of divers Cities.

VII. Now because by the third Article the Mother is originallyLord of her Children, and from her the Father, or some body elseby derived Right, it is manifest that the Children are no lesse subjectto those by whom they are nourisht, and brought up, then Servantsto their Lords, and Subjects to him who beares the Supreme Rule;land that a Parent cannot be injurious to his Sonne as long as he isunder his power. A Son also is freed from subjection on the samemanner as a subject and servant are. For emancipation is the samething with manumission, and abdication2 with banishment.

VIII. The enfranchised son, or released servant, doe now stand inlesse fear of their Lord and Father, 3 being deprived of his naturalland lordly power over them, and (if regard be had to true andinward Honour) doe Honour him lesse, then before. For Honour (ashath been said in the section above) is nothing else but the estimationof anothers power; and therefore he that hath least power, hathalwayes least Honour. But it is not to be imagin'd that the enfranchiserever intended so to match the enfranchised with himself, as that heshould not so much as acknowledge a benefit, but should so carryhimself in all things, as if he were become wholly his equall; Itmust therefore be ever understood, That he who is freed fromsubjection, whether he be a servant, sonne, or some colony, dothpromise all those externall signes, at least whereby Superiours usedto be Honour'd by their inferiours. From whence it followes, That

1 "'-, EI (cf. L).2 = rejection or disinheritance (L. abdi­

catio) [The Shorter Oxford Dictionary givesthe original meaning ofabdication as rejection

or disinheritance, the modern meaning appear­ing c.1618].

3 "'- 1\ EI (cf. L).

Chap. IX DOMINION

the precept of honouring our Parents, belongs to the law of nature,not onely under the title of Gratitude, but also of Agreement.

IX.l What then, will some one demand, is the difference between Wherein libertya sonne, or between a subject, and a servant? Neither doe I know doth consist, and

. . the differencethat any Wnter hath fully declared what ltberty, and what slavery between subjectsis. Commonly to doe all things according to our own phancies,2 and and servants.that without punishment, is esteem'd to be liberty; not to be able [Elementsto doe this, is judg'd bondage; which in a Civill Government, and ef. XXIII. 9·)

with the peace of mankind cannot possibly be done, because thereis no City without a Command, and a restraining Right. LIBERTY,that we may define it, is nothing else but an absence of 3the lets, andhinderances 3 of motion, as water shut up in a vessell is therefore notat liberty, because4 the vessell hinders it from running out, which.the vessell being broken, is made free. And every man hath more orlesse liberty, as he hath more or lesse space in which he employeshimself: as he hath more liberty, who is in a large, then he that iskept in a close prison. And a man may be free toward one part, andyet not toward another,5.6 as the traveller is bounded on this, andthat side with hedges, or stone walls, lest he spoyle the vines, orcorne, neighbouring on the high way. And these kinde of lets areexternall, and absolute; in which sense all Servants, and Subjects arefree, who are not fetter'd and imprisoned. There are others whichare arbitrary, which doe not absolutely hinder motion, but byaccident; to wit, by our own choyce, as he that is in a ship is notso hindered, but he may cast himselfe into the Sea, if he will: andhere also the more wayes a man may move himselfe, the more libertyhe hath, and herein consists civillliberty; for no man, whether subject,sonne, or servant, is so hindred by the punishments appointed bythe City, the Father, or the Lord, how cruell soever, but that hemay doe all things, and make use of all meanes necessary to thepreservation of his life and 7health. For7my part therefore I cannotfinde what reason a meer servant hath to make complaints, if theyrelate onely to want ofB liberty, unlesse he count it a misery to berestrained from hurting himselfe, and to receive that life, (which bywarre, or misfortune, or through his own idlenesse was forfeited)together with all manner of sustenance, and all things necessary to

1 ......... /\ in some copies ofEI.2 = fancies.3-3 L = obstacles (impedimentorum).4 hecause E I.

5 anothert E I .

6 ~ 1\ Er (cf. L).7-7 ~: ~ I.e. Er (cf. L).8 of E1.

126 DOMINION Chap. IX

[ElementsXXIII. [0.

Leviathanxx. 3,10;

cf. XX. [L]

A Monarch maydispose of the

command of his

There is thesame Right inan hereditary,

which there is inan institutivegovernment.

the conservation of health, on this condition only, that he will beruI'd: for he that is kept in by punishments layd before him, so ashe dares not let loose the reines to his will in all things; is notopprest by servitude, but is governed and sustained. But this priviledgefree subjects and sonnes of a family, have above servants, (in everygoverment, and family, where servants are) that they may bothundergoe the more honourable offices of the City or family, and alsoenjoy a larger possession of things superfluous. And herein layes thedifference between a free subject, and a servant, that he is F R E Eindeed, who serves his City onely; but a S E R V ANT is he who alsoserves his fellow subject: all other liberty is an exemption from theLawes of the City, and proper only to those that bear Rule.

X. A Father, with his sonnes and servants growne into a civillPerson by vertue of his paternall jurisdiction, is called a FA MIL Y.This family, if through multiplying of children, and acquisition ofservants, it becomes numerous, insomuch as without casting theuncertain dye l of warre, it cannot be subdued, will be termed anHereditary Kingdome; which though it differ from an institutiveMonarchy, being acquired by force in the original, & manner of itsconstitution; yet being constituted, it hath al the same properties,and the Right of authority is every where the same, insomuch as itis not needfull to speak any thing of them apart.

The question XI. It hath been spoken, by what Right supreme authorities areconcerning the constituted. Wee must now briefly tell you by what right they may

RIght of be continued. Now the Right by which they are continued, is thatsuccession,belongs onely to which is called the right of sueC E S S ION. Now because in a

Monarchy. Democratie, the supreme authority is with the People, as long as[Elements there be any subjects in being, so long it rests with the same Person;

x:;,,~~~;:~ for the People hath no Successour. In like manner in an Aristocraty,XIX. [2-[4; one of the Nobles dying, some other by the rest is substituted in'

XX. 6.] his place;2 and therefore except they all dye together, which I supposewill never happen, there is no succession. The Querie therefore ofthe Right of Succession takes place onely in an absolute Monarchy.For they who exercise the supreme power for a time onely, arethemselves no Monarchs, but Ministers of state.

XII. But first, if a Monarch shall by Testament appoint one tosucceed him, the Person appointed shall succeed; for ifhe be appointedby the People, he shall have all the Right over the City which the

[ = die (singular ofdice; L. alea). 2 "', E[ (cf. L).

Chap. IX DOMINION 127

[ElementsXXIII. 12.

Levia.hanXIX. 17.]

A Monarchdying withoutTestament, isever understoodto will, that aMonarch shouldsucceed him.

People had, as hath been shewed in the 7. Chap. Art. I I. But l the government by

People might choose him;2 by the same Right therefore may he Testament.

choose another; But3 in an hereditary Kingdome there are the same [Elements

R· h . ... Wh fi 4 M h b h' cf. XXIII. II.Ig ts as In an lnstltuttve; ere ore, every onarc may y IS Leviathan

will make a successour. XIX. '4, 15·]

XIII. But what a man may transferre on another by Testament, Or give it away,

h b h R· h h I' ., II T or sell.t.t at y t e same Ig t may e yet IVIng, gIve, or se away; 0[Elemen.s

whomsoever therefore he shall make over the supreme power, whether cf. XXIII. II.

by gift, or sale, it is rightly made. Leviathan cf. XIX.'4, '5, 18.]

XIV. But if living, he have not declared his will concerning hissuccessour by Testament, nors otherwise, it is supposed, First, thathe would not have his Government reduced to an Anarchy, or thestate of warre, (that is) to the destruction of his subjects; as wellbecause he could not doe that without breach of the Lawes of nature,whereby he was obliged to the performance of all things necessarilyconducing to the preservation of Peace, as also because if that hadbeen his will, it had not been hard for him to have declared thatopenly. Next, because the Right passeth according to the will of theFather, we must judge of the successour according to the signes ofhis will. It is understood therefore, that he would have his subjects tobe under a Monarchical! Government rather then any other, becausehe himselfe in ruling,' hath before approved of that state by hisexample, and hath not afterward either by any word or deed con-demned it.

XV. Furthermore, because by naturall necessity all men wish them And some one

better from whom they receive glory, and honour, then others; but ofhis children.

every man after death receives honour and glory from his children, [Elements

h fi h f h h hXXIII. 13·

sooner t en rom t e power 0 any ot er men: ence we gat er, Leviathan

that a father intends better for his children, then any other persons. XIX. 16, 17·]

It is to be understood therefore, that the will of the father, dyingwithout Testament, was, that some of his children should succeedhim; 6 yet this is to be understood with this proviso, that therebe no more apparent tokens to the contrary: of which kind, aftermany successions, custome may be one, for he that makes no mentionof his succession, is supposed to consent to the customes of hisRealme.

1 '" I.e. EI (cf. L).2 ""', EI.3 '" I.e. EI (cf. L).

• '" I.e. EI (cf. L).5 not EI (ef. L).6 "', EI (cf. L).

128 DOMINION Chap. IX

And a malerather then

female.

[ElementsXXIII. '4.

LeviathanXIX. 16, 17.]

And of themales, the eldestrather then the

yonger.

[ElementsXXIII. IS.]

And his Brotherif he want issue

before all others.

[ElementsXXIII. 16.

LeviathanXIX. 17.]

XVI. Among children the Males carry the preheminence, in thebeginning perhaps, because for the most part (although not alwayes)they are fitter for the administration of greater matters, but speciallyof wars; but afterwards, when it was grown a custome, because thatcustome was not contradicted; and therefore the will of the Father,unlesse some other custome or signe doe clearly repugne it, is to beinterpreted in favour of them.

XVII. Now because the Sonnes are equall, and the power cannotbe divided, the eldest shall succeed; for if there be any difference byreason of age, the eldest is supposed more worthy, for nature beingjudge, the most in years (because usually it is so) is the wisest. Butother judge there cannot be had. But if the Brothers must be equallyvalued, the succession shall be by llot. But l primogeniture is a naturalllot, and by this the eldest is already prefer'd;2 nor is there any thathath power to judge, whether by this, or any other kind of lots thematter is to be decided. Now the same reason which contends thusfor the first-born sonne, doth no lesse for the first born daughter.

XVIII. But if he have no children, then the command shall passto his Brothers & Sisters, for the same reason, that the childrenshould have succeeded if he had had them: for those that are nearestto us in nature, are supposed to be nearest in benevolence; and tohis brothers, sooner then his sisters, and to the elder sooner thenthe yonger; for the reason is the same for these which it was forthe children.

In the same XIX. Furthermore, by the same reason that men succeed to themanner that men power, doe they also succeed to the Right of succession: for if the

succeed to thepower, doe they first-born dye before the Father,3 it will be judged, that he trans-

also succeed to ferred his Right of succession unto his children, unlesse the Fatherthe Right of have otherwise decreed it, and therefore the Nephewes a will have a

Succession. fairer pretence to the succession, then the Uncles. I say all these[Elements things will be thus, if the custome of the place (which the Father

cf. XXIII. 17.]by not contradicting, will be judged to have consented to) doe nothinder them.

1-1 ~, ~ I.e. EI (cf. L). a L. nepotes, & neptes [= grandsons and2 ~, EI (cf. L). 3 Farher E1. granddaughters, (etc.)].

Chap. X DOMINION

CHAP. X.

A comparison between ]. kinds ofgovernment,

according to their several! inconveniences.

129

I. A comparison of the naturall state with the civil!. II. The conveniences andinconveniences ofthe Ruler and his Subjects are alike. III. The praise ofMonarchy.IV. The Government under one cannot be said to be unreasonable in this respect, namelybecause one hath more power then all the rest. V. A Rejection of their opinion, whosay that a Lord with his Servants cannot make a City. VI. Exactions are moregrievous under a popular State, then a Monarchy. VII. Innocent Subjects are lesseexposed to penalties under a Monarch, then under the People. VIII. The liberty ofsingle Subjects is not lesse under a Monarch, then under a People. IX. It is nodisadvantage to the Subjects,' that they are not all admitted to publick deliberations. X.Civill deliberations are unadvisedly committed to great Assemblies, by reason of theunskilfulnes of the most part of men. XI. In regard ofeloquence. XII. In regardof faction. XIII. In regard of the unstablenes of the Lawes. XIV. In regard ofthe want ofsecrecy. XV. That these inconveniences adhere to Democraty,forasmuchas men are naturally delighted with the esteeme of wit. XVI. The inconveniencies ofa City arising from a King that is a childe. XVII. The power of Generalls, is anevident sign of the excellence of Monarchy. XVIII. The best state of a City is that,where the Subjects2 are the Rulers inheritance. XIX. The nearer Aristocraty drawesto Monarchy, the better it is, the further it keeps from it, the worse.

I. WHat Democraty, Aristocraty, and Monarchy are, hathalready been spoken, but which of them tends most to

the preservation ofthe subjects Peace, and procuring their advantages,we must see by comparing them 3together. But3 first let us set forththe advantages, and disadvantages of a City in generall, lest someperhaps should think it better, that every man be left to live at hisown will, then to constitute any civill society at all. Every manindeed out of the state of civill government hath a most entire, butunfruitfullliberty; because that he who by reason of his own libertyacts all at his own will, must also by reason of the same liberty inothers, suffer al4 at anothers wil;5 but in a constituted City, everysubject retains to himselfe as much freedom as suffices him to livewell, and quietly, & there is so much taken away from others, asmay make them not to be feared. Out of this state, every man hathsuch a Right to all, as yet he can enjoy nothing;6 in it, each one

A comparingthe state ofnature with thecivill.

[Elementscf. XXIV. 1.Leviathancf. XIII. 8;XVIII. 18.]

1 Subiects E1 (cf. marginal subtitlesbelow).

2 Subiects E1.

B _; _ I.e. El (cf. L).4 = all.6 _ /\ El (cf. L).

5 = will.

13° DOMINION Chap. X

The gains andlosses of the

'[Ruler and hisSubjects are

alike.]'

[ElementsXXIV. 1.

Leviathancf. XIX. 4.]

securely enjoyes his limited Right; Out of it, any man may rightlyspoyle, or kill one another; in it, none but one. Out of it we areprotected by our own forces; in it, by the power of all. Out of itno man is sure of the fruit of his labours; in it, all men are. Lastly,out of it, there is a Dominion of Passions, war, fear, poverty,slovinlinesse, solitude, barbarisme, ignorance, cruelty. In it, theDominion of reason, peace, security, riches, decency, society, elegancy,sciences, and benevolence.

II. Aristotle in his seventh book, and fourteenth Chapter of hisPolitiques saith, that there are two sorts of governments, whereofthe one relates to the benefit of the Ruler, the other to that of theSubjects; as if where Subjects are severely dealt with, there wereone, and where more mildly, there were another form of government;which opinion may by no means be subscribed to, for all the profitsand disprofits arising from government are the same, and commonboth to the Ruler, and the Subject; The Dammages which befallsome particular subjects through misfortune, folly, negligence, sloth,or his own luxury, may very well be severed from those whichconcern the Ruler, but those relate not to the government it selfe,being such as may happen in any form of government whatsoever.If these same happen from the first institution of the City, they willthen be truly called the inconveniencies of government, but theywill be common to the Ruler with his subjects, as their benefits arecommon; but the first and greatest benefit, Peace, and defence, iscommon to both, for both he that commands, and he who iscommanded, to the end that he may defend his life, makes use atonce of all the forces of his fellow-subjects; and in the greatestinconvenience that can befall a City, namely the slaughter of subjects,arising from Anarchy, both the Commander, and the Parties com­manded, are equally concerned. Next, if the Ruler levie such asumme of vast monies from his subjects, as they are not able tomaintain themselves, and their families, nor conserve their bodilystrength, and vigour, the disadvantage is as much his, as theirs, whowith never so great a stock, or measure of riches, is not able to keephis authority or his riches without the bodies of his subjects; but ifhe raise no more then is sufficient for the due administration of hispower, that is a benefit equall to himselfe and his subjects, tendingto a common Peace, and 2defence. Nor2 is it imaginable which way

11 Ruler ... alike absent El (cf. subtitleat head of Chapter).

2-2 _; _ I.e. El (cf. L).

Chap. X DOMINION 13 1

publick treasures can be a grievance to private subjects, if they benot so exhausted, as to be wholly deprived from all possibility toacquire, even by their industry, necessaries to sustain the strengthof their bodies, and mindes; for even thus the grievance wouldconcern the Ruler;! nor would it arise from the ill institution, orordination of the government, (because in all manner of governmentssubjects may be opprest) but from the ill administration of a wellestablished government.

III. Now that Monarchy of the foresaid forms, of Democraty,Aristocraty, and Monarchy, hath the preheminence, will best appearby comparing the conveniences and inconveniences arising in eachone of them. Those arguments therefore that the whole universe isgoverned by one God; that the Ancients preferr'd the Monarchicallstate before all others, ascribing the Rule of the Gods to one Jupiter;that in the beginning ofaffairs, and of Nations, the decrees of Princeswere held for Laws; that paternall government instituted by Godhimselfe in the Creation, was Monarchicall; that other governmentswere compacted (*)2 by the artifice of men out of the ashes ofMonarchy, after it had been ruined with seditions; and .that thepeople of God were under the jurisdiction of Kings, although I saythese doe hold forth Monarchy as the more eminent to us, yet becausethey doe it by examples and testimonies, and not by solid reason,we will passe them over.

Compacted by the artifice of men, &c.] It seems the Ancients whomade that same fable of Prometheus pointed at this. They say, thatPrometheus having stolne4 fire from the Sunne, formed a man out ofclay, and that for this deed he was tortured by Jupiter with a perpetuallgnawing in his liver,o5 which is, that by humane invention (which issignified by Prometheus) Laws and Justice were by imitation takenfrom Monarchy, by vertue whereof(as by fire removed from its naturallorbe) the multitude (as the durt 6 and dregs of men) was as it werequickned and formed into a civill Person, which is termed Aristocraty,or Democraty,o but the Authours and Abettors being found, who mightsecurely and quietly have lived under the naturall jurisdiction of Kings,doe thus smart for it, that being exposed still to alteration, they are.tormented with perpetuall cares, suspitions, and dissentions.

IV. Some there are who are discontented with the governmentunder one, for no other reason, but because it is under one; as if it

The praise ofMonarchy.

[ElementsXXIV. 3.Leviathancf. XIX. 4-8.]

Annotation. 3

The governmentof one cannot

1 """', EI.4 = stolen.

2 ( ) absent E1. 3 ~ A E1.5 ~,EI (cf. L). • = dirt.

'32 DOMINION Chap. X

be said to beevill in this

respect, namelybecause one hathmore power then

all the rest.

[ElementsXXIV. 4.]

Rejection of theiropinion, who saythat a Lord with

his servantscannot make a

City.

[Leviathancf. XX. IL]

were an unreasonable thing that one man among so many, shouldso farre excell in power, as to be able at his own pleasure to disposeof all the rest; these men sure, if they could, would withdrawthemselves from under the Dominion of one God. But this exceptionagainst one is suggested by envie, while they see one man in possessionof what all desire: for the same cause they would judge it to be asunreasonable, if a few commanded, unlesse they themselves eitherwere, or hoped to be of the number; for if it be an unreasonablething that all men have not an equall Right, surely an Aristocratymust be unreasonable lalso. Butl because we have shewed2 that thestate of equality is the state of warre, and that therefore inequalitywas introduc'd by a generall consent; this inequality whereby he,whom we have voluntarily given more to, enjoyes more, is no longerto be accompted3 an unreasonable thing. The inconveniences there­fore which attend the Dominion of one man, attend his Person, nothis Unity. Let us therefore see whether brings with it the greatergrievances to the subject, the command of one man, or of many.

V. But first, we must remove their opinion who deny that to beany City at all, which is compacted of never so great a number ofservants under a common Lord.4 In the 9. Artic. of the 5. Chapter,a City is defined to be one Person made out of many men, whosewill by their own contracts is to be esteemed as the wills of themall, insomuch as he may use the strength and faculties of each singlePerson for the publick Peace and safety; and by the same article ofthe same Chapter, One Person is that, when the wills of many arecontained in the will of sone. But S the will of each servant is containedin the will of his Lord, as hath been declared in the 5. Article ofthe 8. Chapter, so as he may employ all their forces and facultiesaccording to his own will, and pleasure; it foIlowes therefore thatthat must needs be a city, which is constituted by a Lord, and manyservants; neither can any reason be brought to contradict this whichdoth not equally combat against a City constituted by a Father,and his Sonnes; for to a Lord who hath no children, servants are inthe nature of sonnes; for they are both his honour, and safeguard;neither are servants more subject to their Lords, then children totheir Parents, as hath been manifested above in the 5. Article of the8. Chapter.

1-1 ~; ~ l.c. EI (cf. L).2 shewed EL3 = accounted.

4 [ef. Aristotle Politics 1. I (1252').]s-s ~, _ l.c. EI (cf. L).

Chap. X DOMINION '33

VI. Among other grievances of supreme authority one is, thatthe Ruler, beside those monies necessary for publick charges, as themaintaining of publick Ministers, building, and defending of Castles,waging wanes, honourable sustaining his own houshold, may also,if he will, exact others through his lust, whereby to enrich his sonnes,kindred, favourites, and flatterers too. I confesse this is a grievance,but of the number of those which accompany all kindes of govern­ment, but are more tolerable in a Monarchy then in a Democraty;for though the Monarch would enrich them, they cannot be many,because belonging but to lone. But l in a Democraty, look how manyDemagoges, (that is) how many powerfull Oratours there are withthe people (which ever are many, and daily new ones growing) somany Children, Kinsmen, friends, & Flatterers, are to be rewarded;for every of them desire not onely to make their families as potent,as illustrious in wealth, as may be, but also to oblige others to themby benefits for the better strengthning of themselves. A Monarchmay in great part satisfie his Officers and Friends, because they arenot many, without any cost to his Subjects, I mean, without robbingthem of any of those Treasures given in for the maintenance of War,and Peace; In a Democraty, where many are to be satisfied, andalwayes new ones, this cannot be done without the Subjectsoppression. Though a Monarch may promote unworthy Persons, yetoft times he will not doe it; but in a Democraty all the popular menare therefore suppos'd to doe it, because it is necessary; for else, thepower of them who did it would so encrease, as it would not onelybecome dreadfull to those others, but even to the whole City also.

VII. Another grievance is, that same perpetuall fear of deathwhich every man must necessarily be in, while he considers withhimself that the Ruler hath power not onely to appoint whatpunishments he lists on any Transgressions, but that he may alsoin his wrath, and sensuality, slaughter his innocent Subjects, andthose who never offended against the Lawes. And truly this is avery great grievance in any forme of Government wheresoever ithappens: (for it is therefore a grievance because it is; not, becauseit may be done) but it is the fault ofthe Ruler, not of the Government;For all the acts of Nero are not essentiall to Monarchie; yet Subjectsare lesse often undeservedly condemn'd under one Ruler, then underthe People: For Kings are onely severe against those who either

H _, _ I.e. E, (ef. L).

The exactionsare more grievousunder commandof the people,then under theMonarch.

[ElementsXXIV. 5.LeviathanXIX. 4, 6.]

Innocent Subjectsare lesseobnoxious topunishmentunder a Monarchthen under thePeople.

[ElementsXXIV. 6.]

134 DOMINION Chap. X

trouble them with impertinent Counsells, or oppose them withreproachfull words, or controule their Wills; but they are the causethat that excesse of power which one Subject might have aboveanother becomes lharmlesse. Wherefore l some Nero or Caligulareigning, no men can undeservedly suffer, but such as are knownto him, namely Courtiers, and such as are remarkable for someeminent Charge; 2 and not all neither, but they onely who are possessedof what he desires to enjoy; for they that are offensive,... andcontumelious, are deservedly 3 punisht. Whosoever3 therefore in aMonarchy will lead a retired life, let him be what he will that Reignes,he is out of danger: for the ambitious onely suffer, the rest areprotected from the injuries of the more 4 potent. But 4 in a popularDominion there may be as many5 Nero's, as there are Oratours whosooth the People; for each one of them can doe as much as thePeople, and they mutually give way to each others appetite (as itwere by this secret pact, Spare me to day, and Ile spare thee to morrow)while they exempt those from punishment, who to satisfie their lust,and private hatred, have undeservedly slain their fellow-subjects.Furthermore, there is a certain limit in private power, which if itexceed, it may prove pernicious to the Realme, and by reason whereofit is necessary sometimes for Monarchs to have a care that thecommon-weale do thence receive no prejudice. When therefore thispower consisted in the multitude of Riches, they lessened it bydiminishing their heaps;6 but if it were in popular applause, thepowerfull party without any other crime laid to his charge, was takenfrom among them. The same was usually practised in Democraties;for the Athenians inflicted a punishment of ten yeares banishment onthose that were powerfull, meerly because of their powers, withoutthe guilt of any other crime;7 and those who by liberall gifts didseek the favour of the common people, were put to death at Rome,as men ambitious of a Kingdome. In this Democraty and Monarchywere eaven;8 yet differ'd they much in fame, because fame derivesfrom the People, and what is done by many, is commended bymany: and therefore what the Monarch does, is said to be done outof envie to their vertues, which if it were done by the People, wouldbe accounted Politie. 9

1-' _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L).2 _, EI (cf. L).3-3 _; _ I.e. E. (cf. L).4-4 _: _ I.e. EI (cf. L).

5 mane EI.6 ........ , EI.7 ,...,.., EI.9 = policy, statecraft.

8 = even.

Chap. X DOMINION '35

VIII. There are some who therefore imagine Monarchy to bee Single Persons

more grievous then Democraty, because there is lesse liberty in that, have no lesse

h . h· Ifb l·b h . fi h b' . ltberty under at en In tIS. Y I erty t ey mean an exemptIOn rom t at su JectlOn M h thonaTe, enwhich is due to the Lawes (i.e.) the commands of the People, neither under the People.

in Democraty, nor in any other state of government whatsoever, is [Elements

there any such kind of liberty. If they suppose liberty to consist in ef. XXIV. 2.

h · h h b" I " h'b' . d h LeVIathantIS, t at t ere e lew awes, lew pro I ItlOns, an t ose too such, XXI. 8.]

that except they were forbidden, there could be no Peace; then Ideny that there is more liberty in Democraty then Monarchy; for theone as truly consisteth with such a liberty, as the lother. ForIalthough the word liberty, may in large, and ample letters be writtenover the gates ofany City whatsoever, yet is it not meant the Subjects,but the Cities liberty, neither can that word with better Right beinscribed on a City which is governed by the people, then that whichis ruled by a zMonarch. ButZ when private men or subjects demandliberty, under the name of liberty, they ask not for liberty, butdominion, which yet for want of understanding, they little consider;for if every man would grant the same liberty to another, which he3

desires for himselfe, as is commanded by the law of nature, thatsame naturall state would return again, in which all men may byRight doe all things, which if they knew, they would abhor, as beingworse then all kind of civill subjection 4 whatsoever. But4 if any mandesire to have his single freedome, the rest being bound, what doeshe else demand but to have the Dominion? for who so is freed fromall bonds, is Lord over all those that still continue bound. Subjectstherefore have no greater liberty in a Popular, then in a Monarchical!State. 5 That which deceives them, is the equall participation ofcommand, and publique places; for where the Authority is in thePeople, single subjects doe so far forth share in it as they are partsof the People ruling; and they equally partake in publique Officesso far forth as they have equall voices in choosing Magistrates, andpublique Ministers. And this is that which Aristotle aim'd at, himselfalso, through the custome of that time, mis-calling Dominion liberty,in his sixth Book, and second Chapter ofPolitiques. 6 In a popular Statethere is liberty by supposition,. which is a speech of the vulgar, as if noman were free out of this State. From whence, by the way, we may

1-1 ~: ~ I.e. EI (ef. L).2-2 ~; _ I.e. EI (ef. L).3 he E1.4-4 _; _ I.e. EI (ef. L).

5 _, EI (ef. L).6 Poli. EI (ef. III. [3; X. 2, above; also

L).

DOMINION Chap. X

It is nodisadvantage to

the Suhjects thatthey are not alladmitted to the

publiquedeliberations.

collect, That those Subjects, who in a Monarchy deplore their lostliberty, doe onely stomack1 this, that they are not receiv'd to thesteerage of the Common-weal.

IX. But perhaps for this very reason some will say, That a PopularState is much to be preferr'd before a Monarchical!; because that,where all men have a hand in publique businesses, there all havean opportunity to shew their wisedome, knowledge, and eloquence,in deliberating matters of the greatest difficulty and moment;2 whichby reason of that desire of praise which is bred in humane nature,is to them who excell in such like faculties, and seeme to themselvesto exceed others, the most delightfull of all 3things. But3 in aMonarchy, this same way to obtain praise, and honour, is shut upto the greatest part of Subjects; and what is a grievance, if this benone? lie tell you: To see his opinion whom we scorne, preferr'dbefore ours; to have our wisedome undervalued before our ownfaces; by an uncertain tryall of a little vaine glory, to undergoe mostcertaine enmities (for this cannot be avoided, whether we have thebetter, or the worse);4 to hate, and to be hated, by reason of thedisagreement of opinions; to lay open our secret Counsells, andadvises to all, to no purpose, and without any benefit; to neglectthe affaires of our own Family: These, I say, are grievances. But tobe absent from a triall of wits, although those trialls are pleasant tothe Eloquent, is not therefore a grievance to them, unlesse we willsay, that it is a grievance to valiant men to be restrained fromfighting, because they delight in it.

Civill X. Besides, there are many reasons why deliberations are lessedeliberations are successefull in great Assemblies, then in lesser Councells; whereof

unadvisedlycommitted to one is, that to advise rightly ofall things conducing to the preservation

many, by reason of a Common-weal, we must not onely understand matters at home,of the but Forraign Affaires too: 5 at Home, by what goods the Country is

unskilfulnesse of nourished, and defended, and whence they are fetched; what placesmost men.

are fit to make Garrisons of; by what means Souldiers are best to[Leviathan

XIX. s.] be raised, and maintained; what manner of affections the Subjectsbear toward their Prince, or Governours of their Country, and manythe like: Abroad, what the power of each neighbouring Country is,and wherein it consists; what advantage, or disadvantage we mayreceive from them; what their dispositions are both 6to us-ward,6

1 L =to be angry (stomachari).2 _, EI (cf. L).3-3 "'; '" l.e. Er.

4 _) 1\ EI (cf. L).5 "'; EI.&-6 = towards us.

Chap. X DOMINION '37

and how affected to each other among themselves, and what Counselldaily passeth among them. Now, because very few in a great Assemblyof men understand these things, being for the most part unskilfull(that I say not incapable) of them, what can that same number ofadvisers with their impertinent Opinions contribute to good Counsells,other then meer letts and impediments?

XI. Another reason why a great Assembly is not so fit forconsultation is, because everyone who delivers his opinion holds itnecessary to make a long continued Speech, and to gain the moreesteem from his Auditours, he polishes, and adornes it with the best,and smoothest llanguage. Nowl the nature of Eloquence is to makeGood and Evill, Profitable and Unprofitable, Honest and Dishonest,appear to be more or lesse then indeed they are, and to make thatseem just, which is unjust, according as it shall best suit with hisend that speaketh. For this is to perswade; and though they reason,yet take they not their rise from true Principles, but from vulgarreceived opinions, which, for the most part, are erroneous; neitherendeavour they so much to fit their speech to the nature of thethings they speak of, as to the Passions of their mindes to whomthey speak;2 whence it happens that opinions are delivered not byright reason, but by a certain violence of mind. Nor is this fault inthe Man, but in the nature it selfe of Eloquence, whose end (as allthe Masters of Rhetorick teach us) is not truth (except by chance)but victory, and whose property is not to inform, but to allure.

XII. The third reason why men advise lesse successfully3 in agreat convent is, because that thence arise Factions in a common­weal, and out of Factions, Seditions, and Civill War; for whenequall Oratours doe combat with contrary Opinions, andSpeeches, the conquered hates the Conquerour, and all thosethat were of his side, as holding his Counsell, and wisedorne inscorne: and studyes all meanes to make the advise of his adversariesprejudiciall to the State, for thus he hopes to see the glory takenfrom him, and restored unto 4himself. Farthermore,4where the Votesare not so unequall, but that the conquered have hopes by theaccession of some few of their own opinion at another sitting tomake the stronger Party, the chief heads do call the rest together;5they advise 6apart6 how they may abrogate the former judgment

By reason oftheir Eloquence.

[LevialhanXIX. 5.]

By reason ofFaction.

[ElementsXXIV. 8.LeviathanXIX. 5.]

1-1 ~, ~ I.e. EI (ef. L).2 ~,EI (cf. L).3 suceefully EI.

+4 ~: ~ I.e. EI (ef. L).5 ~,EI (ef. L).6-6 a part EI (ef. L. seorsim).

DOMINION Chap. X

[ElementsXXIV. 7.LeviathanXIX. 5.]

Theseinconveniences do

adhere toDemocraty,

forasmuch as menare naturally

delighted withan opinion

of wit.

given;I they appoint to be the first and earliest at the next convent;2they determine what, and in what order each man shall speak, thatthe same businesse may again be brought to agitation, that so whatwas confirmed before by the number oftheir then present adversaries,the same may now in some measure become of no effect to them,being negligently 3absent. And3 this same kind of industry anddiligence which they use to make a people, is commonly called a4faction. But4 when afaction is inferiour in votes, and superiour, ornot much inferiour in power, then what they cannot obtain by craft,and language,S they attempt by force of armes, and so it comes to acivill warre. But some will say, these things doe not necessarily, noroften happen; he may as well say, that the chief Parties are notnecessarily desirous of vain glory, and that the greatest of themseldom disagree in great matters.

By reason of the XIII. It foilowes hence, that when the legislative power residesunsetlednesse of in such convents as these, the Laws must needs be inconstant, and

the Laws. h d' hi' f h f ff:'c ange, not accor mg to tea teratlOn 0 testate 0 a aIres, noraccording to the changeablenesse of mens mindes, but as the majorpart, now of this, then of that faction, do convene; insomuch as theLaws do flote here, and there, as it were upon the waters.

For want of XIV. In the fourth place, the counsels of great assemblies havesecrecy. this inconvenience, that whereas it is oft of great consequence, that

[Leviathan they should be kept secret, they are for the most part discovered toXIX. 5.] the enemy before they can be brought to any effect, and their power,

and will, is as soon known abroad, as to the People it selfe commandingat home.

XV. These inconveniences which are found in the deliberationsof great assemblies do so farre forth evince Monarchy to be betterthen Democraty, as in Democraty affairs of great consequence areoftner trusted to be discussed6 by such like Committees, then in a7Monarchy. Neither7 can it easily bee done otherwayes; for thereis no reason why every man should not naturally rather minde hisown private, then the publique businesse, but that here he sees a

[Leviathan means to declare his eloquence, whereby he may gain the reputationcC. XIX. 6.] of being ingenuous,8 and wise, and returning home to his friends,

to his Parents, to his wife, and children, rejoyce, and triumph in

1 ~, EI (cC. L). 2 ~, EI (cC. L).3-3 ~, ~ I.e. EI (cf. L).4-4 ~; ~ I.e. EI (cf. L).5 """". Er.

6 distrust EI (cf. L. discutiendae; alsoERRATA).

7-7 ......... , '" I.e. EI.8 = ingenious (L. ingenij).

Chap. X DOMINION '39

The power ofGeneralis is anargument of theexcellency ofMonarchy.

[Leviathancf. XIX. 8.]

the applause of his dexterous behaviour: As of old all the delightMarcus Coriolanus! had in his warlike actions, was, to see his praisesso well pleasing to his Mother. But if the People in a Democratywould bestow the power of deliberating in matters of Warre, andPeace, either on one, or some very few, being content with thenomination of Magistrates, and publique Ministers, that is to say,with the authority without the ministration, then it must be confest,that in this particular, Democraty and Monarchy would be equall.

XVI. Neither do the conveniencies or inconveniences which are The

found to be more in one kind of government then another, arise inconveniences of

fi h I b h . If h d . . governmentrom ence, name y, ecause t e government It se ,or tea mlnI- proceeding from

stration of its affairs, are better committed to one, then many; or a King who is a

on the other side, to many, then to some 2few. For2 Government, chi/de.

is the power, the administration of it, is the act: 3 now the power in [Leviathan

all kind of government is equall; the acts only differ, that is to say XIX. 7, 8.]

the actions, and motions of a common-weale, as they flow from thedeliberations of many, or few, of skilfull, or impertinent4 men.Whence we understand, that the conveniences, or inconveniences ofany government, depend not on him in whom the authority resides,but on his Officers;5 and therefore nothing hinders, but that thecommon-weale may be well governed, although the Monarch be awoman, or youth, or infant, provided that they be fit for affaires,who are endued with the publique Offices, and charges; And thatwhich is said, Woe to the land whose King is a childe,6 doth notsignifie the condition of a Monarchy to be inferiour to a Popularstate, but contrariwise, that by accident it is the grievance of aKingdome, that the King being a childe, it often happens, that manyby ambition, and power, intruding themselves into publique counsels,the government comes to be administred in a Democraticall manner,and that thence arise those infelicities which for the most partaccompany the Dominion of the People.

XVII. But it is a manifest sign, that the most absolute Monarchyis the best state of government, that not onely Kings, but even thoseCities which are subject to the people, or to Nobles, give the wholecommand of warre to one only, and that so absolute, as nothing canbe more (wherein by the way this must be noted also, that no King

1 Carie/anus EI.2-2 ~; ~ I.e. EI (cf. L).3 ~, EI (cf. L).4 L = unskilled or ignorant (imperi-

torum).5 _, EI (cf. L).• [Cf. Ecclesiastes 10. 16]

DOMINION Chap. X

Aristocraty is somuch better by

how much itapproaches

nearer toMonarchie, the

worse by howmuch it is moredistant from it.

can give a Generall greater authority over his army, then he himselfeby Right may exercise over all his subjects).! Monarchy therefore isthe best of all governments in the Camps. But what else, are manyCommon-wealths, then so many Camps strengthened with armes,and men against each other, whose state (because not restrained byany common power, howsoever an uncertain peace, like a short truce,may passe between them) is to be accounted for the state' of nature,which is the state of War.

The best state of XVIII. Lastly, since it was necessary for the preservation of oura Common- selves to be subject to some Man, or Councell, we cannot on better

weale,is that where the condition be subject to any, then one whose interest depends upon

subjects are our safety, and welfare; and this then comes to passe when we arethe Rulers the inheritance of the Ruler; for every man of his own accord

inheritance. endeavours the preservation of his inheritance. But the Lands, and[Leviathan Monies of the Subjects are not onely the Princes Treasure, but their

XIX. 4.]bodies, and active2 minds; which will be easily granted by thosewho consider at how great rates the Dominion of lesser Countriesis valued, and how much easier it is for men to procure mony, thenmoney men; nor doe we readily meet with any example that shewesus when any subject, without any default of his own, hath by hisPrince been despoiled of his life, or goods, through the solelicenciousnesse of his Authority.

XIX. Hitherto we have compared a Monarchicall, with a PopularState; we have said nothing of Aristocracy; we may conclude of this,by what hath been said of those, that, that which is hereditary, andcontent with the election ofMagistrates; which transmits its delibera­tions to some few, and those most able; which simply imitates thegovernment of Monarchs most, and the People least of all, is for theSubjects both better, and more lasting men the rest.

1 -/\ E, (cf. L), 2 wildy E, = wieldy = lively (L. animi vegeti) (cf. ERRATA),

Chap. XI DOMINION

CHAP. XI.

Places and Examples of Scripture of theRights ofGovernment agreeable to

what hath beene said before.

I. The beginning of institutive Government from the consent of the People. II.Judicature and Wars depend on the will of Supreme Commanders. III. That theywho have the ChiefAuthority are by Right unpunishable. IV. That without a SupremePower there is no Government, but Anarchy. V. That from Servants and Sons thereis a simple obedience due to their Lords, and Parents. VI. Absolute Authority provedby most evident places as well of the New, as the Old Testament.

I. WE have in the 6. Chapter, and the 2. Article, so derivedthe Original! of institutive, or political! Government from

the consent of the Multitude, that it appears they must either al!consent, or be esteem'd as Enemies. Such was the beginning of GodsGovernment over the Jewes instituted by Moses, Ifye will obey myvoice indeed, (5c. Ye shall be unto me a Kingdome ofPriests, (5c. AndMoses came, and called the Elders of the People, (5c. And all thepeople answered, and said: All that the Lord hath spoken we will do,aExod. 19. ver. 5, 6, 7, 8.a Such also was the beginning of Moyses

. his power under God, or of his Vicegerency.l And all the people sawthe thunderings and lightenings, and the noyse of the Trumpet, &c. Andthey said unto Moyses, speak thou unto us, and we will hear. bExod.20. 18, I9.b The like beginning also had Sauls Kingdome. When yeesaw that Nahashc King of the children of Ammon came out againstyou, yee said unto me, nay, but a King shall raign over us, when theLord your God was your King; Now therefore behold the King whomyee have chosen, and whom yee have desired. I Sam. 12. 12. But themajor part only consenting, and not al! (for there were certain Sonsof Belial, who said, How shall this man save us? and they dispisedhim, I Sam. 10. 27.) those who did not consent were put to deathas Enemies; And the people said unto Samuel, Who is he that said,shall Saul reign over us? Bring the men that we may put them to death.2 1 Sam. II. [12].2

The beginning ofinstitutiveGovernment fromthe consent of thePeople.

[LeviathanXX. 12.]

1 L = viceroyalty (proregiae).2-2 I Sam. [I. 22 EI.

a-a EI adds Exod. 19. ver. 5, 6, 7, 8.b-b EI adds Exod. 20. 18, 19.C L. Naas.

DOMINION Chap. XI

That without asupreme power,

there is nogovernment but

confusion.

They who havethe supreme

authority, areby Right

unpunishable.

[LeviathanXX. 12.]

The power of II. In the same 6. Chapter, the 6. and 7. Articles, I have shewed,judicature, and that all Judgment and Wars depend upon the will and pleasure of

determmatlOn of h' h b h S A h' h' . M hwarres, depend 1m w 0 eares t e upreme ut onty; t at IS to say, III a onarc y,on the will of the on a Monarch, or King; and this is confirmed by the Peoples owneasupreme Officer.a judgement. Wee also will be like all the Nations, and our King shall

[Leviathan J UD G E US, and goe out before us, andfight our BATTEL S. I Sam.XX. 12.] 8. 20. And what pertaines to Judgements, and all other matters,

whereof there is any controversie, whether they be Good, or Evill,is confirmed by the testimony of King Solomon. Give therefore thyServant an understanding heart to JUDGE thy People, that I maydiscerne between GOO D and E V ILL. I. Kings 3. 9. And that ofAbsolom, There is no man deputed of the King to heare thee. 2. Sam.

15· 3·III. That Kings may not be punished by their subjects, as hath

been shewed above in the sixth Chapter, and the twelfth Article,King David also confirmes, who, though Saul sought to slay him,did notwithstanding refrain his hand from killing him, and forbadAbishai, saying, Destroy him not,. for who can stretch forth his handagainst the Lords Anointed, and be innocent? I Sam. [26].1 v. 9. Andwhen he had cut off the skirt of his garment, The Lord forbid (saithhe) that I should doe this thing unto my Master the Lords Anointed,to stretch forth mine hand against him. I Sam. 24. 7. 2 And commandedthe Amalekite, who for his sake had slain Saul, to be put to death.2 Sam. I. 15.

IV. That which is said in the 17. Chapter of Judges, at the 6.verse. In those dayes there was no King in Israel, but every man didthat which was right in his own eyes (as though where there were nota Monarchy, there were an Anarchy or confusion of all things) maybe brought as a testimony to prove the excellency3 of Monarchyabove all other forms of government, unlesse that by the word Kingmay perhaps be understood, not one man onely, but also a Court,provided that in it there reside a supreme power;4 which if it betaken in this sense, yet hence it may follow, that without a supreme'and absolute power (which we have endeavoured to prove in the sixthChapter) there will be a liberty for every man to doe what hee hatha minde, or whatsoever shall seem right to himselfe; which cannotstand with the preservation of mankinde, and therefore in all

1 22 EI.2 [Authorized Version=v. 6.]3 exexcellency E I.

• -, EI (c£ L).

a-a. L. imperantium summoruffi.

Chap. XI DOMINION 143

Government whatsoever, there is ever a supreme power understoodto be somewhere existent.

V. We have in the 8. Chapter, the 7. and 8. Article, said, that That servants

Servants must yeeld a simple obedience to their Lords, and in the and sonnes, owetheir Lords and

9· Chapter, Article 7· that Sonnes owe the same obedience to their Parents simple

Parents. Saint Paul sayes the same thing concerning Servants, obedience.

Servants obey in all things your Masters according to the flesh, not [Leviathan

with eye service, as men-pleasers, but in singlenesse ofheart,jearing God. xx. 12; XLII. 9·]

Colos. 3. 22. Concerning Sonnes, Children obey your Parents in allthings, for this is well pleasing unto the Lord. Colos. 3. 20. Now aswee by simple obedience understand ALL T H I N G S which are notcontrary to the Lawes of God; so in those cited places of Saint Paul,after the word ALL THINGS, we must suppose, excepting thosewhich are contrary to the Lawes of God.

VI. But that I may not thus by peecemeale prove the right of The absolute

Princes, I will now instance those testimonies which altogether power ofPrinces. . proved by most

establIsh the whole power, (namely that there IS an absolute and evident

simple obedience due to them from their subjects) And first out of testimonies of

the new Testament. The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moyses seat; the Scripture, as

all therefore, whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe, and doe. well new as old.

Mat. 23. 2. Whatsoever they bid you, (sayes he) observe, that is to r:;;m;ssay, obey simply. Why? Because they sit in Moyses seat; namely, the Leviathan

civill Magistrates, not Aaron, the Priests. Let every soule be subject ~iI~2~.]to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, the powers thatbe are ordained ofGod; whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteththe ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive to themselvesdamnation. Rom. 13. I. Now because the powers that were in SaintPauls time were ordained of God, and all Kings did at that timerequire an absolute entire obedience from their subjects, it followesthat such a power was ordained of God. Submit your selves untoevery ordinance of man for the Lords sake, whether it bee to the Kingas supreme, or unto Governours, as unto them that are sent by him, forthe punishment of wicked doers, and for the praise of them that doewell,for so is the will ofGod. 1 Pet. 2. 13. Again Saint Paul to Titus,Put them [inF mind to bee subject to Principalities2 and Powers, toobey Magistrates, CSc. Chap. 3. verso I. What Principalities? Was itnot to the Principalities of those times, which required an absoluteobedience? Furthermore, that we may come to the example of Christ

1 in absent EI [cf. Authorized Version; also L]. 2 Principalitiies EI.

'44 DOMINION Chap. XI

himselfe, to whom the Kingdome of the J ewes belonged by hereditaryRight, derived from David himselfe; He when he lived in the mannerof a subject, both paid tribute unto CtEsar, and pronounced it to bedue to him. Give unto Ca:sar (saith he) the things which are Ca:sars,and unto God, the things which are Gods. Mat. 22. 21. When it pleasedhim to shew himselfe a King, he required entire obedience. 1 Goe(said he) into the village over against you, and straightway yee shallfinde an Asse tyed, and a Colt with her, loose them, and bring themunto me; and if any man say ought unto you, yee shall say the Lordhath need of them. 2Mat. [21]. 2.2 This he did therefore by the rightof being Lord, or a King of the Jewes. But to take away a subjectsgoods on this pretence onely, because the Lord hath need of them, isan absolute power. The most evident places in the old Testamentare these, Goe thou near, and heare ALL that the Lord our God shallsay, and speak thou unto us all that the Lord our God shall speak untothee, and we will hear it, and doe it. Deut. 5. 27. But under the wordall, is contained absolute obedience. Again to Joshua. And theyanswered Joshua saying, ALL that thou commandest us, we will doe,and whithersoever thou sendest us, we will goe; according as we hearkenedunto Moyses in ALL things, so will we hearken unto thee, onely theLord thy God be with thee, as he was with Moyses; whosoever hee bethat doth rebell against thy Commandement, and will not hearken untothy words in A LL that thou commandest him, he shall be put to death.Joshua I. 16, 17, 18. And the Parable of the Bramble. Then said allthe trees unto the Bramble, Come thou, and reign over us; And theBramble said unto the trees, If in truth yee anoint me King over you,then come and put your trust in my shadow; and if not, let fire comeout of the Bramble, and devoure the Cedars of Lebanon. Judges 9.verso 14, 15. The sense of which words is, that we must acquieseto their sayings, whom we have truly constituted to be Kings overus, unlesse we would chuse rather to be consumed by the fire of aciviII warre. But the RegaII authority is more particularly describedby God himselfe, in the I. Sam. 8. verso 9. &c. Shew them the Rightof the King that shall reign over them, C5c. This shall be the Right ofthe King that shall reign over you; he will take your Sons, and appointthem for himself, for his Chariots, and to be his horsemen, and someshall runne before his Chariots, C5c. And he will take your daughtersto be confectionaries, C5c. And he will take your vineyards, and give

1 _ to. £1 (cf. L). 2-2 Mat. 14. 2 EI; [L is COTrect].

Chap. XI DOMINION '45

them to his Servants, &c. Is not this power absolute? And yet it isby God himself styled the KINGS RIG H T; neither was any manamong the Jewes, no not the High Priest himselfe, exempted fromthis obedience. For when the King (namely Solomon) said to Abiatharthe Priest, Get thee to Anathoth unto thine own ./ields, for thou artworthy of death, but I will not at this time put thee to death, becausethou barest the Ark of the Lord God before David my father, andbecause thou l hast been aiflicted in all wherein my Father was aiflicted. SoSolomon thrust out Abiathar from being Priest unto the Lord. I Kings.2. 26. It cannot by any argument be proved, that this act of hisdispleased the Lord; neither read we, that either Solomon wasreproved, or that his Person at that time was any whit lesse acceptableto God.

CHAP. XII.

Of the internal! causes, tending to the

dissolution of any Government.

I. That the judging of good and evill belongs to private Persons, is a seditiousopinion. II. That subjects doe sinne by obeying their Princes, is a seditiousopinion. III. That Tyranoicide is Iawfull, is a seditious opinion. IV. That thosewho have the supreme power, are subject to the civill Lawes, is a seditious opinion. V.That the supreme power may be divided, is a seditious opinion. VI. That faith,and sanctity, are not acquired by study and reason, but a1wayes supernaturallyinfused, and inspired, is a seditious opinion. VII. That each subject hath apropriety, or absolute Dominion of his owne goods, is a seditious opinion. VIII.Not to understand the difference between the People and the Multitude, prepares towardsedition. IX. Too great a Taxe ofmonies, though never so just and necessary, preparestoward sedition. X. Ambition disposeth us to sedition. XI. So doth the hope ofsuccesse. XII. Eloquence alone without wisdom, is the only faculty needfull to raiseseditions. XIII. How the folly ofthe common people, and the eloquution2 ofambitiousmen, concur to the destruction of a Common-weale.

I. HItherto hath been spoken by what causes, and Pacts, That the

Common-weals are constituted, and what the Rights of judgement ofP . h' b' N '11 b . fl h good and evillrmces are over t elr su Jects; ow we WI ne y say somew at belongs to private

concerning the causes which dissolve them, or the reasons ofseditions. Persons, is a

Now as in the motion of naturall bodies, three things are to be seditious opinion.

1 tkon EI. 2 =elocution (L, and marginal suhtitle below, give eloquence).

DOMINION Chap. XII

[Elements considered, namely, internal! disposition, that they be susceptible ofcf. XXVII. 1,4· the motion to be produced; the external! Agent, whereby a certain

De Givecf. Preface 5.] and determined motion may in act be produced; and the action it

selfe: So also in a Common-weale where the subjects begin to raisetumults, three things present themselves to our regard; First theDoctrines and the Passions contrary to Peace, wherewith the mindesof men are fitted and disposed; next their quality and condition whosollicite, assemble, and direct them already thus disposed, to take

[Elements up armes, and quit their allegiance; Lastly, the manner how this iscf. XXIV. 2; done, or the faction it selfe. 1 But one, and the first which disposeth

XXVII. 5.Leviathan them to sedition, is this, That the knowledge ofgood and evil! belongs

XXIX. 4·] to each single man. In the state of nature indeed, where every manlives by equall Right, and have not by any mutuall Pacts submittedto the command of others, we have granted this to be true, nay inthe first Chapter, Article 9. 2[we have demonstrated it. But in thecivil state it is false. For it was shown in chap. 6. art. 9F that thecivill Lawes were the Rules ofgood and evil!, just and unjust, honestand dishonest; that therefore what the Legislator commands, mustbe held for good, and what he forbids for evil!; and the Legislatoris ever that Person who hath the supreme power in the Common­weale, that is to say, the Monarch in a Monarchy. We have confirmedthe same truth in the eleventh Chapter, Article 2. out of the wordsof Solomon; for if private men may pursue that as good, and shunthat as evill which appears to them to be so, to what end serve thosewords of his? Give therefore unto thy servant an understanding heartto judge thy People, that I may discern between good and evil!. Sincetherefore it belongs to Kings to discerne betweene good and evil!,wicked are those, though usuall sayings, that he3 onely is a King whodoes righteously, and that Kings must not be obeyed, unlesse theycommand us just things, and many other such like. Before there wasany government, just and unjust had no being, their nature onelybeing relative to some command,4 and every action in its own natureis indifferent; that it becomes just, or unjust, proceeds from the rightof the Magistrate: Legitimate Kings therefore make the things theycommand, just, by commanding them, and those which they forbid,unjust, by forbidding them; but private men while they assume tothemselves the knowledge of good and evil!, desire to be even as

1 ~: EI (cf. L).2-2 we ... art. 9 absent EI; [EI apparently

lacks two lines. I have inserted a translation

from the relevant portion of the Latintext).

3 be EI. 4 ciimand EI.

Chap. XII DOMINION 147

Kings, which cannot be with the safety of the Common weale. Themost ancient of all Gods commands is, Gen. 2. 15.1 Thou shalt noteat of the tree of knowledge ofgood and evill; and the most ancientof all diabolicall tentations,2 Chap. 3. verso 5. Yee shall be as Gods,knowing good and evill; and Gods first expostulation with man, versoI I. Who told thee that thou wert naked? Hast thou eaten of the tree,whereof I commanded3 thee that thou shouldest not eat? As if he hadsaid, how comest thou to judge that nakedness, wherein it seemedgood to me to create thee, to be shamefull, except thou have arrogatedto thy se1fe the knowledge of good and evill?

II. Whatsoever any man doth against his conscience is a sinne, That subjects

for he who doth so, contemns the Law. But we must distinguish: 4 doe sin in

Th ' . . d d h' h .. I d bib obeying theirat IS my smne m ee , w IC commIttmg, oe e eeve to e Princes, is a

my sinne; 5 but what I be1eeve to be another mans sin, I may seditious opinion.

sometimes doe that without any sin of 6mine. For6 ifl be commanded [Elements

to doe that which is a sin in him who commands me, if I doe it, ef. XXIV. 2.

d h h b b . h L d I . XXVII. 4, 5·an e t at commands me e y RIg t, or over me, smne not; Leviathan

for if I wage warre at the Commandement of my Prince, conceiving XXIX. 4·]

the warre to be unjustly undertaken, I doe not therefore doe unjustly,but rather if I refuse to doe it, arrogating to my se1fe the knowledgeof what is just and unjust, which pertains one1y to my Prince. Theywho observe not this distinction, will fall into a necessity of sinning,as oft as any thing is commanded them, which either is, or seemsto be unlawfull to them: for if they obey, they sin against theirconscience, and if they obey not, against Right. If they sin againsttheir conscience, they declare that they fear not the paines of theworld to come; if they sinne against Right, they doe as much as inthem Iyes, abolish humane society, and the civilllife of the presentworld. Their opinion therefore who teach, that subjects sinne whenthey obey their Princes commands, which to them seem unjust, is botherroneous, and to be reckoned among those which are contrary tocivill obedience; and it depends upon that originall errour which wehave observed above in the foregoing Article; for by our taking uponus to judge of good and evill, we are the occasion, that as well ourobedience, as disobedience, becomes sin unto us.

III. The third seditious doctrine springs from the same root, That

That? Tyrannicide is lawfull; Nay, at this day it is by many Divines, Tyrannicide is

1 [Authorized Version=v. 17.]2 = temptations.3 comanded E1.

4 _; EI. 5 _, EI (ef. L).6-6 _; _ I.e. EI (ef. L).7 That a Tyrannicide El (cf. ERRATA).

DOMINION Chap. XII

lawfull, is aseditious opinion.

[ElementsXXVII. 4, ro.

LeviathanXXIX. ro.]

That even theywho have the

Supreme powerare subject to

the Civill Lawes,is a seditious

Opinion.

[ElementsXXVII. 4, 6.

LeviathanXXVI. 5;

XXIX. 6.]

and of old it was by all the Philosophers, Plato, Aristotle, Cicero,Seneca, Plutarch, and the rest of the maintainers of the Greek, andRoman Anarchies, held not only [lawful],l but even worthy of thegreatest [praise]. 2 And under the title of Tyrants, they mean notonely Monarchs, but all those who bear the chief rule in anyGovernment whatsoever; for not Pisistratus onely at Athens, butthose thirty also who succeeded him, and ruled together, were allcalled Tyrants. But he, whom men require to be put to death asbeing a Tyrant, commands either by Right,3 or without Right; ifwithout Right, he is an enemy, and by Right to be put to death;but then this must not be called the kil!ing a Tyrant, but an enemy:if by Right, then the divine interrogation takes place, Who hath toldthee that he was a Tyrant, hast thou eaten of the tree whereof Icommanded thee that thou shouldest not eat? For why doest thou callhim a Tyrant, whom God hath made a King, except that thou beinga private Person, usurpest to thy self the knowledge of good andevil!? But how pernicious this opinion is to all governments, butespecially4 to that which is Monarchical!, we may hence discerne,namely, that by it every King, whether good or ill, stands exposedto be condemned by the judgement, and slain by the hand of everymurtherous 5 villain.

IV. The fourth adversary6 opinion to Civill Society, is theirs,who hold, That they who bear Rule are Subject also to the Civil!7Lawes. Which 7 hath been sufficiently proved before not to be truein the 6. Chap. Artic. 14. from this Argument, That a City canneither be bound to it self, nor to any subject; not to it selfe,because no man can be obliged except it be to another; not to anySubject, because the single wills of the Subjects are contained inthe will of the City, insomuch, that if the City will be free from allsuch obligation, the Subjects will so too; and by consequence sheis SO.8 But that which holds true in a City, that must be supposedto be true in a man, or an assembly of men, who have the SupremeAuthority, for they make a City, which hath no being but by theirSupreme Power. Now that this Opinion cannot consist with the verybeing of Government, is evident from hence, that by it the knowledgeof what is Good and Evil!, that is to say, the definition of what is,

1 unlawfull Er [translation from L in­serted. -Ed.].

