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THE JEWS OF BARRANQUILLA A Study of a Jewish Community in South America*

By CELIA STOPNICKA ROSENTHAL

BARRANQUILLA, whose Jewish community is the subject of this article, is Colombia's busy port, situated at the mouth of the Magdalena River near the Caribbean Sea. Fourth in size, it is one of the country's principal com- mercial cities, as well as a major shipping and transportation center. It rates as a modern, progressive, cosmopolitan place with living conditions above the average in this part of the world.

The Barranquilla Jewish community, the third largest in Colombia today, is typical of the Jewish communities not only in the rest of the country, but also in South America in general, if the writer may judge from travels through Colombia, Ecuador and Peru. It is representative in respect of organization, sub-ethnic composition, economic standing, social status and community problems, although it has, of course, its own unique features. In studying Barranquilla, therefore, one may gain insight into the basic structure of the Jewish communities in South America.

Though individual Jews came to Colombia from the very beginning of its colonization, some trying unsuccessfully to escape the Inquisition - for its powerful arm, nevertheless, reached them in the new land in 1624 there is no indication of Jews having settled in Barranquilla prior to the middle of the last century. 1 Little is known about those first Jewish settlers because there are no written records of their arrival or their life in the new country. The only exception is the formal deed, recorded by the Town Clerk on September 3, 1879, setting aside part of a cemetery for the exclusive use by Jews. 2

The oldest grave at this cemetery, dating back to 1858, is that of a German Jew born in Leipzig. There are two other graves of German Jews of that time, but the rest are of Spanish and Portuguese who came from Curacao. No

* This study, written in December 1955, is based on quantitative data collected by the writer, personal observation, and numerous conversations, including fifteen formal interviews with mem- bers of the community. Grateful acknowledgment is made to all Barranquilla inhabitants who contributed to the basic research. No government or community statistics are available on the number of Jews in Barranquilla, let alone accurate information about their schooling, occupations, etc. The writer's count of the membership of the Jewish community does not agree with estimates by community leaders. The figures in the article should be regarded as approximations rather than precise data. Dollar values of pesos are based on the official exchange rate in December 1955.

1 Fernandez, M. Tejado, La Vida Social en Cartagena de Indias (Seville 1954), pp. 147-93. 2 This document belongs to the Comunidad Hebrea Sefardita.

262

The Jews in Barranquilla 263

descendants of German Jews can be found in Barranquilla today, but those of the latter, the de Solas, Correas, Seniors, Juliaos, are all Catholic and rank among the town's most distinguished families.

One could possibly learn more about the early Jewish immigrants by questioning their Catholic descendants, but such research was deemed beyond the bounds of this article, since the former were in no sense pioneers of Jewish settlement in Barranquilla. They were merely precursors of the actual builders of the community. The present Jewish inhabitants are very much aware of the disappearance of this early group and are determined that history shall not repeat itself.

The pioneers of the Jewish settlement in Barranquilla were three Syrian families who came there in 1908 and were shortly joined by other Sephardic families. In keeping with their deep piety, they conducted services in one of their homes from the very beginning. It was not until 1926 that the city government permitted ritual slaughter of animals. The Comunidad Hebrea Sefardita, formally organized in 1928, was legally incorporated in 1945. Seventy-two Sephardic families today are dues-paying members and about twenty are outside of the organization.

The second wave of immigration, which began in the early twenties, brought East European Jews, mostly from Poland and Rumania. Unlike the nineteenth century immigrants, the East Europeans were almost exclusively men who left their families in their homeland with the expectation of re- turning to them after making their fortunes. The rise of fascist governments in the thirties compelled these immigrants to change their plans, and they sent for their families. In 1928 they founded the Centro Israelita Filantropico which received juridical recognition in 1931. Its membership today includes 145 dues-paying families.

In the third immigration wave between 1936 and 1939, refugees from Germany and Austria arrived. They differed from the first two immigrant groups in class composition, educational level, and motive for leaving their native land.