2 contempt Er [translation from L in­serted. -Ed.].

3 Righr Er.

4 espcially Er.5 w urtherous E I.

6 L = adverse or conrrary (aduersa).7-7 ~; ~ I.e. Er (cf. L).8 ~; Er (cf. L).

Chap. XII DOMINION 149

and what is not against the Lawes, would return to each singlePerson: Obedience rherefore will cease as oft as any thing seemesto be commanded contrary to the Civill Lawes, and together withit, all coercive jurisdiction, which cannot possibly be without thedestruction of the very essence of Government. I Yet this Errourhath great props,2 Aristotle,3 and others; who, by reason of humaneinfirmity, suppose the Supreme Power to be committed with mostsecurity to the Lawes onely; but they seem to have lookt veryshallowly into the nature of Government, who thought that theconstraining4 Power, the interpretation of Lawes, and the makingofLawes, (all which are powers necessarily belonging to Government)should be left wholly to the Lawes themselves. Now althoughparticular Subjects may sometimes contend in judgement, and goeto Law with the Supreme Magistrate, yet this is onely then, whenthe question is not what the Magistrate may, but what by a certainRule he hath declared he would doe. 5 As, when by any Law theJudges sit upon the life of a Subject, the question is not whetherthe Magistrate could by his absolute Right deprive him of his life;but whether by that Law his will was that he should be deprivedof it; but his will was, he should, if he brake the Law;6 else, hiswill was he should not: This therefore, that a Subject may have anaction of Law against his Supreme Magistrate, is not strength ofArgument sufficient to prove that he is tyed to his own Lawes. Onthe contrary, it is evident, that he is not tied to his owne Lawes,because no man is bound to himself. Lawes therefore are set forTitius, and Caius, not for the Ruler: however, by the ambition ofLawyers, it is so ordered, that the Lawes, to unskilfull men seemenot to depend on the Authority ofthe Magistrate, but their Prudence.

Vo In the fifth place, That the Supreme Authority may be divided, That the

is a most fatall Opinion to all Common-wealeso But diverse men Supreme Power

do °d 0 dO S may be divided, 7

IVI e It Iverse wayes. For some divide it so as to grant a upremacy is a seditious

to the Civill Power in matters pertaining to Peace, and the benefits opinion.

of this life, but in things concerning the salvation of the Soul they [Elements

transfer it on others. 8 Now, because justice is of all things most XXVII. 4, 7·

S I . 0 h th S b' 0 0 • LevIathannecessary to a vatlOn, It appens, at u Jects measunng Justice, XXIX. 8, 11.]

not as they ought, by the Civill Lawes, but by the precepts and

1 ~; EI (cf. L).2 L = supporters (fautores).3 [Cf. Aristotle Politics III. 10, II, t6

(128ra-I282b, 1287a).]

4 constrainning E I.

5 ~; EI (cf. L).7 ~ 1\ EI (cf. L).8 ~; EI (cf. L).

6 ,..""" EI.

DOMINION Chap. XII

That faith andholiness are not

acquired by studyand reason,

but are eversupernaturally

infused andinspired, is a

seditiousOpinion.

[LeviathanXXIX. 5.]

That singleSubjects have

any propriety,or absolute

doctrines of them 1 who,2 in regard of the Magistrate, are eitherprivate men3 or strangers, through a superstitious fear dare notperform the obedience due to their Princes, through fear falling intothat which they most feared: Now what can be more pernicious toany state, then that men should, by the apprehension of everlastingtorments, be deterred from obeying their Princes, that is to say, theLawes, or from being just? There are also some who divide theSupreme Authority so as to allow the power of War, and Peace,unto one, (whom they call a Monarch) but the right of raising Moniesthey give to some others, and not to him: But because monies arethe sinewes of War, and Peace, they who thus divide the Authority,doe either really not divide it at all, but place it wholly in them, inwhose power the money is, but give the name of it to another, orif they doe really divide it, they dissolve the Government: for neitherupon necessity can War be waged, nor can the publique Peace bepreserved without Money.

VI. It is a common doctrine, That faith and holinesse are notacquired by study, and natural! reason, but are alwayes supernaturallyinfused, and inspired into men: which, if it were true, I understandnot why we should be commanded to give an account of our faith;or why any man, who is truly a Christian, should not be a Prophet;or lastly, why every man should not judge what's fit for him to doe,what to avoid, rather out of his own inspiration, then by the preceptsof his Superiours, or right Reason. A return therefore must be madeto the private knowledge of Good and Evil; which cannot be grantedwithout the ruine of all Governments. This Opinion hath spread itself so largely through the whole Christian world, that the numberof Apostates from natural reason is almost become 4infinite. And4

it sprang from sick-brained men, who having gotten good store ofHoly Words by frequent reading of the Scriptures, made such aconnexion of them usually in their preaching, that their Sermons, 5

signifying just nothing, yet to unlearned !nen seemed most divine;for he whose non-sense appears to be a Divine speech, mustnecessarily seeme to be inspired from above.

VII. The seventh Doctrine opposite to Government, is this, Thateach subject hath an absolute Dominion over the goods he is in possessionof That is to say, such a propriety as excludes not only the right of

1 _, EI (ef. L).2 /\ EI.3 , EI.

4-4 _, _ I.e. EI (ef. L).5 ........ A EI.

Chap. XII DOMINION

all the rest of his fellow-subjects to the same goods, but also of the Dominion over

Magistrate Ihimself. Which 1 is not true; for they who have a Lord their owngoods,. .s a sed.tlOus

over them, have themselves no LordshIp, as hath been proved, Chap. Opinion.

8. Artie. 5. Now the Magistrate is Lord of all his Subjects, by the [Elemen.s

constitution of Government. Before the yoke of Civill Society was cf. XXIV. 2;

undertaken, no man had any proper Right; all things were common XXvveIl. 4, 8.e we

to all 2men. TelP me therefore, how gottest thou this propriety but cf. VI. 9, '5.

from the Magistrate? How got the Magistrate3 it, but that every Leviathan

man transferred his Right on him? And4 thou therefore hast also ~~~: ~:]given up thy Right to him; thy Dominion therefore, and Propriety,is just so much as he will, and shall last so long as he pleases; evenas in a Family, each Son hath such proper goods, and so long lasting,as seeme good to the Father. But the greatest part of men whoprofesse Civill Prudence, reason otherwise; we are equall (say they)by nature; there is no reason why any man should by better Righttake my goods from me, then I his from him; we know that mony5sometimes is needfull for the defence and maintenance of thepublique; but let them, who require it, shew us the present necessity,and they shall willingly receive it. They who talk thus, know not,that what they would have, is already done from the beginning inthe very constitution of Government, and therefore speaking as ina dissolute multitude, and yet not fashioned 6 Government, theydestroy the frame. 7

VIII. In the last place, it's a great hindrance to Civill Government, Not to know

especially Monarchicall, that men distinguish not enough between the difference

P I d M I · .J Th Pl' h h' h' between a Peoplea eop e an a U tltuae. e eop e IS somew at t at IS one, avmg d M It·t dana ulueone will, and to whom one action may be attributed; none of these prepares to

can properly be said of a Multitude. The People rules in all Sedition.

Governments, for even in Monarchies the People Commands; for [Elements

the People wills by the will of one man; but the Multitude are ~~~~~:' 9·

Citizens, that is to say, Subjects. In a Democraty, and Aristocraty, cf. XVII. 3,4·]

the Citizens are the Multitude, but the Court is the People. And ina Monarchy, the Subjects are the Multitude, and (however it seemea Paradox) the King is the People. The common sort of men, andothers who litde consider these truthes, do alwayes speak of a greatnumber of men, as of the People, that is to say, the City; they say

1-1 _, _ I.e. E. (cf. L).2-2 ""; ,....,I.e. EI.3 Magist ate EI.4 _ I.e. Er (cf. L).

5 = money.6 fashishinned E I.7 L = the city when it has been made

(factam).

DOMINION Chap. XII

Too great a Taxof Money,

though never sojust and

necessary,disposeth men

to Sedition.

[Elementscf. XXVII. 2.

Leviathancf. XXIX. 14.]

that the City hath rebelled against the King (which is impossible)and that the People will, and nill, what murmuring and discontentedSubjects would have, or would not have, under pretence of thePeople, stirring up the Citizens against the City, that is to say, theMultitude against the People. And these are almost all the Opinionswherewith Subjects being tainted doe easily Tumult. 1 And forasmuchas in all manner of Government Majesty is to be preserv'd by him,or them who have the Supreme Authority, the crimen llEslE Majestatisnaturally cleaves to these Opinions.

IX. There is nothing more afflicts the mind of man then Poverty,or the want of those things which are necessary for the preservationof life, and honour; and though there be no man but knowes thatriches are gotten with industry, and kept by frugality, yet all thepoor commonly lay the blame on the Evilla Government, excusingtheir own sloth, and luxury, as if their private goods forsooth werewasted by publique exactions; But men must consider, that theywho have no patrimony, must not onely labour that they may live,but fight too, that they may labour. Everyone of the lewes, whoin Esdras his time built the Walls of Jerusalem, did the work withone hand, and held the Sword in the other. In all Government wemust conceive that the hand which holds the Sword is the King, orSupreme Councell, which is no lesse to be sustained, and nourisht,by the Subjects care and industry, then that wherewith each manprocures himself a private fortune; and that Customes, and Tributes,are nothing else but their reward who watch in Armes for us, thatthe labours and endeavours of single men may not be molested bythe incursion of enemies; and that their complaint, who impute theirpoverty to publick Persons, is not more just, then if they should saythat they are become in want by paying of their debts: But the mostpart of men consider nothing of these things, for they suffer thesame thing with them who have a disease they call an Incubus, whichspringing from Gluttony, it makes men believe they are invaded,opprest, and stifled with a great weight: Now it is a thing manifestof it selfe, that they who seeme to themselves to be burthened withthe whole load of the Common-weal, are prone to be Seditious; andthat they are affected with change, who 2 are distasted at2 the presentstate of things.

1 L=rebel (tumultuandum).>-2 L = are harmed by or displeased

with (nocent).

a EI adds Evill.

Chap. XII DOMINION '53

Ambitiondisposeth men toSedition.

X. Another noxious disease of the mind is theirs, who havinglittle employment, want Honour and Dignity. All men naturallystrive for Honour, and Preferment, but chiefly they who are least

[Elementstroubled1 with caring for necessary 2things. For2 these men are XXVII. 3.

invited by their vacancy3 sometimes to disputation among themselves Leviathan. h C I' . d' f cf. XXIX. 15·]concernmg t e ommon-wea, sometImes to an eaSle rea mg 0

Histories, Politiques, Orations, Poems, and other pleasant Books;4and it happens, that hence they think themselves sufficiently furnishtboth with wit, and learning, to administer matters of the greatestconsequence. Now because all men are not what they appear tothemselves, and if they were, yet all (by reason of the multitude)could not be received to publique Offices, its necessary that manymust be passed by. These therefore conceiving themselves affronted,can desire nothing more, partly out of envy to those who werepreferred before them, partly out of hope to overwhelm them, thenill successe to the publique Consultations; and therefore its no marvellif with greedy appetites they seek for occasions of innovations.

XI. The hope of overcomming is also to be numbred among other So doth the hope

seditious sinclinations. For 5 let there be as many men as you wil, ofsuccesse.

infected with opinions repugnant to Peace, and civill Government;6 [ElementsXXVII. IL]

let there be as many as there can, never so much wounded and tornewith affronts, and calumnies, by them who are in Authority; 7 yetif there be no hope of having the better of them, or it appear notsufficient, there will no sedition follow; every man will dissemblehis thoughts, and rather content himself with the present burthen,then hazard an heavier weight. 8 There are four things necessarilyrequisite to this hope: 9 Numbers, Instruments, mutuall trust, andCommanders. To resist publique Magistrates without a great number,is not Sedition, but Desperation. By Instruments of war I mean allmanner of armes, munition, and other necessary provision, withoutwhich Number can doe nothing, nor· Arms neither without mutualltrust; Nor all these without lOunion under some 10 Commander, whomof their own accord, they are content to obey; not as being engagedby their submission to his command (for we have already in thisvery Chapter, supposed these kind of men not to understand, beingobliged beyond that which seems right and good in their own eyes)

1 trouroubled EI (the catchword is correct).2-2 _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L).3 L = leisure (atium).4 _, EI (cf. L).s--s ,..",,; "" I.e. EI.

6 _, EI (cf. L).7 "", EI.8 _; EI (cf. L).9 _. EL10--10 union under under some E I.

154 DOMINION Chap. XII

Eloquence alonewithout wisdom

is the onelyfaculty needfull

to raise seditions.

[ElementsXXVII. 13.]

but for some opinion they have of his vertue, or military skill, orresemblance of humours. 1 If these four be near at hand to mengrieved with the present state, and measuring the justice of theiractions by their own judgements, there will be nothing wanting tosedition and confusion of the Realme, but one to stirre up and quickenthem.

XII. Salust his Character of Catiline, 2 (then whom there neverwas a greater Artist in raising seditions) is this, That he had greateloquence, and little wisdome; he separates wisdome from eloquence,attributing this as necessary to a man born for commotions, adjudgingthat as an instructresse of Peace, and quietnesse. Now, eloquence istwofold. The one is an elegant, and cleare expression of theconceptions of the mind, and riseth partly from the contemplationof the things themselves, partly from an understanding of wordstaken in their own proper, and definite signification; the other is acommotion of the Passions of the minde (such as are hope, fear,anger, pitty) and derives from a metaphoricall use of words fitted tothe Passions: That forms a speech from true Principles, this fromopinions already received, what nature soever they are of. The artof that is Logick, of this Rhetorick; 3 the end of that is truth, of thisvictory. Each hath its use, that in deliberations, this in exhortations;for that is never disjoyned from wisdome, but this almost ever. Butthat this kind of powerfull eloquence, separated from the trueknowledge ofthings, that is to say, from wisdome, is the true characterof them who sollicite, and stirre up the people to innovations, mayeasily be gathered out of the work it selfe which they have to doe;for they could not poyson the people with those absurd opinionscontrary to Peace and civill society, unlesse they held them them­selves, which sure is an ignorance greater then can well befall anywise 4 man. For4 he that knows not whence the Lawes derive theirpower, which are the Rules of just and unjust, honest and dishonest,good and evil/;5 what makes and preserves Peace among men, whatdestroyes it;6 what is his, and what anothers;7 Lastly, what he wouldhave done to himselfe (that he may doe the like to others) is surelyto be accounted but meanly 8wise. But8 that they can turn theirAuditors out of fools into madmen; that they can make things to

1 L=emotions or passions (affectuum).2 Cataline EI (cf. L).3 ~, EI (cf. L).4-4 __ , "" I.e. EI.

5 ~, EI (cf. L).• ~, EI (cf. L).7 ~, EI (cf. L).8-8 ~; ~ I.e. EI (cf. L).

Chap. XII DOMINION 'SS

them who are ill-affected seem worse, to them who are well-affectedseem evil; that they can enlarge their hopes, lessen their dangersbeyond reason: this they have from that sort of eloquence, not whichexplains things as they are, but from that other, which by movingtheir mindes, makes all things to appear to bee such as they in theirmindes prepared before, had already conceived them.

XIII. Many men who are themselves very well affected to civillsociety, doe through want of knowledge, cooperate to the disposingof subjects mindes to sedition, whilst they teach young men a doctrineconformable to the said opinions in their Schooles, and all the peoplein their lpulpits. Now l they who desire to bring this dispositioninto Act, place their whole endeavour in this, First, that they mayjoyn the ill affected together into faction and conspiracy; next, thatthemselves may have the greatest stroke in the faction: They gatherthem into faction, while they make themselves the relators, andinterpretors of the counsels and actions of single men, and nominatethe Persons and Places, to assemble and deliberate of such thingswhereby the present government may be reformed, according as itshall seem best to their interests. Now to the end that they themselvesmay have the chief rule in the faction, The faction must be kept ina faction, that is to say, they must have their secret meetings apartwith a few, where they may order what shall afterward be propoundedin a general meeting, and by whom, and on what subject, and inwhat order each of them shall speak, and how they may draw thepowerfullest, and most popular men of the faction to their side:And 2 thus when they have gotten a faction big enough, in whichthey may rule by their eloquence, they move it to take upon it themanaging ofaffaires;3 and thus they sometimes oppresse the Common­wealth, namely where there is no other faction to oppose them, butfor the most part they rend it, and introduce a civill 4warre. For4

folly and eloquence concurre in the subversion of government in thesame manner (as the fable hath it) as heretofore the daughters ofPelias 5 King of Thessaly, conspired with Medea against their father;They going to restore the decrepit old man to his youth again, bythe counsell of Medea, they cut him into peeces, and set him in thefire to boyle, in vain expecting when he would live again; So thecommon people through their folly (like the daughters of Pelias)6

How the folly ofthe commonpeople, and theeloquence ofambitious men,concurre to thedissolution of aCommon-wea/e.

[ElementsXXVII. '4, IS·Leviathancf. XXIX. 'S;XXX. 6.]

1-1 _: _ I.e. EI (cf. L).2 _ I.e. EI (ef. L).3 "', EI.

+-4 _, _ I.e. EI (ef. L).5 Palias EI (cf. L; also ERRATA).6 Palias EI (ef. L; also ERRATA).

DOMINION Chap. XII

The Rightof supreme

authority isdistinguisht from

its exercise.

desiring to renew the ancient government, being drawne away bythe eloquence of ambitious men, as it were by the witchcraft of Medea,divided into faction, they consume it rather by those flames, then 1

they reforme it.

CHAP. XIII.

Concerning the duties of them who bear Rule.

I. The Right of supreme authority is distinguished from its exercise. II. The safetyofthe people is the supreme Law. III. It behoves Princes to regard the common benefitof many, not the propriety' of this, or that Man. IV. That by safety is understoodall manner ofconveniencies. V. A Querie, Whether it be the duty of Kings to providefor the salvation of their SubJects soules, as they shal/Judge best according to theirowne consciences. VI. Wherein the safety ofthe people consists. VII. That discoverersare necessary for the defence of the people. VIII. That to have souldiers, armes,garrisons, and monies in a readinesse, in time ofPeace, is also necessary for the defenceof the People. IX. A right instruction of subJects in civil/ doctrines, is necessary forthe preserving of Peace. X. Equall distributions ofpublick Offices, conduces much tothe preservation of Peace. XI. It is natural/ equity that monies be taxt according towhat every man spends, not what he possesses. XII. It conduceth to the preservationofPeace, to keepe downe ambitious men. XIII. And to breake factions. XIV. Lawswhereby thriving Arts are cherisht, and great costs restrained, conduce to the enrichingofthe SubJect. 2 XV. That more ought not to be defined by the Lawes, then the benefitof the Prince and his SubJects 3 requires. XVI. That greater punishments must notbee inflicted, then are prescribed by the Lawes. XVII. Subjects' must have Rightdone them against corrupt Judges.

I. BY what hath hitherto been said, the duties of Citizens andSubjects in any kind of government whatsoever, and the

power of the supreme Ruler over them are apparent; but we haveas yet said nothing of the duties of Rulers, and how they ought tobehave themselves towards their Subjects; We must then distinguishbetween the Right, and the exercise of supreme authority, for theycan be divided; as for example, when he who hath the Right, eithercannot, or will not be present in judging trespasses, or deliberatingof affaires: For Kings sometimes by reason of their age cannot ordertheir affaires, sometimes also though they can doe it themselves, yetthey judge it fitter, being satisfied in the choyce of their Officersand Counsellors, to exercise their power by them. Now where the

1 = than.3 Subiects EI.

2 Subiect EI.4 Subiects EI.

• L = property or peculiar interest (pro­priam; cf. marginal subtitle below).

Chap. XIII DOMINION 157

Right and exercise are severed, there the government of the Common­weale, is like the ordinary government of the world, in which God,the mover of all things, produceth naturall effects by the means ofsecondary causes; but where he, to whom the Right of ruling dothbelong, is himselfe present in all judicatures, consultations, andpublique actions, there the administration is such, as if God beyondthe ordinary course of nature, should immediately apply himselfunto all lmatters. We 1 will therefore in this Chapter summarily andbriefly speak somewhat concerning their duties who exercise authority,whether by their own or others Right. Nor is it my purpose todescend into those things, which being divers from others, somePrinces may doe, for this is to be left to the Politicall Practices ofeach Common weale.

II. Now all the duties of Rulers are contained in this one sentence,The safety of the people is the supreme Law; for although they whoamong men obtain the chiefest Dominion, cannot be subject toLawes properly so called, that is to say, to the will of men, becauseto be chief, and subject, are contradictories; yet is it their duty inall things, as much as possibly they can, to yeeld obedience untoright reason, which is the naturall, morall, and divine Law; Butbecause dominions were constituted for Peaces sake, and Peace wassought after for safeties sake, he, who being placed in authority,shall use his power otherwise then to the safety of the people, willact against the reasons of Peace, that is to say, against the Lawes ofnature; Now as the safety of the People dictates a Law by whichPrinces know their duty, so doth it also teach them an art how toprocure themselves a benefit; for the power of the Citizens, is thepower of the City, that is to say, his that bears the chief Rule inany state.

III. By the people in this place we understand, not one civillPerson, namely the City it selfe which governs, but the multitudeof subjects which are governed; for the City was not instituted forits own, but for the subjects sake; and yet a particular care is notrequired of this or that man; for the Ruler (as such) provides nootherwise for the safety of his people, then by his Lawes, which areuniversall; and therefore he hath fully discharged himselfe, if he havethroughly endeavoured by wholesome constitutions, to establish

The safety of thePeople is thesupreme Law.

[ElementsXXVIII. I.LeviathanXXX. I.]

It is the dutyofPrinces torespect thecommon benefitof many, not'the peculiarinterest' of this,or that man.

[LeviathanXXX. I.]

1-1 _; _ I.e. EI (ef. L).

a-a L. propriam (translated here in EI

as the peculiar interest, a better translationthan propriety, above).

DOMINION Chap. XIII

Wherein thesafety of the

People consists.

the welfare of the most part, and made it as lasting as may be; andthat no man suffer ill, but by his own default, or by some chancewhich could not be prevented; but it sometimes conduces to thesafety of the most part, that wicked men doe suffer. 1

By safety is IV. But by safety must be understood, not the sole preservationunderstood all of life in what condition soever, but in order to its happines. 2 For

mabnn~:tof to this end did men freely assemble themselves, and institute aenep s.[Elements government, that they might, as much as their humane condition

XXVIII. I. would afford, live delightfully. They therefore who had undertakenLeviathan] the administration of power in such a kinde of government, wouldxxx. I.

sinne against the Law of nature (because against their trust who hadcommitted that power unto them) if they should not study, as muchas by good Laws could be effected, to furnish their subjectsabundantly, not only with the good things belonging to life, but alsowith those which advance to delectation. They who have acquiredDominion by arms, doe all desire that their subjects may be strongin body and mind, that they may serve them the better;3 wherefore ifthey should not endeavour to provide them, not only with such thingswhereby they may live, but also with such whereby they may growstrong and lusty, they would act against their own scope4 and end.

Query, Whether V. And first of all, Princes doe beleeve that it mainly concernsit be the duty eternal! salvation, what opinions are held of the Deity, and what

of Kings toprovide for the manner of worship he is to be adored with; which being supposed,

salvation of their it may be demanded, whether chief Rulers, and whosoever they be,subjects soules, as whether one or more, who exercise supreme authority, sin not against

they shall judge the Law of nature, if they cause not such a doctrine, and worship,best in their own

consciences. to be taught and practised (or permit a contrary to be taught and[Elements practised) as they beleeve necessarily conduceth to the eternal!

cf. XXVIII. 2.] salvation of their subjects? It is manifest that they act against theirconscience, and that they will, as much as in them lies, the eternallperdition of their subjects; for if they willed it not, I see no reasonwhy they should suffer, (when being supreme they cannot becompelled) such things to be taught and done, for which they beleevethem to be in a damnable state. But we will leave this difficulty insuspence.

VI. The benefits of subjects respecting this life only, may bedistributed into foure kindes. I. That they be defended againstforraign enemies. 2. That Peace be preserved at home. 3. That they

1 """', E1.2 = happiness.

3 _, E. (cf. L).• L = goal or end (scopum).

Chap. XIII DOMINION 159

That discoverersare necessary forthe defence of thePeople.

be enrich't as much as may consist with publique security. 4. That [Elements

they enjoy a harmelesse liberty; For supreme Commanders can cf. XXVIII. 3·]

conferre no more to their civill happinesse, then that being preservedfrom forraign and civill warres, they may quietly enjoy that wealthwhich they have purchased by their own industry.!

VII. There are two things necessary for the Peoples defence; Tobe warned, and to be forearmed; for the state of Common-wealthsconsidered in themselves, is natural, that is to say, hostile; neitherif they cease from fighting, is it therefore to be called Peace, butrather a breathing time, in which one enemy observing the motionand countenance of the other, values his security not according tothe Pacts, but the forces and counsels of his adversary; And this bynaturall Right, as hath been shewed in the second Chapter, 10. Artic.from this, that contracts are invalid in the state of nature, as oft asany just fear doth intervene; It is therefore necessary to the defenceof the City, First, that there be some who may as near as may be,search into, and discover the counsels and motions of all those whomay prejudice 2it. For2 discoverers to Ministers of State, are like thebeames of the Sunne to the humane soule, and we may more trulysay in vision politicall, then naturall, that the sensible, and intelligibleSpecies of outward things, not well considered by others, are by theayre 3 transported to the soule, (that is to say to them who have theSupreme Authority) and therefore are they no lesse necessary tothe preservation of the State, then the rayes of the light are to theconservation of man; or if they be compared to Spiders webs, whichextended on all sides by the finest threds, doe warn them, keepingin their 4small holds,4 of all outward motions; They who bear Rulecan no more know what is necessary to be commanded for thedefence of their Subjects without Spies, then those Spiders can whenthey shall goe forth, and whether they shall repair, without themotion of those threds.

VIII. Farthermore, its necessarily requisite to the peoples defence, To have

that they before-armed. Now to be fore-armed is to be furnisht with Souldiers,

Souldiers, Armes, Ships, Forts and Monies, before the danger be ~:;;;:~ns, and

instant; for the listing of Souldiers, and taking up of Armes after a Money, in

blow is given, is too late, at least if not impossible. In like manner, readiness in. F d . G" . I b fi t.mes ofPeacenot to raise orts, an appOInt arnsons In convement paces, e ore is necessary fo;

1 iudustry EI.2-2 _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L).3 = air.

4-4 L = little holes or hiding places(cauernulis).

160 DOMINION Chap. XIII

the Peoplesdefence.

[Elementscf. XXVIII. 9.]

the Frontiers are invaded, is to be like those Country Swains (asDemosthenes said) who ignorant of the art of Fencing, with theirBucklers guarded those parts of the body where they first felt I thesmart' of the strokes. But they who think it then seasonable enoughto raise Monies for the maintenance of Souldiers, and other Chargesof War, when the danger begins to shew it self, they consider notsurely how difficult a matter it is to wring suddainly out ofclose-fistedmen so vast a proportion of Monies; for almost all men, what theyonce reckon in the number of their goods, doe judge themselves tohave such a right and propriety in it, as they conceive themselvesto be injured whensoever they are forced to imploy but the leastpart of it for the publique good. Now a sufficient stock of moniesto defend the Country with Armes, will not soon be raised out ofthe treasure of Imposts, and Customes; we must therefore, for fearof War, in time of Peace hoord up good summs, if we intend thesafety of the Common-weal. Since therefore it necessarily belongsto Rulers for the Subjects safety to discover the Enemies Counsell,to keep Garrisons, and to have Money in continuall readinesse, andthat Princes are by the Law of Nature bound to use their wholeendeavour in procuring the welfare of their Subjects, it followes,that its not onely lawfull for them to send out Spies, to maintainSouldiers, to build Forts, and to require Monies for these purposes,but also, not to doe thus, is unlawfull. To which also may be added,whatsoever shall seeme to conduce to the lesning of the power offorraigners whom they suspect, whether by sleight, or force. ForRulers are bound according to their power to prevent the evills theysuspect, lest peradventure they may happen through their negligence.

A right IX. But many things are required to the conservation of inwardinstruction of Peace, because many things concur (as hath been shewed in the

Subjects in civill. . . 2doctrines is foregomg Chapter) to Its perturbatIOn. We have there shewed, that

necessary for some things there are which dispose the minds 0[3 men to sedition,the preserving of others which move and quicken them so disposed. Among those

Peace. which dispose them, we have reckoned in the first place certaine[Elements perverse doctrines. Its therefore the duty of those who have the

XXVIII. 8.Leviathan chief Authority; to root those out of the mindes of men, not by

xxx. 2, 13·] commanding, but by teaching; not by the terrour of penalties, butby the perspicuity of reasons; the Lawes whereby this evill may bewithstood are not to be made against the Persons erring, but against

1 fit Er. 2 perrurbation E1. 3 of of men Er.

Chap. XIII DOMINION 161

the Errours themselves. Those errours which in the foregoing Chapterwe affirmed were inconsistent with the quiet of the Common-weal,have crept into the mindes of ignorant men, partly from the Pulpit,partly from the daily discourses of men, who by reason of littleemployment, otherwise, doe finde leasure enough to study; and theygot into these mens mindes by the teachers of their youth in pubIiqueschooles. Wherefore also, on the other side, if any man wouldintroduce sound Doctrine, he must begin from the Academies: There,the true, and truly demonstrated foundations of civill Doctrine areto be laid, wherewith young men being once endued, they mayafterward both in private and publique instruct the vulgar. And thisthey will doe so much the more cheerfully, and powerfully, by howmuch themselves shall be more certainly convinced of the truth ofthose things they profess, and teach; for seeing at this day menreceive propositions, though false, and no more intelligible, then ifa man should joyne together a company of termes drawn by chanceout of an urne, by reason of the frequent use of hearing them; howmuch more would they for the same reason entertain true doctrinessuitable to their own understandings, and the nature of things? Itherefore conceive it to be the duty of Supreme Officers to causethe true elements of civill Doctrine to be written, and to commandthem to be taught in all the Coliedges of their severall Dominions.

X. In the next place we shewed that grief of mind arising from Equall

want did dispose the Subjects to Sedition, which want, although distribution of

d ·'d f h . I d I h h· . h publlque burthenseflV rom t elr own uxury, an s ot , yet t ey Impute It to t ose conduceth much

who govern the Realm, as though they were drained and opprest to the

by publique Pensions. Notwithstanding it may sometimes happen preservation

that this complaint may be just, namely, when the burthens of the ofpeace.

Realm are unequally imposed on the Subjects; For that which to [ElementsXXVIII·5·

all together is but a light weight, if many withdraw themselves, it Leviathan

wil be very heavy, nay, even intollerable to the rest: Neither are xxx. IS·]

men wont so much to grieve at the burthen it self, as at the inequality.With much earnestnes therefore I men strive to be freed from taxes,& in this conflict the lesse happy, as being overcome, do envy themore fortunate. To remove therefore all just complaint, its theinterest of the publique quiet, and by consequence it concernes theduty of the Magistrate, to see that the publique burthens be equallyborn. Furthermore, since what is brought by the subjects to publick

1 thet.fore E I.

162 DOMINION Chap. XIII

Its natural!equity that

Monies be taxtaccording to

what every manspends, not to

what heposseseth.

[ElementsXXVIII. 5.

LeviathanXXX. 15.]

It conduces tothe preservation

ofpeace, todepresse the

ambitious.

[ElementsXXVIII. 7.

LeviathanXXX. 7.]

use, is nothing else but the price of their bought Peace, its reasongood, that they who equally share in the peace, should also pay anequall part either by contributing their Monies, or their labours tothe lCommon-weal. Now l it is the Law of Nature (by the 15. Articleof the 3. Chapter) that every man in distributing right to others,doe carry himself equall to all; wherefore Rulers are by the naturallLaw obliged to lay the burthens of the Common-weal equally ontheir Subjects.

XI. Now in this place we understand an equality, not of Money,but of Burthen, that is to say, an equality of reason between theBurthens, and the Benefits. For although all equally enjoy Peace,yet the benefits springing from thence, are not equall to all; forsome get greater possessions, others lesse; and againe, some consumelesse, others more. It may therefore be demanded whether Subjectsought to contribute to the publique, according to the rate of whatthey gain, or of what they spend, that is to say, whether the personsmust be taxt, so as to pay contribution according to their wealth,or the goods themselves, that every man contribute according towhat he spends. But ifwe consider, where Monies are raised accordingto wealth, there they who have made equall gain, have not equallpossessions, because that one preserves what he hath got by frugality,another wastes it by luxury, and therefore equally rejoycing in thebenefit of Peace, they doe not equally sustaine the Burthens of theCommon-weal: and on the other side, where the goods themselvesare taxt, there every man, while he spends his private goods, in thevery act of consuming them he undiscernably payes part due tothe Common-weal, according to, not what he hath, but what by thebenefit of the Realm he hath 2had. It2 is no more to be doubted,but that the former way of commanding monies is against equity,and therefore against the duty of Rulers, the latter is agreeable toreason, and the exercise of their authority.

XII. In the third place, we said that that trouble of minde whichriseth from ambition was offensive to publique Peace. For there aresome who seeming to themselves to be wiser then others, and moresufficient for the managing of affaires then they who at present doegovern, when they can no otherwise 3 declare how profitable theirvertue would prove to the Common-weale, they shew it, by harmingit; but because ambition and greedinesse of honours cannot be rooted

1-1 _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L). 2-2 ........ ; '""'" I.e. EI. 3 otherwise E I.

Chap. XIII DOMINION

out of the mindes of men, its not the duty of Rulers to endeavourit; but by constant application of rewards, and punishments, theymay so order it, that men may know that the way to honour is, notby contempt of the present government, nor by factions, and thepopular ayre, I but by the contraries. They are good men who observethe Decrees, the Lawes and Rights of their Fathers; if with a constantorder we saw these adorned with honours, but the factious 2 punisht,and had in contempt by those who bear command, there would bemore ambition to obey, then 3withstand. Notwithstanding 3 it sohappens sometimes, that as we must stroke a horse by reason of histoo much fiercenesse, so a stiffe-neckt subject must be flatter'd forfear of his power; but as that happens when the rider, so this, whenthe Commander is in danger of falling. But we speak here of those,whose authority and4 power is intire. 5 Their duty (I say) it is tocherish obedient subjects, and to depresse the factious all they can;nor can the publique power be otherwise preserved, nor the subjectsquiet without it.

XIII. But if it be the duty of Princes to restrain the factious, And to dissolve

much more does it concern them to dissolve and dissipate the factions factions.

themselves. 6 Now I call a faction, a multitude of subjects gathered [Leviathan

h . h b 11 h 1 b h cf. XXII. '7, 18;toget er, eit er y mutua contracts among t emse ves, or y t e cf. XXIX.

power of some one, without his or their 7 [authority]S who bear the '5, 16.]

supreme Rule: Afaction therefore is as it were a City in a City; foras by an Union of men in the state of nature a City receives itsbeing, so by a new union ofsubjects, there ariseth afaction. Accordingto this definition, a multitude of subjects who have bound themselvessimply to obey any forreign Prince, or Subject, or have made anyPacts, or Leagues of mutuall defence between themselves against allmen, not excepting those who have the supreme power in the City,is a faction. Also favour with the vulgar if it be so great, that by itan Army may be rais'd, except publique caution be given, either byhostages, or some other pledges, contains faction in it; The samemay be said of private wealth, if it exceed, because all things obeymony. Forasmuch therefore as it is true, that the state of Citiesamong themselves is naturall, and hostile, those Princes who permitfactions, doe as much as if they received an enemy within their

1 = air.2 factions EI (cf. L; also below).3-3 _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L).4 aund EI.

5 = entire.6 themselues EI.7 theirs EI.8 authority absent EI (cf. L).

DOMINION Chap. XIII

[Elementscf. XXVIII. 4.

LeviathanXXX. 16.]

walls, which is contrary to the subjects safety, and therefore alsoagainst the Law of nature.

Lawes whereby XIV. There are two things necessary to the enriching of Subjects,gaining arts are Labour 1 and thrift; there is also a third which helps, to wit the

cherisht, and 2 3natural! increase of the earth and water; and there is a fourth too,great expencesrestrained, doe namely the Militia, which sometimes augments, but more frequently

conduce much to lessens the subjects stock. 4The two first are only necessary.4 For athe enhrichibng of City constituted in an Island of the Sea, no greater then will serve for

t e sU'lect.dwelling, may grow rich without sowing, or fishing, by merchandize,and handicrafts only; but there is no doubt if they have a territory,but they may be richer with the same number, or equally rich, beinga greater snumber. ButS the fourth, namely the Militia,6 was of oldreckoned in the number of the gaining Arts, under the notion ofBootinga or taking prey; and it was by mankind, (disperst by families)before the constitution of civill societies, accounted just and honour­able; for preying, is nothing else but a warre waged with smallforces; And great Common-weales, namely that of Rome, and Athens,by the spoyles of warre, forraigne tribute, and the territories theyhave purchased by their armes, have sometimes so improved theCommon-wealth, that they have not onely not required any publiquemonies from the poorer sort of subjects, but have also divided toeach of them both monies and lands. But this kind of increase ofriches, is not to be brought into rule and 7 fashion: For the Militiain order to profit, is like a Dye wherewith many lose their estates,but few improve them. Since therefore there are three things only,the fruits of the earth and water, Labour,8 and Thrift, which areexpedient for the enriching of subjects, the duty of Commanders inchief, shall be conversant onely about those three. For the first,those lawes will be usefull which countenance the arts that improvethe increase of the earth, and water, such as are husbandry, andfishing. For the second, all Lawes against idlenesse, and such asquicken industry, are profitable; the art of Navigation (by helpwhereof the commodities of the whole world, bought almost bylabour only, are brought into one City) and the Mechanicks, (underwhich I comprehend all the arts of the most excellent workmen)and the Mathematical!9 sciences, the fountains of navigatory and

1 Laobur [in some copies of] EI.2 _, EI (cf. L).3 _, EI (cf. L).4-4 = Only the first two are necessary

(cf. L).

55 _; _ I.c. EI (cf. L).6 MIlitia EI. 7 aud EI.8 _ 1\ EI (cf. L). 9 Mathemacicall EI.

a L = piracy or free booty (lestricae).

Chap. XIII DOMINION r65

mechanick employments, are held in due esteem and honour. Forthe third, those lawes are usefull, whereby all inordinate expence,as well in meats, as in clothes, and universally in all things whichare consumed with usage, is forbidden. Now because such lawes arebeneficiall to the ends above specified, it belongs also to the Officeof supreme Magistrates, to establish them.

XV. The liberty of subjects consists not in being exempt from That more ought

the Lawes of the City, or that they who have the supreme power not to bedetermined by

cannot make what Laws they have a mind to; but because all the the Lawes, then

motions and actions of subjects, are never circumscribed by Lawes, the benefit of

nor can be, by reason of their variety, it is necessary that there be Prince and

h· h . h h' . Subjects require.infinite cases, w IC are nelt er commanded, nor pro Iblted, butevery man may either doe, or not doe them, las he lists l himselfe. [Elements

XXVIII. 4.In these, each man is said to enjoy his liberty, and in this sense Leviathan

liberty is to be understood in this place, namely, for that part of ~~S; 14;8.]

naturall Right, which is granted and left to Subjects by the civil! 7,

Lawes. As water inclosed on all hands with banks, stands stil! andcorrupts; having no bounds, it spreds too largely, and the morepassages it findes, the more freely it takes its current; so subjects,if they might doe nothing without the commands of the Law wouldgrow dull, and unwildly,2 if all, they would be disperst, and themore is left undetermined by the Lawes, the more liberty they enjoy.Both extremes are faulty, for Lawes were not invented to take away,but to direct mens actions, even as nature ordained the banks, notto stay, but to guide the course of the streame. The measure of thisliberty is to be taken from the subjects, and the Cities 3 good.Wherefore3 in the first place it is against the charge of those whocommand, and have the authority of making lawes, that there shouldbe more lawes then necessarily serve for good of the Magistrate,and his Subjects; for since men are wont commonly to debate whatto do, or not to do, by naturall reason, rather then any knowledgeof the Lawes, where there are more Lawes then can easily beremembred, and whereby such things are forbidden, as reason ofit selfe prohibites not of necessity, they must through ignorance,without the least evil! intention,4 fall within the compasse of Lawes,as gins 5 laid to entrap their harmelesse liberty, which supreme

1-1 =as he likes (ef. L).2 ~ heavy or sluggish [probably a form

of unwieldy in its earlier meaning of dull.Cf.O.E.D.]

3-3 _; _ I.e. EI (ef. L).4 iutention £1.5 = snares or traps.

166 DOMINION Chap. XIII

That greaterpunishments must

not be inflicted,then are

prescribed bythe Lawes.

[LeviathanXXVII. 6.XXX. 20.]

Commanders are bound to preserve for their subjects by the Lawesof nature.

XVI. It is a great part of that liberty which is harmlesse to civillgovernment, and necessary for each subject to live happily, thatthere be no penalties dreaded, but what they may both foresee, andlook for; and this is done, where there are either no punishmentsat all defined by the Lawes, or greater not required then are Idefined.Where I there are none defined, there he that hath first broken theLaw, expects an indefinite or arbitrary punishment, and his feare issupposed boundlesse, because it relates to an unbounded evill; nowthe Law of nature commands them who are not 2 subject to anycivill Lawes, (by what we have said in the third Chapter, Artie. II.)

and therefore supreme Commanders, that in taking revenge andpunishing, they must not so much regard the past evill, as the futuregood, and they sin, if they entertain any other measure in arbitrarypunishment, then the publique 3benefit. But3where the punishment isdefined, either by a Law prescribed, as when it is set down in plainwords, that he that shall doe thus, or thus, shall suffer so and so; orby practice, as when the penalty, (not by any Law prescribed, butarbitrary from the beginning) is afterward determined by thepunishment of the first delinquent (for naturall equity commandsthat equall transgressors be equally punished);4 there to impose agreater penalty then is defined by the Law, is against the Law ofnature. For the end of punishment is not to compell the will ofman, but to fashion it, & make it such as he would have it whohath set the penalty. And deliberation is nothing else but a weighing,Sas it were in scales, the conveniencies, and inconveniencies of thefact we are attempting; where, that which is more weighty, dothnecessarily according to its inclination prevaile with us. If thereforethe Legislator doth set a lesse penalty on a crime, then will makeour feare more considerable with us, then our lust; that excesse oflust above the feare of punishment, whereby sinne is committed, isto be attributed to the Legislator (that is to say) to the supreme;6and therefore if he inflict a greater punishment, then himselfe hathdetermined in his Lawes, he punisheth that in another, [inp whichhe sinned himselfe.

.-. ~; ~ I.e. E. (cf. L).2 n t EI.3-3 ~; ~ I.e. EI (cf. L).4 ~) /\ EI (ef. L).

5 weiging EI.6 ~, EI (ef. L).7 in absent EI.

Chap. XIII DOMINION

XVII. It pertaines therefore to the harmlesse and necessary liberty Subjects must

of subjects, that every man may without feare, enjoy the rights which have right11 d h' b h L fi'" . h restored to themare a owe 1m y t e awes; or It IS m vam to ave our own against corrupt

distinguisht by the Lawes from anothers, if by wrong judgement, Judges.!

robbery, theft, they may bee again 2confounded. But 2 it falls out [Elements

SO, thatthese a doe happen where Judges are corrupted; for the fear XXVIII. 6.

h b d d fi d · '11' h fi h LeVIathanwere y men are eterre rom omg eVl ,anset not rom ence, ef. XXX. II, 14.]

namely, because penalties are set, but because they are executed;for we esteeme the future by what is past, seldome expecting whatseldome happens. If therefore Judges3 corrupted either by Gifts,Favour, or even by pitty it self, do often forbear the execution ofthe Penalties due by the Law, and by that meanes put wicked menin hope to passe unpunisht: honest Subjects encompast withmurtherers, theeves and knaves, will not have the liberty to conversefreely with each other, nor scarce to stirre abroad without hazard;nay, the City it self is dissolved, and every mans right of protectinghimself at his own will returnes to him. The Law of Nature thereforegives this precept to Supreme Commanders, that they not onely doe

. righteousnesse themselves, but that they also by penalties cause theJudges, by them appointed, to doe the same; that is to say, thatthey hearken to the complaints of their Subjects; and as oft as needrequires, make choice of some extraordinary Judges, who may hearthe matter debated concerning the ordinary ones.

CHAP. XIV.

Of Lawes and Trespasses.

I. How Law differs from Counsell. II. How from Covenant. III. How fromRight. IV. Division ofLawes into Divine and Humane: the Divine into Natmalland Positive; and the Naturallinto the Lawes of single-men, and of Nations. V.The Division ofhumane, that is to say, ofCivil Lawes into Sacred and Secular. VI.Into Distributive and Vindicative. VII. That Distributive, and Vindicative, are notspecies, but parts of the Lawes. VIII. All Law is supposed to have a penalty annextto it. IX. The precepts of the Decalogue of honouring Parents, of murther, adultery,theft, "false witnesse,4 are Civill Lawes. X. Its impossible to command ought by theCivil Law contrary to the Law of Nature. XI. Its essential to a Law, both that itself, and also the Lawgiver be known. XII. Whence the Lawgiver comes to be

1 ,...",. 1\ EI. a L repeats wrong judgement, robbery,2-2 _; _ I.e. EI (ef. L). theft.3 Judges EI. 4-4 falsewitnesse E I.

168 DOMINION Chap. XIV

How Law differsfrom Counsell.

[Elementscf. XIII. 5, 6;

XXIX.I,4·De Cive

cf. VI. 9.Leviathan

XXV. 1-4;XXVI. 2.]

known. XIII. Publishing, and Interpretation, are necessary to the knowledge of aLaw. XIV. The Division of the Civill Law into written, and unwritten. XV. TheNaturall Lawes are not written Lawes; neither are the wise Sentences of Lawyers,nor Custome, Lawes of themselves, but by the consent of the Supreme Power. XVI.What the word Sinne most largely taken, signifies. 1 XVII. The definition ofSin. XVIII. The difference between a Sin of Infirmity, and Malice. XIX. Underwhat kind of sinne Atheisme is contained. XX. What Treason is. XXI. That byTreason, not the Civill, but the Naturall Lawes are broken. XXII. And that thereforeit is to be punisht not by the right of Dominion, but by the right of War. XXIII.That obedience is not rightly distinguisht into active, and passive.

I. THey who lesse seriously consider the force of words, doesometimes confound Law with Counsell, sometimes with

Covenant, sometimes with Right. They confound Law with Counsell,2who think, that it is the duty of Monarchs not onely to give ear totheir Counsellours, but also to obey them, as though it were in vaineto take Counsell, unlesse it were also followed. We must fetch thedistinction between Counsell, 3 and Law, from the difference betweenCounsell, and Command. Now COUNSELL is a precept in whichthe reason of my obeying it, is taken from the thing it self which isadvised; but COMMAND is a precept in which the cause of myobedience depends on the will ofthe Commander. For it is not properlysaid, Thus I will, and thus I Command, except the will stand for aReason. 4 Now when obedience is yielded to the Lawes, not for thething it self, but by reason of the advisers will, the Law is not aCounsell, but a Command, and is defined thus, LA W is the commandof that Person (whether Man, or Court) whose precept containes in itthe reason of obedience; as the Precepts of God in regard of Men, ofMagistrates in respect of their Subjects, and universally of all thepowerfull in respect of them who cannot resist, may be termed theirLawes. 5 Law and Counsell therefore differ many ways; Law belongsto him who hath power over them whom he adviseth, Counsell tothem who have no power. To follow what is prescribed by Law, isduty, what by Counsell, is free-will. Counsell is directed to his endthat receives it, Law, to his that gives it. Counsell is given to nonebut the willing, Law even to the unwilling. To conclude, the rightof the Counsellour is made void by the will of him to whom he givesCounsell, the right of the Law-giver is not abrogated at the pleasureof him who hath a Law imposed.

1 signisies EI.2 Counsel EI.3 Counsel EI.

4 ~; EI (cf. L).5 ~; EI (cf. L).

Chap. XIV DOMINION

II. They confound Law, and Covenant, who conceive the Lawes How it differs

to be nothing else but certain OI.wAoY~ll-a'Ta,1 or forms of living, from a Covenant.

determined by the common consent of men: Amongst whom is [Elements

A · I h d fi L h' N'" \ , XXIX. I, 2.rlstot e, woe nes aw on t IS manner, 0ll-0C; Ean "oY0C; De Give

WPLaIl-EVOC; KU(J' 0ll-0Aoy{av KOLVT]V 7T6AEWC;,2 Il-TJVVWV 7TlJJ> DE;; cf. II. 1,9;, • 3 h' L' h I' . d d' cf. VI. 9·7Tpa'T'TELV EKaa'Ta, t at IS to say, aw tS a speec tmtte accor tng Leviathan

to the common consent of the City, declaring every thing that we ought cf. XIV. 9;

to 4doe. Which4 definition is not simply of Law, but of the Civil! ~i. ~~~i3;, 7.]Law; for it is manifest that the Divine Lawes sprang not from theconsent of men, nor yet the Lawes of Nature; for if they had theiroriginal! from the consent of men, they might also by the sameconsent be abrogated; but they are unchangeable. But indeed that'sno right definition of a Civil! Law; for in that place a City is takeneither for one civill person, having5 one will, or for a multitude ofmenwho have each of them the liberty of their private 6wil!s. 1[6 for oneperson, those words, common consent, are ill placed here, for oneperson hath no common consent; neither ought he to have said,(declaring what was needful! to be done) but commanding; for what

, the City declares, it commands its Subjects. He therefore by a Cityunderstood a multitude of men declaring by common consent(imagine it a writing confirm'd by Votes) some certain formes ofliving; but these are nothing else but some mutual! contracts whichoblige not any man (and therefore are no Lawes) before that aSupreme Power being constituted which can compel!, have sufficientremedy against the rest, who otherwise are not likely to keep them.Lawes therefore, according to this definition of Aristotle, are nothingelse, but naked, and weak contracts, which then at length, whenthere is one who by right doth exercise the Supreme Power, shal!either become Lawes; or no Lawes, at his will and pleasure: Whereforehe confounds Contracts with Lawes, which he ought not to havedone; for Contract is a promise, Law a command. In Contracts wesay, I will do this; In Lawes, Doe this. (*) Contracts oblige us, Lawestie us fast, being obliged..A Contract obligeth of it self, The Lawholds the party obliged by vertue of the universal! Contract ofyeelding obedience; Therefore in Contract its first determined what

1 = conventions.2 _ A EI (cf. L).3 Ep.a,a £1; [No/LOS' ... EKaGTa; cf.

translation in the text. The quotation hasbeen taken from the pseudo-AristotelianRhetorica ad Alexandrum often attributed

to Anaximenes of Lampsacus (Ps.-Arist.,Rhet. AI. '420' 25-7)].

4-4 _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L).5 having absent EI (but printed as catch­

word).6-6 _; _ I.e. EI (ef. L).

'70 DOMINION Chap. XIV

Annotation. 2

How it differsfrom Right.

[ElementsXXIX. 5.

De Giveef. I. 7, '4;

ef. II. ,;ef. XV. '7-'9.

LeviathanXIV. 1-3;

XXVI. 7, 30.]

is to be done, before we are obliged to doe it; But in Law we arefirst obliged to performe, and what is to be done, is determinedafterwards. Aristotle therefore ought to have defined a civil/law thus,A civil/ law is a speech limited by the will of the City, commandingevery thing 'behoofeful/ to be done, 1 which is the same with that wehave given above in the 6. Chap. art. 9. to wit, that the civil/ lawesare the command of him (whether man, or Court of men) who isendued with supreme power in the city, concerning the future actions ofhis Subjects.

Contracts oblige us.] To be obliged, and to be tyed being obliged,seems to some men to be one, and the same thing, and that thereforehere seems to be some distinction in words, but none indeed. More cleerlytherefore, I say thus, That a man is obliged by 3 his contracts, that is,that he ought to performe for his promise sake; but that the Law tyeshim being obliged, that is to say, it compel/s him to make good hispromise, for fear of the punishment appointed by the Law.

III. They confound Lawes with Right, who continue still to doewhat is permitted by divine Right, notwithstanding it be forbiddenby the civil/ Law: That which is prohibited by the divine Law, cannotbee permitted by the civil/, neither can that which is commandedby the divine Law, be prohibited by the 4civil/. Notwithstanding4

that which is permitted by the divine Right, that is to say, thatwhich may be done by divine Right, doth no whit hinder why thesame may not be forbidden by the civil/ Lawes; for inferiour Lawesmay restrain the liberty allowed by the superiour, although theycannot enlarge Sthem. Now s natural/liberty is a Right not constituted,but allowed by the Lawes. For the Lawes being removed, our libertyis absolute; This is first restrained by the natural/, and divine Lawes,the residue is bounded by the civil/ Law, and what remains mayagain be restrained by the constitutions of particular Towns, andSocieties. 6 There is great difference therefore between Law, andRight; 7 For Law is a fetter, Right is freedome, and they differ likecontraries.

The division of IV. All Law may be divided, first according to the diversity of/awes into divine its Authors into Divine and 8humane. The 8 Divine, according to the

and humane, andof the divine two wayes whereby God hath made known his will unto men, is

1-1 L = that ought to be done (quaeoportet facere).

2 _ A EI. 3 hy EI.4-4 _, _ I.e. EI (ef. L).

5-S _: _ I.e. EI (cf. L).6 _; EI (ef. L).7 _. EI (ef. L).8-8 _, _ I.e. EI (ef. L).

Chap. XIV DOMINION 17 1

The division ofhumane, that isto say, civi/llawes, intosecular andsacred.

into natura/l andpositive, and ofthe natura/l intothose lawes ofsingle men, andthose of Nations.

[ElementsXXIX. 6, 7, 10.

LeviathanXXVI. 24-6;XXX. 25.]

twofold, naturall (or morall) and positive; naturall is that whichGod hath declared to all men by his eternall word borne with them,to wit, their naturall Reason; and this is that Law which in thiswhole book I have endeavoured to unfold. 1 Positive is that, whichGod hath revealed to us by the word of Prophesie, wherein he hathspoken unto men as a man: Such are the Lawes which he gave tothe Jewes concerning their government, and divine worship, andthey may be termed the Divine civill Lawes, because they werepeculiar to the civill government of the Jewes, his peculiar people.Again, the naturall Law may be divided into that of Men, 2 whichalone hath obtained the title of the Law ofnature, and that ofCities,which may be called that of Nations, but vulgarly it is termed theRight ofNations. The precepts of both are alike, but because Citiesonce instituted doe put on 3the personall proprieties of men,3 thatLaw, which4 speak!ng of the duty of single men, we call naturall,5being applyed to whole Cities, and Nations, is called the Right ofNations. And the same Elements of naturalllaw, and Right, which [Elements

have hitherto been spoken of, being transferred to whole Cities and XXIX. 10.]

Nations, may be taken for the Elements of the lawes, and Right ofNations.

V. All humane law is civill. For the state of men considered outof civill society, is hostile, in which, because one is not subject toanother, there are no other Lawes, beside the dictates of naturallreason, which is the divine Law. But in civill government the Cityonely, that is to say, that man, or Court, to whom the supremepower of the City is committed, is the Legislator, and the Lawes [Elements

of the City are civill. The civill. Lawes may be divided according to cf. XXIX. 7·]

the diversity of their subject matter, into sacred, or secular; sacredare those which pertain to Religion, that is to say, to the ceremonies,and worship of God (to wit what Persons, things, places, are to beconsecrated, and in what fashion, what op,inions concerning the Deityare to be taught publiquely, and with what words, and in what ordersupplications are to be made, and the like) and are not determinedby any divine positive Law. For the civill sacred Lawes are the humaneLawes (which are also called Ecclesiasticall) concerning things sacred;but the secular under a generall notion, are usually called the civillLawes.

1 _; EI (cf. L).2 M n EI (cf. L).3-3 L = the property of human person-

ality (proprietates hominum personales).4 with EI (cf. L).5 naturall.EI.

DOMINION Chap. XIV

Into distributiveand vindicative. 2

[ElementsXXIX. 6.Leviathan

XXVI. 25.]

Distributive andvindicative aarenot two Speciesofthe Lawes.a

[Elementscf. XXIX. 6.

LeviathanXXVI. 25.]

All Law issupposed to havea Penalty annext

to it.

VI.I Again, the civill Law (according to the two offices of theLegislator, whereof one is to judge; the other to constrain men toacquiesce to his judgements) hath two parts; the one distributive,the other vindicative, or penall. By the distributive it is, that everyIrian hath his proper Right, that is to say, it sets forth Rules for allthings, whereby we may know what is properly ours, what anothermans; so as others may not hinder us from the free use and enjoymentof our own; and we may not interrupt others in the quiet possessionof theirs; and what is lawfull for every man to doe or omit, andwhat is not lawfull. Vindicative is that whereby it is defined whatpunishment shall be inflicted on them who break the Law.

VII. Now distributive, and vindicative, are not two severall Speciesof the Lawes, but two parts of the same Law. For if the Law shouldsay no more, but (for example) whatsoever you take with your net inthe Sea, be it yours, its in vain; For although another should takethat away from you which you have caught, it hinders not, but thatit still remains yours; for in the state of nature where all things arecommon to all, yours, and others, are all one, insomuch as what theLaw defines to be yours, was yours even before the Law, and afterthe Law ceases not to bee yours, although in another mans possession.Wherefore the Law doth nothing, unlesse it bee understood to beeso yours, as all other men be forbidden to interrupt your free use,and secure enjoyment of it at all times, according to your own will,and pleasure. For this is that which is required to a propriety ofgoods, not that a man may be able to use them, but to use themalone, which is done by prohibiting others to be an hinderance tohim. But in vain doe they also prohibit any men, who doe not withallstrike a fear of punishment into them; in vain therefore is the Law,unlesse it contain both parts, that which forbids injuries 3 to be done,and that which punisheth4 the doers of them. The first of them whichis called distributive, is Prohibitory, and speaks to all; 5 the secondwhich is styled vindicative, or pamary,6 is mandatory, and onelyspeaks to publique Ministers.

VUI. From hence also we may understand, that every civill Lawhath7 a penalty annexed to it, either explicitly, or implicitly; For wherethe penalty is not defined, neither by any writing, nor by example

1 _ /\ EI.

3 iujuries EI.5 _, EI (cf. L).6 L = penal (poenaria).

2 _ /\ EI.

4 pnnisheth EI.

7 bath EI.

a-a At head of Chap., this is renderedmOTe closely with L-"are not species, butparts of the Lawes."

Chap. XIV DOMINION 173

of anyone who hath suffered the punishment of the transgressed [Leviathan

Law,l there the penalty is understood to be arbitrary, namely, to XXVII. 5.]

depend on the will of the Legislator, that is to say, of the supremeCommander. For in vain is that Law which may be broken withoutpunishment.

IX. Now because it comes from the civill Lawes, both that every The Precepts of

man have his proper Right, and distinguisht from anothers, and also the Decal~gue

that he is forbidden to invade anothers Rights, it foilowes, that these pOf hontour~~g

aren s, OJ

Precepts (Thou shalt not refuse to give the honour defin'd by the Lawes murther,

unto thy Parents: Thou shalt not kill the man whom the Lawes forbid adultery, theft,

thee to kill: Thou shalt avoid all copulation forbidden by the Laws: false witnesse,are the cmlll

Thou shalt not take away anothers goods against the Lords will: Thou Lawes.'

shalt not frustrate the Laws and Judgements by false testimony) are [Elements

Civill Lawes. The naturall Lawes command the same things but cf. XXIX. 8.De Give

implicitly; for the law of nature (as hath been said in the 3· Chap. cf. xv. '7-'9.

Art. 2.) commands us to keep contracts, and therefore also to performe Leviathan

obedience when we have covenanted obedience, and to abstaine from cf. XXVI. 7;cf. xxx. 10, IL]

anothers goods when it is determin'd by the civill Law what belongsto 3another. But 3 all Subjects (by the 13. Art. of the 6. Chap.) docovenant to obey his commands who hath the supreme power, thatis to say 4the civill4 Lawes, in the very constitution of government,even before it is possible to break them. 5 For the Law of nature didoblige in the state of nature, where first (because nature hath givenall things to all men) nothing did properly belong to another, andtherefore it was not possible to invade anothers right; next, whereall things were common, and therefore all carnall copulations lawfull;Thirdly, where was the state of W:arre, and therefore lawfull to kill;Fourthly, where all things were determined by every mans ownjudgement, and ther.efore paternall respects also: Lastly, where therewere no publique judgements, and therefore no use of bearing-witnesse, either true, or false.

X. Seeing6 therefore our obligation to observe those Laws, is It is not possible

more ancient then the promulgation of the Laws themselves, as to commandb . . d' h . . 7 f h C b h ought by theemg contame m t e very constitutIOn 0 t e Ity, y t e vertue civill Law,

of the naturall Law which forbids breach of Covenant, the Law of contrary to the

nature commands us to keep all the civill Laws; for where we are Lawes of nature.

1 Law EI (cf. L).2 Law:s EI (cf. subtitle at head of

Chapter).3-3 ,......; ....... I.e. EI.

4-4 the the civfll EL5 _; El (cf. L).6 Seetng EL7 const t tion E1.

174 DOMINION Chap. XIV

[Elementscf. XXIX. 3.

LeviathanXXVI. 7.]

It is essentiall toa Law, that both

it and theLegislator be

knowne.

[LeviathanXXVI. II, 14.]

Whence theLegislator is

knowne.

[LeviathanXXVI. 14.]

tyed to obedience, before we know what will be commanded us,there we are universally tyed to obey in all lthings. Whence l itfollowes, that no civil Law whatsoever, which tends not to a reproachof the Deity (in respect of whom, Cities themselves have no rightof their own, and cannot be said to make Lawes) can possibly beagainst the Law of nature; for though the Law of nature forbidtheft, adultery, &c. yet if the civill Law command us to invade anything, that invasion is not theft, adultery, &c. For when theLacedemonians of old permitted their youths by a certaine Law, totake away other mens goods, they commanded that these goodsshould not bee accounted other mens, but their own who took them;and therefore such surreptions 2 were no thefts. In like manner,copulations of heathen Sexes, according to their Lawes, were lawfullmarriages.

XI. Its necessary to the essence of a Law, that the Subjects beacquainted with two things, First, what man or Court hath thesupreme power, that is to say, the Right of making Lawes. Secondly,what the Law it self sayes; for he that neither knew either to whomor what he is tyed to, cannot obey, and by consequence is in sucha condition, as if he were not tyed at all. I say not that it is necessaryto the essence of a Law, that either one, or the other be perpetuallyknown, but onely that it be once knowne; and if the Subject afterwardforget either the Right he hath who made the Law, or the Law itself, that makes him no lesse tyed to obey,3 since he might haveremembred it, had he had a will to obey.

XII. The knowledge of the Legislator depends on the Subjecthimselfe; for the right of making Lawes could not be conferr'd onany man without his owne consent, and covenant, either exprest, orsuppos'd; exprest, when from the beginning the Citizens doethemselves constitute a forme of governing the City, or when bypromise they submit themselves to the Dominion of anyone; orsuppos'd at least, as when they make use of the benefit of the Realme,and Lawes, for their protection and conservation against 4 others.For4 to whose Dominion we require our fellow Subjects to yeeldobedience for our good, his Dominion we acknowledge to belegitimate by that very 5request. And 5 therefore ignorance of thepower of making Lawes, can never be a sufficient excuse; for everyman knowes what he hath done himselfe.

1-' _; _ I.e. EI (ef. L).2 L = theft or removal (surreptiones).

3 ohey EI. +-4 -; - I.e. EI (ef. L).s-s _; _ I.e. EI (ef. L).

Chap. XIV DOMINION '75

XIII.l The knowledge of the lawes depends on the Legislator,who must publish them, for otherwise they are not Lawes; for Lawis the command of the Law-maker, and his command is theDeclaration of his Will; it is not therefore a Law, except the willof the Law-maker be declar'd, which is done by promulgation. Nowin promulgation two things must be manifest, whereof one is, thathe or they who publish a Law, either have a right themselves tomake Lawes, or that they doe it by authority deriv'd from him orthem2 who have it; the other is the sense of the Law it selfe. Now,that the first, namely publisht Lawes proceed from him who haththe supreme command, cannot be manifest (speaking exactly andphilosophically) to any, but them who have received them from themouth of the Commander; 3 the rest beleeve, but the reasons of theirbeliefe are so many, that it is scarce possible they should not believe.And truly in a Democratical City where everyone may be presentat the making of Laws if he will, he that shall be absent, mustbeleeye those that were present; but in Monarchies and Aristocraties,because its granted but to few to be present, and openly to hearethe commands of the Monarch or the Nobles, it was necessary tobestow a power on those few of publishing them to the rest. 4 Andthus we beleeve those to be the Edicts and Decrees of Princes, whichare propounded 5 to us for such, either by the writings, or voices ofthem, whose office it is to publish them. 6 But yet when we havethese causes of beliefe, that we have seen the Prince, or supremeCouncell constantly use such Counsellors, Secretaries, publishers, andseales, and the like arguments for the declaring of his will; that henever took any authority from them; that they have bin punisht whonot giving credit to such like promulgations have transgrest the Law;not onely he who thus believing 7shall not obey the Edicts andDecrees set forth by them is every where accus'd,7 but he that notbelieving, shall not yield obedience, is 8punisht. For8 the constantpermission of these things is a manifest signe enough, and evidentdeclaration of the Commanders will; provided there be nothingcontain'd in the Law, Edict or Decree, derogatory from his supremepower: For it is not to be imagin'd that he would have ought taken

Promulgationandinterpretationare necessary tothe knowledge ofa Law.

[Elementscf. XXIX. 8.LeviathanXXVI. 11-,6.]

1 XIII. absent EI.2 rhem EI.3 _, E, (cf. L).4 _; E, (cf. L).5 propofided EI.

• -; E, (cf. L).7-7 L = shall obey the Edicts ... is every

where excused, (obediuerit ... excusatur) [butcf also variant reading L3].

8-8 _; _ I.e. E, (cf. L).

DOMINION Chap. XIV

The civill Lawdivided intowritten and

unwritten.

[Elementscf. XXV. 3;

XXIX. 10.

LeviathanXXVI. 12, 16, 17.]

from his power by any of his Officers as long as he retaines a willto governe. Now the sense of the law, when there is any doubt madeof it, is to be taken from them to whom the supreme authority hathcommitted the knowledge of causes, or Judgements; for to judge isnothing else then by interpretation to apply the lawes to particularleases. Now l we may know who they are that have this Office grantedthem, in the same manner, as we know who they be that haveauthority given them to publish Laws.

XIV. Againe the civill law according to its two fold manner ofpublishing, is of two sorts, written & unwritten; By written, Iunderstand that which wants a voice, or some other signe of thewill of the Legislator that it may become a Law: For all kind ofLaws are of the same age with mankinde, both in nature, and time,and therefore of more antiquity then the invention of letters, andthe Art of 2writing. Wherefore2 not a writing, but a voice is necessaryfor a written law;3 this alone is requisite to the being, that to theRemembrance of a Law; for we reade, that before letters were foundout for the help of memory, that Lawes contracted into Meetre, werewont to be sung. The unwritten is that which wants no other publishingthen the voice of nature, or naturall reason;4 such are the lawes ofnature. For the naturall Law although it be distinguisht 5 from thecivill, for as much as it commands the Will, yet so farre forth as itrelates to our actions it is civill; for example, this same, Thou shaltnot covet, which onely appertaines to the minde, is a naturall Lawonely;6 but this, Thou shalt not invade, is both naturall and ?civill.For? seeing it is impossible to prescribe such universall Rules,whereby all future contentions which perhaps are infinite, may bedetermined, its to be understood that in all cases not mentioned bythe written lawes, the law ofnatura1l 8 equity is to be followed, whichcommands us to distribute equally to equals; and this by the vertueof the civill law, which also punisheth those who knowingly andwillingly doe actually transgresse the lawes of nature.

That the naturall XV. These things being understood, it appeares first, That thelaws are not Lawes ofNature, although they were describ'd in the Books of somewritten laws,

neither are the Philosophers, are not for that reason to be termed Written lawes:sentences of and that the Writings of the Interpreters of the Lawes, were nolawyers, or Lawes, for want of the Supreme Authority; nor yet those orations

1-1 ~; ~ I.e. EI (cf. L).2-2 ~; ~ I.e. EI (cf. L).3 ~,EI (cf. L). 4 _, EI.

5 dlstinguisht EI. 6 ~,EI (cf. L).7-7 _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L).8 maturall EI.

Chap. XIV DOMINION 177

The definition 7

of Sin.

[ElementsXVII. 14.Leviathancf. XV. 34;cf. XXVII. 2.)

custome, laws ofthemselves, butby the consent ofthe supremepower.

[ElementsXXIX. 10.

Leviathancf. XXVI. 6-10;

XXVI. 12, 16, 17.)XVI. Sinne, in its largest signification, comprehends every deed, What the word

word and thought, against right 3reason. For3every man by reasoning Sin taken in its

seeks out the meanes to the end which he propounds to himselfe. largest sense

If therefore he reason right (that is to say, beginning from most stgnifies.

evident principles, he makes a discourse out of consequences [Leviathancf. XXVII. I.)

continually necessary,) he will proceede4 in a most direct way;otherwise hee'l goe astray, that is to say, he will either doe, say, orendeavour, somewhat against his proper end: 5 which when he hathdone, he will indeed in reasoning be said to have erred, but in actionand will to have sinned; 6 for sin followes errour, just as the Will doththe understanding: And this is the most generall acception of theword, under which is contain'd every imprudent action, whetheragainst the Law, as to overthrow another mans house, or not againstthe Law, as to build his owne upon the Sand.

XVII. But when we speak of the Lawes, the word Sinne is takenin a more strict sense, and signifies not every thing done againstright reason, but that onely which is blameable, and therefore is call'dmalum culpce, the evill of fault; but yet if any thing be culpable itis not presently to be term'd a sinne, or fault, but onely if it beblameable with reason. We must therefore enquire what is to beblameable with reason, what against reason. Such is the nature ofman, that everyone calls that good which he desires, and evill whichhe eschewes; and therefore through the diversity of our affections,it happens that one counts that good, which another counts evill;and the same man what now he esteem'd for good, he immediately8looks on as evill; and the same thing which he calls good in himselfe,he tearmes evill in another; For9 we all measure good and evill

of the Wise, (that is to say) Judges, but so farre forth as by theconsent of the Supreme power they part l into custome;2 and thatthen they are to be received among the Written lawes, not for theCustomes sake (which by its own force doth not constitute a Law)but for the Will of the Supreme Commander, which appeares inthis, that he hath suffer'd his Sentence, whether equall, or unequall,to passe into custome.

1 = pass (?depart; cf. end of paragraph;also L).

2 _, EI (cf. L).3-3 _: _ I.e. EI (cf. L).4 proccede EI.

5 _, EI (cf. L).6 _, EI (cf. L).7 definitton E I.

8 = immediately afterwards (cf. L. max).9 _ I.e. EI (cf. L).

DOMINION Chap. XIV

The differencebetweene a sinneof infirmitie and

malice.

[Elementscf. XVI. 4.

LeviathanXV. 9;

cf. XXVII. " 2.]

by the pleasure or paine we either feele at present, or expecthereafter. 1 Now seeing the prosperous actions of enemies (becausethey increase their2 honours, goods, and power) and of equalls,(by reason of that strife of honours which is among them) bothseeme and are irkesome, and therefore evil! to all; and men use torepute those evil!, that is to say, to lay some fault to their chargefrom whom they receive evil!;a its impossible to be determined bythe consent of single men whom the same things doe not please anddisplease, what actions are, and what not to be blam'd. They mayagree indeed in some certaine generall things, as that theft, adultery,and the like are sinnes, as if they should say that all men accountthose things evil! to which they have given names which are usuallytaken in an evil! sense; but we demand not whether theft be a Sinne,but what is to be term'd theft, and so concerning other in likemanner. For as much therefore as in so great a diversity of censurers,what is by reason blameable, is not to bee measur'd by the reasonof one man more then another, because of the equality of humanenature, and there are no other reasons in being, but onely those ofparticular men, and that of the City, it followes, that the City is todetermine what with reason is culpable: S03 as a fault, that is to say,a SINNE, is that, which a man do's, omits, sayes, or wills, againstthe reason of the City, that is, contrary to the Lawes.

XVIII. But a man may doe somewhat against the Lawes throughhumane infirmity, although he desire to fulfill them, and yet hisaction as being against the Lawes, is rightly blam'd, and call'd aSinne: But there are some, who neglect the Lawes, and as oft as anyhope of gain and impunity doth appear to them, no conscience ofcontracts and betrothed faith can withhold them from their violation.Not only the deeds, but even the mindes of these men are againstthe Lawes. They who sinne one1y through infirmity, are good meneven when they sinne; but these even when they doe not sin, are4wicked. For4 though both the action, and the mind be repugnantto the Lawes, yet those repugnancies are distinguisht by differentappellations, for the irregularity of the action is called dS{K"YJl-'-u,5

unjust deed; that6 of the mind dSLK{U,7 and KUK{U,8 injustice, and

1 _; £, (cf. L).2 rheir £1. 3 _ I.e. £1.4-4 _; _ I.e. £1 (cf. L).5 dll'''''Il-'a £, (cf. L) [= unjust deed,

wrongdoing].6 rhat Ex. 7 = injustice.

8 "a"ia £, (cf. L) [= malice].

a MS, LI: (eadem ... exhibent) = [(inthe same way as the sun's rays reflectedback from water present to the senses thesun itself beneath the water)].

Chap. XIV DOMINION 179

malice; that is, the infirmity of a disturbed soule, this the pravity 1

of a sober mind.XIX. But seeing there is no sin which is not against some Law,

and that there is no Law which is not the command of him whohath the supreme power, and that no man hath a supreme powerwhich is not bestowed on him by our own consent; in what mannerwill he be said to sinne, who either denies that there is a God, orthat he governs the world, or casts any other reproach upon him?For2 he will say, that he never submitted his will to Gods will, notconceiving him so much as to have an.}' being. And granting that hisopinion were erroneous, and therefore also a sin, yet were it to be numbredamong those of imprudence or ignorance, which by right cannot bepunished. This speech seems so farre forth to be admitted, thatthough this kind of sin be the greatest and most hurtful, yet is itto be refer'd (>II<) to sins of imprudence; but that it should be excusedby imprudence or ignorance, is absurd. For the Atheist is punishteither immediately by God himselfe, or by Kings constituted underGod; not as a Subject is punished by a King, because he keeps notthe Lawes, but as one enemy by another, because he would notaccept of the Lawes; that is to say, by the Right of warre, as theGiants warring against God: For whosoever are not subject eitherto some common Lord, or one to another, are enemies amongthemselves.

(Yet is it to be referred to sins of imprudence) Many find faultthat I have referr'd Atheisme to imprudence, and not to injustice .. yeaby some it is taken so, as if I had not declared my selfe an enemy bitterenough against Atheists: They object farther, that since I had elsewheresaid that it might be knowne there is a God, by naturall reason, Iought to have acknowledged that they sin at least against the Law ofnature, and therefore [are]3 not only guilty of imprudence, but injustice4roo. But 4 I am so much an enemy to Atheists, that I have both diligentlysought for, and vehemently desired to find some Law whereby I mightcondemne them of injustice .. but when I found none, I enquired nextwhat name God himselfe did give to men so detested by him. Now Godspeaks thus of the Atheist: The fool hath said in his heart, there isno God. Wherefore I placed their sinne in that rank which God himselferefirres to .. next, I shew them to be enemies of God. But I conceive thename of an enemy to be sometimes somewhat sharper, then that of an

Under what kindof sin Atheismeis contained.

[Elementsef. XI. 2.

De Giveef. XV. 14.LeviathanXXXI. 2.]

Annotation.

1 L = depravity or wrong doing (praui-tas). 2 _ I.e. EI (cf. L).

3 are absent EI.4-4 _; _ I.e. EI (ef. L).

180 DOMINION Chap. XIV

What the sinneof Treason is.

[De Civecf. XV. '7-'9.

LeviathanXXVII. 20;

XXX. 3.]

unjust man. Lastly, I affirme that they may under that notion be justlypunisht both by God, and supreme Magistrates, and therefore by nomeanes excuse or extenuate this sinne. Now that I have said that itmight be known by naturall reason that there is a God, is so to beunderstood, not as if I had meant that all men might know this, exceptthey think that because Archimedes by naturall reason found out awhatproportion the circle hath to the square,a it followes thence, that everyone of the vulgar could have found out as much. I say therefore, thatalthough it may be knowne to some by the light of reason that there isa God, yet men that are continually engaged in pleasures, or seeking ofriches and honour, also men that are not wont to reason aright, orcannot do it, or care not to doe it, lastly, fools, in which number areAtheists, cannot know this.

XX. Seeing that from the vertue of the Covenant whereby eachSubject is tyed to the other to perform absolute and universallobedience (such as is defined above Chap. 6. art. 13.) to the City,that is to say, to the Soveraign power, whether that be one man orCouncel, there is an obligation derived to observe each one of thecivill Lawes, so that that Covenant contains in it self all the Lawsat once; it is manifest that the subject who shall renounce the generallCovenant of obedience, doth at once renounce all the lLawes. Which 1

trespasse is so much worse then any other one sinne, by how muchto sinne alwayes, is worse then to sinne once. 2 And this is that sinwhich is called TREASON; and it is a word or deed whereby theCitizen, or Subject, declares that he will no longer obey that manor Court to whom the supreme power of the City is 3entrusted.And 3 the Subject declares this same will of his by deed, when heeither doth, or endeavours to do violence to the Soveraigns Person,or to them who execute his commands;4 of which sort are Traytors,Regicides, and such as take up armes against the City, or during awarre, flye to the enemies sside. And 5 they shew the same will inword, who flatly deny that themselves or other subjects are tyed toany such kind of obedience, either in the whole, as he who shouldsay that wee must not obey him (keeping the obedience which weowe to God intire) simply, absolutely, and universally; or in part,as he who should say, that he had no Right to wage warre at his

1-1 ~; ~ I.e. EI (cf. L).2 ~; EI (cf. L).3-3 ~, ~ I.e. EI (cf. L).4 ,.."", EI.

5-5 _; ~ I.e. EI (c£ L).

a-a L = what proportion the sphere has tothe cylinder [L is correct].

Chap. XIV DOMINION lSI

Treason breaksnot the civill, butthe naturall Law.

And therefore is

XXII. Hence it followes, that Rebels, Traytors, and all others punisht not by

convicted of Treason, are punisht not by civil!, but natural! Right;6 ~:v~::i~n~ but

that is to say, not as civil! Subjects, but as Enemies to the Government, by the Right of

not by the Right of Soveraignty, and Dominion, but by the Right Warre.

of Warre, [Leviathan

XXVIII. 5; XXX. 3·]

own will, to make Peace, list souldiers" levie monies, electingMagistrates, and publique Ministers, enacting Lawes, decidingcontroversies, setting penalties, or doing ought else, without whichthe State cannot Istand. And 1 these and the like words and deedsare Treason by the naturall, not the civill Law. But it may so happen,that some action which before the civill Law was made, was notTreason, yet will become such, if it be done afterwards. As if it bedeclared by the Law, that it shall be accounted for a sign ofrenouncingpublique obedience (that is to say for'Treason) if any man shallcoyn monies, or forge the Privie Seale, he that after that Declarationshall doe this, will be no lesse guilty of Treason then the 2 0ther.Yet 2 he sinnes lesse, because he breakes not all the Laws at once,but one Law only; for the Law by calling that Treason which bynature is not so, doth indeed by Right set a more odious name, andperhaps a more grievous punishment on the guilty persons, but itmakes not the sinne it selfe more grievous.

XXI. But that sinne which by the Law of nature is Treason, isa Transgression of the naturall, not the civill 3Law. For3 since ourobligation to civill obedience, by vertue whereof the civill Lawes

[Leviathanare valid, is before all civill Law,4 and the sin of Treason is naturally XXVI. 7;

nothing else but the breach of that obligation; it foilowes that by XXVII. 20;

the sin of Treason, that Law is broken which preceded the civill xxx. 3·]

Law, to wit, the naturall, which forbids us to violate Covenants,and betrothed faith. But if some Soveraign Prince should set fortha Law on this manner, Thou shalt not rebel!, he would effect justnothing; For except Subjects were before obliged to obedience, thatis to say, not to rebell, all Law is of no force; now the obligationwhich 50bligeth t0 5 what we were before obliged to, is superfluous.

XXIII. There are some who think that those acts which are done Obedience not

against the Law, when the punishment is determined by the Law rightlydistinguisht into

1-1 ~, _ I.e. EI (cf. L).2--2 ...... , -.. I.e. EI.3-3 _, _ I.e. E1 (ef. L).

4 Law EI (cf. L).5-S obligetto E I.

6 """', EI.

DOMINION Chap. XIV

Active and it selfe, are expiated, if the punished willingly undergoe the punish­Passive. ment; and that they are not guilty before God of breaking the naturall

[Leviathan Law (although by breaking the civill Lawes, we break the naturalle1.·::~k 7;,;] too, which command us to keep the civill) who have suffered the

punishment which the Law required; 1 as if by the Law, the factwere not prohibited, but a punishment were set instead of a price,whereby a licence might be bought of doing what the Law 2forbids.By2 the same reason they might inferre too, that no transgressionof the Law were a sin, but that every man might enjoy the libertywhich he hath bought by his own perillo But we must know thatthe words of the Law may be understood in a twofold sense, theone as containing two parts (as hath been declared above in theseventh Art.) namely that of absolutely prohibiting, as, Thou shaltnot doe this; and revenging, as, he that doth this, shall be punisht;The other, as containing a condition, for example, Thou shalt notdoe this thing, unlesse thou wilt suffer punishment; and thus, the Lawforbids not simply, but conditionally. If it be understood in the 3

first sense, he that doth it, sins, because he doth what the Lawforbids to be done;4 if in the second, he sins not, because he cannotbe said to doe what is forbidden him, that performs the condition;For in the first sense, all men are forbidden to doe it; in the second,they only who keep themselves from the punishment. In the firstsense, the vindicative part of the Law obligeth not the guilty, butthe Magistrate to require punishment; in the second, he himselfethat owes the punishment is obliged to exact it, to the paymentwhereof, if it be capitall, or otherwise grievous, he cannot be obliged.But in what sense the Law is to be taken, depends on the will ofhim who hath the Soveraignty.5 When there is therefore any doubtof the meaning of the Law, since we are sure they sinne not whodoe it not, it will be sin if we doe it, howsoever the Law mayafterward be explained; for so to doe that which a man doubtswhether it be a sin or not, when he hath freedome to forbear it, isa contempt of the Lawes, and therefore by the 28. Art. of the thirdChapter, a sin against the Law of. nature. Vain therefore is thatsame distinction of obedience into Active and Passive, as if that couldbe expiated by penalties constituted by humane decrees, which is asinne against the Law of nature, which is the Law of God; or asthough they sinned not, who sinne at their own perillo

1 _, EI (ef. L).2-2 _; _ I.e. EI (e£ L).

3 rhe EI.5 Soveraignry E I.

4 _, EI (cf. L).

RELIGION.I

CHAP. XV.

Of the Kingdome ofGod, by Nature.

I. The Proposition of the following contents. II. Over whom God is said to ruleaby nature.a III. The word ofGod three-fold; Reason, Revelation, Prophesie. IV.The Kingdome of God two-fold; Naturall, and Prophetique. V. The Right wherebyGod reigns, is seated in his omnipotence. VI. The same provedfrom Scripture. VII.The obligation ofyeelding obedience to God, proceeds from humane infirmity. VIII.The Lawes of God in his naturall Kingdome, are those which are recited above in thez. and 3. Chapter. IX. What Honour and Worship is. X. Worship consists eitherin attributes, or in actions. XI. 2 And there is one sort naturall, another arbitrary.XII. One commanded, another voluntary. XIII. Whlft the end, or scope ofworshipis. XIV. What the naturall Laws are, concerning Gods attributes. XV. What theactions are, whereby naturally wee doe give worship. XVI. In Gods naturall Kingdome,the City may appoint what worship of God it pleaseth. XVII. God ruling by natureonly, the City, that is to say, that man or Court who under God hath the soveraignauthority of the City, 3 is the Interpreter of all the Lawes. XVIII. Certaine doubtsremoved. XIX. What Sin is in the naturall Kingdom of God; and what Treasonagainst the divine Majesty.

I. WEE have already in the foregoing Chapters, proved both The Proposition

by reason, and testimonies of holy Writ, that the estate of the followingcontents.'

of nature, that is to say, of absolute liberty, such as is theirs, who .. h d' A h h·l [LevIathannelt er govern, nor are governe , IS an narc y, or OStl e state; XXXI. I.]

that the precepts whereby to avoyd this state, are the Lawes ofnature;that there can be no civill government without a Soveraigne; andthat they who have gotten this Soveraigne command must be obey'dsimply, that is to say, in all things which repugne not the Command-ments of God: There is this one thing only wanting to the completeunderstandingS of all civill duty, & that is, to know which are theLaws and Commandments of 6God. For6else we cannot tell whetherthat which the civill power commands us, be against the Lawes ofGod, or not; whence it must necessarily happen, that either by too

1 [In E I an engraving, with Latin verse,faces Chap. XV and marks the beginningof the part of the book entitled Religion.See Plate IV and attached note.]

2 _ 1\ £1.

3 Cioy £1.5 undestanding £ I.

<>-0 _; ~ I.e. £. (ef. L).

a--a £. adds by nature.

4 ~ 1\ £1.

RELIGION Chap. XV

much obedience to the civill authority, we become stubborne againstthe divine Majesty; or for feare of sinning against God, we runneinto disobedience 1 against the civill power: To avoid both theserocks, its necessary to know the Divine Lawes; now because theknowledge ofthe Lawes, depends on the knowledge of the Kingdome,we must in what followes, speak somewhat concerning the Kingdomeof God.

Over whom II. The Lord is King, the earth may be glad thereof, saith theGod is said to Psalmist, Psal, 97. 2 v. I. And againe the same Psalmist, Psal. 99. 2

N~ 3v. I. The Lord is King, be the People never so unpatient.. he sitteth[Leviathan 4XXXI. 2.] betweene the Cherubins, be the Earth never so unquiet; to wit, whether

men will, or not, God is THE King over all the Earth, nor is hemov'd from his Throne, if there be any who deny either his existence,or his providence. Now although God governe all men so by hispower, that none can doe any thing which he would not have done,yet this, to speake properly, and accurately, is not to reigne; 5 forhe is sayed to reigne, who rules not by acting, but speaking, that isto say, by precepts and threatnings. 6 And therefore we account notinanimate, nor irrationall bodies, for Subjects in the Kingdome ofGod, although they be subordinate to the Divine power; becausethey understand not the commands, and threats of God; nor yet theAtheists, because they beleeve not that there is a God; 7 nor yet thosewho beleeving there is a God,8 doe not yet beleeve9 that he rules theseInferiour things; for even these, although they be govern'd by thepower of God, yet doe they not acknowledge any of his Commands,nor stand in awe of his threats. Those onely therefore are suppos'dto belong to Gods Kingdome, who acknowledge him to be theGovernour of all things, and that he hath given his Commands tomen, and appointed punishments for the transgressours; The rest, wemust not call Subjects, but Enemies of God.

The word of III. But none are said to governe by commands, but they whoGod three fold, openly declare them to those who are govern'd by them; 10 for the

Reason C 11 11 .Revelation: ommands of the Rulers are the Lawes of the Rul'd. But lawes

Prophesy. they are not, if not perspicuously publisht, in so much as all excuse[Leviathan of Ignorance may be taken away. Men indeed publish their LawesXXXI. 3·] by word or voice, neither can they make their will universally knowne

1 disobeditnee EI. 5 _, E, (cf. L). 6 _; E, (ef. L).2 These references allow for the differ- 7 -, EI. 8 -; E, (ef. L).

ent numbering of Psalms in English and 9 beleeeve EI.Latin versions; (ef. L). 10 -, E, (cf. L).

3 _, E, (ef. L). 4 _, E, (cf. L). 11-11 _, _ I.e. E, (cf. L).

Chap. XV RELIGION 185

The Kingdome ofGod twofold.-N aturall andProphetique.

[Elementscf. XVII. 12.

De Civecf. III. 33.LeviathanXXXI. 4.]

any other way; But Gods lawes are declar'd after a threefold manner:first, by the tacit dictates ofRight reason: 1 next, by immediate revelation,which is suppos'd to be done either by a supernaturall voice, or bya vision or dreame, or divine inspiration: Thirdly, by the voice of oneman whom God recommends to the rest, as worthy of beliefe, bythe working of true 2 miracles. 3 Now he whose voice God thus makesuse of to signifie his will unto others, is called aPR 0 PHE T.These three manners may be term'd the threefold' word of God, towit the Rationall word, the sensible word, and the word of Prophecy:To which answer, the three manners whereby we are said to heareGod, Right reasoning, sense, and faith. Gods sensible word hath comebut to few; neither hath God spoken to men by Revelation exceptparticularly to some, and to diverse diversely; neither have anyLawes of his Kingdome beene publisht on this manner unto anypeople.

IV. And according to the difference which is between the Rationallword and the word of Prophecy, we attribute a twofold Kingdomeunto God: Naturall, in which he reignes by the dictates of rightreason, and which is universall over all who acknowledge the Divinepower, by reason of that rationall nature which is common to all;and Propheticall, in which he rules also by the word of Prophecy,which is peculiar, because he hath not given positive Lawes toall men, but to his peculiar people, and some certaine men electedby him.

V. God in his naturall Kingdome hath a Right to rule, and to The Right

punish those who break his Lawes, from his sole irresistable 4power. whereby Godgoverns is seated

For4 all Right over others is either from nature, or from Contract. in his

How the Right of governing springs from Contract, we have already omnipotence.'

shewed in the 6. Chapter. And the same Right is derived from [Leviathan

nature, in this very thing, that it is not by nature taken 6away. For6 cf. xv. 35;

when by nature all men had a Right over all things, every man had XXXI. 5·]

a Right of ruling over all as ancient as nature it selfe; but the reasonwhy this was abolisht among men, was no other but mutuall fear,as hath been declared above in the second Chapter, the 3. art.;?reason namely dictating that they must foregoe that Right for thepreservation of mankinde, because the equality of men among

1 _, EI (cf. L).3 _; EI (cf. L).4-4 _; _ l.c. EI (cf. L).

2 rrue EI. 5 omn potence EI.0-6 _; _ l.c. EI (cf. L).7 _. /\ EI (cf. L).

186 RELIGION Chap. XV

[De Giveef. I. 14.]

The same provedfrom Scripture.

[Lev.athanXXXI. 6.]

themselves according to their strength and naturall powers wasnecessarily accompanied with warre, and with warre joynes thedestruction of mankinde. Now if any man had so farre exceeded therest in power, that all of them with joyned forces could not haveresisted him, there had been no cause why he should part with thatRight which nature had given him; The Right therefore of Dominionover all the rest, would have remained with him, by reason of thatexcesse of power whereby he could have preserved both himselfeand them. They therefore whose power cannot be resisted, and byconsequence God Almighty, derives his Right of Soveraignty fromthe power it selfe. And as oft as God punisheth, or slayes a sinner,although he therefore punish him because he sinned, yet may wenot say that he could not justly have punisht or killed him althoughhe had not sinned. Neither, if the will of God in punishing, mayperhaps have regard to some sin antecedent, doth it therefore follow,that the Right of afflicting, and killing, depends not on divine power,but on mens sins.

VI. That question made famous by the disputations of theAntients, why evill things befell the good, and good things the evill, isthe same with this of ours, by what Right God dispenseth good andevill things unto lmen. And 1 with its difficulty, it not only staggersthe faith of the vulgar concerning the divine providence, but alsoof Philosophers, and which is more, even of holy men. Psal. 73. v.I, 2, 3. Truly God is good to Israel, even to such as are of a cleanheart,. but as for me, my feet were almost gone, my steps had well nighslipt. And why? I was grieved at the wicked, I doe also see the ungodlyin such prosperity. And how bitterly did Job expostulate with God,that being just, he should yet be afflicted with so many calamities?God himselfe with open voyce resolved this difficulty in the case ofJob, and hath confirmed his .Right by arguments drawn not fromJobs sinne, but from his own power. For Job and his friends hadargued so among themselves, that they would needs make him guilty,because he was punisht; and he would reprove their accusation byarguments fetcht from his own innocence: But God when he hadheard both him and them, refutes his expostulation, not by condemninghim of injustice, or any sin, but by declaring his own power, Job.38. v. 4. Where wast thou (sayes he) when I laid the foundation ofthe earth, &c. And for his friends, God pronounces himself angry

1-1 ~, ~ I.e. EI (ef. L).

Chap. XV RELIGION

against them, Job. 42. v. 7. Because they had not spoken of him thething that is right, like his servant Job. Agreeable to this is that speechof our Saviours in the mans case who was born blind, when, hisDisciples asking him whether he or his Parents had sinned, that hewas born blind, he answered, John 9. v. 3. Neither hath this mansinned, nor his Parents, but that the works of God should be manifestin Ihim. ForI though it be said, Rom. 5. 12. That death entred intothe world by sinne, it followes not, but that God by his Right mighthave made men subject to diseases, and death, although they hadnever sinned, even as he hath made the other animalls mortall, andsickly, although they cannot sinne. 2

VII. Now if God have the Right of Soveraignty from his power, The obligationit is manifest, that the obligation of yee1ding him obedience lyes on ofyeelding

b f th . (*)3 k fi h bf . h' h' obedience untomen y reason 0 eIT wea nesse; or t at 0 tgatton w IC rIses God, proceedsfrom Contract, of which we have spoken in the second Chapter, can from humanehave no place here, where the Right of Ruling (no Covenant passing infirmity.between) rises only from nature. But there are two Species of naturall [Leviathan

obligation, one when liberty is taken away by corporall impediments, ~~: ~~Jtr\]according to which we say that heaven and earth, and all Creatures,doe obey the common Lawes of their Creation: The other when itis taken away by hope, or fear, according to which the weakerdespairing of his own power to resist, cannot but yee1d to thestronger. From this last kinde of obligation, that is to say fromfear, or conscience of our own weaknesse (in respect of the divinepower) it comes to passe, that we are obliged to obey God in hisnaturall Kingdome; reason4 dictating to all, acknowledging thedivine power and providence, that there is no kicking against thepricks.

(By reason of their weaknesse) If this shall seem hard to any man, Annotation. S

I desire him with a silent thought to consider, if there were twoOmnipotents, whether were bound to obey,. I beleeve he will confessethat neither is bound: if this be true, then it is also true what I haveset down, that men are subject unto God because they are not omnipotent.And truly our Saviour admonishing Paul (who at that time was anenemy to the Church) that he should not kick against the pricks, seemsto require obedience from him for this cause, because he had not powerenough to resist.

1-1 _; ~ I.e. EI (ef. L).2 '" A £1.3 ( ) absent EI.

4 reas n EI.S _ /\ EI.

188 RELIGION Chap. XV

What honourand worship are.

[Elementscf. XI. 12.

LeviathanXXXI. 8.]

The Lawes of VIII. Because the word ofGod ruling by nature onely, is supposedGod in his to be nothing else but right reason, and the Laws of Kings can be

natural!known by their word only, its manifest that the Laws of God rulingKingdome, are

those which are by nature alone, are onely the naturall Lawes; I namely those whichabove set down we have set down in the second and third Chapters, and deduced

in the second and I 2 dfrom the dictates of reason, Humi ity, Equity, Justice, Mercy, anthird Chapters.other Morall vertues befriending Peace, which pertain to the discharge[Elements

cf. XVII. 12. of the duties of men one toward the other, and those which rightLeviathan reason shall dictate besides, concerning the honour and worship of

XXXI. 7·] the Divine Majesty. We need not repeat what those Naturall Laws,or Morall vertues are;3 but we must see what honours, and whatdivine worship, that is to say, what sacred Lawes, the same naturallreason doth dictate.

IX. Honour, to speak properly, is nothing else but an opinion ofanothers power joyned with goodnesse;4 and to honour a man, is thesame with highly esteeming him, and so honour is not in the Partyhonoured, but in the 5honourer. Now5 three Passions do necessarily6follow honour thus placed in opinion; Love, which referres togoodnesse; hope, andftare, which regard power. And from these ariseall outward actions, wherewith the powerfull are appeased, andbecome Propitious, and which are the effects, and therefore also thenaturall signes of honour it selfe. But the word honour is transferredalso to those outward effects of honour, in which sense, we are saidto honour him, of whose power we testifie our selves, either in word,or deed, to have a very great respect; insomuch as honour is thesame with worship. Now WORSHIP is an outward act, the signof inward honour; and whom we endeavour by our homage toappease, if they be angry,7 or howsoever to make them favourableto us, we are said to worship.

Worship consists X. All signes of the mind are either words or deeds, and thereforeeither in all worship consists either in words or 8deeds. Now 8 both the one and

attributes, or inactions. the other are referred to three kindes; whereof the first is Praise, or

[Elements publique declaration ofgoodnesse; The second, a publique declarationcf. XI. 12. of present power, which is to magnify f-/.Eya>"vvat,;9 The third, is a~th;.jpublique declaration of happinesse, or of power, secure also for the

1 _, EI (cf. L).2 _ 1\ EI (cf. L).3 _, EI (cf. L).4 _, EI (cf. L).>s-s _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L).

6 necessary EI.7 _. EI (cf. L).ll-8 _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L).9 jLEyaAvvaL<; EI (cf. L) [= magnifica­

tion. jLEyaAVVELV pref]'

Chap. XV RELIGION

future, which is called fJ-aKaptufJ-0,.l I say, that all kindes of honourmay be discerned, not in words only, but in deeds 2toO. But2 we thenpraise, and celebrate in words, when we doe it by way of Proposition,or Dogmatically, that is to say by Attributes, or Titles, which maybe3 termed praysing, and celebrating, categorically, and plainly, aswhen we declare him whom we honour to be liberall, strong, wise;And then, in deeds, when it is done by consequence, or by hypothesis,or supposition, as by Thanksgiving, which supposeth goodnesse; orby Obedience, which supposeth power; or by Congratulation, whichsupposeth happinesse.

XI. Now whether we desire to praise a man in words, or deeds,we shall find some things which signify honour with all men, suchas among attributes, are the generall words of vertues and powers,which cannot be taken in ill sense, As Good, Faire, Strong, Just, andthe like; and among actions, Obedience, Thanksgiving, Prayers, andothers of that kinde, by which an acknowledgement of vertue andpower is ever understood·: Others, which signify honour, but withsome, and scorne with others, or else neither; such as in Attributes,are those words which according to the diversity of opinions, arediversly referred to vertues or vices, to honest or dishonest things;As _that a man slew his enemy, that he fled, that he is a Philosopher,or an Orator, and the like, which with some are had in honour, withothers in contempt. In deeds, such as depend on the custome of theplace, or prescriptions of civill Lawes, as in saluting to be bareheaded,to put off the shoes, to bend the body; to petition for any thingstanding, prostrate, kneeling, forms of ceremony, and the like. Nowthat worship which is alwayes, and by all men accounted honourable,may be called Naturall;4 the other, which followes places, andcustomes, Arbitrary.

XII. Furthermore, worship may be enjoyned, to wit by thecommand of him that is worshiped, and it may bee voluntary, namelysuch as seems good to the worshipper: If it be enjoyned, the actionsexpressing it, do not signify honour, as they signify actions, but asthey are enjoyned: for they signify obedience immediately, obediencepower; insomuch as worship enjoyned consists in 50 bedience. Volun­tary 5 is honourable onely in the nature of the actions, which if theydoe signify honour to the beholders,6 it is worship, if not, it is

And there is onesort natural!,and anotherarbitrary.

[Elementscf. XI. 12.

LeviathanXXXI. 10.]

One commanded,anothervoluntary.

[LeviathanXXXI. 10.]

1 = blessing (~alling happy).2-2 _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L).3 b: EI.

4 _, EI (cf. L).5-5 "'; ,....,. I.e. EI.6 bebolders EI.

RELIGION Chap. XV

What the end oraim ofworship is.

[LeviathanXXXI. IL]

What thenaturall Lawesare concerning

Gods attributes.

[Elements XI. 1-3.De Cive

cf. XIV. '9.Leviathan

cf. XI. '4;cf. XII. 4;

XXXI. 12-14.]

Reproach. Again worship may be either publique or lprivate. But l

publique, respecting each single worshipper, may not be voluntary;2respecting the City it 3may. For3 seeing that which is done voluntarily,depends on the will of the Doer, there would not one worship begiven, but as many worships as worshippers, except the will of allmen were united by the command, of 4one. But4 Private worshipmay be voluntary, if it be done secretly; 5 for what is done openlyis restrained, either by Lawes, or through modesty, which is contraryto the nature of a voluntary action.

XIII. Now that we may know what the scope and end ofworshipping 6 others is, we must consider the cause why men delightin worship: And we must grant what we have shewed elsewhere,that Joy consists in this, that a man contemplate vertue, strength,science, beauty, friends,a or any power whatsoever, as being, or asthough it were his own; 7 and it is nothing else but a Glory, orTriumph of the mind conceiving it selfe honoured, that is to say,lov'd and fear'd, that is to say, having the services and assistancesof men in readinesse. Now because men beleeve him to be powerfullwhom they see honoured (that is to say) esteemed powerfull byothers, it falls out that honour is increased by worship; 8 and by theopinion of power, true power is acquired. 9 His end therefore whoeither commands, or suffers himself to be worshipt, is, that by thismeans lO he may acquire as many as he can, either through love, orfear, to be obedient unto him.

XIV. But that we may understand what manner of Worship ofGod natural! reason doth assigne us, let us begin from his Attributes:where, first it is manifest, that existence is to be 11 allowed him; forthere can be no will to honour him, who, we think, hath no being.Next, those Philosophers who said, that God was the World, or theworlds Soul, (that is to say, a part of it) spake unworthily of God,for they attribute nothing to him, but wholly deny his being. Forby the word God we understand the Worlds cause; but in sayingthat the World is God, they say, that it hath no cause, that is asmuch, as there is no God. In like manner, they who maintain theworld not to be created, but eternall; because there can be no cause

1-1 """', ....., I.e. EI.2 _, EI (cf. L).3-3 _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L).4-4 _; _ I.e. EI (cf. L).5 _, EI (cf. L).6 wopshipping EL

8 _, EI (cf. L).9 _; EI (cf. L).10 meaus EI.11 be absent EI (cf. ERRATA).

• L = friends, wealth, or.

Chap. XV RELIGION

of an eternall thing, In denying the world to have a Cause, they denyalso that there is a God. They also have a wretched apprehension ofGod, who imputing idlenesse to him, doe take from him theGovernment of the world, and of Imankind. ForI say they shouldacknowledge him omnipotent, yet if he minde not these inferiourthings, that same thred-bare Sentence will take place with them,2Quod supra nos, nihil ad nos;2 What is above us, doth not concern3US • And 3 seeing there is nothing for which they should either love,or fear him, truly he will be to them as though he were not at all.Moreover in Attributes which signifie Greatnesse, or Power, thosewhich signifie some finite, or limited thing, are not signes at all ofan honouring 4mind. For4 we honour not God worthily 5 if we ascribelesse power, or greatnesse to him then possibly6 we can; but everyfinite thing is lesse then we can, for most easily we may alwayesassigne and attribute more to a finite thing; No shape therefore mustbe assigned to God, for all shape is finite; nor must he be said tobe conceived, or comprehended by imagination, or any other facultyof our soul; for whatsoever we conceive isfinite: And although thisword Infinite signifie a conception of the mind, yet it followes not,that we have any conception of an infinite thing: For when we saythat a thing is infinite, we signifie nothing really, but the impotencyin our owne mind, as if we should say we know not whether, orwhere it is limited: Neither speak they honourably enough of God,who say we have an Idea of him in our mind; for an Idea is ourconception, but conception we have none, except of a finite thing:Nor they, who say that he hath Parts, or that he is some certaineintire thing; 7 which 8 are also attributes of finite things: Nor that heis in any place; for nothing can be said to be in a place, but whathath bounds and limits of its greatnesse on all sides: Nor that he ismoved, or is at rest; for either of them suppose a being in some place:Nor that there are more Gods;9 because not more infinites. Farther­more concerning attributes ofhappinesse, those are unworthy of Godwhich signify sorrow (unlesse they be taken not for any Passion, butby a Metonomy for the effect) such as Repentance, anger, Pity: OrWant, as Appetite, Hope, Concupiscence, and that love which is alsocalled lust, for they are signes of Poverty, since it cannot be

1-1 _; _ I.e. EI (ef. L).2-2 Quod ... nos; [cf. translation in text].3-3 "'; ....., l.e. Er.4-4 ,....,: ....., I.e. E•.

5 worrhily Er.6 possible E r.7 """,£1,8 whieh Er. 9 ....." EI.

RELIGION Chap. XV

What thoseactions are,

wherebynaturally we do

give worship.

[LeviathanXXXI. 15, 16.}

understood, that a man should desire, hope, and wish for ought, butwhat he wants and stands in need of: Or any Passive faculty; forsuffering belongs to a limited power, and which depends upon another.When we therefore attribute a will to God, it is not to be conceivedlike unto ours, which is called a rationall desire; for if God desires,he wants, which for any man to say, is a contumelie; but we mustsuppose some resemblance which we cannot conceive. In like mannerwhen wee attribute sight and other acts of the senses to him, orknowledge, or understanding, which in us are nothing else but a tumultof the minde raised from outward objects pressing the Organes, weemust not think that any such thing befalls the Deity; for it is asigne of power depending upon some other, which is not the mostblessed thing. He therefore who would not ascribe any other titlesto God, then what reason commands, must use such as are eitherNegative, as infinite, eternall, incomprehensible, &c. or superlative, asmost good, most great, most powerfull, &c. or Indefinite, as good, just,strong, Creatour, King, and the like; 1 in such sense, as not desiringto declare what he is (which were to circumscribe him within thenarrow limits of our phantasie),2 but to confesse [ourp ownadmiration, and obedience, which is the property4 of humility, andof a minde yeelding all the honour it possibly can doe. For Reasondictates one name alone, which doth signify the nature of God (i.e.)Existent, or simply, that he is; and one in order to, and in relationto us, namely God, under which is contained both King, and Lord,and Father.

XV. Concerning the outward actions wherewith God is to beworshipped 5 (as also concerning his Titles) its a most generallcommand of Reason, that they be signes of a mind yeelding honour;under which are contained in the first place, Prayers.

aQui fingit sacros auro, vel marmore vultus,Non facit ille Deos, qui rogat, ille facit. a

For Prayers are the signes ofhope, and hope is an acknowledgementof the divine power, or goodnesse.

In the second place, Thanksgiving; 6 which is a signe of the sameaffection, but that prayers goe before the benefit, and thanks follow it.

1 _, EI (cf. L).2 _) /\ EI (cf. L).3 his EI.4 P operty EI.5 wotshipped EI.

a-a = I t is not he who forms in gold ormarble the divine countenances,

That makes the Gods, it is he who praysthat makes them.

6 Thansgiving EI. [The quotation is from Martial 8. 24· S-6}.

Chap. XV RELIGION '93

In the·third, Guifts, that is to say oblations and sacrifices, for theseare thanksgivings.

In the fourth, not 1 to sweare by any other; For a mans Oath is anImprecation of his wrath against him if he deceive, who both knoweswhether he doe, or not, and can punish him if he doe, though hebe never so powerfull; which only belongs to God: for if there wereany man from whom his subjects malice could not lye hid, and whomno humane power could resist, plighted faith would suffice withoutswearing, which, broken, might be punisht by that Man; and forthis very reason there would be no need of an Oath.

In the fifth place, To speak warily of God; for that is a sign offear, and feare is an acknowledgement of power. It followes fromthis precept: That we may not take the name of God in vain, or useit rashly; for either are inconsiderate. That wee must not 2 swear wheret'here is no need; for that is in vain; but need there is none, unlesseit be between Cities to avoyd or take away contention by force,which necessarily must arise, where there is no faith kept in promises,or in a City, for the better certainty of Judicature. Also, That wemust not dispute of the Divine nature: For it is supposed that allthings in the naturall Kingdom of God are enquired into by reasononly, that is to say, out of the Principles of naturall Science; but weare so far off by these to attain to the knowledge of the nature ofGod, that we cannot so much as reach to the full understanding ofall the qualities of our own bodies, or of any other Creatures.Wherefore there comes nothing from these disputes, but a rashimposition of names to the divine Majesty, according to the smallmeasure of our conceptions. It foIlowes also (which belongs to theRight of Gods Kingdome) that their speech is inconsiderate, andrash, who say, That this, or that, doth not stand with divine justice;for even men count it an affront that their children should disputetheir Right, or measure their justice otherwise then by the rule oftheir Commands.

In the sixth. Whatsoever is offered up in prayers, thanksgivings, andsacrifices, must in its kind be the best, and most betokening honour;namely, Prayers must not be rash, or light, or vulgar, but beautifull,and well composed.

For though it were absurd in the Heathen to worship God in animage, yet was it not against reason to use Poetry, and Musick, intheir Churches.

1 nos [in some copies of] EI. 2 non Er.

194 RELIGION Chap. XV

In the naturallkingdom of God

the City mayappoint what

worship itpleaseth.

[LeviathanXXXI. '7.]

Also Oblations must be clean, and Presents sumptuous, and such asare significative either of submission, or gratitude, or commemorativeof benefits received; for all these proceed from a desire of honouring.

In the seventh. That God must be worshipt not privately onely, butopenly, and publiquely in the sight of all men; because that worshipis so much more acceptable, by how much it begets honour, andesteem in others (as hath been declared before in the 13. lart.).Unlesse 1 others therefore see it, that which is most pleasing in ourworship, vanisheth.

In the last place. That we use our best endeavour to keep the Lawesof Nature. For the undervaluing of our Masters command, exceedsall other affronts whatsoever; as on the other side, Obedience ismore acceptable then all other sacrifices. And these are principallythe naturall Lawes concerning the worship of God, those I meanwhich Reason dictates to every Man; but to whole Cities, everyonewhereof is one Person, the same naturall Reason farther commandsan uniformity ofpublique worship. For the actions done by particularPersons, according to their private Reasons, are not the Cities actions,and therefore not the Cities worship; but what is done by the City,is understood to be done by the command of 2 him, or them whohave the Soveraignty, wherefore also together with the consent ofall the subjects, that is to say, Uniformly.

XVI. The naturall Lawes set down in the foregoing Articleconcerning the divine worship, only command the giving of naturallsignes of honour; but we must consider that there are two kindesof signes, the one naturall, the other done upon agreement, or byexpresse, or tacite composition. Now because in every language, theuse of words, and names, come by appointment, it may also byappointment be altered; for that which depends on, and derives itsforce from the will of men, can by the will of the same men agreeingbe changed again, or abolisht. Such names therefore as are attributedto God by the appointment of men, can by the same appointmentbe taken away; now what can be done by the appointment of men,that the City may doe; The City therefore by Right (that is to say,they who have the power of the whole City) shall judge what namesor appellations are more, what lesse honourable for God, that is [toPsay, what doctrines are to be held and profest concerning the natureof God, and his operations. Now actions doe signify not by mens

11 _.) 1\ _ I.e. Er (ef. L). 2 of of him E1. 3 to absent EI.

Chap. XV RELIGION r95

appointment, but naturally, even as the effects are signes of theircauses;! whereof some are alwayes signes of scorn to them beforewhom they are committed, as those, whereby the bodies uncleannesseis discovered, and whatsoever men are ashamed to doe before thosewhom they respect; Others are alwayes signes of honour, as t02 drawnear, and discourse decently and humbly, to give way, or to yeeldin any matter of private benefit: In these actions the City can alter3nothing. But 3 there are infinite others, which, as much as belongsto honour, or reproach, are indifferent; now these, by the institutionof the City, may both be made signes of honour, and being madeso, doe in very deed become so. From whence we may understand,that we must obey the City in whatsoever it shall command to beused for a sign of honouring God, that is to say, for Worship;provided it can be instituted for a sign of honour, because thatis a sign of honour, which by the Cities command is us'd forsuch.

XVII. We have already declared which were the Laws of God, Cod ruling by

as wel sacred as secular, in his government by the way of Nature nature onely, theCity, that is [to]4onely. Now because there is no man but may be deceived in reasoning, say, that man or

and that it so falls out, that men are of different opinions concerning Court which

the most actions, it may be demanded farther, whom God would under Cod hath

have to be the Interpreter ofright Reason, that is to say, of his Lawes. the Soveraignty,is the Interpreter

And as for the Secular Lawes, I mean those which concern justice, of all the Lawes.

and the carriage of men towards men;5 by what hath been said [Elements

before of the constitution of a City, we have demonstratively shewed cf. xxv. r2;

it agreeable to reason, that all Judicature belongs to the City, and ~~ ~~~x. ro.

that Judicature 6 is nothing else but an Interpretation of the Laws, cf. XIV. 3, 9, ro,

and by consequence, that everywhere Cities, that is to say, those ~~~than

who have the Soveraign power, are the Interpreters of the Lawes.7 cf. XXVI. 7, r6,

As for the Sacred Lawes, we must consider what hath been before 17, 27, 28;. cf. XXXI. 17;

demonstrated in the fifth Chap. the 13. art. that every Subject hath cf.XLIII.20,2r.]'

transferr'd as much right as he could on him, or them, who had thesupreme authority; but he could have transferred his right of judging

1 ""-',EI.2 ro EI.3-3 _, _ I.c. Er (cf. L).4 to absent Er (cf. subtitle at head of

Chapter).5 ....... , EI.6 ]udicacature Er.7 _; Er (cf. L).8 [Of the several versions of Hobbes's

political philosophy, De Cive contains thefullest account of The Kingdom of Godby Nature. The remainder of the presentChapter (paras.' r7-r9), for example, hasno strict counterpart in Levjathan (hencethe prevalence of references prefixed 'cf.').Similar topics are however treated at alater stage in the work, in respect of TheKingdom of God by Covenant.]

RELIGION Chap. XV

the manner how God is to be honoured, and therefore also he hathdone it; That he could, it appeares hence, that the manner ofhonouring God before the constitution of a City was to be fetchtfrom every mans private Reason; but every man can subject hisprivate Reason to the Reason of the whole City.! Moreover, if eachMan should follow his own reason in the worshipping of God, in sogreat a diversity of worshippers, one would be apt to judge anothersworship uncomely, or impious; neither would the one seem to theother to honour God: Even that therefore which were most consonantto reason, would not be a worship, because that the nature of worshipconsists in this, that it be the sign of inward honour; but there is nosign but whereby somewhat becomes known to others, and thereforeis there no sign of honour but what seems so to others. 2 Again,that's a true sign which by the consent of men becomes a sign;3therefore also that is honourable, which by the consent of men, thatis to say, by the command of the City, becomes a sign of honour.It is not therefore against the will of God, declared by the way ofreason onely, to give him such signs of honour as the City shall4command. Wherefore4Subjects can transferre their Right of judgingthe manner of Gods worship on him or them who have the Soveraign5power. Nay,S they must doe it, for else all manner ofabsurd opinions,concerning the nature of God, and all ridiculous ceremonies whichhave been used by any Nations, will bee seen at once in the sameCity; 6 whence it will fall out, that every man will beleeve that allthe rest doe offer God an affront; so that it cannot be truly said ofany that he worships God; for no man worships God, that is to say,honours him outwardly, but he who doth those things, whereby heeappeares to others for to honour him. It may therefore bee concluded,that the Interpretation of all Lawes, as well Sacred, as Secular, (Godruling by the way of nature only) depends on the authority of theCity, that is to say, that man, or councell, to whom the Soveraignpower is committed;7 and that whatsoever God commands, hecommands by his voyce. And on the other side, that whatsoever iscommanded by them, both concerning the manner of honouringGod, and concerning secular affaires, is commanded by God him­selfe.

1 ~: E, (cf. L).2 ~; E, (cf. L).3 "", EI.4-4 ~; ~ I.e. E, (cf. L).

5-5 ~; ~ I.e. E, (cf. L).6 ~, E, (cf. L).7 ~, E, (cf. L).

Chap. XV RELIGION 197

XVIII. Against this, some Man may demand, first, Whether itdoth not follow, that the City must be obeyed if it command usdirectly to affront God, or forbid us to worship him? I say, it doesnot follow, neither must we lobey. ForI to affront, or not to worshipat all, cannot by any Man be understood for a manner ofworshipping;neither also had anyone, before the constitution of a City, of thosewho acknowledge God to rule, a Right to deny him the honourwhich was then due unto him; nor could he therefore transfer2 aRight on the City of commanding any such things. Next, if it bedemanded whether the City must be obeyed if it command somewhatto be said, or done, which is not a disgrace to God directly, butfrom whence by reasoning disgracefull consequences may be derived:as for example, if it were commanded to worship God in an image,before those who account that honourable? Truly it is to be (*)done. For Worship is instituted in signe of Honour; 3 but to Worshiphim thus, is a signe of honour, and increaseth Gods Honour amongthose who do so account of it.4 Or if it be commanded to call Godby a name which we know not what it signifies, or how it can agreewith this word, God? That also must be done; for what we do forHonours sake, (and we know no better),5 if it be taken for a signeof Honour, it is a signe of Honour; 6 and therefore if we refuse todoe it, we refuse the enlarging of Gods Honour. The same judgementmust be had of all the Attributes and Actions about the meerlyrationall Worship of God which may be controverted, and disputed;for though these kind of commands may be sometimes contrary toright reason, and therefore sins in them who command them, yetare they not against right reason, nor sins in Subjects, whose rightreason in points of Controversie is that, which submits its selfe tothe reason of the City. Lastly, if that Man, or Councell, who haththe Supreme Power, command himselfe to be Worshipt with thesame Attributes, and Actions, wherewith God is to be Worshipt, thequestion is, whether we must obey? There are many things whichmay be commonly attributed both to God, and Men; for even Menmay be Praised, and Magnified; and there are many actions wherebyGod, and Men, may be Worshipt. 7 But the significations of theAttributes, and Actions, are onely to be regarded: Those Attributestherefore, whereby we signify our selves to be of an opinion, that

Certain doubtsremoved.

[Elementscf. XXV. II, 12.

Leviathancf. XXIX. 4, 5;cf. XXXI. 17;cf. XLIII. 20,21.]

1-1 ....... ; ,-v l.e. EI.2 rransfer E I.

3 ~, EI (cf. L).

4 ~; EI (cf. L).5 ~) /\ EI (cf. L).6 _, EI (cf. L). 7 _; EI (cf. L).

RELIGION Chap. XV

there is any man endued with a Soveraignty independent from God,or that he is immortall, or of infinite power, and the like, thoughcommanded 1 by Princes, yet must they be abstained 2 from. As 2 also'from those Actions signifying the same, as Prayer to the absent; to askethose things which God alone can give, as Rain, and Fair weather;to offer him what God can onely accept, as Oblations,a Holocausts;or to give a Worship, then which a greater cannot be given, as3Sacrifice. For3 these things seeme to tend to this end, that Godmay not be thought to rule, contrary to what was supposed fromthe 4beginning. But4 genuflection,S prostration, or any other act ofthe body whatsoever, may be lawfully used even in civill Worship;for they may signifie an acknowledgment of the civill power 6onely.For 6 Divine Worship is distinguisht from civill, not by the motion,placing, habit, or gesture of the Body, but by the declaration of ouropinion of him whom we doe Worship; as if we cast down our selvesbefore any man, with intention of declaring by that Signe that weesteeme him as God, it is Divine Worship; if we doe the same thingas a Signe of our acknowledgment of the civill Power, it is civillWorship.7 Neither 8 is the Divine Worship distinguished from Civillby any action usually 9understood by the 9 words AaTpda 10 andoovAE{a,l1 whereof the former marking out the Duty of Servants, thelatter their Destiny, they are words of the same action in degree.

Annotation. 12 Truly it is to be done] We said in the 14. Article of this Chapter,[Leviathan That they who attributed limits to God, transgrest the naturall Law

ef. XXXI. '7·) concerning Gods 13Worship. Now 13 they who worship him in an Image,assigne him limits .. 14 wherefore they doe that which they ought not todoe, and this place seemes to contradict the former. We must thereforeknow first, that they who are constrained by Authority, doe not set Godany bounds,15 but they who command them .. for they who worshipunwillingly, doe worship in very deed, but they either stand or fall there,where they are commanded to stand or fall by a lawfull Soveraign. 16

Secondly, I say it must be done, not at all times, and every where, buton supposition that there is no other rule ofworshipping God beside the

1 command d EI.2-2 ""'"'; ......., I.e. EI.3-3 _; _ I.e. EI (ef. I.).....4 _; _ I.e. EI (e£ I.).5 _ /\ EI (ef. I.).6-6 _; _ I.e. EI (e£ I.).7 _ /\ EI (ef. I.).8 Neirher EI.9-9 understood by by the E I.

10 = service = divine worship.11 = service = subjection.12 ......., 1\ EI.13-13 _; _ I.e. EI (0£ I.).14 _, EI (e£ I.).15 boonds EI (I. = boundaries).16 _; EI (ef. I.).

a E 1 adds Oblations.

Chap. XV RELIGION 199

dictates of humane reason,. for then the will of the City stands forI Reason. But I in the Kingdome of God by way of Covenant, whetherold, or new, where idolatry is expressely forbid, though the Citycommands us to worship thus, yet must we not do Zit. Which, Z if heshall consider, who conceived some repugnancy between this, and the14. Article, will surely cease to think so any longer.

XIX. From what hath been said may be gathered, that God What is sin in

reigning by the way of naturall reason onely, Subjects doe sinne, the naturallKingdom ojGod,

First, if they break the morall Laws, which are unfolded in the and what

second and third Chapters. Secondly, if they break the Lawes, or Treason against

commands of the City in those things which pertain to Justice. the divine

Thirdly, if they worship not God, aKUTtl Ttl v6fLLKU. a Fourthly, if Majesty.

they confesse not before men, both in words, and deeds, that there ~7.1~~~~ 12.

is one God most good, most great, most blessed, the Supreme King De Cive

of the World, and of all worldly Kings;3 that is to say, if they doe eff· XIV. 19;

e. XV. 2.

not worship God. This fourth sinne in the naturall Kingdome of Leviathan

God, by what hath been said in the foregoing Chapter, in the second ef. XXVII. 1-3;

A . I' . h . ,{" T . h D" M' fi" ef. XXXI. 2, II,rtlc e, IS t e slnne oJ reason against t e IVlne aJesty; or It IS 12, 16, 17.]

a denying of the Divine Power, or 4Atheisme. For4 sinnes proceedhere, just as if we should suppose some man to be the SoveraignKing, who being himselfe absent, should rule by his Vice-Roy;5against whom sure they would transgresse who should not obey hisVice-Roy in all things, except he usurpt the Kingdome to himself,or would give it to some other; 6 but they who should so absolutelyobey him, as not to admit of this exception, might be said to beguilty of Treason.

CHAP. XVI.

Of the Kingdome of God under the Old Covenant.

I. Superstition possessing Forrain Nations, God instituted 7 the true Religion by themeans oj Abraham. II. By the Covenant between God and Adam, all dispute isJorbidden concerning the Commands oj Superiours. 8 III. The manner oj the Covenant

1-1 _: _ I.e. El (ef. L).2-2 _; _ I.e. El (ef. L).3 _, El (ef. L).4-4 _; _ I.e. El (ef. L).5 """", EI.

7 institued E I .

8 Suriours El (ef. Marginal subtitle below).

a-a = according to the customary usages6 _, EI. (ef. L. pref).

200 RELIGION Chap. XVI

[Leviathancf. XII. 4, 5, 1I;

XXXV. 3; XL. I.]

between God and Abraham. IV. In that Covenant is contained an acknowledgementofGod, not simply, but ofhim who appeared unto Abraham. V. The Lawes unto whichAbraham was tyed, were no other beside those ofNature, and the Law ofCircumcision.VI. Abraham was the Interpreter of the Word of God, and ofall Lawes among thosethat belonged to him. VII. Abrahams subjects could not sinne by obeying him. VIII.Gods Covenant with the Hebrews at Mount Sinai. IX. From thence, Gods Governmenttook the name of a Kingdome. X. What Lawes were by God given to the Jewes. XI.What the Word of God is, and how to be known. XII. What was held the writtenWord of God among the Jewes. XIII. The power of interpreting the Word of God,.and the supreme civill power were united in Moises while he lived. XIV. They werealso united in the High Priest, during the life ofJoshuah. xv. They were united tooin the High Priest untill King Sauls time. XVI. They were also united in the Kingsuntill the captivity. XVII. They were so in the High Priests after the captivity. XVIII.Deniall of the Divine Providence, and Idolatry, were the onely Treasons against theDivine Majesty among the Jewes; 1 in all things else athey ought to obeya their Princes.

Superstition I. MAnkind, from conscience of its own weaknesse, andpossessing admiration of naturall events, hath this, that most menforraign 3beleeve God to be the invisible Maker of all visible things, whomNations, God

instituted2 the they also fear, conceiving that they have not a sufficient protectiontrue Religion by in themselves; but the imperfect use they had of their Reason, the

theAmbeahns of violence of their Passions did so clowd4 them, that they could notra am.

rightly worship him. Now the fear of invisible things, when it issever'd from right reason is superstition. It was therefore almostimpossible for men without the 5 speciall assistance of God toavoyd both Rocks of Atheisme and Superstition: for this proceedsfrom fear without right reason, that, from an opinion of right reason,without feare.

Idolatry therefore did easily fasten upon the greatest part of men,and almost all nations did worship God in Images, and resemblancesof finite things; and they worshipt spirits, or vain visions, perhapsout of fear calling them Devills. But it pleased the Divine Majesty(as we read it written in the sacred history) out of all mankind tocall forth Abraham, by whose means he might bring men to the trueworship of him, and to reveal himselfe supernaturally to him, andto make that most famous Covenant with him and his seed, whichis called the old Covenant, or Testament; He therefore is the headof true Religion; he was the first that after the Deluge taught, thatthere was one God, the Creatour of the Universe; And from him the

1 "', E1 (cf. L).2 Instituted EI.

3 invisible E1 (cf. L. visibilium).4 = cloud.

5 the the speciall EI.

a-a L = it was their duty to obey (debe­bant-cf. past tense).

Chap. XVI RELIGION 201

The manner ofthe Covenantbetween God andAbraham.

Kingdome of God by way of Covenants, takes its beginning. Joseph.Antiq. Jewes. lib. 1. cap. 7.

II. In the beginning of the world God reigned indeed, not onely By the Covenant

naturally, but also by way of Covenant, over Adam, and Eve; 1 so as between God, and

it seems he would have no obedience yeelded to him, beside that dAdpamt

, allIS u e IS

which naturall Reason should dictate,2 but by the way of Covenant, forbidden

that is to say, by the consent of men themselves. Now because this concerning the

Covenant was presently made void, nor ever after renewed, the command; ofsupenors.

originall of Gods Kingdom (which we treat of in this place) is not[Leviathan

to be taken thence. Yet this is to be noted by the way, that by that XXXV. 2.]

precept of not eating of the tree of the knowledge of good and evill(whether the judicature of good and evill, or the eating of the fruitof some tree were forbidden) God did require a most simpleobedience to his commands, without dispute whether that were good,or evill, which was commanded; for the fruit of the tree, if theCommand be wanting, hath nothing in its own nature, whereby theeating of it could be morally evill, that is to say, a sinne.

III. Now the Covenant between God and Abraham, was made inthis manner. Gen. 17. v. 7, 8. I will establish my Covenant betweenme and thee, and thy seed after thee in their generations, for an everlastingCovenant, to be a God unto thee, and to thy seed after thee. And I

[Leviathanwill give unto thee, and to thy seed after thee, the Land wherein thou xxxv. 3.]

art a stranger, all the Land of Canaan, for an everlasting possession,and I will be their God. Now it was4 necessary to institute some signwhereby Abraham and his seed should retain the memory of thisCovenant; wherefore Circumcision was added to the Covenant, butyet as a sign onely. verso [10]. 5 This is my Covenant which yee shallkeep between me and thee, and thy seed after thee, every man-childamong you shall be circumcised, and ye shall circumcise the flesh ofyourforeskin, and it shall be a token of the Covenant between me and you.It is therefore Covenanted, that Abraham shall acknowledge God tobe his God, and the God of his seed;6 that is to say, that h'e shallsubmit himselfe to be governed by him, and that God shall giveunto Abraham the inheritance of that Land wherein he then dwelt,but as a Pilgrim, and that Abraham for a memoriall sign of thisCovenant, should take care to see himselfe, and his male seedcircumcised.

1 "', EI (cf. L).2 "'; EI (cf. L).3"", A EI.

4 was EI (cf. L).5 20 EI (tf. L).6 ......... , £1.

202 RELIGION Chap. XVI

In that Covenantis contained an

acknowledgementof God, not

simply, but ofhimwho appeared

unto Abraham.

[Leviathan XL. I.]

IV. But seeing that Abraham even before the Covenant acknow­ledged God to be the Creatour and King of the world, (for he neverdoubted either of the being, or the Providence of God) how comesit not to be superfluous, that God would purchase to himself witha price, and by contract, an obedience which was due to him bynature; I namely by promising Abraham the Land of Canaan, uponcondition that he would receive him for his God, when by the Rightof nature he was already so? By those words therefore, To be a Godunto thee and to thy seed after thee, wee understand not that Abrahamsatisfied this Covenant by a bare acknowledgement of the power,and Dominion which God had naturally over men, that is to say,by acknowledging God indefinitely, which belongs to naturall reason;2but he must definitely acknowledge him, who said unto him, Gen.12. v. [IV Get thee out of thy Country, &c. Gen. 13. v. 14. Lift upthine eyes. &c. who appear'd unto him, Gen. 18. v. I. in the shapeof three celestiall men, and Gen. 15. v. I. In a vision; and verso 13.4

In a dream, which is matter offaith. In what shape God appearedunto Abraham, by what kinde of sound he spake to him, is notexprest, yet it is plain that Abraham beleeved that voyce to be thevoyce of God, and a true Revelation; and would have all his toworship him, who had so spoken unto him, for God the Creatourof the world; 5 and that his faith was grounded on this, not that hebeleeved God to have a being, or that he was true in his promises,that which all men beleeve, but that he doubted not him to be God,whose voice, and promises he had heard;6 and that the God ofAbraham signified not simply God, but that God which appeared untohim, even as the worship which Abraham owed unto God in thatnotion, was not the worship of reason, but of Religion, and Faith,and that, which not reason, but God had supernaturally revealed.

The Lawes towhich Abraham

was tyed, wereno' other, but V. But we read of no Lawes given by God to Abraham, or by

those of nature, Abrahams to his family, either then, or after, secular, or sacredand that of (excepting the Commandement of Circumcision, which is contained

Circumcision . h C . I" ) 9 h ., ." h h. In t e ovenant It se Ie; w ence It IS manl1est, t at t ere were no

f xx[Levxiavtha~ other Lawes, or worship, which Abraham was obliged to, but thec. .3,

cf. XL. I.] Lawes of nature, rationall worship, and circumcision.

1 "", EI. 2 ""', EI. 3 34 EI.4 [Authorized Version = v. 12.]

5 "', EI (cf. L).

6 "', EI (cf. L).7 n EI.8 Abrabam EI. 9 "') 1\ EI (cf. L).

Chap. XVI RELIGION 2°3

VI. Now Abraham was the Interpreter of all Lawes, as well sacredas secular, among those that belonged to him, not meerly naturally,as using the Lawes of nature onely, but even by the form of theCovenant it selfe, in which obedience is promised by Abraham notfor himselfe onely, but for his seed also; which had been in vain,except his children had been tyed to obey his Commands: And howcan that be understood, which God sayes Gen. 18. verso 18. 19. (Allthe Nations of the earth shall be blessed in him; for I know him, thathe wil! command his children, and his houshold after him, and theyshall keep the way of the Lord to doe justice, and judgement) unlessehis children and his houshold were supposed to be obliged to yeeldobedience unto his Commands.

VII. Hence it followes, that Abrahams subjects could not sinnein obeying him, provided that Abraham commanded them not, todeny Gods Existence, or Providence, or to doe somewhat expreslycontrary to the honour of God. In all other things, the word of Godwas to be fetcht from his lips only, as being the Interpreter of allthe Lawes; and words of God. For Abraham alone could teach themwho was the God of Abraham, and in what manner he was to beworshipped. And they who after Abrahams death were subject tothe Soveraignty of Isaac or Iacob, did by the same reason obey themin all things without sin, as long as they acknowledged, and profestthe God of Abraham to be their IGod. ForI they had submittedthemselves to God simply, before they did it to Abraham;2 and toAbraham before they did it to the God of Abraham; againe, to theGod of Abraham before they did it to Isaac: In Abrahams subjectstherefore, To deny God was the only Treason against the DivineMajesty;3 but in their posterity it was also Treason to deny the Godof Abraham,4 that is to say, to worship God otherwise then wasinstituted by Abraham, to wit, in Images (*) made with hands, asother Nations did, which for that reason were called Idolators. Andhitherto subjects might easily enough discern what was to beobserved, what avoyded in the Commands of their Princes.

[In Images made with hands] In the 15. Chap. 14. Article, Therewee have shewed such a kinde of worship to be irrational!; but if it bedone by the command of a City to whom the written word of God isnot known, nor received, we have then shewed this worship in the 15.Chap. art. 18. to be rationall. But where God reigns by way ofCovenant,

1-1 "'; "-' I.e. El (ef. L). 3 "-', EI (ef. L).2 "-', EI (ef. L). 4 Abrabam EI. 5 "-' /\ EI.

Abraham amonghis own was theInterpreter of theword of God,and ofall Lawes.

[LeviathanXL. 2, 3.]

Abrahamssubjects couldnot sin inobeying him.

Annotation. 5

2°4 RELIGION Chap. XVI

Gods Covenantwith the

Hebrewes atMount Sinai.

[LeviathanXXXV. 4; XL. 4;ef. Conclusion (E)

7,8.]

From thenceGods government

was called aKingdom.

[LeviathanXXXV. 5;

XL. 5.]

in which it is expresly warned not to worship thus, as in the Covenantmade with Abraham, there, whether it be with, or without the Commandof the City, it is ill done.

VIII. To goe on now, following the guidance of the holyScripture, The same Covenant was renewed, Gen. 26. verso 3, 4.with Isaac, and Gen. 28. verso 14. with Iacob, where God stileshimselfe not simply God, whom nature doth dictate him to be, butdistinctly the God of Abraham and Isaac;! afterward being about torenew the same Covenant, by Moyses, with the whole People ofIsrael, Exod. 3. V. 6. I am saith he the God of thy Father, the GodofAbraham, the God of Isaac, and the God ofJacob. Afterward whenthat People, not only the freest, but also the greatest enemy tohumane subjection, by reason of the fresh memory of their lEgyptian2

bondage, abode in the wildernesse near mount Sinai, that antientCovenant was propounded to them all to be renewed in this manner,Exod. 19. ver. 5. Therefore ifyee will obey my voice indeed, and keepmy Covenant, (to wit, that Covenant which was made with Abraham,Isaac, and Iacob) then shall yee be a peculiar Treasure unto me, aboveall People; for all the earth is mine, and yee shall be to me a Kingdomeof Priests, and an holy Nation. And all the People answered together,and said, All that the Lord hath spoken, will we doe, verso 8.

IX. In this Covenant, among other things, we must consider wellthe appellation of Kingdom not used 3before. For3 although Godboth by nature & by Covenant made with Abraham, was their King,yet owed they him an obedience and worship only naturall, as beinghis subjects; & religious such as Abraham instituted, as being theSubjects of Abraham, Isaac, & Iacob, their naturall Princes; For theyhad received no word ofGod beside the naturall word of right reason,neither had any Covenant past between God and them, otherwisethen as their wils were included in the will of Abraham, as theirPrince. 4 But now by the Covenant made at mount Sinai, the consentof each man being had, there becomes an institutive Kingdome ofGod over them. That Kingdom of God so renowned in Scripturesand writings of Divines, took its beginning from this time, and hithertends that which God said to Samuel, when the Israelites asked aKing,!. Sam. 8. 7. They have not rejected thee, but they have rejectedme, that I should not reign over them; and that which Samuel toldthe Israelites,!. Sam. 12. 12. Yee said unto me, nay, but a King shall

1 "', EI (ef. L).2 Aigyptian EI.

3-3 "'; '" I.e. EI (ef. L).4 "'; EI (ef. L).

Chap. XVI RELIGION 2°5

reign over us, when the Lord your God was your King; 1 and that whichis said, Jer. 31. verso 31. I will make a new Covenant, &c. 2AlthoughI was an husband unto them;2 And the doctrine also ofJudas Galila:us,where mention is made in Ioseph. Antiq. of the lewes, 18. Book, 2.

Chap. in these words: 3 But Judas Galilxus was the first authour ofthis fourth way of those who followed the study ofwisdome. These agreein all the rest with the Pharisees, excepting that they burn with a mostconstant desire of liberty, beleeving God alone to be held for their Lordand Prince, and will sooner endure even the most exquisite kinds oftorments, together with their kinsfolks, and dearest friends, then callany mortall man their Lord.

X. The Right of the Kingdome being thus constituted by wayof Covenant, let us see in the next place, what lawes God propoundedto them; now those are knowne to all, to wit, the Decalogue, andthose other, as welljudiciall as ceremonialllawes, which we find fromthe 20. Chap. of Exodus to the end of Deuteronomie,a and the deathof Moyses. Now of those lawes deliver'd in generall by the hand ofMoyses, some there are which oblige naturally, being made by God,as the God ofnature, and had their force even4 before Abrahams time;others there are which oblige by vertue of the Covenant made withAbraham, being made by God as the God of Abraham, which hadtheir force even before Moyses his time, by reason of the formerCovenant; but there are others which oblige by vertue ofthat Covenantonely which was made last with the people themselves, being madeby God, as being the Peculiar King of the Israelites. Of the first sortare all the Precepts of the Decalogue which pertaine unto manners,such as, Honour thy Parents, thou shalt not Kill, thou shalt not commitAdultery, thou shalt not Steale, thou shalt not beare false witnesse,thou shalt not Covet; For they are the Lawes of nature; Also theprecept of not taking Gods name in vaine, for it is a part of naturallworship, as hath beene declar'd in the foregoing Chap. Art. 15. Inlike manner the second Commandement of not worshipping by wayof any Image made by themselves; for this also is a part of naturallReligion, as hath beene shewed in the same Article. Of the secondsort is the first Commandment of the Decalogue, Of not having anyother Gods; for in that consists the essence of the Covenant made

What [awes wereby Cod givento the Jewes.

[Leviathancf. XLII. 29-34.]

1 "-, EI (cf. L).2-2 Although ... them in roman EI (quota­

tion requires italics; cf. L).3 "-. EI (cf. L).

4 ever EI (cf. below; also L).

a Pentateuchi L.

206 RELIGION Chap. XVI

with Abraham, by which God requires nothing else, but that heshould be his God, and the God of his seede: Also the Precept ofkeeping holy the Sabbath; for the Sanctification of the seventh dayis instituted in memoriall of the six dayes Creation, as appeares outof these words, Exod. 31. ver. 16, 17. It is a perpetuall Covenant,(meaning the Sabbath) and a signe betweene me, and the Children ofIsrael for ever, for in sixe dayes the Lord made Heaven, and Earth,and on the seventh day he rested, aand was refreshed.a Of the thirdkind are the Politique, judiciall and Ceremoniall lawes, which onelybelong'd to the Jewes. The lawes of the first! and second sort writtenin Tables of stone, to wit the Decalogue, was kept in the Ark it selfe.The rest written in the volume of the whole Law, were laid up inthe side of the Arke. 2Deut. [31]. ver. 26. 2 For these retaining thefaith of Abraham might be chang'd, those could not.

What the word of XI. All Gods Lawes are Gods Word; but all Gods Word is not hisGod is, and how Law. I am the Lord thy God which brought thee out of the Land of

to be knowne.Aigypt, is the word of God, it is no Law: Neither is all that which

[Leviathancf. XXXV!.] for the better declaring of Gods Word is pronounc't, or written

together with it, instantly to be taken for Gods Word: For, Thussaith the Lord, is not the voice of God, but of the Preacher orProphet. 3 All that, and onely that, is the word of God which a trueProphet hath declar'd God to have spoken. Now the writings of theProphets comprehending4 as well those things which God, as whichthe Prophet himselfe speaks, are therefore called the word of God,'because they containe the word of God. Now because all that, andthat alone, is the Word ofGod which is recommended to us for such,by a true Prophet, it cannot be knowne what Gods Word is, beforewe know who is the true Prophet; nor can we beleeve Gods Word,before we beleeve the Prophet. Moyses was beleev'd by the Peopleof Israel for two things, His Miracles, and his Faith; for how great,and most evident Miracles soever he had wrought, yet would theynot have trusted him, at least he was not to have beene trusted, ifhe had call'd them out of Aigypt to any other worship then theworship of the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob their Fathers. Forit had beene contrary to the Covenant made by themselves withGod. In like manner two things there are, to wit, supernaturallPrcediction of things to come, which is a mighty miracle;5 and Faith

1 filS! EI.2-2 Deut. 3. ver. 26. EI.3 "'; EI (cf. L).

4 comprehendng EI. 5 "', EI (cf. L).

a-a E I adds and was refreshed.

Chap. XVI RELIGION 2°7

in the God of Abraham their deliverer out of Aigypt, which Godpropos'd to all the Jews to be kept for marks of a true Prophet. Hethat wants either of these is no Prophet, nor is it to be receiv'd forGods word which he obtrudes for such. If Faith be wanting, he isrejected I in these words, Deut. 13. ver. I, 2, 3, 4, 5. If there ariseamong you a Prophet, or a dreamer ofdreams, and giveth thee a signe,or a wonder, and the signe or the wonder come to passe, whereof hespake unto thee, saying, Let us goe after other Gods, CSc. 2That Prophet,or that dreamer of dreames shall be put to death. 2 If Prrediction ofevents be wanting, he is condemn'd by these, Deut. 18. ver. 21, 22.

And if thou say in thine heart, how shall we know the word which theLord hath not spoken? When a Prophet speaketh in the name of theLord, if the thing follow not, nor come to passe, that is the thing whichthe Lord hath not spoken, but the Prophet hath spoken it presumptuously.Now, that that is the word of God which is publisht for such by atrue Prophet, and that he was held to be a true Prophet among theJewes, whose faith was true, and to whose prredictions the eventsanswer'd, is without 3controversie. But3 what it is to follow otherGods, and whether the events which are affirm'd to answer theirprredictions, doe truly answer them, or not, may admit manycontroversies, specially in prredictions which obscurely, & renig­matically foretell the Event,4 such 5 as the prredictions of almost allthe Proph.ets are, as who saw not God apparently like unto Moyses,but in darke speeches, and in figures. Numb. 12. ver. 8. But of thesewe cannot judge otherwise then by the way ofnaturall reason; becausethat Judgment depends on the Prophets interpretation, and on itsproportion with the Event.

XII. The Jewes did hold the booke of the whole Law which was What was held

called Deuteronomie, for the written word of God, and that onely, for the written. . word of God

(forasmuch as can be collected out of sacred hIstory) unt111 the among the lewes.

Captivity;6 for this booke was deliver'd by Moyses himselfe to the [Leviathan

Priests to be kept, and layd up in the side of the Ark of the Covenant, ef. XLII. 29-34.]

and to be copyed out by the Kings; and the same a long time afterby the authority of King Josiah acknowledg'd againe for the WordofGod. 2 Kings 23. ver. 2. But it is not manifest when the rest of thebooks of the Old Testament were first receiv'd into 7Canon. But?

1 rejeet- EI (ef. ERRATA).2-2 That Prophet ... death in roman El

(quotation requires italics; ef. L).3-3 "'; '" I.e. El (ef. L).

• '" 1\ EI (cf. L).5 "', EI (cf. L).6 "', EI (ef. L).7-7 "', '" I.e. EI (ef. L).

208 RELIGION Chap. XVI

what concernes the Prophets, Isaiah and the rest, since they fore­told no other things then what were to come to passe, either inor after the Captivity, their writings could not at that time be heldfor Prophetique, by reason of the Law cited above. Deut. 18. ver.21, 22. Whereby the Israelites were commanded not to account anyman for a true Prophet but him whose Prophecies were answer'dby the events; And hence peradventure it is that the Jews esteem'dthe writings of those whom they slew when they Prophesied, I forProphetique afterward, that is to say, for the word of God.

The power of XIII. It being known what Lawes there were under the oldinterpreting the Covenant, and that Word of God receiv'd from the beginning; we

word of God f: h 'd' h h h h' f . d .and the suprem; must art ermore conSI er WIt w om t e aut onty 0 JU gmg,civil power were whether the writings of the Prophets arising afterward, were to be

united in Moyses receiv'd for the Word ofGod, that is to say, whether the Events didwhile he lived h . d" d . h h I h h'. answer t elr pm: IctlOns or not, an WIt w om a so t e aut onty

[Elements of interpreting the Lawes already receiv'd, and the written Word ofcf. XXVI. 2.

Leviathan God, did reside; which thing is to be trac't2 through all the times,XL. 5-8.] and severall changes of the Commonwealth of Israel. 3But it is

manifest that this power during the life of Moyses, was intirely inhimselfe; for if he had not been the Interpreter of the Lawes andWord, that office must have belong'd either to every private person,or to a congregation, or Synagogue of many, or to the High-Priest,or to other Prophets. First, that that office belong'd not to privatemen, or any Congregation made of them, appeares hence, that theywere not admitted, nay they were prohibited, with most heavy threats,to heare God speake, otherwise then by the means of Moyses; for itis written, Let not the Priests and the people break through to comeup unto the Lord, lest he breakforth upon them. So Moyses went downeunto the people, and spake unto them. Exod. 19. 24, 25. It is farthermanifestly, and expresly declar'd, upon occasion given by theRebellion of Core, Dathan and Abiram, and the two hundred andfifty Princes of the Assembly, that neither private men, nor, theCongregation should pretend that God had spoken by them, andby Consequence that they had the right of interpreting Gods Word;for they contending, that God spake no lesse by them then byMoyses, argue thus, Yee take too much upon you, seeing all theCongregation are holy, everyone of them, and the Lord is among them;wherefore then lift yee up your selves above the Congregation of the

1 "'; E1 (cf. L). 2 ~ traced. 3 [L begins a new paragraph.]

Chap. XVI RELIGION 2°9

Lord? Numb. 16. ver. 3. But how God determin'd this controversieis easily understood by the 33. and 35. verses of the same Chapter,where Corah, Dathan, and Abiram1 went downe alive into the Pit, andthere came out fire from the Lord, and consumed the two hundred andfifty men athat offer'd Incense.a. 2Secondly, that Aaron the high Priesthad not this authority, is manifest by the like controversie betweenehim (together with his Sister Miriam) and Moyses; For the Questionwas, whether God spake by Moyses only, or by them also, that isto say, whether Moyses alone, or whether they also were interpretersof the Word ofGod. For thus they said, Hath the Lord indeed spokenonely by Moyses? Hath he not also spoken by us? Numb. 3 12. ver. 2.

But God reprov'd them, and made a distinction betweene Moysesand other Prophets, saying, If there be a Prophet among you, I theLord will make my selfe knowne unto him in a vision, and will speakeunto him in a dreame: My Servant Moyses is not so, f5c. For withhim will I speake mouth to' mouth, even apparently, and not in darkespeeches, and the Similitude of the Lord shall he behold;4 whereforethen were yee not afraid bto speake against my Servant Moyses?b Ibid.ver. 6, 7, 8. Lastly, that the interpretation of the Word ofGod as longas Moses liv'd, belong'd not to any other Prophets whatsoever, iscollected out of that place which we now cited concerning5 hiseminency above all others, and out of naturall reason, for as muchas it belongs to the same Prophet who brings the Commands ofGod to unfold them too; but there was then no other Word ofGod,beside that which was declar'd by 6Moyses. And6 out of this also,that there was no other Prophet extant at that time, who Prophesiedto the people, excepting the 70. Elders who Prophesied by the Spiritof Moyses; and even that Joshuah, who was then Moyses his Servant,his successour afterward, beleev'd to be injuriously done, till heknew it was by Moyses his Consent;7 which thing is manifest byText of Scripture, And the Lord came downe in a clowd, f5c. andtooke of the spirit that was upon Moyses, and gave it unto the 70.Elders. Numb. 11. ver. 25. Now after it was told that they Prophesied,Joshuah said unto Moyses, Forbid them my Lord: But Moysesanswered, Why enviest thou for my sake? Seeing therefore Moysesalone was the Messenger of Gods Word, and that the authority of

1 Ahiram EI.2 [L begins a new paragraph.]3 '" 1\ EI.4 "', EI (cf. L).5 concercerning E I .

6-6 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).7 "', EI (cf. L).

a-a EI adds that otfer'd Incense.l>-b E I adds to speake . . . Moyses.

2'0 RELIGION Chap. XVI

interpreting it pertain'd neither to private men, nor to the Synagogue,nor to the High Priest, nor to other Prophets;' it remaines, thatMoyses alone was the Interpreter of Gods Word, who also had thesupreme power in civill matters; And2 that the conventions of Corahwith the rest of his complices against Moses, and Aaron;3 and ofAaron with his Sister against Moyses, were rais'd, not for the salvationof their soules, but by reason of their ambition, and desire ofDominion over the People.

They IVere a/so XIV. In Joshuahs time the interpretation of the Lawes, and of theunited in the Word of God, belong'd to Eleazar the l:Iigh Priest, who was also

durin:;~: f;:e;~ under God, their absolute 4King. Which4 is collected first of all outJoshuah. of the Covenant it selfe, in which the Common-wealth of Israel is

[Leviathan XL. 9.] called a Priestly Kingdome, or as it is recited in the I Pet. 2. 9. ARoyall Priesthood;5 which could in no wise be sayd, unlesse by theinstitution and Covenant of the People, the regall power wereunderstood to belong to the High Priest. Neither doth this repugnewhat hath beene said before, where Moyses, and not Aaron, had theKingdome under God; since it is necessary that when one maninstitutes the forme of a future Common-wealth, that one shouldgoverne the Kingdome which he institutes, during his life, (whetherit be Monarchie, Aristocraty, or Democraty) and have all that powerfor the present, which he is bestowing on others for the future. 6

Now, that Eleazar the Priest, had not onely the Priesthood, but alsothe Soveraignty, is expressely set downe in Joshuahs call to theadministration; for thus it is written. aTake thee Joshuah the Son ofNun, a man in whom is the Spirit, and lay thine hand upon him, andset him before Eleazer the Priest, and before all the Congregation, andgive him a charge in their sight, and thou shalt put some ofthine honourupon him, that all the Congregation of the Children of Israel may beobedient, and he shall stand before Eleazar the Priest, who shall askeCounsell for him after the judgment of Urim, before the Lord: 7 at hisword shall they goe out, and at his word shall they come in, and allthe Children of Israel with him, even all the Congregation. a Num. 27.ver. 8 18, 19, 20, 21. where to aske Counsell of God for whatsoever isto be done, (that is) to interpret Gods word, and in the name of Godto Command in all matters, belongs to Eleazar; and to goe out, and

1 "', El (cf. L). 6 "'; E1 (cf. L).2 '" l.c. El (cf. L). 7 "', El (cf. Authorized Version).3 "', El (cf. L). 8 V r E1.4-4 '" ; '" l.c. El (cf. L).5 "', El (cf. L). a-a El expo Tolle Iosuen ... cum eo.

Chap. XVI RELIGION 211

to come in at his word, that is to say, to obey, belongs both to Joshuah,and to all the People. Its to be observ'd also, that that speech, Partof thy glory; dearely denotes that Joshuah had not a power equallwith that which Moyses had. In the meane time it is manifest, thateven in Ioshuahs time, the Supreme power and authority of interpret­ing the word of God, were both in one Person.

XV. After Ioshuahs death follow the times of the Iudges untillKing Saul, in which it is manifest that the right of the Kirigdomeinstituted by God, remained with the High IPriest. ForI the Kingdomewas by Covenant Priestly, that is to say, Gods government by Priests;and such ought it to have been untill that form with Gods consentwere changed by the people themselves: 2 which was not done, beforethat requiring a King God consented unto them, and said untoSamuel, Hearken unto the voyce of the people in all that they say untothee; for they have not rejected thee, but they have rejected me that Ishould not reign over them. I. Sam. 8. 7. The supreme civill powerwas therefore Rightly due by Gods own institution to the High-Priest;but actually that power was in the Prophets, to whom (being raysedby God in an extraordinary manner) the Israelites (a people greedyof the Prophets) submitted themselves to be protected, and judged,by reason of the great esteem they had of Prophecies. 3 The Reasonof this thing, was, because that though penalties were set, and Judgesappointed i~ the institution of Gods priestly Kingdome, yet, theRight of inflicting punishment, depended wholly on private judge­ment;4 and it belonged to a dissolute multitude, and each singlePerson, to punish 'or not to punish according as their private zealeshould stirre them up. And therefore Moyses by his own commandpunisht no man with death; but when any man was to be put todeath, one or many stirred up the multitude against him or them,by divine authority, and saying, Thus saith the Lord. Now this wasconformable to the nature of Gods peculiar Kingdome. For thereGod reignes indeed where his Lawes are obeyed, not for fear ofmen, but for fear of 5himselfe. And 5truly, if men were such as theyshould be, this were an excellent st~te of civill government;6 but asmen are, there is a coercive power (in which I comprehend bothright and might) necessary to rule 7them. And7 therefore also God

They were alsounited in theHigh Priest,untill King Saulstime.

[LeviathanXL. 10.]

1-1 "'; '" I.e. EI (ef. L).2 "', EI (ef. L).3 "'; EI (cf. L).4 "', EI (cf. L).

H "'; '" I.e. EI (ef. L).6 "', EI (cf. L).7-7 "'; '" I.e. EI (ef. L).

212 RELIGION Chap. XVI

They were unitedin the Kings

untill theCaptivity.

[Elementscf. XXVI. 3.

Leviathan XL. I I.]

from t1ie beginning prescribed Lawes by Moyses for the future Kings.Deut. 17. verso 14. and Moyses foretold this in his last words to thepeople, saying, I know that after my death ye wil! utterly corrupt yourselves, and turn aside from the way that l I have commanded you, &c.Deut. 31. 29. When2 therefore according to this prediction therearose another generation who knew not the Lord, nor yet the workswhich he had done for Israel,3 the children of Israel did evil! in the4

sight of the4 Lord, and served Balaam, Iud. 2. 10, I I. to wit, they castoff Gods government, that is to say, that of the Priest, by whomGod ruled, and afterward, when they were overcome by theirenemies, and opprest with bondage, they looked for Gods will, notat the hands of the Priest any more, but of the Prophets. Thesetherefore actually a judged Israel, but their obedience was rightlybdue to the High Priest; Although therefore the Priestly Kingdomeafter the death of Moyses, & Ioshuah, was without power, yet wasit not without Right. Now that the interpretation of Gods word didbelong to the same High Priest, is manifest by this, That God, afterthe Tabernacle, & the Ark of the Covenant was consecrated, spakeno more in mount Sinai, but in the Tabernacle of the Covenant,from the propitiatory which was between the Cherubims, whetherS

it was not lawfull for any to aproach except the High Priest. 6 Iftherefore regard be had to the Right of the Kingdome, the supremecivil! power, and the authority of interpreting Gods word, were joynedin the High Priest; If we consider the fact, they were united in theProphets who judged Israel; For as Iudges, they had the civillauthority, as Prophets, they interpreted Gods word, and thus everyway hitherto these two powers continued inseparable.

XVI. Kings being once constituted, its no doubt but the civil!authority belonged to them, for the Kingdome of God by the wayof Priesthood, (God consenting to the request of the Israelites) wasended;? which Hierom 8 also marks speaking of the books of Samuel: 9

Samuel (sayes he) Eli being dead, and Saul slain, declares the oldLaw abolisht; Furthermore the Oaths of the new Priesthood, andnew Soveraignty in Zadok, and David, do testifie, that the Rightwhereby the Kings did rule, was founded in the very concession of

1 tbat EI.2 "- I.e. EI (cf. L).3 Ispael EI.4 tbe EI.5 = whither (cf. L).6 "-; EI (cf. L).

7 "-, EI (cf. L).8 = Jerome.9 "-, El (cf. L).

a L. de facto.b L. iure.

Chap. XVI RELIGION 21 3

the People. '[The Priest could rightfully do only what God hadcommanded, but the King had by right whatsoever power over everyman that each man by right had over himself];' for the Israelitesgranted him a Right to judge of all things, and to wage warre for allmen; in which two are contained all Right whatsoever a can beconceiveda from man to man. Our King (say they) shall judge us,and goe out before us, and fight our battails, I. Sam. 8. 20. Judicaturetherefore belonged to the Kings;2 but to judge is nothing else thenby interpreting to apply the facts to the Lawes; to them thereforebelonged the interpretaiion of Lawes 3toO. And3 because there wasno other written word of God acknowledged beside the Law ofMoyses, untill the Captivity, the authority ofinterpreting Gods word,did also belong to the Kings; Nay, forasmuch as the word of Godmust be taken for a Law, if there had been another written wordbeside the Mosaicall Law, seeing the interpretation of Lawesbelonged to the Kings, the interpretation of it must also havebelonged to them. When the book of Deuteronomie (in which thewhole Mosaicall Law was contained) being a long time lost, wasfound again, the Priests indeed asked Counsell of God concerningthat book;4 but not by their own authority, but by the Commande­ment of Josiah, and not immediately neither, but by the meanes ofHolda the sPropheresse. Whences it appears that the authority ofadmitting books for the word of God, belonged not to the Priest;neither yet followes it that that authority belonged to the Prophetesse,because others did judge of the Prophets whether they were to beheld for true, or 6not. For6 to what end did God give signes, andtokens to all the People, whereby the true Prophets might bediscerned ftom the false, namely, the event of predictions, andconformity with the Religion establisht by Moyses, if they might notuse those marks? The authority therefore of admitting books for theword of God belonged to the King, & thus that book of the Lawwas approved, and received again by the authority of King Josiah,as appears by the 7fourth book of the Kings, 22. 23. Chap.7 where

1-1 The Priest could Rightly doe whatso­ever every man could rightly doe himselfe;EI. [A line or more of text has been omittedin EI, which completely destroys the senseofthe passage. I have substituted a translationof the relevant reading from the Latin text.Cf. Sacerdos ... in se.]

2 "', EI (cf. L).

3-3 "': '" I.e. EI (cf. L).4 "', EI (cf. L).5-5 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).6-6 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).7-7 = 2. Kings. Chapters 22, 23.

a-a L = that can be transferred [pref].

214 RELIGION Chap. XVI

it is reported that he gathered together all the severall degrees ofhis Kingdome, the Elders, Priests, Prophets, and all the people, andhe read in their eares all the words of the Covenant, that is to say, hecaused that Covenant to be acknowledged for the Mosaicall Covenant,that is to say, for the word of God, and to be again received, andconfirmed by the Jsraelites. I The civill power therefore, and thepower of discerning Gods word from the word of men, and ofinterpreting Gods word even in the dayes of the Kings was whollybelonging to themselves. Prophets were sent not with authority, butin the form, and by the Right of Proclaimers, and Preachers, ofwhom the hearers did judge; and if perhaps these were punisht whodid not listen to them plainly, teaching easie things, it doth notthence follow, that the Kings were obliged to follow all things whichthey in Gods name did declare, were to be 2followed. For2 thoughJosiah the good King of Judah were slain because he obeyed not theword of the Lord from the mouth of Necho King of k:gypt, that isto say, because he rejected good Counsell though it seemed to comefrom an enemy, yet no man I hope will say that Josiah was by anybond either of divine, or humane Lawes obliged to beleeve PharoahNech0 3 King of lEgypt, because he said that God had spoken to him.But what some man may object against Kings, that for want oflearning, they are seldome able enough to interpret those books ofantiquity in the which Gods word is contained, and that for thiscause it is not reasonable that this office should depend on theirauthority, he may object as much against the Priests, and all mortallmen, for they may erre; and although Priests were better instructedin nature, and arts then other men, yet Kings are able enough toappoint such interpreters under them; and so, though Kings did notthemselves interpret the word of God, yet the office of interpretingthem might depend on their authority; and they who therefore refuseto yeeld up this authority to Kings, because they cannot practisethe office4 it selfe, doe as much as if they should say that the authorityof teaching Geometry must not depend upon Kings, except theythemselves were Geometricians. We read that Kings have prayed forthe People, that they have blest the people, that they have consecratedthe Temple, that they have commanded the Priests, that they haveremoved Priests from their office, that they have constituted others. 5

Sacrifices indeed they have not offered, for that was hereditary to

1 "'; £1 (cf. L).2-2 "': '" I.e. £1 (cf. L).

3 Necbo £1.5 "': £1 (cf. L).

4 office £1.

Chap. XVI RELIGION

Aaron, and his sonnes; but it is manifest, as in Moyses his life time,so throughout all ages from King Saul to the captivity of Babylon,that the Priesthood was not a Maistry,l but a Ministry.

XVII. After their returne from Babylonian bondage, theCovenant being renewed, and sign'd, the Priestly Kingdome wasrestor'd to the same manner it was in from the death of loshuah tothe beginning of the Kings; excepting that it is not expresly setdowne that the return'd Jewes did give up the Right of Soveraigntyeither to Esdras (by whose directions they ordred their State) or toany other, beside God himselfe. That reformation seemes ratherto be nothing else then the bare promises, and vowes of every manto observe those things which were written in the booke of the 2Law.Notwithstanding,2 (perhaps not by the Peoples intention) by virtueof the Covenant which they then renewed, (for the Covenant wasthe same with that which was made at Mount Sinai) that same statewas a Priestly Kingdome, that is to say, the supreme civill authority,and the sacred were united in the Priests. 3 Now, howsoever throughthe ambition of those who strove for the Priesthood, and by theinterposition of forraigne Princes, it was so troubled till our Saviourlesus Christs time, that it cannot be understood out of the historiesof those times, where that authority resided; yet it's plaine, that inthose times, the power of interpreting Gods Word was not severedfrom the supreme civill power.

XVIII. Out of all this, we may easily know how the lewes inall times from4 Abraham unto Christ were to behave themselves inthe Commands of their sPrinces. Fors as in Kingdomes meerlyhumane men must obey a subordinate Magistrate in all things,excepting when his Commands containe in them some Treason;6 soin the Kingdome of God,7 the lewes were bound to obey theirPrinces, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moyses, the Priest, the King, everyone during their time in all things, except when their commandsdid containe some treason against the Divine Majesty. Now treasonagainst the Divine Majesty was, first,8 the denial! of his divineprovidence, for this was to deny God to be a King by nature; next,Idolatry, or the worship not of other (for there is but one God) butof strange Gods, that is to say, a worship though of one God, yet

The same wereunited in thePriests after theCaptivity.

[Leviathan

XL·'4·]

Among the Jewesthe deniall ofthe Divineprovidence, andIdolatry, werethe onelyTreasons againstthe DivineMajesty: in allother things theyought to obeytheir Princes.

1 L = mastery or dominance (magiste­rium).

2-2 "'; '" I.e. E. (cf: L).3 "'; E. (cf. L).

4 fom EI.5-5 "'; '" I.e. E. (cf. L).6 "', E. (cf. L).7 '" 1\ E. (cf. L). 8 '" 1\ E. (cf. L).

216 RELIGION Chap. XVI

under 'other Titles, Attributes, and Rites, then what were establishtby Abraham, and IMoyses. ForI this was to deny the God of Abrahamto be their King by Covenant made with Abraham, and 2themselves.In2all other things they were to obey; and if a King or Priest havingthe Soveraign authority, had commanded somewhat else to be donewhich was against the Lawes, that had been his sinne, and not hissubjects, whose duty it is, not to dispute, but to obey the Commandsof his superiours.

3CHAP. XVII. 3

Of the Kingdome of God by the new Covenant.

I. The Prophesies concerning Christs Dignity. II. The Prophesies concerning4 hisHumility and Passion. III. That Jesus was THAT CHRIST. IV. That the Kingdomeof God by the new Covenant, was not the Kingdome of Christ, as Christ, but asGod. V. That the Kingdome by the new Covenant is heavenly, and shall beginnefrom the day ofJudgment. VI. That the government of Christ in this world, was nota Soveraignty, but Counsell, or a government by the way of doctrine, and perswasion.VII. What the promises ofthe new Covenant are, on both parts. VIII. That no Lawesare added by Christ, beside the institution ofthe Sacraments. IX. Repent ye, be baptized,keep the Commandements, and the like forms of speech, are not Lawes. X. It pertainsto the civill authority to define what the sinne of injustice is. XI. It pertains to thecivill authority to define what conduces to the Peace, and defence of the City. XII. Itpertains to the civill authority to judge (when need requires) what definitions, and whatinferences are true. XIII. It belongs to the Office of Christ to teach morality,5 not bythe way ofspeculation, but as a Law; to forgive sinnes; and to teach all things whereofthere is no science properly so called. XIV. A distinction of things temporall fromspirituall. xv. In how many severa1l 6 sorts the word ofGod may be taken. XVI. Thatall which is contained in holy Scripture, belongs not to the Canon of Christian Faith.XVII. That the word of a lawfull Interpreter of holy Scriptures, is the word of God.XVIII. That the authority ofinterpreting Scriptures, is the same with that ofdeterminingcontroversies of Faith. XIX. Divers significations of a Church. XX. What a Churchis to which we attribute Rights, Actions, and the like personall Capacites. XXI. AChristian City is the same with a Christian Church. XXII. Many Cities do notconstitute one Church. XXIII. Who are Ecclesiasticall Persons. XXIV. That theElection of Ecclesiasticall Persons, belongs to the Church, their consecration toPastors. XXV. That the power of remitting the sinnes of the penitent, and retainingthose ofthe impenitent, belongs to the Pastors, but that ofjudging concerning repentance

1-1 "', '" I.e. EI (ef. L).2-2 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).3-3 CHAP. XVII. absent E I.

4 coneerning E I.

5 morally EI (ef. marginal subtitle below;also L).

6 seveverall EI.

Chap. XVII RELIGION 217

belongs to the Church. XXVI. What Excommunication is, and on whom it cannotpasse. XXVII. That the Interpretation of Scripture depends on the authority of theCity. XXVIII. That a Christian city ought to interpret Scriptures by EcclesiasticallPastors.

I. THere are many cleare prophesies extant in the oldTestament concerning our Saviour Jesus Christ, who was to

restore the Kingdome of God by a new Covenant, partly foretellinghis regall Dignity, partly his Humility and Passion. Among othersconcerning his Dignity, these; God blessing Abraham, makes him apromise of his sonne Isaac, and addes, And Kings of People shall beofhim, Gen. 17. verso [16].1 Jacob blessing his sonne Judah, The Scepter(quoth he2) shall not depart from Judah, Gen. 49. verso 10. God toMoyses, A Prophet3 (saith he) will I raise them up from among theirbrethren like unto thee, and will put my words in his mouth, and heshall speak unto them all that I shall command him, and it shall cometo passe, that whosoever will not hearken4 unto my words, which he shallspeak in my name, I will require it of him, Deut. 18. verso 18. Isaias,The Lord himselfe shallgive thee a signe, Behold a Virgin shall conceive,and bear a Sonne, and shall call his name Emanuel, Isais 7. v. 14.The same Prophet, Unto us a child is born, unto us a Sonne is given,and the government6 shall be upon his shoulders; and his name shall becalled Wonderfull, Counsellour, the mighty God, the Everlasting Father,the Prince of Peace, Isais 9. verso [6].7 And again, There8 shall comeforth a Rod out oj the stemme of Jesse, and a branch shall grow outof his roots; the spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him, fSc. he shallnot judge after the sight of his eyes, neither reprove after the hearingof his eares, but with righteousnesse shall he judge the poor, fSc. andhe shall smite the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breathof his lips shall he slay the9 wicked, lsayS I I. verso I, 2, 3, 4, 5.Furthermore in the 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 60, 61, 62. Ch. of the sameIsay,5 there is almost nothing else contained but a description of thecoming, and the works of Christ. Jeremias, Behold the days come,saith the Lord, that I will make a new Covenant with the house ofIsrael, and with the house ofJudah, Jerem. 31. 31. And Baruch, Thisis our God. fSC. Afterward did he shew himselfe upon earth, andconversed with men, Baruch lO 3. verso 35, 37. Ezekiel, I will set up one

The Prophesies ofChrists dignity.

[Leviathancf. XLI. I.]

1 15 EI (cf. L).2 be EI.3 Propbet EI.4 bearken EI.5 = Isaiah.

6 goverument EI.7 9 EI (cf. L).8 Tbere EI. • tbe EI.10 See Apocrypha (cf also Jeremiah Chs.

26-45)·

218 RELIGION Chap. XVII

Shepheard over them, and he shall feed them, even my Servant David,And 1 will make with them a Covenant of Peace, 5 c. Ezek. [34]. 1

verso [23],2 25. Daniel, 1 saw in the night visions, and behold one likethe Sonne of man came with the clouds of heaven, and came to theantient ofdayes, and3 they brought him near before him, and there wasgiven him Dominion, and Clory, and a Kingdome, that all People,Nations, and Languages should serve him, his Dominion is an everlastingDominion, 5c. Dan. 7. verso 13, 14. Haggai, Yet once it is a littlewhile, and 1 will shake the Heaven, and the Earth, and the Sea, andthe drye Land, and 14 will shake all Nations, and the desire of allNations shall come, Haggai 2. v. 8. 5 Zachariah, Under the type ofJoshuah the High Priest: 1 will bring forth my servant the Branch,5c. Zach. 3. V. 8. And again, Behold the man whose n(lme is theBranch, Zach. 6. V. 12. And again, Rejoyce greatly 0 Daughter ofSion, Shout 0 Daughter ofJerusalem, behold thy King cometh to thee,he is just, having salvation, Zach. 6 9. V. 9. The Jewes moved by these,and other Prophesies, expected Christ their King to be sent fromGod, who should redeem them, and furthermore bear rule over allNations. Yea this Prophesie had spread over the whole RomanEmpire (which Vespasian too, though falsly, interpreted in favourof his own enterprises) That out ofJudea should come he that shouldhave dominion.

The Prophesies of 11. 7 Now the Prophesies ofChrists Humility and Passion, amongstChrists Humility others are these. Isa8 53. V. 4 He hath born our griefes, and carried

and PassIon. d'd h' . k . .IC d ~"" .Ill" dour sorrowes; yet we t esteem 1m stnc en, smItten oJ 0, "" a»"cte ,[Levialhan

cf. XLI. 2.] and by and by, He was oppressed, he was aiflicted, yet he opened nothis mouth; He is brought as a Lamb to the slaughter, and as a sheepbefore her Shearer is dumb, so opened he not his mouth, 5c. verso 7.And again, He was cut out ofthe Land ofthe living,for the transgressionofmy People was he stricken, 5 c. verso 8. Therefore will 1 divide hima portion with the great, and he shall divide the spoyle with the strong,because he hath poured out his soule unto death, and he was numbredwith the transgressours, and he bare the sinne of many, and madeintercession for the transgressours, verso 12. And that of Zachary, Heis lowly, riding upon an Asse, and upon a Colt the foale of an Asse.Zach. 9. verso 9.

1 24 Er.2 2, 3 Er.3 aud Er.4 I in roman E, (cf. L).

5 [AUlhorized Version = v. 6, 7.]6 A EI.7 A EI.8 = Isaiah.

Chap. XVII RELIGION 219

That theKingdom of Godby the newCovenant was notthe' Kingdome ofChrist, as Christ,but as God.

III. In the reign of Tiberius Ca:sar,JES US our Saviour a Galila:an That Jesus was

began to preach, the sonne (as was supposed) of Joseph, declaring the Christ.

to the people of the lewes, that the Kingdome of God expected by [Elements

h Id h h' lfi K' h' ef. XXVI. 4-6.t em, was now come; an t at Imse e was a lng, t at IS to say, Leviathan

THE CHRIST: Explaining the Law;2 choosing twelve Apostles, and ef. XLI. 4·]

seventy Disciples, after the number of the Princes of the Tribes, andseventy Elders (according to the pattern of Moyses) to the Ministry;teaching the way of salvation by himselfe and them; purging theTemple;3 doing great signes, and fulfilling all those things whichthe Prophets had foretold of Christ to come. That this man, hatedof the Pharisees, (whose false doctrine and hypocriticall sanctity hehad reproved) and by their means, of the People accused of unlawfullseeking for the Kingdome, and crucified, was the true CHRIST,and King promised by God, and sent from his father to renew thenew Covenant between them and God, both the Evangelists doe shew(describing his Genealogie, nativity, life, doctrine, death, and resur-rection) and by comparing the things which he did, with those whichwere foretold of him, all Christians doe consent to.

IV. Now from this, That CHRIST was sent from God his Fatherto make a Covenant between him and the people, it is manifest, thatthough Christ were equall to his Father according to his nature, yetwas he inferior according to the Right of the Kingdom; for thisoffice to speak properly, was not that of a King, but of a Vice-roy,such as Moyses his Government Swas. Fors the Kingdom was nothis, but his Fathers; which CHRIST himselfe signified when he was [Leviathan

ef. XLI. 6, 7, 9.]baptized as a subject, and openly profest, when he taught his Disciplesto pray, Our Father, Thy Kingdome come, &c. And when he said, Iwill not drink aof the blood of the grape,a untill that day when I shalldrink it new with you in the Kingdome of my Father, Mat. 26. verso29. And Saint Paul. As in Adam all die, so in Christ shall all be madealive; but every man in his own order; Christ the first fruits, afterwardthey that are Christs, 6 who beleeved in his coming; Then cometh the endwhen he shall have delivered up the Kingdom to God even his Father,&c. 1. Cor. 15. verso 22, 23, 24. The same notwithstanding is alsocalled the Kingdome of Christ: for both the Mother of the sonnes ofZebedie petitioned Christ, saying, Grant that these my two sonnes maysit, the one on thy right hand, the other on thy left, in thy Kingdome,

1 "', EI (ef. L), 2 "', EI (cf. L).3 "', EI (ef. L). 4 tbe EI.5-5 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).

6 Cbrists EI.

.-.. E I adds of the blood of the grape.

220 RELIGION Chap. XVII

Mat. 20. verso 21. And the Theef on the Cross, Lord remember lmewhen l thou comest into thy Kingdom, Luke 23. verso 42. And SaintPaul, For this know yee, that no whormonger,2 &c. shall enter into theKingdome of God, and of Christ, Ephes. 5. ver. 5. And elsewhere, Icharge thee before God, and the Lord Iesus Christ, who shall judge thequick and dead at his appearing, and his3 Kingdome, 5c. 2 Tim. 4.ver. I. And the Lord shall deliver me from every evill worke, and willpreserve me unto his heavenly Kingdome, ver. 18. Nor is it to bemarvelled at, that the same Kingdome is attributed4 to them both,since both the Father, and the Son, are the same GOd;5 and the newCovenant concerning Gods Kingdome, is not propounded in theName of the FATHER, but in the name of the FATHER, of theSON, and of the HOLY-GHOST, as of one God.

That the V. But the Kingdome of God, for restitution whereof CHRISTKingdome ofCod was sent from God his Father, takes not its beginning before his

by the newCovenant is second comming, to wit, from the day of Judgement, when he shall

heavenly, and come in Majesty accompanied with his Angels: For it is promis'dbegins from the Apostles, that in the Kingdome of God, they shall judge the:hde day of twelve tribes of Israel. Ye which have followed me in the regeneration,,u gement.

[L. h when the Sonne of man shall sit in the Throne of his glory, ye also

eVla! anXLI. 3.] shall sit upon twelve Thrones judging the twelve tribes of Israel, Mat.

19. ver. 28. which is not to be done till the day of judgement;CHRIST therefore is not yet in the throne of his Majesty, nor isthat time when CHRIST was conversant here in the world call'd aKingdome, but a regeneration, that is to say a renovation, or restitutionof the Kingdome of God, and a calling of them who were hereafterto be receiv'd into his Kingdome; And where it is said, When theSon of man shall come in his glory, and all the holy Angels with him,then shall he sit upon the throne of his glory, and before him shall begathered all Nations, and he shall separate them one from another, asa Shepheard divideth his Sheep from the Goates, Mat. 25. ver. 31.we6 may manifestly gather, that there will be no locall separation ofGods Subjects from his Enemies, but that they shall live mixt togetheruntill CHRISTS second 7comming. Which7 is also confirm'd by thecomparison of the Kingdome of heaven, with wheat mingled withDarnell;8 and with a net containing all sorts of fish. 9 But a multitude

1-1 when me EI.2 wbormonger EI.3 bis EI.4 atttibured EI.

5 "', EI (cf. L).6 '" cap. EI (cf. L).7-7 "'; '" I.e. EI (d. L).8 "', EI (cf. L). 9 "': EI (cf. L).

Chap. XVII RELIGION 221

of men, Enemies and Subjects, living promiscuously together, cannotproperly be term'd a Kingdome. Besides, the Apostles, when theyaskt our Saviour, Whether he would at that time when he ascendedinto heaven, restore the Kingdome unto Israel? did openly testifie,that they then, when CHRIST ascended, thought the Kingdome ofGod not to be yet come. Farthermore, the words of CHRIST, MyKingdome is not of this world; And, I will not drinke, 5c. till theKingdome ofGod come: And, God hath not sent his Son into the World,to judge the World, but that the World through him might be sav'd.And, If any man heare not my words, and keepe them, I judge himnot; for I came not to judge the World, but to save the World. And,Man, who made me a judge or divider betweene you? And the veryAppellation of the Kingdome ofHeaven testifies as much. The samething is gathered out of the words of the Prophet Jeremiah, speakingof the Kingdome of God by the new Covenant, They shall teach nomore every man his Neighbour, saying, Know the Lord, for they shallall know me from the least of them, to the greatest of them, saith theLord, Jer. 31. v. 34. which cannot be understood of a Kingdome inthis World. The Kingdome of God therefore, for the restoringwhereof CHRIST came into the world, of which the Prophets didProphesie, and of which praying wee say, Thy Kingdome come, (ifit must have Subjects locally separated from Enemies, if judicature,if Majesty, according as hath beene foretold,) shall begin from thattime, wherein God shall separate the Sheep from the Goats;1 whereinthe Apostles shall judge the twelve Tribes of Israel; wherein CHRISTshall come in Majesty, and glory; wherein lastly, all men shall soknow God, that they shall not need to be taught, that is to say, atCHRIST his second comming, or the day of Judgement. 2 But ifthe Kingdome of God were now already restor'd, no reason couldbe rendered why CHRIST having compleated the work for whichhe was sent, should come againe, or why we should pray, ThyKingdome come.

VI. Now, although the Kingdome of God by CHRIST to beestablisht with a new Covenant, were Heavenly, we must not thereforethinke, that they, who beleeving in CHRIST would make thatCovenant, were not so to be govern'd here on the Earth too, as thatthey should persevere in their faith, and obedience promis'd4 bythat Covenant. For in vaine had the Kingdome of heaven beene

The governmentof Christ 3 inthis world wasnot aSoveraignty, butCounsell, or agovernment by

1 ~, E1 (ef. L).2~; EI (cf. L).

3 Chrisl EI.4 promss'd EI.

222 RELIGION Chap. XVII

way ofdoctrine,and perswasion.

[Elementscf. XXVI. 9.

Leviathan XLI. 4;XLII. 7, 36, 37.]

promis'd, if we were not to have been led into lit. Butl none canbe led, but those who are directed in the way. Moyses, when he hadinstituted the Priestly Kingdome, himselfe though he were no Priest,2

yet r~l'd, and conducted the People all the time of their Peregrinationuntill their entrance into the promis'd Land. 3 In the same manneris it our Saviours office (whom God in this thing would have likeunto Moyses) as he was sent from his Father, so to governe thefuture Subjects of his heavenly Kingdome in this life, that theymight attaine to, and enter into that, although the Kingdome werenot properly his, but his Fathers. But the government wherebyCHRIST rules the faithfull ones in this life, is not properly aKingdome, or Dominion, but a Pastorall charge, or the Right ofteaching,that is to say, God the father4 gave him not a power to judge of5Meum and Tuum 5 as he doth to the Kings of the .Earth; nor aCoercive power;6 nor legislative; but of shewing to the world, andteaching them the way, and knowledge of Salvation, that is to say, ofPreaching, and declaring what they were to doe, who would enterinto the Kingdome ofHeaven. That CHRIST had receiv'd no powerfrom his father to judge in Q!Iestions of Meum and Tuum, that isto say, in all Questions of Right among those who beleev'd not;?those words above cited doe sufficiently declare: Man, who made mea judge, or divider betweene you? And it is confirm'd by reason; forseeing CHRIST was sent to make a Covenant between God andmen, and no man is oblig'd to performe obedience before the Contractbe made, if he should have judg'd of Q!Iestions of Right, no manhad been tyed to obey his sentence. But that the discerning of Rightwas not committed to CHRIST in this world, neither among thefaithfull, nor among infidels, is apparent in this, that that Rightwithout all controversie belongs to Princes as long as it is not byGod himselfe derogated from their authority; But it is not derogatedbefore the day of Judgement, as appeares by the words of SaintPaul, speaking of the day of Judgement, Then commeth the end whenhe shall have delivered up the Kingdome to God even the Father, whenhe shall have put downe all rule, and all authority, and power, I Cor.15. ver. 24. Secondly, the words of our Saviours reproving James,and John, when they had said, Wilt thou that we call for Fyer 9 from

1-1 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).2 Ptiest EI.3",; EI (cf. L).4 farher EI.

5-S = Mine and Thine.6 "', EI (cf. L).7 "', EI (cf. L).8 Sauiour EI. 9 = fire.

Chap. XVII RELIGION 223

Heaven, that it may consume them (namely the Samaritans, who haddenyed to receive him going up to Jerusalem) and replying, The Sonof Man is not come to destroy soules, but to save them; And thosewords, Behold I send you as Sheep among Wolves; Shake off the dustofyour Feet, and the like; And those words, God sent! not his Soninto the world, to judge the world, but that the world through him mightbe sav'd; and those, If any man heare my words, and keep them2 not,I judge him not, for I came not to judge the world, fSc. doe all shew,that he had no power given him, to condemne or punish any man.We reade indeed that the Father judgeth no Man, but hath committedall judgement to the Son, but since that both may, and must beunderstood of the day of future judgement, it doth not at all repugnewhat hath beene sayed before. Lastly, that he was not sent to makenew Lawes, and that therefore by his Office, and mission, he wasno Legislatour properly so called, nor Moyses neither, but a bringerand Publisher of his Fathers Lawes, (for God only, and neitherMoyses, nor CHRIST, was a King by Covenant) is collected hence,that he sayed, I came not tv destroy (to wit the Lawes before givenfrom God by Moyses, which he presently interprets) but to fulfill;And, He that shall break one of the least of these Commandements,and shall teach men so, he shall be called least in the Kingdome ofHeaven. CHRIST therefore had not a Royall, or Soveraigne powercommitted to him from his Father in this world, but consiliary, anddoctrinall onely; which himselfe signifies, as well then when he callshis Apostles, not Hunters, but Fishers of men; as when he comparesthe Kingdome of God to a graine of mustard seed, and to a littleLeaven hid in meale.

VII. God promis'd unto Abraham first, a numerous seed, thepossession of the Land of Canaan, and a blessing upon all Nationsin his seed, on this Condition, that he, and his seed should servehim; next unto the seed of Abraham according to the flesh, a PriestlyKingdome, a Government most free, in which they were to beSubject to no humane power, on this Condition, that they shouldserve the God of Abraham on that fashion which Moyses shouldteach. Lastly, both to them, and to all Nations, a heavenly, andeternall Kingdome, on Condition that they should serve the God ofAbraham, on that manner which Christ should teach. For by thenew, that is to say, the Christian Covenant, it's covenanted on mens

What thePromises ofthenew Covenantare on both parts.

[Leviathancf. XLIII. 18.]

1 seut EI. 2 tbem EI.

224 RELIGION Chap. XVII

part, to 'serve the God of Abraham, on that manner which JESUSshould teach: On Gods part, to pardon their sinnes, and bring theminto his ccelestiall Kingdome. We have already spoken of the qualityof the heavenly Kingdome above in the 5. Article; but it is usuallycall'd, sometimes the Kingdome ofHeaven, sometimes the KingdomeofGlory, sometimes the life Eternall. What's required on mens part,namely to serve God as CHRIST should teach, containes two things,Obedience to be performed to God, (for this is to serve God) and Faithin JESUS, to wit, That we beleeve JESUS TO BE THAT CHRISTwho was promis'd by God: for that only is the cause why his Doctrineis to be followed, rather then any others. Now in holy Scriptures,Repentance is often put in stead of Obedience, because Christ teachethevery where, that with God the Will is taken for the deed; butRepentance is an infallible sign of an obedient mind. These thingsbeing understood, it will most evidently appear out of many placesof sacred Scripture, that those are the Conditions of the ChristianCovenant which we have nam'd, to wit, giving remission of sins,and eternall life on Gods 'part;! and Repenting, and Beleeving inJESUS CHRIST, on Mens part. First, the words, The Kingdom ofGod is at hand: Repent yee and be/eeve the Gospell, Mark I. 15.contain the whole Covenant: In like manner those, Thus it is written,and thus it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the thirdday; and that repentance, and remission of sinnes should be preachedin his Name among all Nations, begining at Jerusalem, Luke 24. verso46, 47. And those, Repent and be converted, that your sins may beblotted out, when the times of refreshing shall come, (5c. Acts 3. verso19. And sometimes one part is expresly propounded, and the otherunderstood, as here, He that be/eeveth in the Sonne, hath everlastinglife; He that beleeveth not the Sonne, shall not see life, but the wrathof God abideth on him, Iohn 3. verso 36. Where Faith is exprest,Repentance not 2mentioned. And2 in CHRISTS preaching, Repent,for the Kingdome ofheaven is at hand, Mat. 4. 17. Where Repentanceis exprest, Faith is understood. But the parts of this new Contractare most manifestly, and formally set down there, where a certainRuler bargaining as it were for3 the Kingdom of God, asketh ourSaviour, Good Master, what shall I doe to inherit eternall life, Luke18. v. 18. But CHRIST first propounds one4 part of the price,namely observation of the Commandements, or obedience, which

1 "', EI (cf. L).2-2 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).

3 fot EI.4 one one part EI.

Chap. XVII RELIGION 225

when he answered that he had kept, he adjoynes the other, saying,Yet lackest thou one thing; Sell all that thou hast, and distribute tothe poor, and thou shalt have Treasure l in Heaven, and come, followme, v. 22. This was matter of Faith. He therefore not giving sufficientcredit to CHRIST, and his heavenly Treasures, went away sorrow­full. The same Covenant is contained in these words: Hee thatbeleeveth, and is baptized, shall be saved, he that beleeveth not, shallbe damned, Mark 16. verso IS, 16. Where Faith is exprest, Repentanceis supposed in those that are baptized; and in these words, Except2

a man be3 born again of water, and the Holy Ghost, he cannot enterinto the Kingdome of Heaven, Iohn 3. verso 5. Where to be born ofwater, is the same with regeneration, that is to say, Conversion toCHRIST. Now that Baptisme is required in the two places citedjust before, and in divers others, we must understand, that whatCircumcision was to the old Covenant, that Baptisme is to the new:Seeing therefore, that was not of the Essence, but served for amemoriall of the old Covenant, as a Ceremony or signe (and wasomitted in the wildernesse) in like manner this also is used, not aspertaining to the Essence, but in memory, and for a signe of theNew Covenant which wee make with God; and provided the will benot wanting, the Act through necessity may be omitted; butRepentance and Faith, which are of the Essence of the Covenant, arealwayes required.

VIII. In the Kingdome of God after this life there will be noLawes;4 partly because there is no roome for Lawes, where there isnone for sinne; partly because Laws were given us from God, notto direct us in Heaven, but unto Heaven. s Let us now therefore6

enquire what Laws CHRIST7 (establisht not himselfe, for he wouldnot take upon him any Legislative authority, as hath been declaredabove in the sixth Article, but) propounded to us for his Fathers.Wee have a place in Scripture, where he contracts all the Lawes ofGod publisht till that time, into two Preceps, Thou shalt love theLord thy God withS all thine heart, with all thy soul, and with all thyminde: 9 this is the greatest, and first Commandement. And the secondis like unto it: lo Thou shalt love thy Neighbour ll as thy selfe. On thesetwo Commandements hangs all the Law, and the Prophets, Mat. 22.

There are noLawes added byChrist, beside theinstitution of theSacraments.

[Leviathancf. XLII. 36, 37;cf. XLIII. 4, 5.]

1 Treasune EI.2 Execpt EI.4 "-, EI (cf. L).5,,- 1\ EI (cf. L).

3 be EI.6 there fore E I .

S with EI.10 "-, EI (cf. L).Il Neigbhour EI.

7 ,,-) 1\ EI.9 "-, EI (cf. L).

226 RELIGION Chap. XVII

[Elementscf. XI. II.

De Give cf. I. 4;cf. III. 26.]

That theseand the like

forms, Repent,be baptized,

keep theCommandements,

are not Lawes.

[Leviathancf. XLII. 29, 30,

35-7;cf. XLIII. 5.]

verso 37, 38, 39, 40. The first of these was given before by Moysesin the same words, Deut. 6. verso 5. And the second even beforeMoyses;l for it is the naturall Law, having its begining with rationallnature it 2selfe. And2 both together is the summe of all Lawes: forall the Lawes of divine naturall worship, are contained in thesewords, Thou shalt love God; and all the Lawes of divine worshipdue by the old Covenant, in these words, Thou shalt love thy God, thatis to say,3 God4 as being the peculiar King ofAbraham, and his seed;and all the Lawes naturall, and civill, in these words, Thou shaltlove thy Neighbour as thy sselfe. Fors he that loves God and hisneighbour, hath a minde to obey all Lawes, both divine, and humane.But God requires no more then a minde to obey. Wee have anotherplace, where CHRIST interprets the Lawes, namely, the fifth, sixth,and seventh entire Chapters ofSaint Matthewes Gospell. But all thoseLawes are set down, either in the Decalogue, or in the morall Law,or are contained in the faith ofAbraham;6 as that Law of not puttingaway a wife is contained in the faith of Abraham: for that same, Twoshall be one flesh, was not delivered either by CHRIST first, or byMoyses, but by Abraham, who first publisht the Creation of theworld. The Lawes therefore which CHRIST contracts in one place,and explaines in another, are no other then those to which all mortallmen are obliged, who acknowledge the God of Abraham. 7 Besidethese, we read not of any Law given by CHRIST, beside theinstitution of the Sacraments of Baptisme, and the Eucharist.

IX. What may be said then of these kinde ofPrecepts: 8 Repent,Be Baptized, Keep the Commandements, Be/eeve the Gospell, Comeunto me, Sell all that thou hast, give to the poor, follow me, and thelike? We must say that they are not Lawes, but a calling of us tothe faith, such as is that of Isa. 9 Come, buy wine, and milk withoutmonie, and without Price, Isai 55. verso I. Neither10 if they come not,doe they therefore sinne against any Law, but against prudenceonely; neither shall their infidelity be punisht, but their former sinnes.Wherefore Saint John saith of the unbeleever, The wrath of Godabideth on him; he saith not, The wrath of God shall come upon him;And, He that beleeveth not, is already judged; he saith not, shall be

1 "", EI (cf. L).>-2 ""; "" I.e. EI (cf. L).3"" /\ EI (cf. L).4 "", EI (cf. L).5-5 ""; "" I.e. EI (cf. L).

6 ~, EI (cf. L).7 Abrabam EI.8 "", EI (cf. L).9 = Isaiah.10 "" I.e. EI (cf. L).

Chap. XVII RELIGION 227

judged, but is already judged. l Nay it cannot be well conceived, thatremission ofsinnes should be a benefit arising from faith, unlesse weunderstand also on the other side, that the punishment of sinnes isan hurt proceeding from infidelity.

X. From hence, that our Saviour hath prescribed no distributiveLawes, to the Subjects of Princes, and Citizens of Cities, that is tosay,3 hath given no rules whereby a Subject may know,4 and discernewhat is his owne, what another mans, not by what forms, words, orcircumstances, a thing must be given, delivered, invaded, possest, thatit may be known by Right to belong to the Receiver, Invader, orPossessour, we must necessarily understand that each single subject(not only with unbeleevers, among whom CHRIST himselfe denyedhimselfe to be a judge and distributer, but even with Christians) musttake those rules from his City, that is to say, from that Man, orCouncell, which hath the supreme power. 5 It followes therefore, thatby those Lawes, Thou shalt not kill, Thou shalt not commit adultery,Thou shalt not steale, Honour thy Father and Mother, nothing elsewas commanded, but that Subjects, and Citizens, should absolutelyobey their Princes in all questions concerning Meum (5 Tuum, theirown and others 6Right. For6 by that Precept, Thou shalt not kill, allslaughter is not prohibited; for he that said, Thou shalt not kill, saidalso, Whosoever doth work upon the Sabbath, shall be put to death,Exod 35. verso 2. No, nor yet all slaughter the cause not beingheard; for he said, Slay every man his Brother, and every man hisCompanion, and every man his Neighbour, Exo. 32. v. 27. And therefell of the People about athree thousanda men, V. 28. b Nor yet allslaughter of an innocent Person; for Iephte vowed, Whosoever comethforth, &c. I will offer him up for a burnt offering unto the Lord, Jud.II. verso 31. and his vow was accepted of God. What then isforbidden? Onely this: that no man kill another, who hath not aRight to kill him, that is to say, that no man kill, unlesse it belongto him to doe so. The Law of CHRIST therefore concerning killing,and consequently all manner of hurt done to any man, and whatpenalties are to be set, commands us to obey the City only. In likemanner, by that Precept, Thou shalt? not commit adultery, all manner

It belongs tothe civil!authority2 todefine whatthe sinne ofinjustice is.

[Leviathanef. XLII. 9, 36;ef. XLIII. 20, 21.]

1 [Cf. John 3. v. 18, 36.]2 authority EI.3 "-. EI (ef. L).4 know EI.5 "'; EI (ef. L).6-6 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).

7 shalt EI.

a-a L = twenty-three thousand (tria &viginti millia) [Authorized Version supportsEI].

b EI adds v. 28.

RELIGION Chap. XVII

It belongs tocivill authorityto define what

conduces to thePeace and safety

of the City.

[Leviathancf. XVIII. 7, 10;

cf. XXX. 2;cf. XLII. 9, 36.]

It belongs to thecivill authority

of Copulation is not forbidden, but only that of lying with anothermans wife;! but the judgment which is another mans wife, belongs2

to the City, and is to be determined by the rules which the Cityprescribes: This precept therefore3 commands both male and femaleto keep that faith intire which they have mutually given, accordingto the statutes of the City. So also by the precept, Thou shalt notsteal, all manner of invasion, or secret surreption is not forbidden,but of another mans only: The subject therefore is commanded thisonly, that he invade not, nor take away ought which the City prohibitsto be invaded or taken away; and universally not to call any thingmurder, adultery, or theft, but what is done contrary to the civillLawes. Lastly, seeing CHRIST hath commanded us to honour ourParents, and hath not prescribed, with what Rites, what appellations,and what manner of obedience they are to be honoured, it is to besupposed that they are to be honoured with the will indeed, andinwardly, as Kings and Lords4 over their Children, but outwardly,not beyond the Cities 5 permission, which shall assign to every man(as all things else, so also) his honour. 6 But since the nature of justiceconsists in this, that every Man have his own given him, its manifest, 7

that it also belongs to a Christian City to determin what is justice,what injustice, or a sinne against justice; Now what belongs to aCity, that must be judg'd to belong to him or them who have theSov~raigne power of the City.

XI. Moreover, because our Saviour hath not shewed Subjectsany other Lawes for the government of a City beside those of nature,that is to say, beside the Command ofa obedience, no Subject canprivately determine who is a publique friend, who an enemy, whenWarre, when Peace, when Truce is to be made;8 nor yet whatSubjects, what bauthority, and of what men,b are commodious, orprejudiciall to the safety of the Common-weale. These, and all likematters therefore are to be learned, if need be, from the City, thatis to say, from the Soveraign9 powers.

XII. Furthermore, all these things, to build Castles, Houses,Temples; to move, carry, take away mighty weights; to send securely

1 "', E1 (cf. L).2 b longs E1.3 th refare E1.4 Lords EI (cf. L).5 Gtties E1.6 "'; EI (cf. L).7 mauifest EI.

8 "', EI (cf. L).9 Soneraign E1.

a L = of civic obedience.b-b L = authority, what doctrines, what

mores, what speeches, what associations andof what men, [pre!].

Chap. XVII RELIGION 229

over Seas; to contrive engines, serving for all manner of uses; to be to judge (when

well acquainted with the face of the whole world, the Courses of need requires)

h S h f h h f h · d what definitionst e tarres, t e seasons 0 t e yeare, t e accounts 0 t e tImes, an and what

the nature of all things; to understand perfectly all naturall and civill inferences

Rights; and all manner of 1 Sciences, which (comprehended under are true.

the Title of Philosophy) are necessary partly to live, partly to livewell; I say, the understanding of these (because CHRIST hath notdelivered it) is to be learnt from reasoning, that is to say by makingnecessary consequences, having first taken the beginning from2experience. But 2 mens reasonings are sometimes right, sometimeswrong, and consequently that which is concluded, and held for atruth, is sometimes truth, sometimes 3errour. Now,3 errours evenabout these Philosophicall points doe sometimes publique hurt, andgive occasions of great seditions, and injuries: It is needfull therefore,as oft as any controversie ariseth in these matters contrary to publiq~e

good, and common Peace, that there be some body to judge of thereasoning, that is to say, whether that which is inferred, be rightlyinferred or not, that so the controversie may be ended. 4 But thereare no rules given by CHRIST to this purpose;5 neither came heinto the world to teach Logick. It remaines therefore that the Iudgesof such controversies be the same with those whom God by naturehad instituted before, namely those who in each City are constitutedby the Soveraign. Moreover, ifa controversie be raised of the accurateand proper signification (i.e.) the definition of those names orappellations which are commonly us'd, in so much as it is needfullfor the peace of the City, or the distribution of right, to be determin'd,the determination will belong to the City; for men by reasoning doesearch out such kind of definitions in their observation of diverseconceptions, for the signification whereof, those appellations wereus'd at divers times, and for divers 6causes. But6 the decision of thequestion whether a man doe reason rightly, belongs to the City. ForExample. If a woman bring forth a Child of an unwonted shape,and the Law forbid to kill a man, the question is, whether the Childebe a man. It is demanded therefore what a man is. No man doubts,but the City shall judge it, and that without taking an account ofAristotles definition, that man is a rationall Creature. And thesethings (namely Right, Politie, and naturall Sciences) are Subjects

1 of of Sciences E 1.

2-2 '" ; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).3-3 '" ; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).

4 '" ; EI (cf. L).5 "', E1 (cf. L).6-6 '" ; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).

23° RELIGION Chap. XVII

A distinction ofthings temporallfrom spirituall.

[Leviathancf. XXXIX. 4.]

concerning which CHRISTI denies that it belongs to his Office togive any Pra:cepts, or teach any thing, beside this onely, that in allControversies about them, every single Subject should obey theLawes, and determinations of his City. Yet must we remember this,that the same Christ as God could not onely have taught, but alsocommanded what he would.

It belongs to the XIII. The summe of our Saviours Office was to teach the way,Office of Christ

2 and all the meanes of Salvation, and a:ternall life; but Justice andto teach morality,

not as a civill obedience, and observation of all the naturall Lawes is one ofspeculation, but the meanes to 3Salvation. Now3 these may be taught two wayes;

as a Law; to one, as Theorems by the way of naturall reason, by drawing Rightforgive sins'hanldl and the natural Lawes from humane Principles, and contracts; and

to teac a. . ... . .things whereof thiS Doctnne thus dehver'd IS subject to the censure of civill powers:

there is no The other, as Lawes, by divine authority, in shewing the will ofscience properly God to be such' and thus to teach belongs onely to him to whom

so calrd. h W' I f G d' . II k' h' Ch .t e Ii 0 0 IS supernatura y nowne, t at IS to say, to '1st.Secondly, it belong'd to the Office of Christ2 to forgive sinnes to thePenitent, for that was necessary for the Salvation of men who hadalready sinn'd; neither4 could it be done by any other; for remissionof sinnes followes not Repentance naturally, (as a Debt) but itdepends (as a free gift) on the will of God supernaturally to bereveal'd. Thirdly, it belongs to the Office of Christ to teach all thoseCommandements of God, whether concerning his worship, or thosepoints of faith which cannot be understood by naturall reason, butonely by revelation;5 of which nature are those that he was the Christ;that his Kingdome was not terrestriall, but celestiall; that there6 arerewards, and punishments after this life; that the soule is immortall;that there should be such, and so many Sacraments, and the like.

XIV. From what hath beene sayed in the foregoing Chapter, itis not hard to distinguish betweene things Spirituall, and 7Temporall.For 7 since by Spirituall, those things are understood8 which havetheir foundation on the9 authority, and Office of CHRIST, and unlesseCHRIST had taught them, could not have beene known;lO and allother things are temporall;ll it followes, that the definition, anddetermination of whats just, and unjust, the cognizance of all

1 CHRIT EI.2 Cbrist EI.3-3 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).4 ueither E I .

5 "', EI (cf. L).

6 tbere EI.7-7 "', '" I.e. EI (cf. L).8 "'; EI (cf. L).9 the EI (cf. L).10 "', EI (cf. L). 11 "', EI (cf. L).

Chap. XVII RELIGION 23 1

controversies about the meanes of Peace, and publique defence, andthe Examination1 of doctrines, and books in all manner of rational!science, depends upon the2 temporal! 3Right. But 3 those which aremysteries offaith, depending on CHRIST4 his word, and authorityonely, their judgements belong to spiritual! Right. 5 But it is reasonsinquisition, and pertaines to temporal! Right to define what isspiritual!, and what temporal!, because our Saviour hath not madethat distinction; For although Saint Paul in many places distinguishbetweene spiritual! things, 6 and carnal! things, and calls those thingsspiritual!, which are of the spirit, to wit, the word of wisdome, theword of knowledge, faith, the gift of healing, the working of miracles,Prophesie, divers kindes of tongues, interpretation of tongues, Rom. 8.5. I Cor. 12. 8, 9. All supernaturally inspired by the Holy Ghost,and such as the carnalP man understands not, but he only whohath known the mind of CHRIST, 2. Cor. 2. 14, IS, 16. And thosethings carnal! which belong to worldly wealth, Rom. IS. 27. Andthe men carnal! men, I Cor. 3. verso I, 2, 3. yet hath he not defined,nor given us any rules whereby we may know what proceeds fromnaturall reason, what from supernaturall inspiration.

XV. Seeing therefore it is plain that our Saviour hath committedto, or rather not taken away from Princes, and 8 those who in eachCity have obtained the Soveraignty, the supreme authority of judging& determineing al manner ofcontroversies9 about temporal! 10 matters,we must see henceforth to whom he hath left the same authority inmatters spiritual!. Which because it cannot bee known, except it beout of the word of God, and the Tradition of the Church, we mustenquire in the next place what the word of God is, what to interpretit, what a Church is, and what the wil! and command ofthe Church. 11

To omit that the word of God is in Scripture taken sometimes forthe Sonne of God, it is used, three manner of wayes; First, mostproperly for that which God hath spoken; Thus whatsoever Godspake unto Abraham, the Patriarchs, Moses, and the Prophets, ourSaviour to his Disciples, or any others, is the word ofGod. Secondly,whatsoever hath been uttered by men on the motion, or by Commandof the Holy Ghost; in which sense we acknowledge the Scripturesto be the word of God. Thirdly, in the New Testament indeed the

The word ofGod manywayes taken.

[Elementsef. XI. 7-10.

LeviathanXXXVI. 2.]

1 Examiuation El.2 tbe EI.3-3 "-', "-' I.e. EI (ef. L).4 CHRIT EI. 5 "-'; EI (ef. L).

• thiugs EI.7 email EI.8 aud EI.10 temporal E1.

9 cotroversies E[ .II "-', EI (ef. L).

232 RELIGION Chap. XVII

All thingscontained in

Scripture, belongnot to the Canonofchristian faith.

word of God most frequently signifies the Doctrine of the Gospell,or the word concerning God, or the word of the Kingdome of God byCHRIST: as where it is said that CHRIST preach't the Gospel! ofthe Kingdome, Mat. 4. verso 23. Where the Apostles are said to preachthe word of God, Acts 13. verso 46. Where the word of God is calledthe word of life, Acts 5. verso 20. The word of the Gospel!, Acts 15.verso 7. The word offaith, Rom. 10. verso 8. The word of truth, thatis to say, (adding an interpretation) The Gospel of salvation, Eph.1. 13. And where it is called the word of the Apostles; For Saint Paulsayes, Ifany man obey not our word, fSc. 2. Thess. 3. verso 14. whichplaces cannot be otherwise meant then of the doctrine Evangelical!.In like manner where the word of God is said to be sowen, to encrease,and to be multiplied, Acts 12. verso 24. and Chap. 13. verso 49. it isvery hard to conceive1 this to be spoken of the voyce2 of God, or ofhis Apostles; but of their doctrine, easie. And in this third acceptionis all that doctrine of the Christian faith which at this day is preachtin Pulpits, and contained in the books of divines, the word of God.

XVI. Now the sacred Scripture is intirely the word of God inthis second acception, as being that which we acknowledge to beinspired from 3God. And3 innumerable places of it, in the 4first.And4 seeing the greatest part of it is conversant either in theprediction of the Kingdome of Heaven, or in prefigurations beforethe incarnation of CHRIST, or in Evangelization, and explicationafter, The sacred Scripture is also the word of God, and thereforethe Canon and Rule of all Evangelical! Doctrine, in this thirdsignification, where the word of God is taken for the word concerningGod, that is to say, for the Gospel. But because in the same Scriptureswe read many things Political!, Historical!, Moral!, Physical!, andothers which nothing at all concern the Mysteries S ofour faith, 6 thoseplaces although they contain true doctrine, and are the Canon ofsuch kind ofdoctrines, yet can they not be the Canon of the Mysteriesof Christian Religion.

The word of XVII. And truly it is not the deada voyce, or letter of the worda lawfull of God, which is the Canon of Christian doctrine, but a true and

Interpreter of . d .. F h . d . d b S .Scriptures, is the genume etermmatlon; or t e mm e IS not governe y cnptures,

word of God. unlesse they be understood. There is need therefore of an Interpreter

I ceive EI (the catchword is correct).2 voycc EI.3-3 "" ; "" l.e. EI (cf. L).4-4 "": "" l.e. EI (cf. L).

5 Mysteyies EI.6 faitb EI.

a EI adds dead.

Chap. XVII RELIGION 233

The' authorityof interpretingScriptures, is thesame with thatof determiningcontroversiesoffaith.

[Elementscf. XXVI. II.Leviathancf. XLII. 34-7,39,65, 66.]

to make the Scriptures lCanon. And 1 hence followes one of these [Elements

two things, that either the word of the Interpreter is the word of cf. XI. 7-10.]

God, or that the Canon of Christian doctrin is not the word of God. 2

The last of these must necessarily be false; for the rule of thatdoctrine which cannot be knowne by any humane reason, but bydivine revelation only, cannot be lesse then divine; for whom weacknowledge not to be able to discern whether some doctrin be trueor not, its impossible to account his opinion for a rule in the samedoctrine. The first therefore is true, That the word of an Interpreterof Scriptures, is the word of God.

XVIII. Now that Interpreter whose determination hath thehonour to be held for the word ofGod, is not everyone that translatesthe Scriptures out of the Hebrew, and Greek tongue, to his LatineAuditors in Latine, to his French, in French, and to other Nationsin their mother tongue; for this is not to interpret. For such is thenature of speech in generall, that although it deserve the chiefe placeamong those signes whereby we declare our conceptions to others,yet cannot it perform that office alone without the help of manycircumstances; For the living voice hath its interpreters present, towit, time, place, countenance, gesture, the Counsell of the Speaker,and himselfe unfolding his own meaning in other words as oft asneed is. To recall these aids of interpretation, so much desired inthe writings of old time, is neither the part of an ordinary wit, anoryet of the quaintest,a without great learning, and very much skill inantiquity; It sufficeth not therefore for interpretation of Scriptures,that a man understand the language wherein they speak. Neither iseveryone an authentique Interpreter of Scriptures, who writesComments upon them: For men may erre, they may also either bendthem to serve their own ambition, or even resisting,4 draw them intobondage by their forestallings;5 whence it will follow that anerroneous sentence must be held for the word of God. But althoughthis could not happen, yet as soon as these Commentators aredeparted, their Commentaries will need explications, and in processeof time, those explications, expositions; those expositions newCommentaries without any end: so as there cannot in any writtenInterpretation whatsoever6 be a Canon, or7 Rule of Christian

a-a L = nor is it the part of wit at all(neque ... omnino ingenij est).

1-1 "'-', "'-' I.e. EI (cf. L).2 "'-': EI (cf. L). 3 Tho EI.4 "". EI.5 L = prejudices (praeiudiciis).

6 whatsoeve EI. 7 ot EI.

234 RELIGION Chap. XVII

Diverssignifications

of 2a Church. 2

[LeviathanXXXIX. I, 2.]

doctrine, whereby the Controversies of Religion may be determined.It remains, that there must bee some Canonicall Interpreter whoselegitimate Office it is to end Controversies begun, by explaining theword of God in the judgements themselves;l and whose authoritytherefore must be no lesse obeyed, then theirs who first recommendedthe Scripture it selfe to us for a Canon of faith; and that one, andthe same Person be an Interpreter of Scripture, and a supreme Judgeof all manner of doctrines.

XIX. What concerns the word Ecclesia, or Church: 3 originally itsignifies the same thing that Concio, or a congregation does in Latin;even as Ecclesiastes, or Church man, the same that concionator, orPreacher, that is to say, He who speaks to the Congregation.4 Inwhich sense wee read in the Acts of the Apostles, of a Churchconfused, and of a Lawfull Church, Acts 19. verso 32, 39. 5 that,6 takenfor a Concourse of people meeting in way of tumult; this, for aconvocated Assembly. But in holy writ by a Church of Christians,is sometimes understood the Assembly, and sometimes the Christiansthemselves, although not actually assembled, if they be permittedto enter into the Congregation, and to communicate with them. Forexample. Tell it to the Church,? Mat. 18. verso 17. is meant of aChurch assembled; for otherwise it is impossible to tell any thing tothe Church: But,8 Bee laid waste the Church, Acts 8. verso 3. isunderstood of a Church not assembled. Sometimes a Church is takenfor those who are baptized, or for the professors of the Christianfaith, whether they be Christians inwardly, or feignedly, as whenwe reade of somewhat said or written to the Church, or said ordecreed, or done by the Church;9 sometimes for the Elect onely, aswhen it is called holy, and without blemish, Ephes. 5. verso 27. Butthe Elect, as they are militant, are not properly called a Church; forthey know not how to assemble, but they are afuture Church, namelyin that day when sever'd from the reprobate, they shall beetriumphant. Againe a Church may bee sometimes taken (for allChristians collectively,) as when Christ is called the head of hisChurch, and the head of his body the Church, Eph. 5. verso 23.Colos. 1. verso 18. sometimes for its parts, as the Church of Ephesus,The Church lo which is in his house, the seven Churches, (5c. Lastly, a

1 "', EI (cf. L). 2-2 aChurch EI.3 "', .EI. 4",: EI (cf. L).5 [The !,assage cited, however, refers to

the public assembly in the theatre at Ephesus,not to a Church.]

6 '" cap. EI (cf. L).7 Cburch EI.8 '" A EI (cf. L).9 Cburch EI.10 Churcb EI.

Chap. XVII RELIGION 235

Church as it is taken for a Company actually assembled, according!to the divers ends of their meeting, signifies sometimes those whoare met together to deliberate, and judge, in which sense it is alsocalled a Councell, & a Synod; sometimes those who meet togetherin the house of prayer to worship God, in which signification it istaken in the 1 Cor. 14. verso 4, 5. 23. 28. &c.

XX. Now a Church which hath personall Rights, and proper actions What a Church

attributed to it, and of wHich that same must necessarily be is to whom we

understood, Tell it to the church, and, he that obe1ls not thechurch,2 attribute Rights,J actions, and the

and all such like formes of speech, is to be defin'd so, as by. that like appellations3

word may be understood, A Multitude of men who have made a proper to a

new Covenant with God in Christ, (that is to say, a multitude of Person.

them who have taken upon them the Sacrament of Baptisme) which ~~~~a~.]multitude, may both lawfully be call'd together by some one intoone place, and he so calling them, are bound to be present eitherin Person, or by others. For a multitude of men, if they cannot meetin assembly, when need requires, is not to be call'd a Person; Fora Church can neither speak, nor discerne, nor heare, but as it is acongregation. Whatsoever is spoken by particular men, (to wit, asmany opinions almost as heads) that's the speech of one man, notof the Church; farthermore, if an assembly be made, and it beunlawfull, it shall be considered as null. Not anyone ofthese thereforewho are present in a tumult shall be tyed to the decree of the rest,but specially if he dissent; and therefore neither can such a Churchmake any decree; for then a multitude is sayd to decree somewhat,when every man is oblig'd by the decree of the major part. We musttherefore grant to the definition of a Church (to which4 we attributethings belonging to a Person) not onely a possibility of assembling,but also of doing it lawfully. Besides, although there be some onewho may lawfully call the rest together, yet if they who are calledmay lawfully not appeare (which may happen among men who arenot subject one to another) that same Church is not one Person. Forby what Right they, who being call'd to a certaine time, and place,doe meet together, are one Church; by the same, others flocking toanother place appointed by them, are another Church. And everynumber ofmen ofone opinion is a Church, and by Consequence therewill be as many Churches as there are divers opinions, that is to say,the same multitude of men will at once prove to be one, and many

1 accotding EI. 2 chnrch EI. 3 appella ions EI. 4 whith EI.

RELIGION Chap. XVII

A Christian'City is the

same with aChristian

Church.

[LeviathanXXXIX. 4.]

Many Citiesdoe not constitute

one church.

Churches. Wherefore a Church is not one, except there be a certaine,and known, that is to say, a lawfull power, by meanes whereof everyman may be oblig'd to be present in the Congregation, either himselfein person, or by 'Proxie. And' that becomes One, and is capable ofpersonal! functions, by the union of a lawfull power of convocatingSynods, and assemblies of Christians; not by uniformity of Doctrine:and otherwise, it is a multitude,2 and Persons in the plurall, howsoeveragreeing in opinions.

XXI. It followes what hath beene already said by necessaryconnexion, that a City of Christian men, and a Church, is altogetherthe same thing, of the same men, term'd by two names, for twocauses: For the matter of a City & a Church is one, to wit the sameChristian men. And the forme which consists in a Lawfull power ofassembling them is the same too; for 'tis manifest that every Subjectis oblig'd to come thither, whither he is summon'd by his City. Nowthat which is call'd a City, as it is made up of men, the same, as itconsists of Christians, is styled a Church.

XXII. This too is very cohrerent with the same points, If therebe many Christian Cities, they4 are not altogether personally one 5church.They5 may indeed by mutuall consent become one Church, but nootherwise, then as they must also become one City; For they cannotassemble but at some certaine time, and to some place appointed.But Persons, places, and times, belong to civill Right;6 neither canany Subject or stranger lawfully set his foot on any place, but bythe permission of the City, which is Lord of the place. But thethings which cannot lawfully be done but by the permission of theCity, those, if they be lawfully done, are done by the Cities authority. 7

The Universal! church is indeed one mystical! body, whereof CHRISTis the head, but in the same manner, that all men togetheracknowledging God for the Ruler of the world, are one Kingdome,and one City, which notwithstanding is neither one Person, nor hathit one common action, or determination. Farthermore where it issaid that CHRIST is the head of his body the Church, it manifestlyappeares, that that was spoken by the Apostle of the Elect, who aslong as they are in this world, are a Church onely in potentid,8 butshall not actually be so before they be separated from the reprobate,

1-1 "'; '" I.e. EI (ef. L).2 "'; EI (cf. L).3 Christi-n EI.4 tbey EI.

>-5 '" : '" I.e. EI (cf. L).6 "', EI (cf. L).7 authori y EI.8 = potentially.

Chap. XVII RELIGION 237

and gather'd together among themselves, in the day of Judgement.The Church of Rome of old was very great, but she went not beyondthe bounds of her Empire;! and therefore neither was she Universal!,unlesse it were in that sense, wherein it was also said of the Cityof Rome, 20rbemjam totum victor Romanus habebat,2 when as yet hehad not the twentieth part of it. But after that the civill Empire wasdivided into parts, the single Cities thence arising were so manyChurches;3 and that power which the Church of Rome had overthem, might perhaps wholy depend on the authority of thoseChurches, who having cast off the Emperours were yet content toadmit the Doctours of Rome.

XXIII. They may be called Church-men who exercise a publique Who are

office in the Church. But of offices there was one a Ministery, another Clergy-men.

a Maistery; The office of the Ministers was to serve Tables, to take [Leviathan

care of the temporall goods of the Church, and to distribute (at that XLII. 4' -51.]

time when all propriety of riches being abolisht, they were fed incommon) to each man his portion; The Maisters according to theirorder, were called some Apostles, some Bishops, some Presbyters, thatis to say, Elders; yet not so, as that by the name of Presbyter, theage, but the office might be distinguisht;4 For Timothy was a Presbyteralthough a young man; but because for the most part the Elderswere receiv'd into the Maistership, the word, denoting age, was us'dto signifie the office. The same Maisters, according to the diversityof their employments were called some of them Apostles, someProphets, some Evangelists, some Pastors or Teachers. And theApostolical! worke indeed was universall; the Prophetical! to declaretheirS owne revelations in the Church; the Evangelical! to preach, orto be publishers of the Gospel! among the infidels; that of the Pastorsto teach, confirme, and rule the minds of those who already beleev'd.

XXIV. In the Election of Church-men two things are to be The Election oj

considered, the Election of the Persons, and their consecration, or Church-menbelongs to the

institution, which also is called ordination. The first twelve Apostles Church, their

CHRIST himselfe both elected, and ordain'd. After CHRISTS consecration to

ascension Matthias was elected in the roome of Judas the Traitour, the Pastors.

the Church (which at that time consisted of a Congregation of about [Elements

one hundred and twenty men) choosing two men: And they appointed "Iev:~~~' 8;

two, Joseph and Matthias; but God himselfe by lot approving of XLII. 2, 41-51.]

1 "-, EI (cf. L).2-2 = The Roman conqueror now held the

whole world. [The quotation is from

Petronius, Satyricon 119, verse I].3 "-, EI (cf. L).4 dlstinguisht EI. 5 theit EI.

RELIGION Chap. XVII

Mathias. And Saint Paul calls these twelve the first, and great Apostles,also the Apostles of the Circumcision.' Afterward2 were added twoother Apostles, Paul, and Barnabas;3 ordain'd indeed by theDoctours, and Prophets of the Church of Antioch, (which was aparticular Church) by the imposition of hands, but elected by thecommand of the Holy Ghost. That they were both Apostles is manifestin the 13. of the Acts v. 2, 3. That they receiv'd their Apostleshipfrom hence, namely because they were separated by command ofthe spirit for the work of God, from the rest of the Prophets, andDoctours of the Church of Antioch, Saint Paul himselfe shewes,who calls himselfe for distinctions sake an Apostle separated unto theGospel! of God, Rom. 1. ver. 1. But if it be demanded4 further;5by what authority it came to passe that that was receiv'd for thecommand of the Holy Ghost, which those Prophets and Doctoursdid say proceeded from him, it must necessarily be answer'd; by theAuthority of the church of 6Antioch. For6 the Prophets & Doctoursmust be examined by the Church before they be admitted; For SaintJohn saith,7 Be/eeve not every Spirit, 8 but try the Spirits, whether theyare of God, because many false Prophets are gone out into the world;9but by what Church, but that to which that Epistle was written? Inlike manner Saint Paul reprooves the Churches of Galatia, becausethey Judaized, Gal. 2. v. 14. although they seemed to doe so by theAuthority of Peter;lO for when he had told them that he hadreprehended Peter himselfe with these words, If thou being a lew,livest after the manner of Gentiles, and not as doe the lewes, whycompel!est thou the Gentiles to live as doe the lewes? Not long afterhe questions them, saying, This onely would I learne ofyou: Receivedye the Spirit by the works of the Law, or by the hearing offaith? Gal.3. ver. 2. Where it is evident, that it was Judaisme which hereprehended the Galathians for, notwithstanding that the ApostlePeter compelled them to Judaize. Seeing therefore it belonged tothe Church, and not to Peter, and therefore also not to any man, todetermine what Doctors they should follow, it also pertained to theauthority of the Church ofAntioch to elect their Prophets and Doctors.Now because the Holy Ghost separated to himself the Apostles Paul

1 '" A EI (cf. L).2 Afterwatd EI.3 "', EI (cf. L).4 "', EI (cf. L).S '" A EI (cf. L).

6-6 '" : '" I.e. EI (cf. L).7 sairh EI.8 Spirit EI.9 [Cf. 1 John 4. v. I.]10 "', EI (cf. L).

Chap. XVII RELIGION 239

The power ofremitting sinnesto the penitent,and retainingthose of theimpenitent,belongs to the

& Barnabas, by the imposition of hands from Doctors thus elected; 1. 2

its manifest, that imposition of hands, (5 consecration, of the primeDoctors in each Church, belongs to the Doctors of the same Church.But Bishops, who were also called Presbyters, although all Presbyters3

were not Bishops, were ordain'd somtimes by Apostles (for Paul &Barnabas when they had taught in Derbe, Lystra, and /conium,ordained Elders in every Church, Acts 14. v. 23.) sometimes byothera Bishops, for Titus was by Paul left in Crete, that he should.ordain Elders in every City, Tit. I. v. 5. And Timothy 4 was advisednot to neglect the gift that was in him, which was given him by Prophesywith the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery, I. Tim. 4. v. 14.And he had rules given him concerning the Election of Presbyters.But that cannot be understood otherwise, then of the ordination ofthose who were elected by the Church; for no man could constitutea Doctor in the Church, but by the Churches permission. For theduty of the Apostles themselves was not to command, but to teach;and although they who were recommended by the Apostles, orPresbyters, were not rejected, for the esteem that was had of therecommenders, yet seeing they could not be elected without the willof the Church, they were also suppos'd elected by the authority ofthe5 Church. In like manner Ministers, who are called Deacons, wereordained by the Apostles; yet elected by the 6Church. For 6when theseven Deacons were to bee elected, and ordained, the Apostles electedthem not, but look yee out, (say they) among you Brethren seven menofhonest report,7 &c. And they chose Stephen, &c. And they set thembefore the Apostles, Acts 6. 8vers. [3]. 6. 8 It is apparent therefore bythe custome of the Primitive Church under the Apostles, that theordination, or consecration of all Church-men, which is done byprayer, and imposition ofhands, belonged to the Apostles, and Doctors;but the Election of those who were to be consecrated, to the Church. 9

XXV. Concerning the power of binding, and loosing, that is tosay of remitting, and retaining of sinnes, there is no doubt, but itwas given by Christ to the Pastors then yet for to come, in the samemanner as it was to the present lOApostles. Now10 the Apostles hadall the power of remitting of sins given them, which Christ himselfe

1 el cted El. 2 "', EI (cf. L).3 Presoytcrs El. 4 Timotby El.5 tbe El.6-6 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).7 "'. EI (cf. L).

8-8 vcrs. 13.6 EI (vcrs. 3, 6 is correct = L).9 Churcb El.10-10 '" : '" I.e. EI (cf. L).

• MS, LI: presbyteri siue = [elders or].

RELIGION Chap. XVII

Pastors, butjudgement of the

repentance tothe ' Church.

[LeviathanXLII. IS, 16.]

had; As the Father hath sent me (sayes Christ) so send I you, John20. verso 21. and he addes, Whose soever sins yee remit, they areremitted, and whose soever sins ye retain, they are retained. verso 23.But what binding and loosing, or remitting and retaining of sinnes, is,admits of some scruple. For first, to retain his sinnes who beingbaptized into remission of sins, is truly penitent, seems to be againstthe very Covenant it selfe of the new Testament, and therefore couldnot be done by Christ himselfe, much lesse by his 2Pastors. And2

to remit the impenitent, seems to be against the will of God theFather, from whom Christ was sent to convert the world, and toreduce men unto obedience. 3 Furthermore, if each Pastor had anauthority granted him to remit and retain sinnes in this manner, allawe of Princes, and civill Magistrates, together with all kind of civillGovernment would be utterly destroyed. For Christ hath said it,nay even nature it selfe dictates, that we should not feare them whoslay the body, but cannot kill the soule;4 but rather feare him who cancast both soule and body into hell, Mat. 10. verso 28. Neither is anyman so mad as not to choose to yeeld obedience rather to them whocan remit, and retain their sinnes, then to the powerfullest Kings.Nor yet on the other side, it is to be imagined, that remission ofsinnes is nothing else but an exemption from Ecclesiasticall punish­ments; for what evill hath excommunication in it, beside the eternallpains which are consequent to it? or what benefit is it to be receivedinto the Church if there were salvation out of it? We must thereforehold, That Pastors have power, truly, and absolutely to forgive sinnes,but, to the penitent;5 and to retain them, but, of the impenitent. Butwhile men think that to Repent, is nothing else but that everyonecondemn his Actions, and change those Counsels which to himselfeseem sinfull, and blameable, there is an opinion risen, that theremay be repentance before any Confession of sinnes to men, and thatrepentance is not an effect, but a cause of Confession;6 and thence,the difficulty of those who say that the sins of the penitent arealready forgiven in Baptisme, and theirs who repent not, cannot beforgiven at ai, is against Scripture, and contrary to the words ofChrist, Whose soever sins ye remit, &c. We must therefore to7 resolvethis difficulty know in the first place, that a true acknowledgementof sin is Repentance;8 for he that knows he hath sinned, knows he

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5 "', EI (cf. L).

8 "', EI (ef L).

Chap. XVII RELIGION

hath erred, but to will an errour is impossible;l therefore he thatknowes he hath sinned, wishes he had not done it, which is to repent.Farther, where it may be doubtfull, whether that which is done bea sin or not, we must consider, that repentance doth not precedeconfession of sins, but is subsequent to it: for there is no repentancebut of sinnes acknowledged. The penitent therefore must bothacknowledge the fact, and know it to be a sinne, that is to say,against the Law. If a man therefore think, that what he hath done,is not against the Law; its impossible he should repent of it. Beforerepentance therefore, its necessary there be an application2 of thefacts unto the 3Law. But3 its in vain to apply the facts unto the Lawwithout an Interpreter; for not the words4 of the Law, but thesentence of the Law-giver is the rule of mens actions; but surelyeither one man, or some men are the Interpreters of the Law, forevery man is not judge of his own fact whether it be a sin or not;5wherefore the fact of which we doubt whether it be a sinne or not,must be unfolded before some man or men, and the doing of thisis confession. Now when the Interpreter of the Law hath judgedthe fact to bee a sinne, if the sinner submit to his judgement, andresolve with himselfe not to do so any more, tis repentance; andthus, either it is not true repentance, or else it is not antecedent,but subsequent to confession. These things being thus explained, itis not hard to understand what kinde of power that of binding andloosing 6is. For 6 seeing in remission of sinnes there are two thingsconsiderable, one the Judgement or Condemnation whereby the factis judged to be a sinne; the other, (when the Party condemned doesacquiesce, and obey the sentence, that is to say, Repents) the remissionof the sinne, or, (if he repent not) the Retention: The first of these,that is to say, the Judging whether it be a sinne or not, belongs tothe Interpreter of the Law, that is, the Soveraign Judge; the second,namely Remission, or retention of the sinne, to the Pastor, and it isthat concerning which the power ofbinding and loosing is conversant.And that this was the true meaning of our Saviour Christ in theinstitution of the same power, is apparent in the 18 of Mat. verso15, 16, 17, 18. thus, He there speaking to his Disciples, sayes, Ifthy Brother sinne against thee, goe, and tell him his fault betweene theeand him alone, (where we must observe by the way, that if thy

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RELIGION Chap. XVII

Brother sinne against thee, is the same with, if he doe thee injury;and therefore Christ spake of those matters which belonged to thecivill Tribunall) he addes, if he heare thee not (that is to say, if hedeny that he hath done it, or if having confest the fact, he deniesit to be unjustly done) Itake2 with thee1 yet one or two, and if herefuse to heare them, tell it the Church. But why to the Church,except that she might judge whether it were a sinne or not? But ifhe refuse3 to hear the Church,4 that is, if he doe not submit to theChurches sentence, but shall maintain that to be no sin, which SheJudges to be a sinne, that is to say, if he repent not (for certain itis that no man repents himselfe of that action which She conceivesnot to be a sinne) he saith not, Tell it to the Apostles, that we mightknow that the definitiveS sentence in the question, whether it werea sin or not, was not left unto them, but to the Church; but let himbe unto thee (sayes he) as an Heathen, or Publican, that is, as oneout of the Church, as one that is not baptized, that is to say, as onewhose sinnes are retained. 6 For all Christians were baptized intoremission of sinnes. But because it might have been demanded whoit was that had so great a power, as that of withholding the benefitofBaptisme from the impenitent, Christ shewes that the same Personsto whom he had given authority to baptize the penitent into theremission of sinns, and to make them of heathen men, Christians,had also authority to retain their sins who by the Church should beadjudged to be impenitent, and to make them of Christian menHeathens; and therefore presently subjoynes, Verily I say unto you,Whose soever sinnes yee shall binde upon Earth,7 they shall bee boundalso in Heaven, and whose soever sins yee shall loose upon Earth, theyshall be loosed also in Heaven. 8 Whence we may understand, that thepower of binding, and loosing, or of remitting, and retaining ofsinnes, which is called in another place, the power of the keyes, isnot different from the power given in another place in these words,Goe, and teach all Nations, Baptizing them in the Name ofthe Father,and ofthe Sonne, and of the Holy Ghost, Mat. 28. ver. 19. And evenas the Pastours cannot refuse to Baptize him whom the Churchjudges worthy, so neither can they retaine his sinnes whom the

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Chap. XVII RELIGION 243

Church holds fitting to be absolv'd, nor yet remit his sinnes whomthe Church pronounceth disobedient. And it is the Churches partto judge of the sinne, the Pastours, to cast out, or to receive intothe Church those that are judg'd. Thus Saint Paul to the Churchof Corinth, Do not ye judge, saith he, of those that are within? Yethe himself pronounc't the sentence of Excommunication against theincestuous a Person, I indeed (saith he) as absent in body, but presentin Spirit, 5c.

XXVI. The act of retaining sinnes is that which is called by the What

Church Excommunication, and by Saint Paul, delivering over to excommunicationis, and on whom

'Satan. The' word Excommunication, sounding the same with it cannot passe.

2d1Toavvuywyov 1TOLELV,2 casting out of the Synagogue, seems to be [Elements

borrowed from the Mosaicall Law, wherein they who were by the cf. XXVI. 10.

Priest adjudged leprous, were commanded to be kept 3apart3 out of UvXL,ia,than ]. '7-2 5.

the Camp, untill by the judgement of the Priest they were againepronounc't deane, and by certaine rights (among which the washingof the body was one) were purified, Levit. 13. ver. 46. From hencein processe of time it became a custome of the Jewes, not to receivethose who passed from Gentilisme to Judaisme, (supposing them tobe undeane) unlesse they were first washed;4 and those who dissentedfrom the Doctrine of the Synagogue, they cast out of the Synagogue. 5

By resemblance of this custome, those that came to Christianity,(whether they6 were Jewes, or Gentiles) were not receiv'd into theChurch without Baptisme; and those that dissented from the Churchwere depriv'd of the Churches Communion. Now, they weretherefore said to be deliver'd over to Satan, because all that was outof the Church, was comprehended within his Kingdome. 7 The endof this kind of Discipline was, that being destitute for a time of thegrace and spirituall priviledges of the Church, they might be humbledto 8 salvation. But 8 the effect in regard to secular matters, that beingexcommunicated, they should not onely be prohibited all Congrega-tions, or Churches, and the participation of the mysteries, but asbeing9 contagious they should be avoided by all other Christians,even more then Heathen: for the Apostle allowed to accompany withHeathen, but with these not so much as to eate, 1 Cor. 5. ver. 10,

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a L. fomicarium.

RELIGION Chap. XVII

I I. Seeing then the effect of Excommunication is such, it is manifestin the first place, that a Christian city cannot be Iexcommunicated.ForI a Christian City is a Christian Church, as hath been declar'dabove in the 21. Art. and of the same 2extension. But2 a Churchcannot be excommunicated; For either she must excommunicate herselfe, which is impossible; or she must be excommunicated by someother Church, and this, either universal!, or particular. But seeing anUniversal! Church 3 is no Person, (as hath been prov'd in the 22. Artie.)and therefore neither acts, nor does any thing, it cannot excommuni­cate any 4 man. And4 a particular church by excommunicating anotherChurch doth nothing; for where there is not one common Congrega­tion, there cannot be any Excommunication. Neither if some oneChurch (suppose that of Jerusalem) should have excommunicated another (suppose that of Rome) would it any more have excommunicatedthis, then her selfe: for he that deprives another of his Communion,deprives himselfe also of the Communion of that other. Secondly,No man can excommunicate the subjects ofany absolute government al!at once, or forbid them the use oftheir Temples, or their publique worshipof 5God. For 5 they cannot be excommunicated by a Church whichthemselves doe constitute; for if they could, there would not onelynot remain a Church, but not so much as a common-weale, and theywOJ.lld be dissolved of themselves; and this were not to be excommuni­cated, or 6prohibited. But6 if they be excommunicated by some otherChurch, that church is to esteem them as 7Heathen. But 7no christianChurch by the doctrine of Christ, can forbid the Heathen to gathertogether, and Communicate among themselves, as it shall seem goodto their Cities, especially if they meet to worship Christ, althoughit be done in a singular custome, and manner: therefore also 8notthe excommunicated,8 who are to be dealt with as Heathen. Thirdly,a Prince who hath the9 Soveraign power, cannot be lOexcommunicated.ForIO by the doctrine of Christ, neither one, nor many subjectstogether can interdict their Prince any publique, or private places,or deny him entrance into any Assembly whatsoever, or prohibithim the doing of what hee will within his own 11jurisdiction. For 11it is Treason among all Cities, for anyone, or many subjects joyntly

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Chap. XVII RELIGION 245

to arrogate to themselves any authority over the whole City; butthey who arrogate to themselves an authority over him who haththe supreme power of the City, doe arrogate the same authority overthe City it selfe. Besides, a Soveraign Prince, if he be a Christian,hath this farther advantage, that the City whose Will is containedin His, is that very thing which we call a Church; the Church thereforeexcommunicates no man, but whom it excommunicates by theauthority! of the Prince: but the Prince excommunicates not himselfe,his subjects therefore cannot doe it. It may be indeed that anAssembly of rebellious Citizens or Traytors, may pronounce thesentence of excommunication against their Prince, but not by Right.Much lesse can one Prince be excommunicated by another, for thiswould prove not an excommunication, but a provocation to Warreby the way of affront. 2 For since that is not one church which ismade up of Citizens belonging to two absolute Cities, for want ofpower of lawfully assembling them, (as hath been declar'd beforein the 22. Art.) they who are of one Church are not bound to obeyan other, and therefore cannot be excommunicated for their dis­obedience. Now, what some may say, that Princes, being they aremembers of the Universall church, may also by the authority of theUniversall church be excommunicated, signifies nothing: because theUniversall church (as hath beene shewed in the 22. Art.) is not onePerson, of whom it may be said that shee acted, decreed, determin'd,excommunicated, absolv'd, and the like personall attributes;3 neitherhath she any Governour upon Earth at whose command she mayassemble, and deliberate: For to be guide of the Universall church,and to have the power of assembling her, is the same thing as tobe Governour, and Lord over all the Christians in the world, whichis granted to none, but God onely.

XXVII. It hath beene shewed above in the 18. Art. that theauthority of interpreting the Holy Scriptures consisted not in this,that the interpreter might without punishment, expound, andexplicate his sentence & opinion taken thence, unto others, either

. by writing, or by his owne voice; but, that others have Snot as Rightto doe, or teach ought contrary to his sentence; insomuch as theinterpretation we speak of is the same with the power of defining inall manner of controversies to be determined by sacred Scriptures. 6

Now we must shew that that power belongs to each Church, and

Theinterpretation ofScripturedepends on theauthority ofthe City.'

[Elementscf. XI. 9, 10;cf. XXVI. II.LeviathanXLII. 34-7, 39,65,66.]

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• City EI.5-5 a not EI (cf. L). 6 '" : EI (cf. L).

RELIGION Chap. XVII

depends on his, or their authority who have the Supreme command,provided that they be lChristians. ForI if it depend not on the civillauthority, it must either depend on the opinion of each privateSubject, or some forraigne 2 authority. But 2 among other reasons,the inconveniencies that must follow private opinions cannot sufferits dependance on them; of which this is the chiefe, that not onelyall civill obedience would be taken away (contrary to Christ hispra:cept) but all humane society and peace would be dissolved(contrary to the Lawes of nature;) for seeing every man is his owneinterpreter3 of Scripture, that is to say, since every man makeshimselfe judge of what is pleasing and displeasing unto God, theycannot obey their Princes before that they have judg'd whether theircommands be conformable to the Word of God, or not. 4 And thuseither they obey not, or they obey for their owne opinions sake, thatis to say, they obey themselves, not their Soveraigne; civill obediencetherefore is lost. Againe, when every man followes his owne opinion, 5

it's necessary that the controversies which rise among them willbecome innumerable, and indeterminable; whence there will breedamong men (who by their own naturall inclinations doe account alldissention an affront) first hatred, then brawles and warres, and thusall manner of peace and society would vanish. We have farthermorefor an example, that which God under the old Law required to beobserved concerning the book of the Law, namely, that it shouldbe transcrib'd, and publiquely us'd, and he would have it to be theCanon of Divine doctrine: 6 but the controversies about it not to bedetermined by private Persons, but onely by the Priests. Lastly, itis our Saviours Precept, that if there be any matter of offence betweenprivate Persons, they should hear the Church. Wherefore it is theChurches duty to define controversies; 7 it therefore belongs not toprivate men, but to the Church,8 to interpret Scriptures. But that wemay know that the authority of interpreting Gods Word, that is tosay, of determining all questions concerning God, and Religion,belongs not to any forraign Person whatsoever, we must considerfirst what esteem such a power carries in the mindes of the subjects,and their civill 9actions. For 9 no man can be ignorant that thevoluntary actions of men by a naturall necessity,IO doe follow those

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Chap. XVII RELIGION 247

opinions which they have concerning good, and evill, Reward, andPunishment; whence it happens that necessarily they would chuserather to obey those by whose judgement they beleeve that theyshall be eternally happy, or miserable. Now, by whose judgementit is appointed what Doctrines are necessary to salvation; by theirjudgement doe men expect their eternall blisse, or perdition;l theywill therefore yeeld them obedience in all things. Which being thus,most manifest it is, that those subjects who believe themselves boundto acquiesce to a forraign authority in those Doctrines which arenecessary to salvation, doe not 2per se2 constitute a City, but are thesubjects of that forraign power. Nor therefore although someSoveraign Prince should by writing grant such an authority to anyother, yet so, as he would be understood to have retained the civillpower in his own hands, shall such a Writing be valid, or transferreought necessary for the retaining, or good administration of his3command. For 3by the 2. Chap. 4. artic. no man is said to transftrrehis Right, unlesse he give some proper sign, declaring his Will to transftrreit; but he who hath openly declared his will to keep his Soveraignty,cannot have given a sufficient sign of transferring the means necessaryfor the keeping it. This kinde of Writing therefore will not be a signof Will, but of Ignorance in the contractors. We must consider next4

how absurd it is for a City, or Soveraign, to commit the ruling ofhis Subjects consciences to an 5enemy. For 5 they 'are, as hath beenshewed above in the 5. Chap. 6. artic. in an hostile state, whosoeverhave not joyn'd themselves into the unity of one Person. Norcontradicts it this truth that they doe not alwayes fight: (for trucesare made between enemies) it6 is sufficient 7 for an hostile minde,that there is suspition, that the Frontiers of Cities, Kingdomes,Empires, strengthned with Garisons, doe with a fighting postureand countenance, though they strike not, yet as enemies mutuallybeholdS each other. Lastly, how unequall is it to demand that, whichby the very reason of your demand, you confesse belongs to anothersRight? I am the Interpreter of Scriptures to you who are the Subjectof anothers Realme. Why? By what Covenants past between youand me? By Divine authority.9 Whence knowne? Out of holyScripture. Behold the Book, read 1Oit. ll In 10 vain, unlesse I may also

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RELIGION Chap. XVII

A christiancity mustinterpret

Scriptures byclergy-men.

[Elementscf. XI. 9, 10;

cf. XXVI. II.Leviathan

cf. XXXVIII. 7;cf. XLII. 36, 37,

65,66.]

interpret the same for my self; That interpretation therefore doth byRight belong to me, and the rest of my private fellow-subjects; whichwe both deny.1 It remains therefore that in all christian Churches,that is to say, in all christian Cities, the interpretation of sacredaScripture dependa on, and derive from the authority of that man,or Councell, which hath the Soveraign power of the City.

XXVIII. Now because there are two kindes of controversies, theone about spiritual! matters, that is to say, questions of faith, thetruth whereof cannot be searcht into by naturall reason;2 such arethe questions concerning the nature, and office of Christ, of rewardsand punishments to come, of the Sacraments, of outward worship, andthe like: the other, about questions of humane science, whose truthis sought out by naturall reason, and Syllogismes, drawne from theCovenants of men, and definitions (that is to say, significationsreceived by use, and common consent of words) such as are allquestions of Right, and 3Philosophy. For 3 example, when in matterof Right its questioned whether there be a Promise, and Covenant,or not? that is nothing else, but to demand, whether such wordsspoken in such a manner be by common use, and consent of theSubjects, a Promise or Covenant; which if they be so called, then itis true that a Contract is made, if not, then it is false: that truththerefore depends on the compacts, and consents of men. In likemanner when it is demanded in Philosophy whether the same thingmay entirely be in divers places at once; the determination of thequestion depends on the knowledge of the common consent of menabout the signification of the word entire: for if men when they saya thing is entirely somewhere doe signifie by common consent thatthey understand nothing of the same to be elsewhere, it is false thatthe same thing is in divers places at once: that truth therefore dependson the consents of men, and by the same reason in all other questionsconcerning Right, and Philosophy.4 And they who doe judge thatany thing can be determin'd, (contrary to this common consentS ofmen concerning the appellations of things) out of obscure places ofScripture, doe also judge that the use of speech, and at once allhumane society, is to be taken away; for he who hath sold an wholefield, will say, he meant one whole ridge,6 and will retaine the rest

1 "": EI (cf. L). 2 "", EI (cf. L). 6 ridg , EI.3-3 ""; "" I.e. EI (cf. L).4 "": EI (cf. L). 0.-0 L = Scripture, that is to say the right5 cons nt EI. of determining all controversies, depend[s].

Chap. XVII RELIGION 249

as unsold; nay, they take away reason it selfe, which is nothing elsebut a searching out of the truth made by such consent. These kindeof questions therefore need not be determin'd by the City by wayof interpretation of Scriptures;! for they belong not to Gods Word,in that sense wherein the Word ofGod is taken for the Word concerningGod, that is to say, for the Doctrine of the Gospell; neither is he whohath the Soveraigne power in the Church, oblig'd to employ anyEcclesiastical Doctours for the judging of any such kind of mattersas 2these. But 2 for the deciding of questions of Faith, that is to say,concerning God, which transcend humane capacity, we stand in needof a divine blessing (that we may not be deceiv'd at least in necessarypoints) to be deriv'd from CHRIST himselfe by the imposition ofhands. For, seeing to the end we may attaine to a:ternal Salvation,we are oblig'd to a supernatural Doctrine, & which therefore it isimpossible for us to understand;3 to be left so destitute, as that wecan be deceiv'd in necessary points, is repugnant to a:quity. Thisinfallibility our Saviour Christ promis'd (in those things which arenecessary to Salvation) to his Apostles untill the day of judgement;that is to say, to the Apostles, and Pastors succeeding the Apostleswho were to be consecrated by the imposition of hands. He thereforewho hath the Soveraigne power in the City, is oblig'd as a Christian,where there is any question concerning the Mysteries of Faith, tointerpret the Holy Scriptures4 by Clergy-men lawfully ordain'd. Andthus in Christian Cities the judgement both of spirituall and temporallmatters belongs unto the civill. authority. 5 And that man, or councellwho hath the Supreme power, is head both of the City, and of theChurch; for a Church, and a Christian City is but one thing.

CHAP. XVIII.

Concerning those things which are necessary for our entranceinto the Kingdome of Heaven.

I. The difficulty propounded concerning the repugnancy of obeying God, and Men isto be remov'd by the distinction betweene the points necessary and not necessary toSalvation. II. All things necessary to Salvation are contain'd in Faith, and Obedience.III. What kind ofObedience that is which is requir'd of us. IV. What Faith is, and

[Elementscf. XXVI. II.

LeviathanXXXIX. 4;

cf. XLII. 36, 37,65,66.]

1~, EI (cf. L).2-2 ~; ~ I.e. EI (cf. L).

3 "", Er.5 ~: EI (cf. L).

4 Scriptutes EI.

RELIGION Chap. XVIII

[Elementscf. XXV. I, 2, 5.

LeviathanXLIII. 1,2.]

how distinguisht from profession, from science, from opinion. V. What it is to beleevein CHRIST. VI. That that Article alone THAT JESUS IS THE CHRIST, isnecessary to Salvation, is prov'd from the scope of the Evangelists. VII. From thepreachings of the Apostles. VIII. From the easinesse of Christian Religion. IX. Fromthis also,' that it is the foundation of Faith. X. From the most evident words ofCHRIST and his Apostles. XI. In that Article is contain'd the Faith of the OldTestament. XII. How Faith, and Obedience concur to Salvation. XIII. In a ChristianCity there is no contradiction betweene the commands of God, and of the City. XIV.The Doctrines which this day are controverted about Religion doe for the most partrelate to the Right of Dominion.

The difficulty I. I T was ever granted that all authority in secular matterspropounded deriv'd from him who had the Soveraigne power, whether he

concerntng the f I I ...repugnancy of were one Man, or an Assembly 0 Men. That the same In spmtuall

obeying God, and matters depended on the authority of the Church, is manifest by themen, is to be next foregoing proofs; and besides this, that all Christian Cities are

removd'd by the Churches endued with this kind of authority.2 From whence a manzsltnctlOn

betweene the though but dull of apprehension3 may collect, that in a Christianpoints necessary, City, (that is to say, in a City whose Soveraignty belongs to a

and not necessary Christian Prince, or Councell) all power, as well spiritual, as secular,to SalvatIOn.. . d d Ch' 4 d h fi .. b b 'd' II 5 h'IS untte un er nst; an t ere ore It IS to e 0 ey mat mgs.

But 5 on the other side, because we must rather obey God then Men,there is a difficulty risen, how obedience may safely be yeelded tothem, if at any time somewhat should be commanded by them tobe done which CHRIST hath prohibited. The reason of this difficultyis, that seeing God no longer speakes to us by CHRIST, and hisProphets in open voice, but by the holy Scriptures, which by diversmen are diversly understood, they know indeed what Princes, anda congregated Church doe command;6 but whether that which theydoe command be contrary to the word of God, or not, this theyknow not, but with a wavering obedience between the punishmentsof temporall, and spirituall death, as it were sailing betweene Scillaand Carybdis, they often run themselves upon both. 7 But they whorightly distinguish betweene the things necessary to Salvation, andthose which are not necessary, can have none of this kind of 8doubt.For 8 if the command of the Prince, or City be such, that he canobey it without hazard of his reternall 9 Salvation, it is unjust not to

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Chap. XVIII RELIGION

obey them, and the Apostles pr::ecepts take place: Servants in allthings obey your Masters according to the flesh. Children obey yourParents in all things. Col. 3. v. 20, 22. And the command of CHRIST,The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moyses chair, all things thereforewhatsoever they command you, that observe, and doe. Mat. 23. v. 2.

On the contrary, if they command us to doe those things which arepunisht with ::eternall death, it were madnesse not rather to chuseto dye a naturall death, then by obeying, to dye eternally; and thencomes in that which CHRIST sayes, Feare not them who kill thebody, but cannot kill the Soule. Mat. 10. v. 28. We must see therefore l

what all those things are, which are necessary to Salvation.II. Now all things necessary to Salvation are comprehended in

two vertues, Faith, and Obedience. 2 The latter of these if it couldbe perfect would alone suffice to preserve us from damnation;3 butbecause we have all of us beene long since guilty of disobedienceagainst God in Adam, and besides we our selves have since actuallysinned, Obedience is not sufficient without remission of 4 sinnes. But4

this, together with our entrance into the Kingdome of Heaven isthe reward of SFaith. NothingS else is requisite to Salvation; for theKingdome of Heaven is shut to none but sinners, that is to say,those who have not perform'd due Obedience to the Lawes; and notto those neither, if theybeleeve the necessary articles of the ChristianFaith. Now, if we shall know in what points Obedience doth consist,and which are the necessary articles of the Christian Faith, it will atonce be manifest what we must doe, and what abstaine from, at thecommands of Cities, and of Princes.

III. But by Obedience in this place is signified not the fact, butthe; Will and desire wherewith we purpose, and endeavour as muchas we can to obey for the future: in which sense the word Obedienceis ::equivalent to 6Repentance. For 6 the vertue of repentance consistsnot in the sorrow which accompanies the remembrance of sinne;but in our conversion to the way, and full purpose to sinne no more,without which that sorrow is said to be the sorrow not of a Penitentbut a desperate person. 7 But because they who love God cannot butdesire to obey the divine Law, and they who love their Neighbourscannot but desire to obey the morall Law, which consists as hath

All thingsnecessary toSalvation arecontain'd inFaith, andObedience.

[Elementsef. XXV. 10.

LeviathanXLIII. 3.]

What kind ofObedience that iswhich isrequir'd of us.

[Elementsef. XXV. 10.

LeviathanXLIII. 4, 5·]

1 ther fo e El.2 "': Er (ef. L).3 d mnation EI.4-4 "'; '" I.e. E1 (cf. L).

5-5 "', '" I.e. EI (cf. L).6-6 "', '" I.e. EI (ef. L).7 "': EI (ef. L).

RELIGION Chap. XVIII

beene shewed above in the 3. Chapter, in the prohibition of Pride,ingratitude, contumely, inhumanity, cruelty, injury, and the likeoffences, whereby our Neighbours are prejudic't, therefore also Loveor charity are a:quivalent to Obedience. Justice also (which is aconstant wilP of giving to every man his due) is a:quivalent with it.But that Faith and Repentance are sufficient for Salvation, is amanifestbya the Covenant it selfe of Baptisme; for they who were by Peterconverted on the day of Pentecost, demanding him what they shoulddo? He answered,2 Repent, and be Baptiz'd [every]3 one ofyou in thename ofJesus for the remission ofyour Sins. Act. 2. v. 38. There wasnothing therefore to be done for the obtaining of Baptisme, that isto say, for to enter into the Kingdome of God, but to Repent, andbeleeve in the Name of JESUS.4 For the Kingdome of Heaven ispromis'd by the Covenant which is made in Baptisme; farthermore,by the words of CHRIST answering the Lawyer who askt him whathe should doe to inherit eternalllife, Thou 5knowest the Commande­ments,5 Thou shalt not Kill, Thou shalt not commit Adultery, C5c.which refer to Obedience; and, Sell all that thou hast, and come, andfollow me, which relates to faith, Luke 18. ver. 20. Mar. 6 10. ver.18. And by that which is said, The just shall live by Faith, (not everyman, but the just) for Justice is the same disposition of Will whichRepentance and Obedience are; And by the words of Saint Mark, Thetime is fuljilled, and the Kingdome of God is at hand, Repent yee, andbeleeve the Gospell, by which words is not obscurely signified thatthere7 is no need ofother Vertues, for our entrance into the Kingdomeof God, excepting those of Repentance and Faith. 8 The Obediencetherefore which is necessarily requir'd to Salvation is nothing elsebut the Will, or endeavour to obey, that is to say, of doing accordingto the Lawes of God, that is the morall Lawes, which are the sameto all men;9 and the civill Lawes, that is to say, the commands ofSoveraignes in temporall matters, and the Ecclesiasticall Lawes inspirituall; which two kinds of Lawes are divers in divers Cities, andChurches, and are knowne by their promulgation, and publiquesentences. 10

1 wi I EI.2 an wered EI.3 over E, (cf. Authorized Version; also L).4 "'; E, (cf. L).5-5 knowest the the Commandements EI.6 = Mark.

7 thete EI.8 "': E, (cf. L).9 "', EI.10 rv A EI.

a-a L = manifest; first by.

Chap. XVIII RELIGION 253

IV. That we may understand what the Christian Faith is, we What Faith is,

must define Faith in generall, and distinguish it from those other andhowf h . d h .hi" f, d d Th b' dlStmgUlsht fromacts 0 t e mm e w erewlt common y It IS con oun e. e 0 'ject profession, from

of Faith universally taken, namely for that which is beleev'd, is science, and

evermore a proposition, (that is to say a speech affirmative, or negative) from opinion.

which we grant to be Itrue. But l because Propositions are granted [Leviathanr d· . r II h h k· d f . cf. VII. 2-6;lOr Ivers causes, It la S out, t at t ese m 0 concessIOns are cf XXXII 2'

'diversly called: But we grant Propositions sometimes which notwith- cf. XLIII. ·6-~.]

standing we receive not into our mindes; and this either for a time,to wit, so long, till by consideration of the consequencies, we havewell examin'd the truth of them, which we call supposing; or alsosimply, as through feare of the Lawes, which is to professe, or conftsseby outward tokens; or for a voluntary compliance sake, which menuse out of civility to those whom they respect, and for love of Peaceto others, which is absolute yeelding. 2 Now the Propositions whichwe receive for truth, we alwaies grant for some reasons of our owne,and these are deriv'd either from the Proposition it selfe, or fromthe person 3propounding. They3 are deriv'd from the Proposition itselfe, by calling to minde what things those words which make upthe Proposition doe by common consent usually signifie: if so, thenthe assent which we give is called knowledge, aor 4Science.a But 4 ifwe cannot remember what is certainly understood by those words,but sometimes' one thing, sometimes another seeme to be appre-hended by us, then we are said to 5thinke. b For5 example, if it bepropounded that two and three makes five; and by calling to mindethe order of those numerall words, that it is so appointed by thecommon consent of them who are of the same language with us, (asit were by a eertaine contract necessary for humane society) thatfive shall be the name of so many unities as are contain'd in twoand three taken together, a man assents, that this is therefore truebecause two and three together, are the same with five. This assentshall be called knowledge, and to know this truth is nothing elsebut to acknowledge that it is made by our selves; For by whose willand rules of speaking the number .. is called two, ... is calledthree, & . . . . . is called five, by their will also it comes to passe,that this 6Proposition is6 true, Two and three taken together makes

1-1 "': '" I.c. EI (cf. L).2 "': EI (cf. L).3-3 "'; '" I.c. EI (cf. L).4-4 "': '" I.c. EI (cf. L).

5-5 "'; '" I.c. EI (cf. L).6-6 Propositionis Er.

a-a Er adds or Science. b L. opinari.

254 RELIGION Chap. XVIII

five. In like manner if we remember what it is that is called theft,and what injury, we shall understand by the words themselves,whether it be true that theft is an injury, or not. Truth is the samewith a true Proposition;l but the Proposition is true in which the wordconsequent, which by Logicians is called the prcedicate, embraceth theword antecedent in its amplitude, which they call the Subject;2 andto know truth is the same thing as to remember that it was made byour selves in the common use of words. 3 Neither was it rashly, orunadvisedly said by Plato of old, that knowledge was memory.4 Butit happens sometimes that words although they have a certaine,5 anddefin'd signification by constitution, yet by vulgar use either toadome, or deceive, they are so wrested from their owne significations,that to remember the conceptions for which they were first impos'don things is very hard, and not to be maistered6 but by a sharpejudgement, and very great diligence. It happens too, that there aremany words which have no proper, determin'd, and every wherethe same signification; and are understood not by their owne, butby vertue of other signes us'd together with them. Thirdly, thereare some words of things unconceivable; of those things thereforewhereof they are the words, there is no conception; and thereforein vaine doe we seeke for the truth of those Propositions, whichthey make out of the words themselves. 7 In these cases, while byconsidering the definitions of words we search out the truth of someproposition, according to the hope we have of finding it, we thinkeit sometimes true, and sometimes false; either of which apart iscalled thinking, and also beleeving; both together, doubting. But whenour reasons for which we assent to some Proposition, derive notfrom the Proposition it selfe, but from the person Propounding, whomwe esteeme so learned that he is not deceiv'd, and we see no reasonwhy he should deceive US;8 our assent, because it growes not fromany confidence of our owne, but from another mans knowledge, iscalled Faith: And by the confidence of whom, we doe beleeve, weare said to trust them, or to trust in them. By what hath been said,the difference appeares first betweene Faith, and Profession; for thatis alwaies joyn'd with inward assent, this not alwayes; That is aninward perswasion of the minde, this an outward obedience. Next,

1 "-', £1 (cf. L).2 "-', £1 (cf. L).3 "-': £1 (cf. L).4 "-': £1 (cf. L).

5 ce.Jtaine EI.6 = mastered.7 "-': £1 (cf. L).8 "-', £1 (cf. L).

Chap. XVIII RELIGION 255

That that articlealone, that Iesusis the Christ, isnecessary to

betweene Faith, and Opinion; for this depends on our owne reason,that on the good esteeme we have of another. Lastly betweene Faithand Knowledge; for this deliberately takes a proposition broken, andchewed; that swallowes downe whole and entire. The explication ofwords, whereby the matter enquir'd after is propounded, is con­ducible to knowledge; nay, the onely way to know, is by ldefinition.But l this is prejudiciall to Faith; for those things which exceedehumane capacity, and are propounded to [be]2 beleev'd, are nevermore evident by explication, but on the contrary more obscure, andharder to be credited. And the same thing befalls a man whoendeavours to demonstrate the mysteries ofFaith by naturall reason,which happens to a sick man, who will needs chew before he willswallow his wholsome, but bitter Pills;3 whence it comes to passe,that he presently brings them up againe, which perhaps 4wouldotherwise,4ifhe had taken them well downe, have prov'd his remedy.

V. We have seene therefore what it is to beleeve. But what is it What it is to

to beleeve in CHRIST? Or what Proposition is that which is the beleeve in Christ.5

object of our Faith in CHRIST? For when we say, I beleeve in [Elements

CHRIST, we signifie indeed Whom, but not What we beleeve. Now, ;;'~~:~nto beleeve in CHRIST is nothing else but to beleeve that JESUS IS XLIII. 10.]

THE CHRIST, namely Hee, who according to the Prophesies ofMoyses, and the Prophets of Israel, was to come into this world toinstitute the Kingdome of God. 6 And this sufficiently appeares out ofthe words of CHRIST himselfe to Martha: I am (saith he) theResurrection and the life, HE THAT BELEEVETH IN ME, thoughhe were dead, yet he shall live, and WHOSOEVER LIVETH, ANDBELEEVETH IN ME, shall never dye. Beleevest thou this? She saithunto him, Yea Lord, I beleeve that THOU ART THE CHRIST theSon of God, which should come into the world. John I I. ver. 25, 26,7

27. In which words we see that the question BELEEVEST THOUIN ME? is expounded by the answer, THOU ART THE CHRIST.To beleeve in CHRIST therefore is nothing else but to beleeveJESUS HIMSELFE saying that he is THE CHRIST.

VI. Faith and Obedience both necessarily concurring to Salvation,what kinde of Obedience that same is, and to whom due, hath beeneshewed above in the 3. Article. 8 But now we must enquire what

1-1 "': "-' I.e. EI (cf. L).2 be absent EI.3 "-', EI (cf. L).4-4 ERRATA gives would be otherwise.

5 Cbrist EI.6 "-': EI (cf. L).7 ""; EI.8 "': EI (cf L).

RELIGION Chap. XVIII

Salvation, isprov'd out oj the

scope oJtheEvangelists.

[Elementscf. XXV. 6,7.

LeviathanXLIII. 10, II.]

articles ofFaith are requisite: And (*) I say, that to a Christian thereis no other article of Faith requisite as necessary to Salvation,l butonly Jhis, THAT JESUS IS THE CHRIST. But we must dis­tinguish2 (as we have already done before in the 4. Article) betweeneFaith, and Profession. A Profession therefore of more articles (if theybe commanded) may be necessary; for it is a part of our obediencedue to the Lawes; but we enquire not now what Obedience, but whatFaith is necessary to salvation. And this is prov'd first out of thescope of the Evangelists which was by the description of our Saviourslife to establish this one 3Article. And3 we shall know that such wasthe scope, and counsell of the Evangelists, if we observe but theHistory it selfe. Saint Matthew beginning at his Genealogy shewesthat JESUS was of the linage of David, borne of a Virgin, Chap.I. that He was adored by the Wise men as King of the Jewes; thatHerod for the same cause sought to slay him, Chap. 2. That hisKingdome was Preacht both by John the Baptist, and Himselfe,Chap. 3, 4. That He taught the Lawes, not as the Scribes, but asone having authority, Chap. 5, 6, 7. That he cur'd diseasesmiraculously, Chap. 8, 9. That He sent his Apostles the Preachersof his Kingdome throughout all the parts of Judea, to proclame hisKingdome, Chap. 10. That He commanded the Messengers sentfrom John to enquire whether he were the CHRIST or not, to tellhim what they had seene, namely the miracles which were onelycompetible with CHRIST, Chap. I I. That he prov'd and declar'dhis Kingdome to the Pharisees, and others by arguments, parablesand signes, Chap. 12. and the following Chapters to the 21. ThatHe maintain'd himselfe to be the Christ against the Pharisees, ThatHe was saluted with the title of King, when he entred into Jerusalem,Chap. 21. That he forewarn'd others of false Christs, and That Heshewed in Parables what manner of Kingdome his should be, Chap.22, 23, 24, 25. That He was taken, and accused for this reason,because He said He was a King; and that a Title was written onhis Crosse, THIS IS JESUS, THE KING OF THE JEWES, Chap.26, 27. Lastly, that after his resurrection, He told his Apostles thatall power was given unto Him both in Heaven, and in Earth, Chap.28. All which tends to this end, That we should beleeve Jesus tobe the Christ. Such therefore was the Scope of Saint Matthew indescribing his Gospell; but such as his was, such also was the rest

1 Salvatiou EI. 2 disttnguish E I. 3-3 "'; '" l.c. EI (cf. L).

Chap. XVIII RELIGION 257

of the Evangelists;l which Saint fohn sets down expresly in the endof his Gospel, These things (saith He) are written, that ye may knowthat Jesus is the Christ, the Sonne of the living God. fohn [20].2verso 31.

I say, that to a Christian.] Although f conceive this assertion to be Annotation. 3

sufficiently proved by the following reasons, yet f thought it worth mylabour to make a more ample explication of it, because f perceive thatbeing somewhat new, it may possibly be distastfull to many Divines.First therefore when f say this Article, That Jesus is the aChrist, is a

necessary to salvation; f say not that Faith onely is necessary, but frequire Justice also, or that Obedience which is due to the Lawes ofGod, that is to say, a Will to live righteously. Secondly, f deny not butthe profession of many Articles, (provided that that profession becommanded by the Church) is also necessary to salvation; but seeingFaith is internall, Profession externall, f say that the former onely isproperly Faith; the latter a part ofObedience; insomuch as that Articlealone sufficeth for inward beleefe, but is not sufficient for the outwardprofession of a Christian. Lastly, even as if f had said that true andinward Repentance of sinnes was onely necessary to salvation, yet wereit not to be held for a Paradox, because we suppose Justice, Obedience,and a mind reformed in all manner of vertues to be contained in it: sowhen f say that 4 the Faith of one Article is sufficient to salvation, itmay well be lesse wondred at, seeing that in it so many other Articlesare Scontained. For s these words, Jesus is the Christ, do signifie thatJesus was that Person whom God had promised by his Prophets shouldcome into the world to establish his Kingdom, that is to say, that Jesusis the Sonne of God, the Creatour of Heaven and Earth, born of aVirgin, dying for the sinnes of them who should beleeve in Him; thatHee was Christ, that is to say a King; that He reviv'd (for else Hewere not like to reign) to judge the world, and to reward everyoneaccording to his works, for otherwise he cannot be a King; also thatmen shall rise again,for otherwise they are not like to come to judgement.The whole Symbol of the Apostles is therefore contained in this oneArticle; which notwithstanding f thought reasonable to contract thus,because f found that many men for this alone, without the rest, wereadmitted into the Kingdome of God, both by Christ, and his Apostles;as the Thief on the Crosse, the Eunuch baptized by Philip, the two

1 "', EI (ef. L).2 29 EI.4 tbat EI.

3"" A EI.5-5 "'; '" l.e. EI (ef. L).

a-a L = Christ, alone is.

RELIGION Chap. XVIII

[Elementscf. xxv. 6, 7.

LeviathanXLIII. 12.]

By the easinesseof christian

Religion.

[Elementsxxv. 8.

LeviathanXLIII. 13.]

thousand men converted to the Church at once by Saint Peter. But ifany man be displeased that I doe not judge all those eternally damned,who doe not inwardly assent to every Article defined by the Church(and yet doe not contradict, but if they be commanded, doe submit) Iknow not what I shall say to them; for the most evident TestimoniesofHoly Writ which doe follow, doe withhold mefrom altering my opinion.

By the Apostles VII. Secondly, this is proved by the preaching of the Apostles.Sermons. For they were the Proclamers of his Kingdome, neither did Christ

send them to preach ought but the Kingdome of God, Luke 9. verso2. Act. 15. verso 6. And what they did after Christ his Ascensionmay be understood by the accusation which was brought againstthem, They drew Jason (saith Saint 1 Luke) and certain Brethren untothe2 Rulers of the City, crying, These are the men that have turned theworld upside down, and are come hither also, whom Jason hath received;and these all do contrary to the decrees of Cresar, saying that there isanother King, one Jesus. Acts 17. verso 6, 7. It appears also what thesubject of the Apostles Sermons was, out of these words: Opening,and alleadging out of the Scriptures (to wit, of the old Testament)that Christ must needs have suffered, and risen again from the dead,and that THIS JESUS IS THE CHRIST. Acts 17. verso 2, 3.

VIII. Thirdly, By the places in which the easinesse of those thingswhich are required by Christ to the attaining of salvation, is declared.For if an internall assent of the minde were necessarily required tothe truth of all and each Proposition which this day is controvertedabout the Christian Faith, or by divers Churches is diversly defined,there would be nothing more difficult then the Christian 3Religion.And 3 how then would that be true, My yoke is easie, and my burthenlight? Mat. I I. verso 30. and that litle ones doe beleeve in Him? Mat.18. verso 6. and that it pleased God by the foolishnesse of Preaching,to save those that beleeve? I Cor. I. verso 21. or how was the thiefehanging on the Crosse sufficiently instructed to 4salvation, the4

confession of whose Faith was contained in these words, Lordremember me when thou comest into thy Kingdome; or how could SaintPaul himselfe, from an enemy, so soon become a Doctor ofChristians?

By this, that it is IX. Fourthly, by this, that that Article is the foundation of Faith,the foundation of neither rests it on any other foundation. If any man shall say unto

Fatth. you, Loe here is Christ, or He is there, beleeve it not, for there shall

1 Saint EI.2 tbe EI.

3-3 "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).4-4 "'? '" cap. EI (cf. L).

Chap. XVIII RELIGION 259

arise 1 false Christs, and false Prophets, and shall shew great signes, and [Leviathan

wonders, &c. Mat. 24. vers. 2 23. Whence it followes, that for the XLIII. 15.]

Faiths sake which we have in this Article, we must not beleeve anysignes, and wonders. Although we, or an Angell from Heaven (saiththe Apostle) should preach to you any other Gospel, then what we havepreacht, let him be accursed. Gal. I. 8. By reason of this Articletherefore we might not trust the very Apostles, and Angels themselves(and therefore I conceive not the Church neither) if they shouldteach the contrary. Beloved, beleeve not every spirit, but try the spiritswhether they are ofGod, because many false Prophets are gone out intothe world, hereby know yee the spirit ofGod, every spirit that confessethJesus Christ is come in the flesh, is ofGod, &c. I John 4. avers. I, 2.aThat Article therefore is the measure of the Spirits3 whereby theauthority of the Doctors, is either received, or rejected. It cannotbe denied indeed, but that all who at this day are Christians, didlearn from the Doctors, that it was Jesus who did all those thingswhereby he might be acknowledged to be the Christ; yet it followesnot that the same Persons beleeved that Article for the Doctors, orthe Churches, but for Jesus his own 4sake. For4 that Article wasbefore the Christian Church, although all the rest were after it, andthe Church was founded upon it, not it upon the Church. Mat. 16.verso 18. Besides, this Article, that Jesus is the Christ, is so [Elements

fundainentall, that all the· rest are by Saint Paul said to be built XXV. 7·]

upon it, For other foundation can no man lay, then that which is layd,which is Jesus Christ (that is to say, that Jesus is the s.6Christ). Now6

ifany man build upon this foundation, gold, silver, precious stone, wood,hay, stubble; every mans work shall be made 7manifest: If7 any manswork abide which he hath built thereupon, he shall receive a reward;if any mans work shall be burnt, he shall suffer losse, but he himselfeshall be saved. I Cor. 3. verso II, 12, 13. &c. From whence it plainlyappears, that by foundation is understood this Article, THAT JESUSIS THE CHRIST.s For gold, and silver, bprecious stones, wood,bhay, stubble (whereby the Doctrines are signified) are not built uponthe Person of Christ; and also, that false Doctrines may be raisedupon this foundation, yet not so, as they must necessarily be damnedwho teach them.

1 a ise EI.2 "'" A £1. 3 Spirits EI.+4 ~; ~ Lc. EI (cf. L).5 tbe EI. 6--6 ",-,) 1\ ""V I.e. Er.7-7 ~; ~ Lc. EI (cf. L).

8~: EI (cf. L).

a-a E I adds verso I, 2.

b-b E I adds precious stones, wood (inrepetition ojpreceding passage).

260 RELIGION Chap. XVIII

By the plainwords of Christ

and his Apostles.!

[ElementsXXV. 7.

LeviathanXLIII. !4.]

X. Lastly, that this Article alone is needfull to be2 inwardlybeleeved, may be most evidently proved out of many places of holyScriptures, let who will be the Interpreter: Search the Scriptures, forin them yee think yee have eternalllife; and they are they which testifyof me. John 5. 39. But Christ meant the Scriptures of the oldTestament only:3 for the new was then not yet written. Now, thereis no other testimony concerning Christ in the old Testament, butthat an eternall King was to come in such a place, that He was tobe born of such Parents, that He was to teach, and doe such things;whereby, as by certain signes, he was to be knowne: All which testifythis one thing, that JESUS who was so born, and did teach, anddoe such things, was THE CHRIST. Other Faith then was notrequired to attain eternall life, besides this Article. Whosoever livethand beleeveth in me, shall never dye. John I I. verso 25. But to beleevein Jesus (as is there exprest) is the same with beleeving that JESUSWAS THE CHRIST; He therefore that beleeves that, shall neverdye, and by consequence, that Article alone is necessary to salvation.These4 are written that yee might be/eeve that JESUS IS THECHRIST the Sonne of God, and that be/eeving yee5 might have lifethrough his name. Jo. 6 20. vers.? 31. Wherefore he that beleeves thus,shall have eternall life, and therefore needs no other Faith. Everyspirit that (onfesseth that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is of God.I J 0. 8 4. V. 2. And,9 Whosoever be/eeveth that JESUS IS THECHRIST, is born of God. I Jo. 5. verso I. And, Who is he thatovercometh the world, but he that beleeveth that IES US is the Son ofGod? I Jo. [5.]1° V. 5. If therefore there be no need to beleeve anything else, to the end a man may be ofGod, born ofGod, and overcomethe world, then that IESUS IS THE CHRIST; that one Article thenis sufficient to salvation. See, here is water, what doth hinder me to bebaptized? And Philip said, If thou beleevest with all thine heart, thoumaist. And he answered and said, I be/eeve that lI IESUS CHRIST isthe Sonne of God. Acts 8. verso 36, 37. If then this Article beingbeleeved with the whole heart, (that is to say, with inward Faith)was sufficient for Baptisme, it is also sufficient for salvation. Besidesthese places there are innumerable others which doe clearly, andexpresly affirm the same thing. Nay, wheresoever wee read that our

1 '" 1\ EI. 2 he EI.3 "-, EI (cf. L).4 These EI. 5 yee EI.6 = John [The Gospel According 10 St.].

7 ....... 1\ EI.8 = John [The Epistle of].9,,- 1\ EI (cf. L).10 5. absent E! (cf. L). 11 tbat EI.

Chap. XVIII RELIGION 261

Saviour commended the Faith of anyone, or that he said, Thy Faithhath saved thee, or that he healed anyone for his Faiths sake, therethe Proposition beleeved was no other but this, IESUS IS THECHRIST, either directly, or consequently.

XI. But because no man can beleeve IESUS TO BE THECHRIST, who, when he knowes that by Christ is understood thatsame King who was promised from God by Moyses, and the Prophets,for to be the King, and Saviour of the world, doth not also beleeveMoyses, and the Prophets, neither can he beleeve these, who beleevesnot that God is, and that he governs the world; it is necessary thatthe Faith of God, and of the old Testament be contained in thisFaith of the new. Seeing therefore that Atheisme, and the deniallof the Divine Providence, were the only treason against the DivineMajesty in the Kingdome of God by Nature;l but Idolatry also inthe Kingdome of God by the Old Covenant; now in this Kingdomewherein God rules by way of a new Covenant, apostasie is alsoadded, or the renunciation of this article once receiv'd, that JESUSIS THE CHRIST. 2 Truly other Doctrines, provided they have theirdetermination from a lawfull Church, are not to be contradicted;for that is the sinne of adisobedience;3 buta it hath been fully declar'dbefore that they are not needfull to be beleev'd with an inward Faith.

XII. Faith and Obedience have divers parts in accomplishing thesalvation of a Christian; for this contributes the power, or capacity;5that the 6Act. And6 either is said to justifie in its kinde. For Christforgives not the sins of all men, but of the Penitent, or the Obedient,that is to say the just, I say not the guiltlesse, but the just; for justiceis a Will of obeying the Lawes, and may be consistent with a sinner,and with Christ the Will to obey is Obedience; for not every man,but the just shall live by Faith. 7 Obedience therefore justijies becauseit maketh just in the same manner as temperance maketh temperate,Prudence Prudent,8 Chastity chaste, namely essentially; and puts aman in such a state, as makes him capable of pardon. Againe, Christhath not promis'd forgivenesse of sinnes to all just men, but onlythose ofthem who beleeve Him to be the Christ. Faith 9 thereforejustijiesin such a sense as a judge may be said to justijie who absolves;lO

In this Articleis contained theFaith of theold Testament.

[Leviathancf. XLIII. 17.]

How Faith andObedience doeconcur4 toSalvation.

[Elementscf. XXV. 10.

LeviathanXLIII. 18, 19.]

1 "-', EI (cf. L). 2 "-': EI (cf. L).3 "-', EI (cf. L).4 can ur E1. 5 "-', EI (cf. L).6-6 "-', "-' I.e. EI (cf. L).7 "-': EI (cf. L).8 "-': EI (cf. L).

9 Faith E1.10 "-', EI (cf. L).

a-a L = disobedience; for obedience isnecessary for salvation. But (inobedientiae. .. Caeterum).

262 RELIGION Chap. XVIII

[Elementscf. XXV. 14.

LeviathanXLIII. 21,]

namely by the sentence which actually saves a man. 1 And in thisacception of justification (for it is an xquivocall terme) Faith alonejustifies, but in the other, Obedience onely: but neither Obediencealone nor Faith alone doe save us, but both together.

In a Christian XIII. By what hath been said hitherto, it will be easy to discerneCity there is no what the duty of Christian Subjects is towards their Soveraignes,

contrarietybetweene2 the who as long as they professe themselves Christians cannot commandCommand of their Subjects to deny Christ, or to offer him any contumely; for if

God, and of the they should command this, they would professe themselves to beCity. no Christians. 3 For seeing we have shewed both by naturall reason,

[Elements and out of holy Scriptures, that Subjects ought in all things to obeyxxv. II.

Leviathan their Princes and Governours, excepting those which are contraryXLIII. 20.] to the command of God; and that the commands of God in a

Christian City concerning temporall affairs, (that is to say, thosewhich are to be discust by humane reason) are the Lawes andsentence of the City deliver'd from those who have receiv'd authorityfrom the City to make Laws, and judge of controversies; butconcerning spirituall matters; (that is to say,4 those which are to bedefin'd by the holy Scripture) are the Lawes, and sentences of theCity, that is to say the Church (for a Christian City, and a 5Church,as 5 hath beene6 shewed in the foregoing Chapter in the [20]. 7 Art.are the same thing) deliv'rd by Pastors lawfully ordain'd, and whohave to that end authority given them by the City; it manifestlyfollowes, that in a Christian Common weale, Obedit;nce is due tothe Soveraign in all things, as TlJell Spirituall, as 8Temporall. And8

that the same obedience even from a Christian subject is due in alltemporall matters to those Princes who are no Christians, is withoutany controversie; but in matters spirituall, that is to say,9 those thingswhich concern Gods worship, some christian Church is to bel°followed. For 10 it is an hypothesis of the Christian Faith, that Godspeaks not in things supernaturall, but by the way of ChristianInterpreters of holy Scriptures. But what? Must we resist Princeswhen we cannot obey them?' Truly no; for this is contrary to ourcivill Covenant. What must· we doe then? Goe to Christ byllMartyrdome. Which ll if it seem to any man to be an hard saying,

1 "'; EI (cf. L). 2 be weene EI.

3 "': EI (cf. L).4 '" A EI (cf. L).5-5 '" A ('" EI (cf. L).6 beeen EI.

7 10. EI (cf. L).8-8 "', '" I.e. EI (cf. L).9 '" A EI (cf. L).ll>-!O "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).ll-ll "'; '" I.e. EI (cf. L).

Chap. XVIII RELIGION

most certain it is that he beleeves l not with his whole heart THATIESUS IS THE CHRIST the Sonne of the living GOd,2 (for hewould then desire to be dissolved, and to be with Christ) but hewould by a feigned Christian Faith elude that obedience which hehath contracted to yeeld up unto the City.

XIV. But some men perhaps will wonder, if, (excepting this one The Doctrines

Article, that IESUS IS THE CHRIST, which only is necessary to which this day

1 . . l' . 11 f: . h) 11 h bib d' . are controvertedsa vatlOn In re atIOn to Interna alt ate rest e ong to 0 e lence, about Religion,

which may be performed, although a man doe not inwardly beleeve, doe for the

(so he doe but desire to beleeve, and make an outward profession, most part belong

as oft as need requires, ofwhatsoever is propounded by the Church);3 Dto the Right ofomznton.

how it comes about that there are so many Tenets which are all [Elements

held so to concern our Faith, that except a man doe inwardly beleeve ef. xxv. 9, 13.]

them, He cannot enter into the Kingdome of Heaven.4 But if heconsider that in most controversies the contention is about humaneSoveraignty; in some, matter of gain, and profit; in others, the gloryof Wits; he will surely wonder the lesse. The question about thepropriety ofthe Church, is a question about the Right ofSoveraignty;for, it being known what a Church is, it is known at once to whomthe Rule over Christians doth 5belong. For 5 if every Christian Citybe that Church which Christ himselfe hath commanded everyChristian6 subject to that city, to hear, then every subject is boundto obey his City, that is to say, Him, or them who have the supremepower, not only in temporall but also in spirituall 7matters. But 7 ifevery Christian City be not that Church, then is there some otherChurch more universall, which must be obeyed. All Christianstherefore must obey that Church just as they would obey Christ ifHe came upon Earth. She will therfore rule either by the way ofMonarchy, or by some Assembly: This question then concerns theRight of ruling. To the same end belongs the question concerninginfallibility; for whosoever were truly, and internally beleeved by allmankinde, that he could not erre, would be sure of all Dominion,as well temporall as spirituall, over all mankinde, unlesse himselfewould refuse it; for if he say that he must be obeyed in temporalls,because it is supposed he cannot erre, that Right of Dominion isimmediately granted him. Hither also tends the priviledge of

1 b leeves EI.2,,", 1\ EI (ef. L).3 ""') 1\ EI (ef. L).4 ""': EI (cf. L).

5-5 ""': ""' I.e. EI (cf. L).6 Christi. E I.7-7 ""'; ""' I.e. EI (ef. L).

RELIGION Chap. XVIII

interpreting Scriptures. For he to whom it belongs to interpret thecontroversies arising from the divers interpretations of Scriptures,hath authority also simply and absolutely to determine all mannerof controversies whatsoever; but he who hath this, hath also thecommand over all men who acknowledge the Scriptures to be theWord of God. To this end drive all the disputes about the power ofremitting, and retaining sinnes; or the authority of excommunication.For every man, if he be in his wits, will in all things yeeld that manan absolute obedience, by vertue of whose sentence he beleeveshimselfe to be either saved, or damned. Hither also tends the powerof instituting societies; for they depend on him by whom they subsist,who hath as many subjects as Monks, although living in an EnemiesCity. To this end also refers the question concerning the Judge oflawfull Matrimony; for he to whom that judicature belongs, to himalso pertains the knowledge of all those cases which concern theinheritance, and succession to all the goods, and Rights, not ofprivate men onely, but also of Soveraign Princes. And hither alsoin some respect tends the Virgin-life of Ecclesiasticall Persons; forunmarried 1 men have lesse coherence then others with civill society:and besides, it is an inconvenience not to be slighted, that Princesmust either necessarily forgoe the Priesthood (which is a great bondof civill obedience) or have no hereditary Kingdome. To this endalso tends the canonization of Saints which the Heathen calledApotheosis; for he that can allure forraign subjects with so great areward, may bring those who are greedy of such glory to dare, anddoe any thing. For what was it but an honourable Name withposterity? which the Decii and other Romans sought after, and athousand others who cast themselves upon incredible perils? Thecontroversies about Purgatory, and indulgencies, are matter of gain.The questions of Free-will, Justification, and the manner of receivingChrist in the Sacrament" are Philosophicall. There are also questionsconcerning some Rites not introduced, but2 left in the Church notsufficiently purged from gentilisme;3 but we need reckon no more.All the world knows that such is the nature of men, that dissentingin questions which concern their power, or profit, or preeminence ofWit, they slander, and curse each other. It is not therefore to bewondred at, if almost all tenets (after men grew hot with disputings)are held forth by some or other to be necessary to salvation, and for

1 unmatried EI. 2 bur E1. 3 = paganism, heathenism.

Chap. XVIII RELIGION 265

our entrance into the Kingdome of Heaven; insomuch as they whohold them not, are not only condemned as guilty of disobedience(which in truth they are after the Church hath once defined them)but of Infidelity, which I have declared above to be wrong out ofmany evident places of Scripture; to which I adde this one of SaintPauls, Let not him that l eateth, despise him 2 that eateth not;3 and letnot him that eateth not, judge him that 1 eateth; for God hath receivedhim. One man esteemeth one day above another, another esteemeth everyday alike. Let every man be fully perswaded in his own mind,Rom. 14· v. 3, 5.

FIN I S.

1 tbat E1. 2 bim E1. 3 "', E1 (cf. L).

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

To the honourable,and truly virtuous, the Lady

FANE, Widdow to SirGEORGE FANE, Brotherto the Earl of Westmerland

of blessed memory.

Madam,

M y desires to serve your Ladyship have put me on sucha designe, that except Master Hobbs (if he should chance to

heare me nam'd) be a man as well practis'd in the Lawes of Nature,as he hath shewed himselfe eminent in their speculation, I see not howthe injury my infirmity hath done his Rooke will be reconcileable withthe respect I beare to his Person; but when he shall know withall, thatthis was the cause of that, and how I conceiv'd it a matter of greatmisfOrtune that either so perftct a piece as this of his should want theapprobation ofyour judgement, or your Ladyship lose the benefit of itsexcellencies by reason it had but one shute! of apparell, and that of atrimm though beautifull in it selfe, yet not fashionable with, because notunderstood by all; I doubt nQt but he will be as inclinable to excuse thebestowing ofthis courser habit on it, as your Ladyship will the addressingit to your more curious eye, and courtly hand.

And so much the rather on his part, because by the contradictions Iam confident himselfe hath met withall, he will the more easily guesseat the severall brunts and conflicts his weaker, yet constant Admirershave undergonefrom obstinate, and selfe-opinion'd men, who chuse ratherto oppose the truth (whereof he hath beene the happy Discoverer) inmaintenance oftheir owne false Principles, than embrace it by forsakingtheir old fleshpots of ignorance, though with this addition of honour tothemselves, that in so doing they would much restore that same out-datedvirtue of Humility (so highly commended by all men, so little practis'd

[The Dedicatory Epistle to Lady Fane, version. See above, Editor's Introductionsigned c.c., is found at the beginning of a pp. 3-8.]few copies of E I. Its main interest lies inC.C.'sclaim to be the translator ofthe English 1 = suit.

APPENDIX A

by any) unto its antient lustre in this degenerate age of ours, whereinmen pretend so largely to a mistaken Liberty, in being lesse subordinateto lawfull Magistracy, and yet subject their better parts, their rationallsoules, to an Ipse dixit in Morall Philosophy; which though it be athing commendable enough, nay very necessary in Schooles, to boundthe roving phansies ofyoung Sophisters, yet for men when they cometo be more able Discerners, to swallow downe Pills, the Ingredientswhereof they are wholly ignorant oj, and take up any thing for grantedbecause delivered by the hand ofAristotle, and Plato, without a plenarysatisfaction to their owne judgements, is to me, I proftsse, an argumentof the greatest lazinesse and pusillanimity, nay of the most unnaturallrobbery committed upon their common-sense in the World: To whichpurpose I remember Sir Walter Raleigh in his Preface hath these, orthe like words, (Where humane reason hath built a Fort for it selfeso strong, that the same reason cannot shake it, much lesse batterit downe, that sall).e may stand for a Maxime) but sure if any mancan raise such a Battery as is able to beate downe this Fort, the Maximeis dissolv'd; and it is a necessary consequence grounded 'fm Principlesdrawne from experience, and evident demonstration, which can onelymake a Maxime; which is the reason of the high respect I beare to thisworthy Author, who sure in this hath transcended all that have gonebefore him; and being of so pure a spirit, I knew not how to expressemy value of it more, than to acquaint your Ladyship with this spherewherein it moves; in which, as I have endeavoured to procure him thehonour ofyour approbation, and you (Madam) the pleasure, and theprofit of his rationall Discourse, so in these respects at least I hope Imay justly from both expect a Pardon.

And the sooner from your selfe (Madam) because when you haveonce consented to his Principle (which is the greatest difficulty with mostpart of his Adversaries, because as he well observes, they ground theircredits upon suppositions) you will finde him in all the rest so kindlyagreeing with your rationall Soule, as cannot but cause incomparabledelight, it being so much above the common reach of the World; for heis Divine, and Politique, Wise, and Witty, making at once the studiousReader a good Statesman, and Morall Philosopher, and confirming thosewhom he finds so, with such invincible proofts, as make them fit to enterthe lists with the strongest Contestors.

If the stile! be somewhat lesse smooth, and elegant than you might

1 = style.

DEDICATORY EPISTLE TO LADY FANE FROM C.c. 27'

have expected, since it is my Authors matter in another dresse, and Idesir'd in all things to be faithfull to him, his answer in another casemust serve for us both in this; That it was not Victory, but Truthwhich he contends for; the former being the object of eloquence;the latter, of plain downright reason: And this whole businesse is toconvince, not to perswade. IfI have in some places, specially the beginningof the Hooke, term'd that a Common-weale, a Civill Government, orKingdome, which he calls a City, there being no difference in the sense,but onely in the words, which seem'd somewhat more familiar to theunderstanding before such time as he came to the definition of a City,this may well be borne with, seeing I did it onely to drive away as muchas possibly I could, without offence, all obscurity, and difficulty frombefore your eyes.

I conftsse there are some places hard to be understood, but thereforethe more to be studied; and the eleventh Article of his thirteenth Hookeis that which sticks most with me, but this I conceive to be the weaknesseof my apprehension, not of his reason.

I commend him therefore to your clearer judgement, you (Madam)to a patient unprejudic'd observance of him, and my selfe to yourfavourable opinion, which in this I am sure is highly merited, since youplainly see I could have no other end in it, but your Ladyships delightand benefit; and in that, mine owne contentment, and satisfaction, whichsure on such reasonable termes may very well be allowed,

Madam,

Your Ladyships most

truly devoted

Servant,

C. C.

APPENDIX B

CONVERSION TABLE TO

MOLESWORTH'S EDITION

The following table provides a means of converting references in the Englishversion of De Cive (Philosophical/ Rudiments Concerning Government and Society)from the chapter-paragraph system to page numbers of Molesworth's edition(EW, vol. II) and vice versa. Chapters are indicated by Roman numerals andparagraphs by Arabic numerals throughout.

Epist. Ded. = The Epistle Dedicatory Preface = The Authors Preface to theReader

De Give Molesworth De Give MolesworthEnglish pp. English pp.

Epist. Oed. I (i) Chapter I 13,14 122,3. (ii) 15 134.5 (iii) Chapter II I 146,7 (iv) 2 168 (v) 3,4 179 (vi) 5,6 1810, II, 12 (vii) 7,8 19

Prefa£e 1,2 (ix) 9,10 203 (x) II 214,5 (xi) 12, 13 226 (xii) 14, 15, 16 23

.7,8 (xiii) 17 249,10 (xiv) 18 25II, 12 (xv) 19 2613 (xvi) 20,21,22 2714 (xvii) 23 2815 (xviii) Chapter III I 2916, 17, 18 (xix) 2,3 3019,20 (xx) 4 3121 (xxi) 5 3222 (xxii) 6 3323,24 (xxiii) 7,8 35

Chapter I 1 I 9 362 2 10, II 373 6 12, 13 384,5 7 14 396,7 ~ 15, 16, 17 408,9, 10 9 18, 19,20 41II, 12 II 21,22 42

CONVERSION TABLE TO MOLESWORTH'S EDITION 273

De Cive Molesworth De Cive MolesworthEnglish pp. English pp.

Chapter III 23,24 43 Chapter VII 10, II, 12 10025,26 44 13, 14 10127 45 15, 16 10228,29 46 17, 18 10630,31 47 Chapter VIII I 10832 48 2 10933 49 3,4 110

Chapter IV I 50 5,6,7 III

2 51 8,9 1123 52 10 1134,5 53 Chapter IX I 1146,7 54 2 1158,9 55 3 11610, I I 56 4,5 11712, 13 57 6 11814, 15, 16 58 7,8 11917, 18, 19 59 9 12020,21 60 10 12122,23 61 I I, 12 12224 62 13, 14, 15 123

Chapter V I 63 16, 17, 18 1242,3 64 19 1254 65 Chapter X I 1265 66 2 1276,7,8 68 3 1299,10 69 4,5 130I I, 12 7° 6 131

Chapter VI I 72 7 1322 73 8 1343 74 9, 10 1364,5,6 75 II 1377,8 76 12 1389,10 77 13, 14, 15 139II 78 16 14012 79 17 14113 80 18, 19 14214 83 Chapter XI I 14315 84 2,3 14416 85 4,5 14517 87 6 14618 88 Chapter XII I 14919,20 89 2,3 152

Chapter VII I 92 4 1532 93 5 1553 94 6 1564 95 7 1575 96 8 1586 97 9 1597 98 10, I I 1608,9 99 12 161

274 APPENDIX B

De Cive Molesworth De Cive MolesworthEnglish pp. English pp.

Chapter XII 13 163 Chapter XVI 5,6 230Chapter XIII I 165 7 23 1

2 166 8 2323,4 167 9 2335 168 10 2346,7 169 II 2358 170 12 2379 171 13 23810, II 173 14 24112 174 15 24213 175 16 24514 176 17 24815 178 18 24916 179 Chapter XVII I 25 117 180 2,3 253

Chapter XIV I 182 4 2542 183 5 2553 185 6 2574 186 7 2605,6 187 8 2637 188 9 2648,9 189 10 26510 190 I I 267II, 12 191 12 26813 192 13 26914 194 14 27015,16, 17 195 15 27118,19 197 16, 17 27320 199 18 27421 200 19 27522,23 201 20 277

Chapter XV I 203 21,22 2782 204 23,24 2803 205 25 2834,5 206 26 2886 207 27 2927,8 2°9 28 2959 210 Chapter XVIII I 29810, II 2II 2,3 30012 212 4 3°213, 14 21 3 5 30515 216 6 30616 219 7,8 3°917 220 9 31018 222 10 3II19 225 II 313

Chapter XVI I, 2 227 12, 13 3143 228 14 3164 229

REFERENCESl

HOBBES'S WORKS

EW The English Works of Thomas Hobbes ofMalmesbury ed. Sir William Molesworth(II vols., London 1839-45).

LW Thomae Hobbes Malmesburiensis Opera Philosophica Quae Latine Scripsit Omnia . ..collecra studio et labore Gulielmi Molesworth (5 vols. Londini 1839-45).

Works The Clarendon Edition of the Philosophical Works of Thomas Hobbes ed. HowardWarrender (the present edition).

MISCELLANEOUS

Thomas Hobbes: A Bibliography (London 1952).The Life of William Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle ed. C. H. Firth,2nd edn. (London n.d.).Lellere di Henry Stubbe a Thomas Hobbes (Siena 1973).

Aubrey,J.

Gert, B. (ed.)Hervey, H.

BriefLives 1669-1696 ed. A. Clark (2 vols., Oxford 1898).BriefLives, ed. O. L. Dick (London 1949).

Brydges, Sir E. (ed.) Collins's Peerage ofEngland (9 vols., London 1812).Drummond, H. J. H. 'Hobbes's Philosophicall Rudiments, 1651' The Library, 5th ser., vol.

XXVIII (1973), pp. 54-6.Man and Citizen (Garden City, N.Y. 1972).'Hobbes and Descartes in the Light of some Unpublished Letters ofthe Correspondence between Sir Charles Cavendish and Dr. JohnPell', Osiris, vol. X (1952), pp. 67-90.

Lamprecht, S. P. (ed.) Thomas Hobbes: De Cive or The Citizen (New York 1949).Macdonald, H. and

Hargreaves, M.Newcastle, Margaret

Duchess ofNicastro, O.

1 The reader should also consult the References printed at the end of Works vol. II.

INDEX TO EDITORIAL MATERIAL

This index refers to page-numbers ofthe present volume. It covers the Editor's Introduction, includingthe Apparatus, explanatory notes to the text, the Appendices, and generally the material that is specific tothe present edition. A separate index to De Give follows.

Africanus, Scipio, etc., 23 n.Anaximenes of Lampsacus, 16<) n.Antigonus III (Doson), 55 n.Aristotle, pseudo-Aristotelian Rhetorica ad

Alexandrum, 169 n.Aubrey, ]., 4-6 n., 8, 8 n., 25 n., 275.

Bentham, ]., 67 n.Biblical quotation and citation, 13, 77 n.,

184n.Boteler, Sir Oliver, 5 n.Bruno, Henricus, 2, 23 n.Brydges, Sir E., 5 nn., 275·

Cartwright, Christopher, 5 n.Cavendish, Colonel Charles, 5n.Cavendish, Sir Charles, 5 n.Cavendish, William, third Earl of Devonshire,

23 n .e.e., 3-4, 5-8 n.; his dedicatory epistle to Lady

Fane, App. A.Cf., when prefixed to marginal references, II;

when used in punctuational footnotes, 14­Checklist of editions of the English De Give, 17.Copy-text, the, 9.Cotterell, Sir Charles, 5 n.Cotton, Charles, 5 n.

Directional words and symbols used in footnotes,17-18.

Drummond, H.]. H., 4n'-5n., 275.

Ecclesiastes, Book of, 139 n.Editorial intervention in the text, 9, 13-14.Ephesus, the theatre at, 234 n.Errata (Faults Escaped), 22; 4, 6, 8.Euripides, Frontispiece, xiii, Plate I.

Fane, Lady, 5 n.; 3-5 nn.; dedicatory epistle to,App. A.

Fane, Sir Francis, 5 n.Fane, Sir George, 5, 5 n., 269_Firth, e. H., 5 n.Footnotes: the numerical series, 11-14; the letter

series, 14-16; glossary of directional wordsand symbols used in, 17-18.

Gassendi, Pierre, 2, 38 n.Gert, B., 17, 275·Greek words and phrases, 12, 12 n.

Hervey, H., 5 n., 275·Hobbes, correspondence, 6 n.Horace, xiv, Plate IV.

Kant, I., 63 n.

Laberius, xiv, Plate III.Lamprecht, S. P., 8n., 17, 275.Laws of Nature, Hobbes's concern with, 26<)-70.

Macdonald, H., and Hargreaves, M., 1n., 275.Magri, T., 3 n.Mansfield, Viscount, 5 n.Marginal references: parallel passages, II; pre-

fixed 'cf.', II.

Martial, 192 n.Melchizedeck, 78 n.Mersenne, Marin M., 2, 38 n.Mintz, S., 4n.Minucius Rufus, M., 114 n.Moles,¥orth, Sir William, his edition of the

English De Give, 2, 8, 17, 275; conversiontable to, App. B; the collected edition ofHobbes's works, 275.

Newcastle, the Duke of, 5 n.Newcastle, Margaret, Duchess of, 5 n., 275.Nicastro, 0., 6 n., 275.

Parallel passages, 11.

Pell, Dr John, 5 n.Petronius, 237 n.Petty, Sir William, 6.Philosophicall Rudiments concerning Government

and Society: the first English edition of DeCive, 1-8, 17; State A, Frontispiece, xiii, 2-4,6, 21; State B, xiii, Plate I, 3-4, 6, 21; achecklist of editions, I7.

Pontius Telesinus, 23 n.Portrait ofHobbes, with inscription, Frontispiece,

xiii, Plate I, 2, 23 n.Punctuation of El, 9, 13-14.

INDEX TO EDITORIAL MATERIAL

Reference to Hobbes's works (a scheme usingchapter and paragraph), 10~1r.

References (aulhors and works ciled), 275.Rhetorica ad Alexandrum, 16<) n.Rufus, M. Minucius, 114 D.

Scipio Africanus, etc., 23 D.

Seneca, xiii, xiv, Plates II, III.Sorbiere, Samuel, Frontispiece, xiii, Plate I, 2, 6 D.,

38n.

Spelling variants, 12.

Stubbe, Henry, 6.

Telesinus, Pontius, 23 D.

Text, the, 9.Translation of De Give into English, 4~8, App. A.

Waller, Edmund, 4~5.

Wemham, A. G., 5n.Westmorland, Francis, first Earl of, 5, 5 n., 26<).

,,,,

INDEX TO DE CIVE

(Latin and English versions)

THE following index is based upon the chapter-paragraph system and exceptwhere specified refers indifferently to the Latin and English versions of De Give.It is also designed inter alia as a guide to the manuscript and early printedsources (MS, LI, Lz, L3, EI).

Chapters are indicated throughout by Roman numerals and paragraphs byArabic numerals regardless of the manner in which these numbers are written orprinted in the original sources. A given chapter-paragraph reference, moreover,includes where rele~ant any of Hobbes's notes annexed to that paragraph, andall variant readings thereto.

The index covers not only the text of De Give, but also all preliminary material,including when appropriate title-pages and engravings. To indicate such itemsthe following abbreviations have been used:

ED. Epistola Dedicatoria and The Epistle Dedicatory.PRo Praefatio ad Leetores and The Authors Preface to the Reader.verses complimentary verses by Henricus Bruno.portrait portrait of Hobbes +inscription.letters letters of commendation to Sorbiere from Gassendi and Mersenne.engravings internal engravings (in the English version) +verses, illustrating the several

parts of the book.after a reference, advises the reader to consult Hobbes's note attached to thisitem as well as the main body of the paragraph itself.

For the relatively few and minor references that are specific to the Latin orEnglish versions: '(L)' after a reference means that at the point designated theitem indexed is found only in the Latin De Give (and not in the English). Suchan indication may be further particularized to specify only some of the Latinsources. Thus '(MS, LI)' means that the item is found only in the MS and LIreadings for the Latin text (and not in the remaining Latin sources, nor in theEnglish version). Contrariwise, '(E)' after a reference means that the item isfound only in the English version (and not the Latin). And so, for example, theentry, 'Antiochus, II. 8 (MS, LI).' means that Antiochus is mentioned in chapterII, paragraph 8, but only in the MS and LI readings of De Give.

Finally, the reader who is using this index with the original sources shouldbe reminded that Hobbes's Preface, though printed in both the Latin and Englishversions of De Give, did not make its appearance until the second Latin editionand so is absent in MS and LI, a circumstance that is not further remarkedbelow. Moreover, the numerals used to indicate paragraphs in the DedicatoryEpistle and the Preface have been added editorially. They are therefore peculiarto the present edition and are not found in earlier texts.

INDEX TO DE GIVE

Aaron, XI. 6; XVI. '3, 16.Abiathar, XI. 6.Abiram, XVI. '3.Abishai, XI. 3.Abraham, IV. 4; XVI. 1,3-8, 10, II, 18; XVII.

I, IS. God instituted true religion through,XVI. ,; covenant of God with, XVI. 1,3-7·,10; XVII. 7, 8; laws of (Laws of Nature+circumcision) XVI. 3, 5, 10; terms re existenceand providence of God, XVI. 4, 7, 10; reidolatry, XVI. 7·, 10; obedience to, and ruleof, XVI. 7; interpreter of word of God and alllaws, XVI. 6; faith of, XVI. 4, 10.

Absalom, XI. 2.

Absolutism, VI. '3·,,8; XI. 6; exceptions to, VI.

'3·Absurdity (logical), compared with injury and

breach of contract, III. 2, 3.Accommodation to others, III. 9; IV. 7.Acquisition, sovereignty by, VIII. I.Actions, justice of, III. S, 27.-30; IV. 21; XIV.

18; shameful or dishonourable, VI. '3.Active (v. passive) obedience, XIV. 23; XVIII. '3.Acts of the Apostles, quoted, etc., IV. '3, 'S;

XVII. 7, 'S, '9,24; XVIII. 3, 7, 10.Adam, XVII. 4; covenant with God, XVI. 2; guilt

of disobedience, XVIII. 2.

Administration, government is the power; ad­ministration the act, X. 16.

Adultery, IV. 24; XVI. 10; defined by civil law,VI. 16; XIV. 9; XVII. 10.

Africanus (Scipio), etc., ED. 1(1.).Agreement, alone, insufficient for peace, V. 3-S;

VI. '7; insufficient for dissolution of sover­eignty (double obligation) VI. 20; and honourdue to parents, IX. 8. See also Consent.

Amazons, the, IX. 3, 6.Ambition, disposes to war or sedition, ED. 6; XII.

10, '3; to be discouraged by the sovereign XIII.12.

Anarchy, X. 2; XI. 4; XV. ,; not a form ofgovernment VII. 2. See also State of Nature,War.

Ancients, opinions of the, XV. 6.Angels, XVII. S; XVIII. 9·Ant, and the social insects, distinguished from

man, V. 5.Antigonus, III (Doson), II. 8 (MS, 1.1).Antioch, Church of, XVII. 24.Antiochus, II. 8 (MS, 1.1).Apelles, verses (L2).Apostasy, XVII I. II.Apostle of the Elect, XVII. 22.

Apostles, the, XVII. 3, S, 23, 2S, 28; XVIII. 6, 7,9, 10; elected and ordained by Christ, XVII. 24,

28; symbol of, XVIII. 6·.Arbitration, use of, III. 20, 22; IV. 16, '7.Archimedes, XIV. 19·.

Aristocracy, VII. I, 8-10; defined, VII. I; arisesfrom Democracy, VII. 8; and the sovereignPeople, XII. 8; Oligarchy, a form of, VII. 2;

mixed government not possible, VII. 4·; thewill ofthe sovereign in, VII. '4; Nobles, VII. 8;Grandees, VII. 2.

- and the political covenant, VII. 9, '4; termi­nation of same, VII. 18; dissolution of, VII.18; succession in, IX. II; meetings, VII. 10;

promulgation of the law, XIV. 11-13.- compared with Democracy and Monarchy,

X; superiority of Monarchy, X. 3-19; better asit approaches Monarchy and worse as it ap­proaches Democracy, X. '9.

Aristotle, PRo 3; V. S; XII. 3,4; XIV. 2; XVII, 12;re man as a political animal, V. 5; classificationof constitutions, X. 2; sovereignty of law, XII.4·

- The Politics of, III. '3; X. 2, 8.Arithmetical proportion, re commutative and

distributive justice, III. 6.Ark of the Covenant, XVI. 10, 12, IS.Assemblies, as political authorities, VI. I·, disad-

vantages of, X. 12-14.

Assembly, the 2S0 Princes of the, XVI. '3.Associations, subordinate, V. 10.

Atheism, XIV. 19·; XV. '9; XVI. ,; XVIII. II.Atheists, XV. 2.

Athenians, practices of, X. 7; XIII. '4.Authority, supreme, see Sovereignty.Avarice, ED. 6.

Babylon, the Captivity, XVI. 16, '7.Balaam, XVI. IS.Banishment, VII. 18; VIII. 9.Baptism, of Christ, XVII. 4.- under the New Covenant, XVII. 7-9; XVIII.

3; re a Church, XVII. '9, 20, 2S, 26; and sin,XVII. 2S; and salvation, XVIII. 3, 10.

Barnabas, the Apostle, XVII. 24.Baruch, Book of, quoted, etc. XVII. I.Beasts, no covenants with, II. 12; dominion over,

VIII. 10.Bee, re the social insects, V. 5.Belial, sons of, XI. I.Belief, defined, XVIII. 4, S; and the will, IV. 24;

distinguished from profession, XVIII. 4, 6·,10, '4; in Christ, XVIII. 3, 6; how related tosalvation, XVII. 9; XVIII. 4, 6·, '4.

Benevolence, III. 8; IX. 18.Birthright, and the Law of Nature, III. 18.Bishops, XVII. 23, 24.Blind man, and Christ, XV. 6.Booty, XIII. '4.Bornius, H. letters (1.3).Bramble, parable of the, XI. 6.Bruno, H., verses by, foilowing title-page (1.2).

INDEX TO DE GIVE 281

Caesar, tribute unto, XI. 6; decrees of, XVIII. 7.Caligula, X. 7.Canaan, land of, XVI. 3, 4; XVII. 7·Catiline, XII. 12.Cato, ED. 1,3.Caucasus, engravings, (E).Cause, constitutive PRo 9; secondary causes and

God's government XIII. I; God as primemover, XV. 14.

Centaurs, PRo 7.Charity, XVIII. 3.Charybdis, XVIII. I.

Children, how subject to their parents, IX; XI. 5;similar to sovereign and subject, IX. 7; howdistinguished from subjects and servants, IX. 9;and the succession in a Monarchy, IX. 15-19.See Paternal dominion.

Christ, Old Testament reference and prophecy re,XVI. 17, 18; XVII. 2. See Jesus Christ.

Christian Religion, PRo I, 16, 22; mysteries of,XVII. 14, 16; easiness of, XVIII. 8; doctrineand faith, IV. 24; XVII. 15-18; and the word ofGod, XVII. 15-18; and sovereignty, VI. 13·;XVII. 2I, 22; pretence of prophecy and se­dition, XII. 6. See Religion.

Chronicles, Book of, quoted, etc., IV. 13.Church, various meanings defined, XVII. IS,

19-22; in potentid, XVII. 22; universal, XVII.22, 26; XVIII. 14; foundation of, XVIII. 9;articles of, XVIII. 6·, II, 14; the propriety of,XVIII. 14; tradition of, XVII. IS; how like aperson, XVII. 20.

- and election of Churchmen, XVII. 24; andbaptism, XVII. 19, 20; and remission of sins,XVII. 25; XVIII. 13, 14; and excommunica­tion, XVIII. 14; cannot be excommunicated,XVII. 26; and the interpretation of scripture,XVII. 27, 28; XVIII. 13, 14; and relation tosalvation, XVIII. 6·, 13, 14.

- and State cannot be separate sovereignties,XII. 5; Christian Church the same as a Chris­tian City (sovereign), XVII. 21; 28; XVIII. I,

13, 14; many cities (sovereigns) do not con­stitute one church, XVII. 22; re covenant,XVI I. 20; re a multitude, XVII. 20; a Christiansovereign is head of both Church and State,XVII. 26, 28; XVIII. 13, 14; re an infidelsovereign, XVIII. 13.

- of Rome, (etc.), see Rome (etc.), Church of.Churchmen, defined, XVII. 23; election ofXVII.

24; consecration of, XVII. 24.Cicero, PRo 3; III. 9; XII. 3·Circumcision, and the kingdom ofGod under the

Old Covenant, XVI. 3, 5; XVII. 7·City (the), defined, V. 9-12; XII. 8; distinguished

from a multitude, VI. I·; XII. 8; XIV. 2;beginning of, VI. 2; majority and dissenters,VI. 2; was instituted for its subjects' sake, XIII.

3; sovereign the soul of, VI. 19; not bound bythe civil law, VI. 14; may be formed from a lordand servants, X. S.

- dissolution of, VII. 18; within a city (factions),XIII. 13.

- a Christian City (sovereign) is the same as aChristian Church, XVII. 21, 22, 28; XVIII. I,13, 14; many cities (sovereigns) do not con­stitute one church, XVII. 22; a Christian citycannot be excommunicated, XVII. 26; XVIII.14; the city, and the authentic interpretationof Scripture, XVII. 27, 28; XVIII. 13, 14. Seealso Civil Society, Sovereign, Sovereignty.

Civil doctrine, to be instituted by the sovereign,XIII. 9.

Civil law, defined, VI. 9; XIV. 2; and command ofthe sovereign, PRo 5-8; VI. 9; XII. I; XIV. 2,

12,13, IS; and the reason ofthe sovereign, XIV.17; and the will of the sovereign, XIV. 13, IS;XV. 16-19; does not bind the sovereign (thecity), VI. 14; XII. 4; actions of law against thesovereign, VI. IS·. See Law.

- and the legislator must be known, XIV. I I; thelegislator (the sovereign) how known, XIV. 12;civil law requires promulgation and inter­pretation, XIV. 13, 23; XV. 16-19; and theinterpretation of the sovereign, XIV. 23; XV.16-19.

- defines justice and injustice, PRo 5-8; XII. I;XVII. 10, 14; and injury, VI. 16; XVII. 10; justand unjust, no being before civil government,XII. I; defines adultery, VI. 16; XIV. 9; XVII.10; marriage, VI. 16; XIV. 9; XVII. 10; definesmurder, VI. 16; XIV. 9; XVII. 10; definesproperty, VI. IS·; XII. 7; XVII. 10; theft, VI.16; XIV. 9, 10; XVII. 10; re good and evil, PRo5-8; XII. I; re dominion over children, IX. 6; rehonouring parents, XIV. 9; re false witness,XIV. 9.

- and obligation (by contract and by laws), XIV.2; being obliged to obey distinguished frombeing tied being obliged, XIV. 2; overallrejection of, a breach of natural, not civil law,XIV. 10, 20-2; breach of, how related to sin,XIV. 17, 18; contempt of, XIV. 23; and thedistinction between things temporal and spiri­tual, XVII. 14; and treason against God, XV.19; obedience to, and salvation, XVII. 13;XVIII. 3. See Treason.

- and promises, covenants, etc. made underduress (fear ofdeath), II. 16; and consent, XIV.2; inequality comes from, I. 3; III. 13; freedomfrom, only proper to the sovereign, IX. 9; andthe common good, XIII. IS; wise laws (for theenrichment of the subject), XIII. 14; againstunnecessary laws, XIII. IS; the silence ofthe law and harmless liberty of the subject,XIII. IS.

INDEX TO DE GIVE

Civil law (cont.):- how related to divine law and divine right,

XIV. 3-5; XV. I; all human law is civil, XIV. 5;how related to the Laws of Nature, III. 29;XIV. 9, 10, 14, 15, 20-2; XV. I; and theprecepts of the Decalogue, XIV. 9, 10.

- divided into secular and sacred (Ecclesiastical),XIV. 5; XV. 16-19; XVIII. 3; divine positivelaw distinguished, XIV. 5; XVII. 10; dividedinto distributive and vindicative, XIV. 6-8, 23;XVII. 10; all has a penalty annexed, explicitlyor implicitly, XIV. 8; divided into written andunwritten, XIV. 14, 15; precedent and custom,legal effect of, XIV. 15; civil law of particularnations, ED. I I.

Civil Person, V. 9, 10; distinguished from a city,V.IO.

Civil science, PRo 2, 3, 5.Civil Society (the City), defined, V. 9, 10; com­

pared with the State of Nature, X. I; XIV. 9;not natural to man, I. 2*'; V. 5; begins frommutual fear, I. 2; requires a common power, V.5; differs from a multitude of men, VI. I·;without society, a state of war, I. 12; may beformed by a lord and servants, X. 5.

- and the judgement ofgood and evil, XII. I; thedefinition of justice and injustice, XII. I; justand unjust, no being before civil government,XII. I; rights in, XIV. 9; rights to property,XII. 7; dominion over children, IX. 6; disso­lution of, VII. 18; XII. See State of Nature,City, Sovereign, Sovereignty.

Civil war, and the publication of De Cive, PRo 19,21.

Oergyman, defined, XVII. 23; ministers andmaisters distinguished, XVII. 23; and theinterpretation of Scripture, XVII. 28.

Command, defined, XIV. I; and the definition oflaw, III. 33; VI. 9; XIV. I; distinguished fromcounsel, VI. 19; XIV. I.

- and the soul, VI. 19; and power, XIV. I; rechiefcommand (sovereignty), V. "; VI. 9; IX.5; XIV. 2; and determination ofgood, evil, just,unjust, etc., XII. I; and the laws of God, XIV.I; XV. 2, 3. See Law, Sovereign, Sovereignty.

Common good, V. 4-6; VI. 20; in social insectsdifferent from in men, V. 5; and duties of thesovereign, XIII. 3; against unnecessary laws,XIII. 15; against excess punishment, XIII. 16.See Good, Sovereign (duties of).

Communal ownership, ED. 9; in the State ofNature, XII. 7; and the Laws of Nature, III.16; IV. 14; abolition of, confirmed fromScripture, IV. 4. See Property.

Complaisance, III. 9; IV. 7.Conquest, sovereignty by, I. 14; VIII. 1-4; re

covenant and trust, VIII. 2-4. See Sovereignty.Conscience, and obligation to Natural Law, III.

27·-30; IV. 21; acts against, in civil society andsedition, XII. 2; of the sovereign, and his dutiesre religion and the salvation of his subjects,XIII. 5. See Obligation (in foro interno).

Consecration, of Churchmen, XVII. 24, 28.Consent, sovereignty by, I. 14; of the People and

the beginning ofinstitutive government, XI. I;re the Jews and God's kingdom, XVI. 9, 16.

- of men alone not sufficient for peace andsociety, V. 3-6; nor to dissolve political obli­gation, VI. 20.

- and the signification of words, XVII. 28; andcovenant distinguished from law and civil law,XIV. 2; consent and reason re subjection, XVI.2; to private property, ED. 9; to inequality,X·4·

Contract: II; III. I -7; distinguished from cove­nant, II. 9; distinguished from counsel andfrom law, PRo 15; XIV. 2·; and from promises,XIV. 2.

- necessary to escape from the State of Nature,ED. 10; PRo 14; how obligatoty, II. 10; XIV.2·, 9; in the State of Nature, how void, II. II;XIV. 2; and 'just suspicion', II. II·; none withbeasts, nor with God without revelation, II. 12,13; concerns what is possible, II. 14; how freedfrom, II. 15; made under duress, II. 16; VIII. I;a later contradicting a former is invalid, II. 17;against self-preservation invalid, II. 18; toaccuse oneself or testify against father, wife,etc., invalid, II. 19; and torture, II. 19; andoaths, II. 20-3; and arbitration, III. 20; none tobe made with judge or jury, III. 24.

- and the Law of Nature (perform contracts),III. I; XIV. 9, 21; confirmed from Scripture,IV. 5; breach of, and logical absurdity, III. 2, 3;and justice and injury, III. 3-8. See Injury,Justice (of persons and of actions).

- insufficient for society without a commonpower, V. 3-6; how not obligatory beforesovereign power can compel obedience, XIV. 2;re the Political Covenant, V. 7-12; and a doubleobligation, VI. 20; being obliged and beingtied being obliged distinguished, XIV. 2·;dominion from COD'tract and from nature distin­guished, XV. 5-7·; contract in civil society, II.II, 16; contracting for one's life, VIII. I; reconquest, trust and corporal liberty, VIII.2-4, 9. See Covenant, Political Covenant.

Controversies, sovereign to be judge of, VI. 18;XII. I. See Doctrines.

Contumely, XVIII. 3; a sin in the sovereign, VII.14·

Core, see Korah.Corinth, Church of, XVII. 25.Coriolanus, Marcus, X. 15.Council (the), defined, V. 6; as a sovereign

authority, V. 6; will of, and the majority, V. 7.

INDEX TO DE CIVE

Counsel, defined, XIV. I; distinguished fromcommand, VI. '9; XIV. I; distinguished fromlaw, PRo '5; XIV. ,; re free will, XIV. ,; andChrist's mission, XVII. 6.

Courcelles, Etienne de, letters (1.3).Covenant: II; III. 1-7; distinguished from con­

tract, II. 9; distinguished from counsel andfrom law, PRo '5; XIV. 2·; and from promises,XIV. 2. See as under Contract.

- falls under deliberation, II. '4; concerns onlythings possible and to come, II. '4; obliges notbeyond our utmost endeavour, II. '4; andtransference of rights, II. 10; re the PoliticalCovenant, V. 7-12. See as under PoliticalCovenant.

- God's kingdom under the Old (Old Testa­ment), XVI; XVIII. II; over the Jews, XI. I; ofGod with Adam, XVI. 2; of God withAbraham, XVI. I, 3-7·, 10; re circumcision,XVI. 3, 5; XVII. 7; re idolatry, XVI. 7·; ofGodwith the Hebrews at Mount Sinai (and thebeginning of God's institutive kingdom), XVI.8-10.

- God's kingdom under the New, XVII; XVIII.II; and obligation under, XVII. 6; and theterms of, XVII. 7; and the role of Christ in,XVII. 7; and its essence distinguished from itssign, XVII. 7; and the role ofbaptism, XVII. 7;XVIII. 3.

- and a church, XVII. 20; and the signification ofwords, XVII. 28. See Kingdom of God.

Co~etousness,XVI. 10.Crete, XVII. 24.Cruelty, and the Law ofNature, III. ,,; XVIII. 3;

and revenge, III. 27*; a sin in the sovereign,VII. 14.

Custom, legal effect of, XIV. '5; and thesignification of words, XVII. 28.

Damage, distinguished from injury, III. 4; re theLaws of Nature, III. 27·.

Daniel, Book of, quoted etc., XVII. I.

Dathan, XVI. '3.David, XI. 3, 6; XVI. 16; XVII. I; XVIII. 6.Deacons, XVII. 24.Death, the greatest evil, II. 18; temporal and

eternal, VI. I I.

Decalogue, the, XVI. 10; XVII. 6-9; and the civillaw, XIV. 9,10; and the moral law, XVII. 8, 9.

Decii, the, XVIII. '4.De Give, publication and revision of, letters (1.3);

PRo 24; last in order, but first in time, PRo '9.Defence, in the inlerest ofbolh ruler and ruled, X.

2; means to, for the sovereign, XIII. 6-17;XVII. '4.

Definition of words, XVII. 28; XVIII. 4.Deliberation, II. '4; V. 8; XIII. 16.Demagogues, X. 6.

Democracy, VI. 13·; VII. 1,5-7; defined, VII. I;mixed government (division ofsovereignty) notpossible, VII. 4·.

- and the beginnings of civil society, VII. 5; XI.I; XII. 8; the role of the majority, VII. 5;meetings, VII. 5, 6; People and multitude, VII.5, 7; XII. 8; the sovereign people, XII. 8; andthe will of the sovereign (natural and political),VII. '4; promulgation of the law in, XIV.11-13; succession in, IX. II; the politicalcovenant in, VII. 7, 14; and termination ofsame, VII. 18.

- compared with monarchy and aristocracy, X;superiority of monarchy, X. 3-19; The Peoplerules in all Governments, XII. 8; The City wasinstituted for its subjects' sake, XIII. 3.

Demonstration, logical, XVIII. 4.Demosthenes, XIII. 8.Derbe, XVII. 24.Deuteronomy, Book of, quoted, etc., IV. 2, 6, 17,

18; XI. 6; XVI. 10-12, '5, 16; XVII. 1,8; andthe written word of God among the Jews, XVI.12.

Devonshire, William third Earl of, ED. I, 12.Dictators in ancient Rome, VII. 16.Disciples, the seventy, XVII. 3, '5.Dissenters, VI. 2.

Distributive justice, III. 6; law, XIV. 6-8; XVII.10.

Do as you llJould be done by, and the rubric of IheLaws of Nature, III. 26; IV. 23; re love ofneighbour, XVIII. 3. See Love Ihy neighbour.

Doctrines, examination of belongs to thesovereign, VI. II·, 18; XVII. '4; XVIII. '3,14; sovereign's duty to institute appropriate,XIII. 9; dangers of false, VI. II·; contrary topeace and seditious, XII. I; disputed aboutreligion often relale to sovereignty, XVIII. '4.

Dominion, V. II; VI. I; absolute, VI. 13·; overbeasts, VIII. 10. See under Sovereignly.

Doson (about to give), II. 8.Doubting, XVIII. 4.Drunkenness, against the Law of Nature, III. 25,

27·; IV. '9.Duress, promises or covenants made under, II.

16; VIII. I.

Duty,PR. I; XIV. I;XV. I. See under Obedience,Obligation, Sovereign (duties of).

Ecclesiastical persons, PRo 22, 23.Ecclesiasticus, Book of, quoted etc., IV. '3, 17·Egypt, XVI. 8, I I.

Elders, the seventy, XVI. '3; XVII. 3, 23·Eleazar, the High Priest, authority united in,

XVI. '4.Elect, the, XVII. '9; the Apostle ofthe, XVII. 22.

Election of churchmen, XVII. 24.Eli, XVI. 16.

INDEX TO DE CIVE

Eloquence, dangers of (democracy and monarchycompared), X. I I, IS; tends to sedition, XII. 12,

'3; object not truth but victory, X. II.

Endeavour, III. Z7*-30; IV. 21; V. I; XVIII. 3.Enemies, XI. I; XII. 3; XIV. '9, Z2; XVII. 27;

XVIII. '4; of God, XV. 2; XVII. 5.Ephesus, the Church of, XVII. '9.Equality: men by nature equal, I. 3; III. '3;

equals, who can do equal things against eachother (kill), I. 3; to be esteemed as equal, andthe Laws of Nature, III. '3; IV. I I; in the stateof war, X. 4; equal rights to be attributed tomen, III. '4; IV. 12, '3; inequality springsfrom the civil law, I. 3; III. '3; consent toinequality, X. 4; re commutative and distribu­tive justice, III. 6; equity and exception ofpersons, III. '5; equal shares and the Law ofNature, III. 16; and the use of lot, III. '7.

- and arguments for the superiority ofmonarchy,X. 4, 9; false doctrines re, XII. 7; in taxation andpublic burdens, XIII. 10, I I. See Equity.

Equity, natural, XIV. '4; and the Laws ofNature,III. '5,3'; IV. 12, '3; XV. 8; and cases againstthe sovereign, VI. '5; and impartial judges, III.24; in taxation and public burdens, XIII. 10,"; and salvation, XVII. 28. See Equality.

Errata, preceding I (L2, L2a); (Faults Escaped),preceding ED (E).

Esau, IV. '5.Esdras, XII. 9; XVI. '7.Eucharist, the, XVII. 8; XVIII. '4.Euclid, the Elements, letters (L3).Eunuch, the, XVIII. 6*.Euripides, quoted, title-page (E).Evangelists, the, XVII. 3, 23; XVIII. 6; doctrine

of, XVII. 16.Eve, XVI. 2.Evil, men not inherently so, PRo 12, '3; men

choose the least, II. 18; VI. 4; greatest is death,II. 18; re inclination and aversion, III. 31.

- and good, subjective, III. 3', 32; XIV. '7;foresight of, VI. II; XVII. 27; knowledge of,and sin of Adam and Eve, XVI. 2; privatejudgement of, and sedition, XII. I -6; XVI. 2; reactions and persons, XIV. 18; in civil societydetermined by the civil law, XII. I; andcommand of the sovereign, XII. I; XVII. 27.

Excommunication, XVII. 25, 26; XVIII. '3, '4;not possible re the sovereign, XVII. 26.

Exodus, Book of, quoted, etc., IV. 7, '7; XI. ,;XVI. 8, 10, '3; XVII. 10.

Expense, against undue, XIII. '4.Ezekiel, Book of, quoted, etc., IV. 21; XVII. I.

Fabius, Q, Maximus, VII. 16.Factions, defined (city within a city), XIII. '3;

and sedition, XII. I, '3; techniques of, XII. '3;suppression of and the duty of the sovereign,

XIII. 12, '3; in democracy and monarchycompared, X. 12.

Faith, defined, XVIII. 4; keeping faith and theLaw of Nature, IV. 5; and Hobbes's method,XVIII. 4; and belief, XVIII. 4; distinguishedfrom law, IV. 24; from science and opinion,XVIII. 4; from profession, XVIII. 4, 6*, 10,I I, 14; re reason and pretence of divine inspira­tion, XII. 6; XVII. 28; the mysteries of, notdemonstrable (like pills, to be swallowed),XVIII. 4.

- controversies of, XVII. 18; and the distinctionbetween things temporal and spiritual, XVII.'4, 28; and religion, XVI. 4; and the word ofGod by prophecy, XV. 3; XVI. II, 12; and theword of God by revelation, XVI. 4; of the OldTestament, XVIII. I I; in Christ, XVIII. 5-12,'4; matters of, depend on Christ, XVII. 14,28;that Jesus is the Christ, XVII. 7; XVIII; re thecanon of Christian faith and the word of God,XVII. '5, 16; XVIII; and Christian doctrine,IV. 24; XVII. 9, '4, '5, 28; XVIII; howrelated to repentance, XVIII. 3; how related tosalvation, XVII. 7, 9, 28; XVIII.

Family, IX; defined, IX. 10; resembles institutivegovernment, IX. rD. See Hereditary govern­ment (or kingdom).

Father, dominion over children, IX; authority ofmother and father, IX. 2-6; similar to relationofsovereign and subject, IX. 7, 10. See Parents,Paternal dominion.

- dishonourable actions against, II. '9; VI. '3.See Obligation (exemptions from).

Fear, beginning of society from, I. 2; arising fromequality and vain glory, I. 3; rational, distin­guished from 'being affrighted' (panic), I. 2*;just cause of, and civil society, VI. 3; and hope,XV. 7, 9; of death as the greatest evil, I. 7; II.18; of death, promises made from, II. 16; ofpunishment, necessary for society, V. 5; VI. 4;of invisible things (re superstition), XVI. I.

First possession, III. 18.Fortitude, III. 32.Freedom, physical and civil defined, IX. 9; and

counsel, XIV. ,; and law, XIV. 3; corporal,trust and the political covenant, VIII. 2-4, 9;from civil law, only proper to the sovereign, IX.9. See Liberty.

Fuscus, engravings (E).

Galatia, Churches of, XVII. 24.Gassendi, Pierre, letters (L3).Generation, rights from, VIII. I; gives no title to

dominion, IX. I.

Generals, position of, and defence of monarchy,X. '7.

Genesis, Book of, quoted, etc., IV. 4, '5; XII. I;XVI. 3, 4,6,8; XVII. I.

INDEX TO DE GIVE

Geometry, and Hobbes's method, ED. 5,6,8; PRo22.

Geometrical proportion, re commutative and dis-tributive justice, III. 6.

Giants, the, XIV. 19.Gifts, II. 8; III. 8; XV. 15.Glory, I. 2; ofGod, IV. 9; XV. 13; vain glory, I. 2,

4, 5, 12; IV. 21.

Gluttony, against the Law of Nature, III. 25; IV.19·

God, existence of, how known, II. 21; XIV. 19*;XV. 2, '4; XVI. 4, 7; idea of, XV. '4; as primemover, XV. 14; as creator, XVI. I, 4; as theworld, Xv. '4; attributes of, XV. '4, 18; re oneGod, X. 3, 4; XV. '4, '9; XVI. 10, 18; andarguments from same respecting government,X. 3, 4; goodness of, XV. 9, 'S; providence of,XVI. 4, 7, 18; XVIII. II; denial of God'sprovidence and treason, XVI. 18; XVIII. II;

glory of, IV. 9.- (governance of), his subjects and enemies

distinguished, XV. 2; XVII. 5; atheist, positionof, XIV: 19*; XV. 2, '9; XVIII. II; God'spower and right of dominion, XV. 2, 5-7*, '9;his omnipotence and power irresistible, XV.5-7*; his right of dominion from natureand from contract distinguished, XV. 5;government by secondary causes and directgovernment of God distinguished, XIII. I;XV. 2; and the universal church, XVII. 26;no covenant with God without revelation, II.12, '3; the use of oaths, II. 23.

- will of, XV. '4; XVII. '3; commands of, XIV.I; XV. 2, 8; laws of, ED. II; XI. 5; XIV. 1,4;XV. I, 8; XVI. 10-13, 18; XVIII. 3, 6*; laws,how known, XV. 3,4; XVI. 5,6, II, '3-,8; rethe Laws of Nature, I. 10*; III. 33; IV. 1,2,21;XIV. 4, 23; XV. 4, 8; XVI. 5; and God's positivelaw distinguished, XIV. 4; XV. 4; XVI. 5,10-13, r8; obligation to obey God's laws, I. 10";

XV. 7; God's laws distinguished from his word,XVI. II; punishments of God, II. 23; IV. 9;XIV. 23; XV. 2, 5; XVII. 13, 25; sin againstGod, I. 10*; VI. 13; XIV. 19*, 23; injuryagainst, I. 10*; III. 27*; the same by the civilsovereign, VI. 13*; obedience to God versusobedience to the sovereign, PRo 17; XV. 15-19;XVI. 7*; XVIII. I, 2, 13, 14; treason againstGod, XIV. 20-2; XV. 19; XVI. 7, 18; XVIII.II; re idolatry, XV. 18*; XVI. 7*; XVIII. II;

apostasy, XVIII. II; not taking God's name invain, XV. 15; XVI. 10; re keeping the Sabbath,XVI. 10; the sovereign as God's viceroy, XV.19. See Kingdom of God.

- love of, XVII. 8; XVIII. 3; the word of, severalmeanings defined, XV. 3; XVI. II; XVII. 15,16,28; worship of, XIV. 5; XV. 8-19; XVII. 28.See Word of God, Worship of God.

Golden Age, the, PRo 6.Good, every man desires and seeks his own, I. 13;

III. 21; and voluntary actions, II. 8; V. I; reinclination and aversion, III. 3 I; V. I; peace, arational good, III. 3I, 32; re actions andpersons, XIV. 18.

- and evil, subjective, III. 31, 32; XIV. 17;foresight of, VI. II; XVII. 27; knowledge of,and sin of Adam and Eve, XVI. 2; privatejudgement of, and sedition, XII. 1-6; XVI. 2;in civil society determined by civil law andcommand of the sovereign, XII. I; XVII. 27.See Common good.

Goodness, XV. 9, 15·Gospels, doctrine of the, as the word of God,

XVII. 15, 16, 28.Government, the three kinds of (Democracy,

Aristocracy, Monarchy), PRo 15,22; VII; theirseveral conveniences and inconveniences, X;internal causes tending to the dissolution of,XII.

- three kinds only (Democracy, Aristocracy,Monarchy), VII. I; defined (also People,Nobles, Monarch), VII. I; Oligarchy, Anarchy,Tyranny not distinct f~rms of government,VII. 2, 3; no mixed state possible, VII. 4; nordivision nor limitation of sovereignty, VII. 4*';XII. 5; Democracy, VII. 5-7; IX. II; Aristo­cracy, VII. 8-10; IX. II; Monarchy, VII. II­

'3, '5-'7; IX. 11-19; monarchy as the originalform of government, X. 3*; superiority ofmonarchy, PRo 22; X. 3-19; this superiorityprobable, not demonstrated, PRo 22. See underAristocracy, Democracy, Monarchy.

- and political obligation, VII. '4; and disso­lution of sovereignty, VII. 18; XII; re suc­cession, VII. 15-17; IX. II-I9; government isthe power, administration the act, X~ 16; thePeople rules in all Governments, XII. 8;without sovereignty, no government, XI. 4. SeePolitical Covenant, Political obligation,Sovereign (necessity for).

- by institution, acquisition, conquest, etc., seeunder Sovereignty (kinds of).

Grand Design, Hobbes's, for a system of know­ledge, PRo 18.

Grandees, VII. 2. See Aristocracy.Gratitude, and the Law'ofNature, III. 8; IV. 6;

XVIII. 3; and honour due to parents, IX. 8;ingratitude distinguished from injury andbreach of contract, III. 8.

Greeks, ancient, practices of, X. 7; XII. 3.Guiltlessness, and justice of persons, III. 5;

XVIII. 12.

Haggai, Book of, quoted, etc., XVII. I.

Hands, imposition of, XVII. 24, 28.

INDEX TO DE CIVE

Happiness, and the duties of the sovereign, XIII.

4·Heaven, the Kingdom of, XVII. 7, '3, 16; XVIII.

3, 5-7, II, 14-Hebrews, God's covenant with, at Mount Sinai,

XVI. 8.Heereboord, Adrien, letters (L3).Hereditary government (kingdom), IX; acquired

by force, IX. 10; the same rights and conse­quences as in government by institution, IX.10, 12. See Paternal dominion.

Herod, XVIII. 6.History and practice ofmen, limitations of, ED. 3.Holda, the prophetess, XVI. 16.Homo homini Deus, et Homo homini Lupus, ED. I.

Honour, and worship defined, XV. 9, I I, 18; signsof, XV. '7, 18; and power, IX. 8; XV. 9; andpublic office, ambition and sedition, XII. 10;due to parents and lords, IX. 8; XIV. 9; XVI.10; man compared with the social insects, V. 5.

Hope and fear, XV. 7, 9.Horace, quoted, engravings (E).Human nature, the faculties of, I. I; not inher­

ently evil, PRo 12, '3; egoism of, I. 2; II. 8; seeksgain or glory, I. 2; man compared with thesocial insects (ant, bee), V. 5.

Humanity, and the Laws of Nature, III. 3I;XVIII. 3.

Humility, and the Laws ofNature, III. 14; IV. II;

XV. 8.Huygens, Constantine, letters (L3).Hydaspis, engravings (E).

Iconium, XVII. 24.Idolatry, XV. 18·; XVI. 1,7·,10,18; XVIII. II;

in the kingdom of God by nature, and bycovenant, distinguished, XV. 18·.

Idoneous principle of traetation, ED. 8.Immortality of the soul, XVII. 13.Indians of N. America, I. 13.Indulgencies, XVIII. 14.Infallibility, and Christian doctrine, XVII. 28;

XVIII. 14.Infirmity, sins of, XIV. 18; obligations arising

from, XV. 7.Inheritance, III. 18; XVIII. 14.Iniquity, a sin in the sovereign, VII. 14.Injury: defined (breach of contract), III. 3, 6, 8;

resembles logical absurdity, Ill. 3; can only bedone to him with whom we contract, III. 4;VII. 14; distinguished from damage, III. 4;distinguished from injustice (relates to someperson as well as some law), III. 3,4·; injury,and injustice of actions, III. 5; none done tohim that is willing, III. 7; re the right to allthings, I. 10·; right implies no injury, III. 3, 7;presupposes laws, I. 10·.

- defined by the civil law, VI. 16; the sovereign

cannot injure the subject (nor the lord hisservant), VII. 14; VIII. 7; against God, I. 10·;III. 27·; XIV. 19·; how related to sin, XVII.25; XVIII. 3; how related to salvation, XVIII.3. See Justice (of persons and of actions).

Insects, social, how different from man, V. 5.Inspiration, divine, pretence of, and sedition, XII.

6.Intention, and the justice of persons, III. 5, 28;

IV. 21.

Interest, of ruler and subjects are alike, X. 2; redefence of monarchy, X. 18.

International relations, PRo I, II; I. 2-; X. 17;XIII. 7; XIV. 4. See Laws of Nature (andNations).

Isaac, IV. 15; XVI. 7, 8, II, 18; XVII. I.

Isaiah, Book of, quoted, etc., IV. 3, II, 21; XVI.12; XVII. I, 2, 9.

Israel, the People of, God's peculiar people, XVI.10; the twelve tribes of, XVII. 5; God'sinstitutive kingdom over, XVI. 8-18; gover­nance under Moses, XVI. 13; under the HighPriests, XVI. 14, 15; and the role of prophets,XVI. 15; XVIII. 5; under the Kings, XVI. 16;after the Captivity, XVI. 17. See Jews, King­dom of God (under the Old Covenant).

Ixion, PRo 7.

Jacob, XVI. 7, 8, II, 18; XVII. I.

James, the Apostle (brother of John), XVII. 6.Jason, XVIII. 7.Jephthah, XVII. 10.Jeremiah, Book of, quoted, etc., IV. 2; XVI. 9;

XVII. I, 5.Jerome, XVI. 16.Jerusalem, Christ's entry into, XVIII. 6; re the

walls of, and taxation, XII. 9; the Church of,XVII. 26.

Jesse, XVII. I.

Jesus Christ, and the Kingdom of God under theNew Covenant, XVII; XVIII.

- (his office and mission), to restore the Kingdomof God by a new covenant, XVII. I, 4, 7; resalvation and remission of sins, XVII. 3, 6, 9,13, 14, 28; re King of the Jews, XVIII. 6, 7;kingdom not of this world, but to come, XVII.5-7,13; his ministry, XVII. 3; as God's viceroy,XVII. 4; not sovereignty, but counsel, XVII.6, 9; came not to teach logic, etc., XVII. 12,13; not legislative, XVII. 6, 8, 9; law of, andnatural law, IV. 24; law of, doctrine and faithdistinguished, IV. 24; XVII. 6, 8, 9; kingdom,a pastoral charge, XVII. 6, 7; re sacraments,XVII. 8; his covenant, conditions of, XVII. 7,9; his second coming, XVII. 5.

- his dignity, humility and passion, XVII. 1,2;his baptism, XVII. 4; virgin birth, XVIII. 6;

INDEX TO DE CIVE

resurrection, XVIII. 6; ascension, XVIII. 7; rethe Trinity, XVII. 4.

- and the blind man, XV. 6; and the lawyer,XVIII. 3; entry into Jerusalem, XVIII. 6;elected and ordained the first Apostles, XVII.24; re kicking against the pricks, XV. 7·; andthe distinction between things temporal andspiritual, XVII. '4, 28; and matters of faith,XVII. '4-,6, 28; and Christian scripture,XVII. '1, 16; and infallibility, XVII. 28.

- belief in, what, XVIII. 3, 5, 6; Jesus is theChrist, XVII. 3, 7, '3; XVIII. 5-7,9-14; howrelated to salvation, XVII. 7, '3,28; XVIII. SeeKingdom of God (under the New Covenant),Judgement (the day of), Salvation.

Jews, the, God's governance of, under the OldCovenant, XI. I; XVI; God's peculiar people,XIV. 4; XVI. 10; God's' covenant withAbraham, etc., XVI. I -7·; his covenant withthe Hebrews at Mount Sinai (and the beginningof the institutive kingdom), XVI. 8-10, 16;God's positive law, etc., as given to, XIV. 4;XV. 4; XVI. 5,6, 10-13, 18; law relating onlyto, XVI. 10; the written word of God among,XVI. II-I3, 18; re King of the Jews, XI. 6;Christ's kingdom over, XVII. I; XVIII. 6, 7;excommunication among, XVII. 26; re ex­cessive taxation, XII. 9; re treason against Godand obedience to the sovereign, XVI. 18. SeeIsrael (People of), Kingdom ofGod (under theOld Covenant).

Job, XV. 6; Book of Job, quoted, etc., XV. 6.John, the Baptist, XVIII. 6.John, the Apostle (brother of James), XVII. 6.John, St., The Gospel of, quoted, etc., IV. 2; XV.

6; XVII. 7, 9, 25; XVIII. 5, 6, 10.John, The Epistles of, quoted, etc., XVII. 24;

XVIII. 9, 10.Joseph (husband of Mary), XVII. 3.Joseph (and Matthias), XVII. 24.Josephus, History of the Jews, XVI. I, 9.Joshua, XI. 6; XVI. '3-'5; XVII. I; governance

of the People of Israel in his time, XVI. '4;Book of Joshua, quoted, etc., XI. 6.

Josiah, King, XVI. 12, 16.Joy, XV. '3.Judah, son of Jacob, XVII. I.

Judas Galilaeus, XVI. 9.Judas Iscariot, XVII. 24.Judea, XVIII. 6.Judge, in one's own cause, against the Law of

Nature, III. 21; IV. 16.Judgement, the day of (the last), XVII. 5, 6, 22,

28; and the Heavenly kingdom, XVIII. 6·.Judges, contumelious, III. 12; must be impartial,

111.24; IV. 16, '7; corrupt judges and theLawsof Natuie, XIII. '7; against corrupt judgessovereign should give redress, XIII. '7.

Judges, Book of, quoted, etc., XI. 4, 6; XVI. 'S;XVII. 10; governance oflsrael in the period ofthe Judges, XVI. IS.

Judicature, the power of, belongs to the sovereign,VI. 8; XI. 2.

Juno, PRo 7.Jupiter, PRo 7; II. 20; X. 3··Jury, must be impartial and disengaged, III. 24;

IV. '7.Just, and unjust, determined by the civil law and

command of the sovereign, PRo 5-8; XII. I;relative to some command, XII. I; no beingbefore civil government, XII. I; 'just sus­picion', II. II·; XIII. 7. See Injury, Justice.

Justice: natural, ED. 9; in the State ofNature, III.27·; equals the constant will of giving to everyman his due, ED. 9; XVIII. 3; equals theperformance of contract or covenant (justiceand the Laws of Nature), III. 1-8; IV. 5; XIV.9, 21; XV. 8; distinguished from injury, III.4.-6; XVIII. 3; not injustice to give more thanis owed, III. 32; injustice is related to some law,III. 4·; men seek justice for peace's sake andaccidentally, III. 21.

- of persons and ofactions distingnished, III. 5,6,27.-30; IV. 21; XIV. 18; XVIII. 3, 6·, 12;and guiltlessness distinguished, III. 5; XVIII.12; and intention, III. 5; IV. 21; ofactions, andright, III. 5, 6; re commutative and distributivejustice, III. 6.

- the sword of, belongs to the sovereign, VI. 5, 6;how related to the civil law, PRo 5-8; XV. '9;XVII. 10, '4; XVIII. 3, 6·, 12; how related toobedience, XVIII. 3, 6·, 12; how related tosalvation, XII. 5; XVII. '3; XVIII. 3, 6·, 12;injustice and the atheist, XIV. 19·.

Justus, IV. IS.

Keys, the power of, XVII. 25.King and Parliament, re the raising of money,

XII. 5.Kingdom ofGod: by Nature, PRo 16; XV; XVIII.

II; and the Laws of Nature, XV. 1-5, 8; reatheism, XIV. 19·; XV. 2, '9; XVIII. II; anddenial of divine providence, XVI. 18; XVIII.II; ordinary government of God (throughsecondary causes) distinguished from his directgovernment, XIII. I; natural and propheticalkingdom distinguished, ED. II; XV. 4; thesame, distinguished re idolatry, XV. 18·.

- under the Old Covenant, PRo 16; XVI; XVIII.II; God instituted true religion, XVI. I; God'scovenant with Adam, XVI. 2; his covenant withAbraham, XVI. 1,3-7·,10; covenant with theHebrews at Mount Sinai, and the beginning ofGod's institutive kingdom, XI. I; XVI. 8-10;and God's positive law given to the Jews, XV.1-5; XVI. 5, 10-13, 18; and interpreters of

288 INDEX TO DE CIVE

Kingdom of God (cont.):same, XVI. 13-18; re idolatry, XV. 18·; XVI.7·, 18; XVIII. I I; and circumcision, XVI. 3, 5.

- under the New Covenant, PRo 16; XVII;XVIII. I I; re apostasy, XVIII. I I; is heavenly,and begins from the day of Judgement, XVII.5; ofHeaven, XVII. 7, 8, '3, 16; XVIII. 3, 5-7,II, '4. See Treason (against God).

Kings, Books of, quoted, etc., XI. 2, 6; XVI. 12,16.

Kings, Roman attitude to, ED. I.

Knowledge, XVIII. 4; Hobbes's grand design fora system of, PRo 18.

Korah, XVI. '3.

Laberius, quoted, engravings (E).Lacedaemonians, attitude to theft, VI. 16; XIV.

10.Laesa majestas, XII. 8. See Treason.Law: defined, XIV. I; as command, III. 33; VI.

9; XIV. I, 'S; XV. 3; distinguished fromcounsel, PRo 'S; XIV. I; distinguished fromcovenant, consent and promise, PRo 'S; XIV.2; distinguished from right, PRo 'S; XIV. 3;elements of, XIV. 4.

- must be known, VI. 'S·; XIV. II; XV. 3;requires promulgation, XIV. '3,23; XV. 3; thelegislator must be known, XIV. II, 12; the lawrequires interpretation, XIV. '3, 23; re theinterpretation ofthe sovereign, XIV. 23; XVII.25; due process of law, VI. 'S·; XII. 4;contempt of, XII. 2; XIV. 23; aU law supposedto carry a penalty, XIV. 8; precedent andcustom, legal effect of, XIV. 'S; sovereignty oflaw and seditious opinion, XII. 4; laws andtrespasses, XIV.

- and obligation, duty, power, XIV. I; action forthe sake of, and obligation, IV. 21; breach of,how related to sin, XIV. '7, 18; XVII. 25; andwill, opinion and belief, IV. 24; and naturalliberty, XIV. 3; the silence of, and the harmlessliberty of the subject, XIII. 'S; against un­necessary, XIII. 'S; wise (for the enrichment ofthe subject), XIII. '4; and the common good,XIII. 'S; Safety ofthe People, the supreme law,XIII. 2-17; law and faith distinguished, IV. 24;XVII. 9; and the role of God, XIV. I; none inthe heavenly kingdom of God, XVII. 8. SeeCivil law, Laws, Laws of Nature.

Laws (classification of), XIV. 4-8; all law intodivine and human, XIV. 4; divine into natural(or moral) and positive, XIV. 4i natural law into(ofmen) law ofnature, (ofcities) law ofnations,XIV. 4. See Laws: Divine, Laws of Nature.

Human (civil law) into secular and sacred(ecclesiastical), XIV. 5; all human law is civil,XIV. 5; human (civil law) into distributive andvindicative, XIV. 6-8, 23; these not species, but

parts of the same law, XIV. 7; civil law intowritten and unwritten, XIV. 14, 15; the Consti­tutions of particular towns and societies, XIV.3. See Civil law.

- Divine: IV. 1,2; VIII. I; XI. 5; XIII. 2; XIV.3,4i XV. 1,3; XVIII. 3,6·; unchangeable fromconsent of men, XIV. 2; how known, XV. 3;XVII. '3; and the role of God, XIV. 4; XV.1-4; re contracting for one's life, VIII. I; andthe civil law, XIV. 3, 5; divided into natural (ormoral) and positive, XIV. 4, 5; XV. 1-4, 8;natural law (eternal) declared to all menthrough reason, XV. 3; XVI. 5, 6; XVII. '3;and the law of Christ, IV. 24; and his doctrinedistinguished, IV. 24; natural law (sacred)concerning the worship of God, XV. 8. SeeLaws of Nature.

- Divine positive: IV. 24; XIV. 4, 5; XV. 3, 4;XVI. 5, 6, 10; known by prophecy and revela­tion, XIV. 4; XV. 3, 4, 8; XVII. '3; such asGod gave to the Jews, XIV. 4; XV. 4; XVI.IO~I3, 18; interpretation of, XVI. 6, 13-17;under the Old Covenant, XVI. 5, 6, 10-13, 18;re circumcision, XVI. 3, 5; and idolatry, XVI.7·; the Decalogue, XVI. 10; Mosaicallaw, IV.24; XVI. 10-13, 16, 18; XVII. 26; re the NewCovenant, XVII. 8, 9; of Christ, IV. 24; andGod's word distinguished, XVI. II; and civillaw (sacred) distinguished, XIV. 5.

- Ecclesiastical: XIV. 5. See Civil law (sacred).- Human: XIV. 4; divided into secular and

sacred (ecclesiastical), XIV. 5; all human law iscivil, XIV. 5. See Civil law.

- Moral: III. 3', 32; IV. I; XIII. 2. See Lawsof Nature, Moral law.

- Mosaical: IV. 24; XVI. 10-13, 16, 18; XVII.26.

Laws of Nature: II-V. 3; defined, I. ,; II. ,;dictates of right reason, PRo '4; II. I·; III. 25,33; IV. I, 2; XIV. 4, 5; breach of, and logicalabsurdity, II. I·; III. 2, 3; XIV. 16; eternal andunchangeable, III. 29; IV. 20; XIV. 2, 4;unwritten law, XIV. '4, 'S; knowledge of, III.26; easily observed, III. 26, 30; IV. 22; therubric of (Do as you would be done by; love thyneighbour, etc.), III. 26; IV. 12,22,23; XVII. 8;private interpretation of, in the State ofNature,II. I·; and bona fides, I. 10·; how obligatory,III. 33; V. 1-3; XIV. 9, 10; XV. 'S; andobligation in conscience (in foro interno), III.27.-30; IV. 21; V. 2; XVIII. 3; how inoperativein the State of Nature, VI. I; some lawsoperative even in time of war, III. 27*; notsufficient alone to secure peace, V. 1-3; otherrational principles tending to preservation, III.32; inadequately studied by philosophers, ED.7. See Obligation.

- how related to the civil law, XIV. 9, 10, '4, 'S;

INDEX TO DE CIVE

over-all rejection of political obligation, abreach of natural not civil law, XIV. 10,20-2;

theft, murder, adultery, etc., defined by civillaw, III. 29; VI. 16; XIV. 9, 10; and thepreservation of harmless liberty, XIII. 15; andthe silence of the law, XIII. 15; and treason,XIV. 20-2; sin against, VI. 13; XIV. 23; sinagainst in the sovereign, VII. 14; IX. 14; XIII.4; and obligations of the sovereign, VI. 13~;

VII. 4~, 14; IX. 14; XIII. 2-17; re consent ofthe sovereign, XIV. 14, 15; and will, natural andpolitical, compared in Democracy, Aristocracy,and Monarchy, VII. 14; divided into (of men)law of nature, and (of cities) law of nations,XIV. 4; re nations and right of nations, PRo I;

XIV. 4. See Political obligation, Sovereign(duties of).

- as commands ofGod, ED. II; III. 33; IV. 1,2;XIV. 4, 23; XV. 1-4,8, 15; XVIII. 3; and thekingdom of God by Nature, XV; and rationalknowledge of God, II. 21; re vows to God, II.13; and themorallaw, III. 31,]2; IV. I; XVIII.3; and virtue, III. 31; and divine law, IV. 1,2;XIV. 4, 5; XVI. 5, 6, 10; XVIII. 3; and divinepositive law distinguished, XIV. 4; XV. 1-4;XVII. 13; and the kingdom of God under theOld Covenant, XVI. 5, 6, 10; and the kingdomof God under the New Covenant, XVII. 13;and scripture, ED. II; III. 33; IV; and theattributes of God, XV. 14; sacred, re theworship of God, XV. 8, 16, 18~; and the law ofChrist, IV. 24; the position of the atheist re,XIV. 19~; and treason against God, XV. 19; andsalvation, XVIII. 3. See Kingdom of God (byNature, etc.).

- content of: concerning peace, PRo 14; I. I, 15;II. 2; preservation, II. I; contracts and cove­nants, II; III. 1-7; XIV. 9, 21; transference ofrights, II. 3-7; promises, II. 8, 16; gifts, II. 8;oaths, II. 20-3; and honour due to parents, IX.8; against corrupt judges, XIII. 17. See alsoLaws of Nature (the several laws).

Laws of Nature (the several laws): (first andfundamental) seek peace, I. 15; II. 2; III. 1,2;IV. 3, 4; (the special laws: 1st special law)relinquish right to all things-and what re­tained, II. 3-19; III. I; IV. 4; (2nd) performcontracts-justice, III. 1-7; IV. 5; (3rd)gratitude, III. 8; IV. 6; (4th) mutual ac­commodation-usefulness to others, III. 9; IV.7; (5th) mercifulness, III. 10; IV. 8; (6th)against cruelty-punishment must regard thefuture good, III. I I; IV. 9; (7th) against slander(contumely), III. 12; IV. 10; (8th) againstpride, III. 13; IV. II; (9th) humility (againstarrogance), ILL 14; IV. 12; (lOth)equity-against exception of persons, III. 15;IV. 13; (lIth) re things held in common-equal

shares, III. 16; IV. 14; (12th) use oftot, III. 17;IV. 15; (13th) birthright and first possession,III. 18; (14th) of mediators for peace, III. 19;(15th) of arbitration, III. 20; (16th) no manjudge in his own cause, III. 21; IV. 16; (17th)arbitrators must be disinterested, III. 22; IV.17; (18th) impartial witnesses to be used, III.23; IV. 18; (19th) judge and jury must bedisinterested, III. 24; IV. 17; (20th) againstgluttony, drunkenness and destruction of therational faculty, III. 25; IV. 19; (re otherrational principles tending to preservation, III.32 ).

Lawyer, the, and Christ, XVIII. 3.Lawyers, character and ambitions of, PRo 23; XII.

4·Legislative power, and the sovereign, VI. 9, 18;

not given to Christ, XVII. 6, 8.Legislator, the, must be known, VII. 18; VIII. 9;

XIV. II, 12; (the sovereign), how known, XIV.12.

Letters to Sorbiere (from Gassendi andMersenne),following PRo (1.3).

Leviticus, Book of, quoted, etc., IV. 9,12; XVII.26.

Liberty, absolute, XV. I; physical and civildefined, IX. 9; and natural obligation, XV. 7;and hope and fear, XV. 7; the State of Natureand civil society compared Te, X. I; natural, andlaw, XIV. 3; and the silence of the law, XIII.15; and counsel, XIV. I; corporeal liberty,covenants and trust, VIII. 2-4, 9; IX. 9; XV. 7;harmless liberty of the subject to be preserved,XIII. 6-17; the same enjoined by the Laws ofNature, XIII. 15; liberty from the civil law,only proper to the sovereign, IX. 9; liberty in aDemocracy and Monarchy compared, X. 7, 8.

Life, eternal, XVII. 7, 13; XVIII. 3, 10. SeeDeath, Salvation, Self-preservation.

Logic, distinguished from rhetoric, XII. 12;Christ came not to teach logic, XVII. 12.

Lords, defined, VIII. I; and servants may make acity (civil society), X. 5; honour due to, IX. 8;rights over their servants, VIII; XI. 5; a lordcannot injure his servant, VIII. 7; may sell orconvey dominion over his servant, VIII. 6; lordof the lord is lord of his servants, VIII. 8, 9;dissolution of the rights of the lord, VIII. 9.

Lot, use of, and the Laws of Nature, III. 17; IV.15; natural, re first possession, primogeniture,inheritance, III. 18; IX. 17.

Lot, Abraham's words to him, IV. 4.Love, XV. 9; ofGod, XVII. 8; XVIII. 3; ofone's

neighbour, XVII. 8; XVIII. 3. See Love thyneighbour.

Love thy neighbour, etc., and the rubric of theLaws of Nature, III. 26; IV. 12,22,23; XVII.8; XVIII. 3.

INDEX TO DE CIVE

Luke, St., the Gospel of, quoted, etc., IV. 3, 7, '9;XVII. 4, 7; XVIII. 3, 7·

Lupus, homo homini, ED. I.

Lystra, XVII. 24.

Magistrates, nomination of, etc., VI. 10, 18.Majority, role of, V. 7; VI. 2; VII. 5, 14; XI. I;

when a majority counts for all, VI. 20.Malum culpae, XIV. '7.Malice, sins of, XIV. 18.Mark, St., The Gospel of, quoted, etc., XVII. 7;

XVIII. 3.Marriage, XVI. 10; XVIII. '4; defined by the civil

law, VI. 16·; XIV. 9; XVII. 10; and dominionover children, IX. 5, 6.

Martel, Thomas de, letters (1.3).Martha, XVIII. 5.Martial, quoted, XV. IS.Martyrdom, XVIII. '3.Matthias, IV. 'S; XVII. 24·Matthew, St., The Gospel of, quoted, etc., IV. 3,

7-13,20-4; XI. 6; XVII. 4, 5,7,8, 'S, '9,25;XVIII. 1,6,8,9.

Medea, XII. '3.Mediators for peace, safety of, and the Laws of

Nature, III. '9.Meekness, and the Laws of Nature, III. '4.Melchizedek, King of Salem, IV. 3.Mercifulness, and the Laws ofNature, 111.10,31;

IV. 8, 9; XV. 8.Mersenne, Marin M., letters (1.3).Method, Hobbes's, ED. 4-6, 8; PRo 9, 22; VIII. I;

XVII. 28; XVIII. 4.Micah, Book of, quoted, etc., IV. 3.Militia, XIII. '4.Ministers, and Maisters distinguished, XVII. 23.Minutius, M. Rufus, VII. 16.Miracles, XVI. II; XVIII. 6.Miriam, XVI. '3.Modesty, III. '4, 31.Monarch, defined, VII. I; limited or temporary,

and succession in, VII. 16; IX. I I.

Monarchy, ED. 3; PRo 5, 22; VI. 13·; VII. II-I8;defined, VII. I; origins of-from the people,VII. II; and the sovereign people, XII. 8; andthe Political Covenant, VII. 12, '4; promulga­tion of the law in, XIV. II-I3; and the willof the sovereign (natural and political), VII.14; compared with aristocracy and democracy,X; superiority of monarchy, PRo 22; VII. '3; X.3-19; the same, probable, not demonstrated,PRo 22; Tyranny equals monarchy misliked,PRo 5; VII. 2, 3; a mixed state (division ofsovereignty) not possible, VII. 4·; where themonarch is a child or woman, X. 16; thesuccession in a monarchy, VII. '5-'7; VIII.9; IX. II-I9; dissolution of, VII. 18; VIII. 9.

Money, power to raise, necessary for sovereignty,XII. 5; King and Parliament re, XII. 5.

Moor's javelins, engravings (El.Moral law, is divine law, IV. 1,2; and the same as

the Laws of Nature, III. 3', 32; XIII. 2; XV.'9; XVIII. 3; how related to moral philosophy,III. 32; re the Decalogue, XVII. 8; and love ofneighbour, XVIII. 3; and the office of Christ,XVII. '3; and salvation, XVIII. 3.

Mosaicallaw, IV. 24; XVI. 10-13, 16, 18; XVII.26.

Moses, XI. 6; XVI. 8, 10-12, 14-16, 18; XVII. I,3,4,6-8, 'S; XVIII. 5, I I; his viceroyalty, XI.I; religious and civil authority united in, XVI.'3; his chair, XVIII. I.

Mother, re dominion over her children, IX; thesame, originally in the mother, IX. 2, 3; howtransferred, IX. 4-6; in civil society, IX. 6.

Motion, XII. I.

Multitude, defined, XII. 8; how different from anatural person and from the People, VI. I·;VII. 5; XII. 8; XIV. 2; how different from civilsociety, VI. I·; XIV. 2; and the will of thesovereign, XII. 4; XIV. 2; re a church, XVII.20.

Murder, re the Laws of Nature and the Deca­logue, XVI. 10; defined by the civil law, VI. 16;XIV. 9; XVII. 10.

Mushroom analogy, re Hobbes's method, VIII. I.

Nahash, XI. I.

Names, the role of, ED. 4; XIV. 17; XVII. 12,28;XVIII. 4.

Nations, law of, and right of, XIV. 4. See Laws ofNature.

Natural bodies, XII. I; re two species of obliga­tion, XV. 7.

Natural law, see Laws of Nature.Nature, the kingdom of God by, XV; right of

dominion from nature and from contract distin­guished, XV. 5. See Kingdom of God byNature, Laws of Nature.

Necessity, natural, ED. 2; II. 3, 18; III. 27'*';XVII. 27; and superfluity, III. 9, '4·

Necho, King of Egypt, XVI. 16.Neighbour, love thy neighbour and the rubric ofthe

Laws of Nature, III. 26; IV. 12,22,23; XVII.8; XVIII. 3.

Nero, X. 7.Nobles, VII. 8; IX. II; X. '7; XIV. '3; defined,

VII. I. See Aristocracy.Notes to De Give, Hobbes's, PRo 24; letters (1.3).Numbers, Book of, quoted, etc., IV. 'S; XVI. II,

13,14·

Oaths, II. 20-3; XV. 'S; defined, II. 20; addnothing to the obligation, II. 22; effect of, VI.16·; of Princes, VI. 13·.

INDEX TO DE GIVE

Obedience, simple, defined, VI. 13; XI. 5; XV. I;XVI. 2; due to the sovereign, PRo '5,2'; VI. 13;XVIII. '3, 14; due to an infidel sovereign,XVIII. 13; due to lords and parents by servantsand sons, XI. 5; vain to distinguish into activeand passive, XIV. 23; active and passive,XVIII. 13; re worship and honour, XV. 12, 13;limitations upon (shameful actions), VI. 13;subjects, how freed from, VII. 18; to God versusobedience to the sovereign, PRo '7; XV. '5-'9;XVI. 7*, 18; XVIII. 1,2, '3, 14; how related torepentance, XVII. 7; how related to salvation,XVII. 7, '3; XVIII. 1-3,6*, 12-14.

Obligation: natural, two species, XV. 7; beginswhere liberty ceases, II. 10; XV. 7; and irresis­tible power, XV. 7; concerns what is possible(ought implies can), II. 14; and deliberation, II.14; arising from law, III. 33; XIV. 1,9,16, '7;duty and law, XIV. I; arising from contract orcovenant, II. 10, II; XIV. 2, 10; arising frompower, distinguished, XV. 7; breach of obliga­tion and logical absurdity, II. 1*; III. 2, 3; XIV.16; all obligation derives from contract, VIII. 3.

- implies trust and corporal liberty, VIII. 2-4,9;IX. 9; oaths do not add to, II. 22; VI. 16; retorture, II. 19: re arbitration, III. 20; promises,covenants, etc., made under duress (fear ofdeath), II. 16; the obliger and the obliged, II. '3;no one can be bound to himself, VI. 14; XII. 4;to be obliged, and to be tied being obliged,distinguished, XIV. 2*; obligation to obediencebefore commands are made known, is universalobligation to obey, XIV. 10.

- respecting the Laws of Nature, II-V. 3; XVI.10; respecting contracts and covenants, II-III.7; XVI. 10; XVII. 6; in the court ofconscience(inforo interno), I. 10*; III. 27*, 29, 30; IV. 21;V. 2; XVII. 8; XVIII. 3; and bona fideinterpretation, I. 10·; endeavour and the willaccepted for the deed, II. '4; IV. 21; XVIII. 3;and acting for the sake of the law, IV. 21; in theexternal court (in foro externo), distinguished,III. 27*; V. 1-3.

- role ofsovereign power re, XIV. 2; how relatedto sufficient security, V. 1-3; VI. ',3; XIV. 2; toobey God in his Natural kingdom, XV. 7, IS,'9; XVI. 10; XVIII. I I; the Laws of Nature asGod's commands, III. 33; XIV. 9, 10; XV. 'S;and scripture, III. 33; re the position of theatheist, XIV. 19*; re covenant with God, XVII.6; under the Old Covenant with God, XVI. 10,18; XVIII. II; under the New Covenantwith God, XVII. 6; XVIII. I I. See Politicalobligation, Sovereign (duties of).

Obligation (exemptions froJll): and the right toself-preservation, II. 18; III. 27*; VI. 13; XIII.I -4; XVI I. 12; and bonafide interpretation of, I.

10·; and 'just suspicion', II. II·; XIV. 2; self­accusation, or accusation of others, II. 19;shameful or dishonourable actions (againstfather, son, wife, etc.), I. 10*; II. '9; VI. '3;killing the sovereign at his command, VI. 13;but no right to defend others against thesovereign, II. 18; and the silence of the law,XIII. IS. See Political obligation, Sovereign(duties of).

Officers, nomination of, etc., VI. 10, 18.

Oligarchy, not a distinct form of government-equals Aristocracy, VII. 2.

Omnipotence of God, XV. 5-7*.Opinion, IV. 24; XVIII. 4.Opinions, seditious, XII.

Pardon, III. 10.Parents, rights over their children, IX; XI. 5;

honour due to, IX. 8; XIV. 9; XVI. 10; and theLaws of Nature, IX. 8; respective rights ofmother and father, IX. 2-6; parents and chil­dren, similar to sovereign and subject, IX. 7.See Paternal dominion.

Parliament and King, re the raising of money,XII. 5.

Passion and reason, VII. 18.Passive obedience, XIV. 23; XVIII. '3.Pastors, XVII. 23, 28; and remission of sins,

XVII. 25; XVIII. '3, 14; and the interpretationof scripture, XVII. 28; XVIII. '3, 14; and theconsecration of churchmen, XVII. 24.

Paternal dominion, IX; XII. 7; arises not fromgeneration, IX. I; but from power ofpreservation, IX. 2; originally in the mother,IX. 2, 3; how transferred, IX. 4-6; in civilsociety, IX. 6; similar to sovereign and subject,IX. 7.

Patriarchs, the, XVII. IS.Paul, St., the Apostle, XI. 6; XV. 7*; XVII. '4,

24-6; XVIII. 8, 9, 14; The Epistles of St. Paul,quoted, etc., Colossians, IV. 13; XI. 5; XVII.19; XVIII. I; Corinthians, IV. 6, 16; XVII. 4,6, '4, '9, 26; XVIII. 8,9; Ephesians, XVII. 4,IS, 19; Galatians, XVII. 24; XVIII. 9;Hebrews, IV. 3; Romans, IV. 3, '3; XI. 6; XV.6; XVII. '4, IS, 24; XVIII. 14; Thessalonians,XVII. 'S; Timothy, XVII. 4, 23, 24; Titus, XI.6; XVII. 24.

Peace, ED. 6; PRo 6, 8, '4,24; XIII. 7; defined, I.12; and the first and fundamental Law ofNature, I. I, 'S; II. 2; III. I; XV. 8; the same,confirmed from scripture, IV. 3; endeavour for,III. 27*; the goal of reason, III. 29, 31;. arational good, III. 31, 32; and preservation,distinguished, III. 12; and facility to pardon,III. 10; and equality, III. '3-'5; use ofmediators and arbitration, III. 19,20; Laws ofNature and agreement of men, not sufficient

INDEX TO DE CIVE

Peace (cont.):alone to secure peace, V. 1-4; requires acommon power, V. 5; men seek what is just,only for peace's sake, and accidentally, III. 2<;right of war and peace, VI. 7, 18; XI. 2; XVII.I I, 14; the same, implies the right to raisemoney, XII. 5; peace, in the interests of bothruler and ruled, X. 2; doctrines contrary to, andseditious opinion, XII. I; XIII. 9; securing of,and the duty of the sovereign, IX. 14; XI. 2;

XVII. 11,14; Safety ofthe People, the supremelaw, XIII. 2-17; and international relations,XIII. 7.

Pelias, daughters of, XII. 13.Pentecost, day of, XVIII. 3.People, the, defined, VII. I; XII. 8; distinguished

from a multitude, VI. 1*; VII. 5; XII. 8; XVI.15-17; consent of, and the beginning of in­stitutive government, XI. r; XVI. 9,16,17; andthe origins of Monarchy, VII. "; (assovereign), not obliged to the subjects, VII. 7;re liberty and justice, X. 7, 8; rules in allGovernments, XII. 8; Safety of, the supremelaw, XIII. 2-17.

Pericles, V. 5.Person, civil, V. 9,10; and a city distinguished, V.

10; distinguished from a multitude, VI. I*; andarguments for monarchy, X. 4; how like achurch, XVII. 20.

Persons, justice of, III. 5, 6, 27*-30; IV. 21; XIV.18; XVIII. 3, 6*, 12.

Peter, St., XVII. 24; XVIII. 3, 6*; The Epistles ofSt. Peter, quoted, etc., XI. 6; XVI. 14.

Petronius, quoted, XVII. 22.

Pharisees, IV. 21; XVI. 9; XVII. 3; XVIII. 1,6.Philip, and baptism ofthe eunuch, XVIII. 6*,10.Philosophers, the, XIV. IS; XV. 6; wrong respect-

ing the virtues, III. 32.Philosophy, XVII. 12, 28; defined, ED. 4;

branches of, ED. 5; moral, ED. 5-8, 10; PRo 5,7; III. 32; civil, PRo 2, 3.

Pills, swallowing, and the mysteries of religion,XVIII. 4.

Pisistratus, XII. 3.Plato, PRo 3; XII. 3; XVIII. 4·Plutarch, XII. 3.Political animals, V. 5.Political Covenant: defined, V. 7-12; VI. 1*;

character and scope, VI. 3, 13; XIV. 2, 10; XV.17; necessity of, PRo 15,22; need for a sovereignpower to compel obedience, XIV. 2; sovereignnot a party to the covenant, VII. 7, 9, 12, 14;effect of contracting for one's life, VIII. I;covenant implies trust, VIII. 2-4, 9; andcorporal liberty, VIII. 2-4, 9; in a democracy,VII. 7, 14; in an aristocracy, VII. 9, 14; in amonarchy, VII. 12, 14; under an infidelsovereign, XVIII. 13.

- dominion from, distinguished from dominionby nature, XV. 5-7*; obligation by contractdistinguished from obligation by laws, XIV. 2*;universal contract, XIV. 2; a double obligation,VI. 20; being obliged distinguished from beingtied being obliged, XIV. 2*; obedience in mattersspiritual as well as temporal, XVIII. 13, 14; reright of resistance, PRo 2<; XVIII. 13; cannotbe dissolved by agreement of subjects, VI. 20;treason, a breach of natural, not civil law, XIV.10,20-2; how dissolved, VII. 18; VIII. 9. SeeCovenant, Political obligation.

Political obligation (re the subject), and thePolitical Covenant, V. 7-12; VI. 13,20; VII. 14;VIII. 3; XII. 1,2; XIV. 2*, 10,20-2; XVIII.13, 14; implies trust and corporal liberty, VIII.2-4,9; IX. 9; a double obligation, VI. 20; to beobliged and to be tied being obliged distinguished,XIV. 2*; re conquest, VIII. 1-4,9; and capitalpunishment, XIV. 23; in spiritual and religiousmatters, XVIII. 13, 14; re martyrdom wherecommanded by the sovereign to do contrary tothe will ofGod, XVIII. 13; cannot be dissolvedby agreement of subjects, VI. 20; overallrejection of, a breach of natural not civillaw, XIV. 10, 20-2; subjects, how freed frompolitical obligation, VII. 18; VIII. 9. See alsoObligation (exemptions from).

- (re the sovereign), duties of the sovereign, VI.13*; VII. 4*, 14; IX. 14; XIII; XVII. 28;XVIII. 13, 14; not owed to his subjects (nocontract with), VII. 7, 9, 12, 14; VIII. 7; notbound by civil law, XII. 4; sins in the sovereign(owed to God), VII. 4*, 14; IX. 14; XII. 1,2;XIII; XV. 18; duties to secure peace, IX. 14;XIII; re interpretation of scripture, XVII. 28;XVIII. 13, 14; and the salvation of his subjects,XVII. 28; XVIII. 13, 14; recapital punishment,XIV. 23; and will of the sovereign, natural andpolitical, in Democracy, Aristocracy andMonarchy compared, VII. 14. See Obedience,Obligation, Sovereign (duties of).

Pontius Teiesinus, ED. I.

Portrait (of Hobbes), preceding ED (L2).Possession, first, and birthright, III. 18.Power, natural, V. 12; VIII. I; XV. 5-7*; and

government by acquisition, VIII. 1-5; ab­solute, VI. 13; XI. 6; common, necessary forpeace, V. 5; VI. 17; the same, how created, V. 8;coercive, necessary for security, VI. 4, 17;supreme (sovereignty), V. II; VI. 17; XV. 5; relaw and command, XIV. I; and the pght ofsuccession, IX. 19; dominion from, and fromcontract distinguished, XV. 5-7*.

- irresistible, and omnipotence, I. 14; the same,how related to obligation and the right ofdominion, I. 14; XV. 5-7*; of God, XV. 2,5-7*, 19; how related to honour and worship of

INDEX TO DE GIVE 293

God, XV. 9-19; coercive, not given 10 Christ,XVII. 6.

- how related to honour and worship, IX. 8;XV. 9-19; re Greek and Roman victories(prosperous usurpation), ED. 3; re dominionover beasts, VIII. 10; dominion of parents overchildren, IX; in the mother originally and howtransferred, IX. 2-6; man compared with thesocial insects, V. S. See Sovereignty.

Praise, XV. 10-13.Precedent, legal effect of, XIV. IS.Presbyters, XVII. 23, 24.Preservation, II. ["'; necessity and superfluity,

111.9, 14; and peace, distinguished, III. 12. Seealso Self-preservation.

Pride, and the Laws of Nature, III. 13; IV. II;XVIII. 3.

Priests, governance of the People of Israel underthe High Priests, XVI. 14, IS, 17; their gover­nance under priests after the Captivity, XVI.

17·- celibacy of, XVIII. 14.Primogeniture, III. 18; IX. 17.Princes, oaths of, VI. 13*; absolute power of, XI.

6.Private judgement, re self-preservation, I. 7-10"';

and right reason (Laws of Nature) in the StateofNature, II. 1*; regood and evil, and the sin ofAdam and Eve, XVI. 2; re good and evil, andseditious opinion, PRo S-8; XII. 1-6; XVI. 2;XVII. 27; re good and evil, and salvation, XVII.27; re justice in civil society, PRo 5-8; redoctrines and seditious opinion, XII. Ii repunishment among the Jews, XVI. IS.

Profession, distinguished from faith, XVIII. 4,6·, 10, II, 14.

Prometheus, X. 3*':Promises, II. 7, 8; XIV. 2*; distinguished from

contracts and laws, XIV. 2; against self­preservation, invalid, II. 18; made underduress, II. 16; and transference of sovereignty,VII. 17; XIV. 2; and oaths, II. 20; performingfor the promise sake, XIV. 2*; and thesignification of words, XVII. 28.

Promulgation of the law, XIV. 4,13,23; XV. 3, 4,8; XVI. S, 6; XVII. r3·

Property, and the State of Nature, VI. I; XII. 7;communal, ED. 9, 10; things held in commonand the Laws of Nature, III. 16; IV. 14; as acause ofconflict, ED. 9, 10; and first possession,primogeniture, inheritance, III. 18; abolition ofcommon ownership and introduction of meumand tuum, ED. 9, 10; the same, confinned fromscripture, IV. 4; right over meum and tuum notgiven to Christ, XVII. 6, 10; an effect of thecivil law, VI. IS*; XII. 7; XIV. 7; XVII. 6, 10;private, none against the sovereign, VI. IS;VIII. S; XII. 7.

Prophecies, re the coming of Christ, XVII. 1-3.Prophecy, and natural reason, XVI. II; and faith,

XV. 3; XVI. II; God's positive law, revealedby, XIV. 4; XV. 4; XVI. II, 12; and the word ofGod, XV. 3; XVI. 11-13; pretence of, andseditious opinion, XII. 6.

Prophet, marks of a true, XVI. II, 12, 16.Prophets, the, XVI. II, 12, IS; XVII. IS, 23;

XVIII. S, 6*, II; and the word of God, XVI.II, IS.

Propositions, different kinds of, XVIII. 4.Proverbs, Book of, quoted, title-page (MS, 1.1);

IV. 2, 3, S-7, 10, II, 15, 19·

Providence of God, XVI. 4, 7, 18; denial of, andtreason, XVI. 18.

Prudence, ED. 10; XII. 4; XIV. 16, 19*; XVII. 9;XVIII. 12.

Psalms, Book of, quoted, etc., IV. 2, 3, S, 20; XV.2,6.

Punishment: necessary for security and society, V.S; VI. 4; fear of, and obligation, IV. 21; XIV.2*; should regard the future good, III. 11,27*;IV. 9; XIII. 16; and reward, role of, VI. II;XIV. 2*; XVII. 27, 28; all law is supposed tocarry a penalty, XIV. 8; every civil law has apenalty annexed, explicitly or implicitly, XIV.8; re vindicative (penal) law, XIV. 6-8, 23; theright to inflict, belongs to the sovereign, VI. S,6; civil, not applicable to the sovereign, VI. 12;XI. 3; excess (greater than prescribed by laws)not to be exacted, XIII. 16; penalties should beforeseeable, XIII. 16; indefinite or arbitrary,XIII. 16; XIV. 8; capital, XIV. 23; for treason,by the right of war, XIV. 22; and sin, XV. S;XVII. 9; and sin at one's own peril, XIV. 23; ofGod, IV. 9; XIV. 23; XV. 2, S; XVII. 9, 13, 2S,27, 28; and atheism, XIV. 19*; XV. 2; andprivate judgement among the Jews, XVI. IS;and sin under the New Covenant, XVII. 9;after death, IV. 9; XIV. 23; XVII. 27, 28;XVIII. I.

Purgatory, XVIII. 14.

Rapine, V. 2.

Reason, and philosophic method, ED. 4, S, 8, 10;PRo 22; XVII. 28; XVIII. 4; a certain clue ofreason, whose beginning is in the dark, ED. 8;re demonstration of Hobbes's political philo­sophy, PRo 22; and the syllogism, IX. I; XVII.28; and the use of words, XVII. 28; domainof, and of science, XVI I. 28; and passion, inthe State of Nature and in civil society, VII.18; as defining right and wrong, I. 7; II. I; acertain law, II. I; given by God to every manfor the rule of his actions, IV. I; XIV. 4;the same, confirmed from scripture, IV. 2;the Laws of Nature as dictates of right reason,PRo 14; I. IS; II. r*, 2; III. 2S, 26, 32,

294 INDEX TO DE GIVE

Reason (cont.):33; XIV. 4, S; XV. 3, 4, 8; XVI. 4, S; changesnot her end, which is peace and defence, III. 29,3'; re preservation, III. 32; logical absurdity orfaulty reasoning and breach of obligation, II.I·; III. 2, 3; XIV. 16; natural, but requiringeducation, industry, etc., PRo I2~I4; I. I, 2·;II. I·; XIV. 19·; destruction of the rationalfaculty, against the Laws ofNature, III. 2S; IV.'9; right reason in the State of Nature, andprivate judgement, II. I·; in civil society, thecivil law (the reason of the sovereign), II. I·;XIII. 2; XIV. 17; XVII. 12. See Laws ofNature, Method (Hobbes's).

- and the kingdom of God by Nature, XV; anddivine law, IV. 1,2; XlV. 4; XV. 3,4; XVI. 4-6;existence ofGod, known by, XIV. '9\ XV. '4;and knowledge of God, XV. '4; and sin, XIV.16, '7; and faith distinguished, XVII. 28;XVIII. 4; and supernatural inspiration distin­guished, XVII. '4; faith, divine inspiration,and seditious opinion, XII. 6; and the word ofGod, XV. 3,4; XVI. 4-6, II; XVII. '3,28; andprophecy, XVI. I I; and the distinction betweenthings temporal and spiritual, XVII. '4, 28;and the natural laws (sacred) re worship ofGod,XV. 8, 18; XVI. 4-6; re the rational worship ofGod, XV. 16-19; and superstition, XVI. I; retreason against God, XV. '9; how related tosalvation, XVII. '3, 28.

Rebellion, XIV. 21; XVIII. '3, '4. See Sedition,Treason.

Regeneration, and Christ's mission, XVII. S, 8, 9.Religion, PRo 16; true, instituted by God, XVI. I;

and faith, XVI. 4; XVIII. 4; and oaths, II. 21;mysteries of, not demonstrable (re swallowingpills), XVIII. 4; civil law, sacred (ecclesias­tical) pertaining to, XIV. S; doctrines con­cerning, control of by the sovereign, VI. I I·;the sovereign's duties to his subjects re,XIII. S; disputes about tenets of, are oftenabout sovereignty, XVIII. '4. See ChristianReligion.

Repentance, XVII. 7, 9, '3, 2S; XVIII. 3, 6·,12.Reproach, III. 12; XV. 12.Resistance, right of, V. 8, II; XVIII. '3. See

Obligation (exemptions from), Politicalobligation.

Revelation, and covenants with God, II. 12, '3;and God's positive law, XIV. 4; XVI. 4-6; andthe will ofGod, XVII. '3; and the word ofGod,XV. 3; XVI. 4-6.

Revenge, III. II, 27·.Reward and punishment, the role of, VI. I I.

Rhetoric, distinguished from Logic, XII. 12.Right: natural right, defined, I. 7; XIV. 22; to all

things, PRo 14, IS; I. 10·; V. I; VI. I, IS; X. I;unprofitable, I. II; to be relinquished, II. 3;

abolition ofcommunity ofall things, confirmedfrom scripture, IV. 4; returns on dissolution ofsovereignty, VII. 18; of war, V. I; VI. 2; XIV.22; of nature over beasts, VIII. 10.

- to self-preservation, I. 7; II. 18; III. 27·; andmeans to same, I. 8; and private judgement ofsame, I. 9; retained on entering society, V. 7;VI. 3, '3; XIII. 2, 4; includes also happinessand the means to live well, XIII. 4; but no rightto defend others againsI the sovereign, II. 18;not obliged to accuse oneself, II. '9; nor bearwitness against one's father, nor other shamefulacts, II. '9; and the silence of the law, XIII. IS.See Obligation, Obligation (exemptions from).

- and the signification of words, XVII. 28;distinguished from law, PR. 'S; XlV. 3; impliesno injury, III. 3, 7; and justice ofactions, III. S,6; not arrogating more than we grant to others,III. 6, '3-'S; equality of, confirmed fromscripture, IV. 12; and distributive law, XIV. 6.

- and wrong, ED. 6; defined by right reason, I. 7;II. ,; by the civil law, PRo 8. See Civil law, Lawsof Nature.

- divine, and civil law, XIV. 3; ofdominion fromnature, and from contract distinguished, XV. S;ofsovereignty, XIV. 22; ofresisting, XVIII. '3;the same, transferred in the Political Covenant,PRo 'S, 21; V. 8, II; and a double obligation,VI. 20; transference of, re the form of divineworship, XV. 16-19; actions against, in civilsociety, and sedition, XII. 2; of succession in amonarchy, IX. II-I9; of nations, XIV. 4. Seealso Rights.

Rights: transference of, PRo IS; how renounced orconveyed to another, II. 4; requires the will ofboth the conveyor and acceptor, II. S; dependson the will and sufficient signs, II. 6, 7;conveyance of, and the future, II. 6, 7; andpromises, II. 7, 8; and gifts, II. 8; conveyanceby covenant, II. 8-10; in the State of NaIureand civil society compared, XIV. 9. To pro­perty, self-preservation, etc., see Property, Self­preservation, etc.; from institutive govern­ment, conquest, generation, etc., see underSovereignly (kinds of). See also Contract,Covenant, Right.

Rivet, Andre, letters (L3).Romans, ancient, attitude to kings, ED. I; con­

quests of, ED. 1,3; XVII. 22; practices of, II.20; VII. 16; X. 7; XII. 3; XIII. '4·

Rome, Church of, XVII. 22, 26.

Sabbath, the, keeping of, XVI. 10.Sacraments, VI. 16·; XVII. 8, 28; XVIII. '4.Safety of the People, the Supreme Law, XIII.

2-17.- (what is necessary to): wealth, XIII. 6; spies,

XIII. 7; soldiers, arms, money, XIII. 8; right

INDEX TO DE CIVE 295

instruction of the subject in civil doctrine,XIII. 9; control of schools, academies, etc.,XIII. 9; equal distribution of public burdens,XIII. 10; taxes proportionate to consumption(not wealth or income), XIII. "; depressingthe ambitious, XIII. 12; and factions, XIII. 12,

'3; enrichment of the subject by wise laws,XIII. 14; avoiding unnecessary laws, excesspunishment and corrupt Judges, XIII. '5-17;determination of, by the sovereign, XVII. I I,

'4·Saints, canonization of, XVIII. '4.Sallust, XII. 12.

Salvation, XVIII; defined, VI. II; and self­preservation, XII. 5; and eternal life, XVII.7, 13, 27; justice necessary to, XII. 5;obedience, how related to, PRo '7; XII. 5;XVII. 7, '3; XVIII. 1-3, 6, 12-14; of thesubject, and duties of the sovereign, XII. 5;XIII. 5; XVII. 27, 28; faith, how related to,XVII. 7, '3, 28; XVIII; Christ's mission re,XVII. 3, 6, 7, '3; and the easiness of theChristian religion, XVIII. 8; and the remissionof sins, XVII. 25-8; and excommuniCation,XVII. 26, 27; and infallibility re Christiandoctrine, XVII. 28; what is necessaty for, PRo'7; XVIII.

Samaritan, parable of, IV. 7.Samuel, XVI. 9, 'S, 16; The Books of Samuel,

quoted, etc., XI. 1-3,6; XVI. 9, IS, 16.Satan, XVII. 26.Saturn, PRo 6.Saul, XI. I,J; XVI. IS, 16; the kingdom of, XI. I.

Schools, to teach true civil doctrine under controlof the sovereign, XIII. 9.

Science, ED. 8; XVII. 12-14,28; XVIII. 4; civil,PRo 2, 3, 5.

Scorn, III. 12.

Scribes (and Pharisees), IV. 21; XVIII. I, 6.Scripture, as the word of God, XVII. 'S, 16;

authentic interpretation of, XVII. '7, 18, 27,28; XVIII. '3, 14; and covenants with God, II.12; and the Laws of Nature as obligatory, III.33; as confirming the Laws of Nature, ED. II;IV; confirming political authority, PRo 16; andthe Christian religion, XVII. 16-18, 28; allthings therein, not canon of Christian faith,XVII. 16.

Scylla and Charybdis, XVIII. I.

Sectaries, PRo 23.Security, absent in the State of Nature, VI. ,;

agreement of men not sufficient for, V. 3, 4;requires a coercive power, VI. 4; complete, notpossible, VI. 3; 'sufficient security' in civilsociety, VI. 3; and obligation, see underObligation, Obligation (exemptions from).

Sedition, internal causes of, XII; seditiousopinions, XII. 1-8; excessive taxation, XII. 9;

ambition of subjects, XII. 10, 13; hope ofsuccess, XII. II; eloquence (without wisdom),XII. 12, '3; factions, XII. '3·

Seditious opinions, XII.Self-defence, see Self-preservation.Self-preservation, natural necessity of, ED. 2; II.

3, 18; right to, ED. 2, 10; PRo 6, 10; I. 7; II. 18;III. 27*; VI. '3; XIII. 1-4; XVII. 12; andmeans to, I. 8, 10"'; III. 14; and privatejudgement re, I. 7-10*; and bona fideinterpretation of, I. 10'*'; re necessity andsuperfluity, III. 9, 14; and the Laws of Nature,II. 1*,2; III. 32; and obligations inforo internoand externo, III. 27*; re self-accusation, II. '9;rational and vain glory, distinguished, I. 4; andpeace, distinguished, III. 12; and war, I. '3.

- right to, retained upon entering society, V. 7;VI. 3, 13; XIII. 2,4; covenants, promises, etc.against self-preservation are invalid, II. 18; recontracting for one's life, VIII. I; and corporalliberty, VIII. 2-4, 9; but no right to defendothers against the sovereign, II. 18; includes notsimply preservation of life, but also happinessand the means to live well, XIII. 4; XVII. 12;

and duties of the sovereign, XIII. 4; XVII. 12;

re excessive taxes, X. 2; the Safety ofthe Peopleis the supreme law, XIII. 2; re eternal life,XVII. 7; and salvation, XII. 5; XVII. 7.

Seneca, XII. 3; quoted, engravings (E).Sense, and the word of God by revelation, XV. 3.Servants, defined, VIII. t, 2; and the rights of

lords over them, VIII; XI. 5; like subjects ininstitutive government, VIII. 9; how distin­guished from subjects and children, IX. 9;shackled or imprisoned, etc., not obliged, VIII.2-4; no property rights against their lord, etc.,VIII. 5; dominion over, how transferred, VIII.6, 8, 9; how freed from their obligation to theirlord, VIII. 9.

Simple obedience, defined, VI. '3; XI. 5·Sin, PRo Is;defined,XIV. 16, '7; original, PRo 12,

'3; XVIII. 2; against right reason, XIV. 16, '7;against the Laws of Nature, and God, VI. '3;

. VII. '4; XIV. 23; XV. '9; how related to law,XIV. '7; XVII. 25; and the civil law, XIV. '7;XV. '9; XVII. 10; and God's dominion, XV.5-7*; and God's punishment, IV. 9; XIV. 23;XV. 5,6.

~ of atheism, XIV. 19*; XV. '9; of treason,XIV. 20-2; XVI. 18; of treason against God,XV. '9; XVI. 7, 18; of injustice, XVII. 10;XVIII. 12; malum culpae, XIV. '7; ofinfirmity,distinguished from malice, XIV. 18; reknowledge of good and evil (by Adam andEve), XVI. 2; XVIII. 2; at one's own peril,XIV. 23; how related to obedience, XVIII. 12;

and vain distinction between active and passiveobedience, XIV. 23; how related to faith,

INDEX TO DE CIVE

Sin (cont.):XVII. 9; XVIII. 2; and repentance, XVII. 25;XVIII. 3, '2.

- in subject and sovereign, XII. 2; XV. ,8, '9;XVI. 7*, ,8; in the sovereign (cruelty, etc.),VII. '4; IX. '4; XIII. 4, ,6; XVI. ,8; and thewill of the sovereign, natural and political, andhow different in Democracy, Aristocracy andMonarchy, VII. '4; none in the heavenlykingdom of God, XVII. 8. See Justice (ofpersons and of actions), Sins.

Sins, remission of, XVII. 7, 9, '3,25; XVIII. 2, 3,'2, '4. See Justice (of persons and of actions),Sin.

Sinai, Mount, XVI. 8, '5, '7; and the beginning ofGod's institutive kingdom, XVI. 9.

Slander, and the Laws of Nature, III. '2; IV. '0.Slaves, defined, VIII. 2.Society: in men, artificial, V. 5. See Civil Society,

Human nature, State of Nature.Socrates, PRo 2; IX. I.

Solomon, XI. 2, 6; XII. I.

Sophroniscus, IX. ,.Sorbiere, Samuel, letteTs (L3).Soul, the, and command, VI. '9; of the common­

wealth or city, and the sovereign, VI. 19;immortality of, XVII. '3.

Sovereign, the (the City): defined, V. 6-'2;necessity for, PRo '5,22; VI. '7; XI. 4; XIV. 2;XV. ,; marks of, VI; VI. ,8; must be known,VII. ,8; VIII. 9; XIV. II, '2; how known,XIV. 12; defacto and de iUTe, XVI. '5; the willof, VI. '9; XII. 4; XIV. '3; will of, natural andpolitical, and how different in Democracy,Aristocracy, and Monarchy, VII. '4; ThePeople as, XII. 8; The People rules in allGovernments, XII. 8; Te the will of a counciland of a majority, V. 6, 7; interest of, and thatof the subjects are alike, X. 2; re favourites of,X. 6; disputations regarding, VI. '3; cannotsurrender the means to govern except by entirerenunciation, XIV. 13; dominion of parentsover children similar to that of sovereign oversubject, IX. 7. See Sovereignty.

- (powers and rights of), VI; sword of justice(right to punish), VI. 5, 6; sword ofwar (decidepeace and war), VI. 7, ,8; XI. 2; XVII. II, '4;power of judicature (and to judge what isnecessary for peace, etc.), VI. 8; XI. 2; thelegislative power, VI. 9, ,8; civil law as thereason of the sovereign, II. I"'; XIV. 17; civillaw as the command of the sovereign, VI. 9;XIV. 2, '5; comgtand of, and the determinationof good, evil; justice, injustice, etc., PRo 5-8;XII. ,; XVII. '0, '4; Te promulgation andinterpretation of the law, XIV. '3, '5, 23; XV.,6-'9; XVII. 25; actions of law against, VI.'5*; XII. 4; Te the property of the subject, VI.

'5*; VIII. 5; XII. 7; XVII. '0; and equity,VI. '5*; commands of, and the laws of God,xv. Ii nomination, etc., of magistrates andofficers, VI. 10, 18; right to raise and controlmoney, XII. 5; examination and approval ofdoctrines (including religious doctrines), VI.II*, ,8; XII. ,; XVII. '2, '4; XVIII. '3, '4·See CivilIaw.

Soul of the commonwealth, VI. '9; terminusultimus, VI. ,8; above the civil law, VI. '4; IX.9; XII. 4; not a party to the Political Covenant,VII. 7, 9, '2, '4; not obliged by contract to thecitizens, VII. 7, 9, 12, 14; cannot injure thesubject, VII. '4; VIII. 7; cannot be punished,VI. '2; XI. 3; absolute (simple) obedience dueto (with exceptions), PRo '5, '7, 21; VI. '3*;XI. 6; XVIII. '3, '4. See Obedience, Politicalobligation.

- (duties of), VI. '3*; VII. 4*, '4; IX. '4; XIII;obligations to natural law, VII. 4*, '4; IX. '4;XIII. 2, 4; to secure peace, IX. '4; XIII. 2-'7;XVII. II; sins in the sovereign (cruelty, etc.),VII. '4; IX. '4; XII. 2; XIII. 4, ,6; XV. ,8;XVI. ,8; Te injury to God, VI. '3*; VII. '4;XIII. 2; Te sin in subject and sovereign, XII. 2;XV. ,8, '9; XVI. 7*, ,8; oaths of princes, VI.'3*·

Safety of the People, the supreme law, XIII.2; wherein this consists, XIII. 6-'7; XVII. ";Te the common good, XIII. 3; the City wasinstituted for its subjects' sake, XIII. 3; tosecure preservation, but also happiness and themeans to live well, XIII. 2,4; XVII. II, '2; Tesalvation of the subject and religion, XIII. 5;XVII. 28; XVIII. '3, '4; defence againstforeign enemies, XIII. 6-8; XVII. '4; andpeace at home, XIII. 6; preserving the harmlessliberty of the subject, XIII. 6, '5-'7; enactingwise and useful laws (aiding prosperity), XIII.14; instruction of subjects in correct civildoctrine, XIII. 9; XVII. '4; equal distributionof public burdens, XIII. '0; and taxes(proportionate to consumption, not wealth orincome), XIII. II; depressing ambitioussubjects, XIII. 12; and factions, XIII. 12, 13;

avoiding unnecessary laws, or excesspunishment, XIII. '5, ,6; and giving redressagainst corrupt Judges, XIII. '7.

~ (and religion), as God's viceroy, XV. '9;obedience to, versus obedience to God, PRo 17;XV. '5-'9; XVI. 7*, ,8; XVIII. " 2, '3, '4;commands of, and the laws of God, XV. ,; andthe Church, XVII. 26, 28; XVIII. " '3, '4;

and the authentic interpretation of Scripture,XVII. 27, 28; XVIII. '3, '4; right to prescribeTe God's natural kingdom, forms of publicworship of God, XV. ,6-'9; Te idolatry, XV.18""; and the distinction between things

INDEX TO DE CIVE 297

temporal and spiritual, XVII. t4, 28; XVIII. I,

3, '3, 14; re the remission of sins, XVII. 25;XVIII. '3, '4; and the salvation of the subject,XIII. 5; XVII. 28; XVIII. '3, '4; cannot beexcommunicated, XVII. 26; XVIII. '4; manysovereigns do not constitute one church, XVII.22; re the universal church, XVII. 22; XVIII.'4; and Christianity, PRo '7; VI. '3-; XVIII.13, 14; a Christian sovereign is the same as aChristian Church, XVII. 21, 22; XVIII. '3, '4;a Christian sovereign is head of both Churchand State, XVII. 28; XVIII. I, '3, 14; positionof an infidel sovereign, XVIII. '3.

- (kinds of), in Democracy, Aristocracy,Monarchy, etc., PRo '5,22; VII; X. See underGovernment (kinds of).

By institution, acquisition, conquest, etc.,political, despotical, paternal dominion, etc., seeunder Sovereignty (kinds of).

Sovereignty (Dominion): defined, V. 6-12;necessity of, PRo '5,22; VI. '7; XI. 4; XIV. 2;XV. I; marks of, VI; VI. 18; absolute, VI. '3-;XI. 6; cannot be divided, VII. 4-; IX. I; XII. 5;re attempts to limit, VII. 4-; transference of,and problems of succession, VII. '5-'7; VIII.6, 8, 9; IX. 11-19; XIV. '3; renunciation of,VII. '7; XIV. '3; cannot be dissolved byagreement of subjects (double obligation), VI.20; internal causes tending to the dissolution of,XII; the dissolution of, VII. 18; VIII. 9; effectof foreign conquest, VII. 18; withoutsovereignty, no government, XI. 4.

- ruler and ruled distinguished, VI. I -; asovereign People and a Multitudedistinguished, XII. 8; right of, distinguishedfrom its exercise, XIII. I; and power, XV. 5-7-;right of, and right of war distinguished, XIV.22; right of, re treason, XIV. 22; of law, andseditious opinion, XII. 4; re security and theobligation of contracts, XIV. 2; exercise of,compared with God's government, XIII. I;disputes about tenets of religion, often aboutsovereignty, XVIII. '4.

- of God, XV. 5-7-; and religious authorityamong the Jews, XVI. '3- I 8; and Christianity,VI. '3-; XVIII. '3, 14; government ofChrist inthis world, how distinguished from, XVII. 6.

- (kinds of), natural and by institution, howdistinguished, I. '4; V. 12; and how the same,VIII. 9; IX. 10; by institution (political), V. 12;VI; VII; re consent, I. 14; beginning fromconsent of the People, XI. I; God's institutivekingdom over the Jews, XVI. 9, 10.

Natural (paternal and despotical), V. 12;VIII; IX; XI. 5; defined, VIII. I; also termed,by acquisition, VIII; and by conquest, I. '4;VIII. 1,2; oflords over their servants, VIII; rerights from generation, VIII. I; paternal or

hereditary dominion (of parents over theirchildren), IX; has the same rights and conse­quences as institutive sovereignty, IX. 10; overbeasts, VIII. 10; propositions re sovereignty,confirmed from Scripture, XI. See Politicalobligation, Sovereign.

Spies, necessary for defence, XIII. 7.Spiritual things, distinguished from temporal,

XVII. 14,28; XVIII. '3, '4; and the role ofthesovereign, XVII. 28; XVIII. I, 3, '3, '4; andthe sphere of faith, XVII. 28; the office ofChrist re, XVII. '4, 28.

State, the, see under City, Civil Society, Govern­ment, Sovereign, Sovereignty.

- and Church, cannot be separate sovereignties,XII. 5. See under Church.

State ofNature: man's natural condition, I; XV. I;not inherently evil, PRo 12, '3; mutual fear, I. 2;men naturally equal, I. 3; causes of discord, I.4-6; and right to all things, I. 10; XIV. 9; a stateof war, PRo '4; I. 11-14; X. '7; nature dictatesself-preservation (seeking peace), I. 7-9, '3-'5;Laws of Nature relating to, II-IV; Contracts,etc., in, II; III. I -7; obligations in, III. 27-;XIV. 9. See also Contract, Covenant, Laws ofNature, Obligation, Right (to all things),Rights.

- the mushroom analogy (Hobbes's method),VIII. I; a mere multitude, VI. ,; and privatejudgement, II. 1-; XII. I; private judgement ofgood and evil, XII. I; just and unjust in, III.27·; 'just suspicion' in, XIII. 7; covenants,promises, etc., made under fear ofdeath, valid,II. 16; re rights to property, XII. 7; comparedwith civil society, X. I; XIV. 9; return to, ondissolution of sovereignty, VII. 18.

- re dominion over beasts, VIII. 10; anddominion over children, IX. 6; re the Indians ofN. America, I. '3; and international relations,PRo I I; I. 2-; X. '7; XIII. 7; and God's naturalkingdom, XV. 5-7-. See Civil Society, Humannature.

Stephen, XVII. 24.. Stone, the Tables of, XVI. 10.

Subject, the, defined, V. II; VI. 1-; howdistinguished from servants and children, IX.9; obedience due from, VI. '3; XV. I, '9; XVI.18; XVIII. '3, '4; sovereign, how known by,XIV. 11-13; no property nghts against thesovereign, VI. '5-; VIII. 5; XII. 7; preser­vation and peace of, but also happiness andthe means to live well, re duties of thesovereign, XIII. 2, 4; wealth of, XIII. 6;salvation of, and the duties of the sovereign,XIII. 5; XVI. 18; XVIII. '3, '4; interest of,and that of the ruler are alike, X. 2; the Citywas instituted for its subjects' sake, XIII. 3;obedience due to an infidel sovereign,

INDEX TO DE CIVE

Subject (cont.):XVIII. 13; subjection of children to theirparents, similar to that of subject to sovereign,IX. 7; obedience, limitations upon (shamefulactions), VI. 13; how freed from obedience,VII. 18; VIII. 9; sin in subject and sovereign,XII. 2; XV. 18, 19; XVI. 7-, 18; re the worshipof God, XV. 16-19; XVI. 18; XVIII. 13, 14;subjects of God, XV. 2, 19; XVII. 5.

Success, hope of, disposes men to sedition, XII.II; things requisite to, XII. II.

Succession, rights of, and the transference ofsovereignty, VII. 15-17; VIII. 6, 8, 9; IX.II-I9·

Sulla, ED. I.

Superfluities, contending for, and the Laws ofNature, III. 9.

Superstition, XVI. I.

Supreme power or authority, see Sovereignty.Suspicion, re 'just suspicion', II. II·; XIII. 7;

XIV. 2.

Sylla (Sulla), ED. I.

Syllogism, IX. I; XVII. 28; XVIII. 4.Synagogue, the, re excommunication from, XVII.

26.Synod, the, XVII. 19.Syrtes, engravings (E).

Tarquins, the, ED. I.

Taxes, excessive, detrimental to both ruler andruled, X. 2; excessive, incline to sedition, XII.9; re equal distribution of burdens, XIII. 10;should be proportionate to consumption, andnot to wealth or income, XIII. II.

Teiesinus, Pontius, ED. I.

Temperance, I. 4; III. 32; XVIII. 12.Temporal things, distinguished from spiritual,

XVII. 14,28; XVIII. 13, 14; and the role ofthesovereign, XVII. 28; XVIII. 1,3, 13, 14.

Terminus ultimus (the sovereign), VI. 18.Testament, Old and New, see Kingdom of God

(under the Old Covenant); (under the NewCovenant).

Theft, XVI. 10; defined by civil law, VI. 16; XIV.9; XVII. 10; Lacedaemonian attitude to, VI. 16;XIV. 10.

Thief on the Cross, the, XVII. 4; XVIII. 6-, 8.Thinking, XVIII. 4.Tiberius Caesar, XVII. 3.Timothy, XVII. 4, 23, 24.Titus, XI. 6; XVII. 24·Torture, II. 19.Tractation, an idoneous principle of, ED. 8.Treason: laesa majestas defined, XII. 8; what kind

of sin? XIV. 20-2; XV. 19; XVI. I &, punishedby the right of war, XIV. 22; against thesovereign, a breach of natural, not civil law,XIV. 10, 20-2; against God, in the natural

kingdom, XV. 19; XVIII. II; under the OldCovenant, XVI. 7, 18; XVIII. II; under theNew Covenant, XVIII. I I.

Trespasses, XIV; see Sin, Sins.Trinity, the, XVII. 4.Trust, XVIII. 4; and the Laws of Nature, III.

3I; re covenants of submission (the PoliticalCovenant), VIII. 2-4, 9.

Truth, ED. 4; II. 1-; XVIII. 4.Tyrannicide, PRo 5; XII. 3; and seditious opinion,

XII. 3.Tyranny, not a distinct form of government

(equals Monarchy misliked), VII. 2,3; classicalauthors re, VII. 3; XII. 3.

Umpires, use of, III. 20.Understanding, XIV. 16.Union, defined, V. 6-8; and arguments in favour

of monarchy, X. 4. See Political Covenant,Sovereign, Sovereignty.

Universities, etc., to teach true civil doctrineunder the control of the sovereign, XIII. 9.

Urim, the judgement of, XVI. 14.Useful arts, to be encouraged by the sovereign,

XIII. 14.Usefulness to others, and the Laws ofNature, III.

9; IV. 7·

Vespasian, XVII. I.

Victories, Greek and Roman (prosperoususurpation), ED. 3.

Vindicative (or penal) law, XIV. 6-8, 23.Virtue, and the Laws of Nature, III. 31; re

mediocrity and extremity, III. 32.

Wales, Prince of (Tutor to), portrait (L2).War: defined, I. 12; XIII. 7; in the State of

Nature, PRo 10, II, 14; I. 12; X. 17; causes of,ED. 9; PRo 6, 7; I. 3-6; inconsistent withpreservation, I. 13; right of, V. I; VI. 2,7; VIII.1,9; XIV. 19,22; equality in the state of, X. 4;provocation to, XVII. 26; the sword of, belongsto the sovereign, VI. 7, 18; XI. 2; XVII. ";right of war and peace, VI. 7, 18; XVII. ";implies the right to raise money, XII. 5; meansof, and the duty ofthe sovereign to be prepared,XIII. 8; in international relations, PRo II; I.2-; X. 17; XIII. 7; XVII. 27; a certain meanobserved, V. 2; some Laws of Nature operativeeven in time of war, III. 27·.

Watch analogy (Hobbes's method), PRo 9.Wealth, needful for security, XIII. 6; of the

subject, XIII. 6, 14.Will, the, re deliberation and covenants, II. 14; V.

8; and the conception of good, II. 8; V. I; reopinion and belief, IV. 24; XVIII. 6-; and law,IV. 24; voluntary actions and the foresight ofgood and evil, VI. "; questions concerning

INDEX TO DE GIVE 299

free-will, XVIII. '4; free-will and counsel,XIV. I; the will, how accepted for the deed, IV.21; XVIII. 3; and error, XVII. 25; and sin,XIV. 16; XVII. 25; XVIII. 6·; ofGod, XV. '4;one will (union) requisite for society, V. 6; VI.I·; of the sovereign, and law, VI. '9; XIV. '3;of the People and ofthe multitude, XII. 4, 8; ofthe council and of the majority, V. 7; naturaland political, and how different in Democracy,Aristocracy and Monarchy, VII. I{; man com­pared with the social insects, V. S.

Wisdom, ED. 4.Wise Men, the, XVIII. 6.WitJ;1ess, no obligation to accuse oneself, nor bear

witness against father, son, etc., II. 19; andtorture, II. '9; false witness, the Decalogue andthe civil law, XIV. 9; XVI. 10.

Witnesses, use of, III. 23; IV. 18.Wolf, Man is to Man, ED. I.

Word of God: several meanings defined, XV. 3;XVI. II; XVII. '5, 16,28; how known, XV. 3,4; XVI. II; through reason, XV. 3, {; XVI. II;

through revelation, XV. 3, {; XVI. II; XVII.'3; through prophecy, XV. 3,4; XVI. II, 12;re the prophets, XVI. II, 12; how related toreason, sense and faith, XV. 3, 4; interpretersof, XVI. 6,13-18; XVII. '5-,8,28; interpretedby Abraham, XVI. 6; the written word among

the Jews, XVI. 12; and the tradition of theChurch, XVII. '5, 16; Scripture as the word ofGod, XVII. '5-,8,28; and the doctrine of theGospels, XVII. 15, 16, 28; and the canon ofChristian faith, XVII. '5, 16, 28; and God'slaws distinguished, XVI. II; authentic inter­pretation of, and the sovereign, XVIII. '3, '4.

Words, use of, XVIII. 4.Worship, XV. 8-19; and honour, defined, XV. 9;

consists in attributes or in actions, XV. 10;

natural and arbitrary distinguished, XV. II, '5,16; commanded and voluntary, XV. 12; its endor aim, XV. '3. See Worship of God.

Worship of God, XIV. 5; XV. 8-19; XVII. 28;reason and the Laws of Nature (sacred) con­cerning, XV. 8, '4, '5; natural, civillawand theinterpretation of the sovereign re, XIV. 5; XV.16-19; XVII. 28; and the civil law (sacred orecclesiastical), XIV. 5; re prayers, XV. 15, 18·;public and private worship distinguished, XV.'5; divine and civil worship distinguished, XV.18; re idolatry, XV. 18·; and treason againstGod, XV. '9. See Worship.

Zadok, XVI. 16.Zebedee, the sons of, XVII. 4.Zechariah, Book of, quoted, etc., XVII. I, 2.

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