The Sephardic and East European immigrants were almost entirely working people, most of whom fled from starvation. The bulk of the Sephar- dim came from Arab countries where they were artisans and petty traders. The depressed economic and social status position of the East Europeans in their home countries is reflected in their present occupations. As many as 19 percent of them are engaged in making and selling shoes, and it can be safely assumed that an equal percentage were connected with shoemaking at home. Another 12 percent, mostly former carpenters in the old country, are engaged in the production and sale of furniture. The German and Austrian Jews, on the other hand, were all members of the middle or upper middle class. The economic standing, of course, reflects the educational level of the respective groups. In view of the pronounced differences in background,

264 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

the aloofness of the Central Europeans from both the Sephardim and other Ashkenazim is readily understandable.

The Sephardim and East Europeans, accustomed to a low standard of living in their native lands, were able to withstand the hardships which beset immigrants and eventually gained economic security. Skilled and expe- rienced in buying and selling, they started peddling products made at home. Because of unlimited opportunities in Colombia, an industrially backward country, their advance was rapid. For the Central Europeans, the road was harder since their first occupation in Barranquilla as peddlers constituted a severe blow to their pride. They, too, made quick progress and today a large portion of Jews, irrespective of land of origin, have attained upper middle class or even higher economic status.

A fairly detailed analysis of economic standing can be made for the Sephardim, based on varying monthly fees paid to the Comunidad Hebrea Sefardita. The reliability of these data as an index of economic class was checked by correlating the size of fee with membership in the exclusive Jewish social club. As Table 1 shows, the higher the fee paid by an individual,

TABLE 1

MEMBERSHIP IN COMUNIDAD HEBREA SEFARDITA, BY SIZE OF MONTHLY FEES AND CLUB

AFFILIATION, December 1955

Size of Fee Number Percent No. Belong- No. not Belong- Percent Belong- In Pesos of Members ing to Club ing to Club ing to Club

20 and more... 12 17 10 2 83 10-15......... 32 44 22 10 69 5............. 28 39 10 18 36

Total......... 72 100 42 30 58

the more likely he is to be a member of the club. All Sephardim have incomes above the average, and on the basis of the fee index, it appears that 17 percent are in the highest economic bracket; 44 percent in the bracket just below and 39 percent in a lower bracket corresponding to middle class incomes. Although similar information about East European Jews is not obtainable, the writer estimates the percentage of top bracket people to be smaller, about the same in the second bracket and a bit larger in the third.

The predominance of self-employed reflects the economic well-being of the entire community (see Table 2). Of all the heads of families whose occupa- tions were reported, 88 percent were self-employed. The vast majority of the Germans and Austrians, ranked as employees, are in managerial positions.

The Jews in Barranquilla 265

TABLE 2

SELF-EMPLOYED AMONG HEADS OF FAMILIES WITH REPORTED OCCUPATIONS, December 1955

Sub-ethnic Group No. of No. with Reported Self- Working Percent of Families Occupations Employed for Others Self-Employed

Sephardic....... 92 55 53 2 96 East European... 145 114 108 6 95 Central European 56 56 38 18 68

Total ........... 293 225 199 26 88

Because of their concentration in the upper economic levels, the 865 Jews, who constitute barely 0.3 percent of the city's population, are much more prominent than their numbers indicate. Almost none of them is a member of the lower class to which the great bulk of the inhabitants of Barranquilla belong. Because non-Jewish immigrant groups, especially Arabs and Turks,

TABLE 3

THE JEWISH POPULATION OF BARRANQUILLA, December 1955

Sub-ethnic Group Number Percent of Total Jewish Population

East European .......................... 446 51.5 Sephardic ............................. 285 33.0 Central European ....................... 134 15.5

Total .................................. 865 100.0

have also taken advantage of the new commercial opportunities in Colombia, their class structure represents a similar pattern of privileged economic position. The native population, however, without a tradition of trade and commerce, has remained economically submerged.

By material standards, the Jews made an unusually successful adjust- ment to their new environment. Wealth made available to these people, bred in poverty, all the things that were once beyond their dreams: servant- staffed houses in the best part of town - the majority live in the fashionable Prado section-, food and clothing imported from abroad, and periodic trips to the United States. But in Barranquilla, as in Latin America in general, the final test of upper class affiliation, after the requirements of wealth are met, is eligibility for membership in the elite social clubs. No Jew, regardless

266 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

of wealth, could pass this test until last year. Barranquilla's upper class was not ready to accept the "Polacos," the disparaging name by which all Jews here are known, no matter what their land of origin. The few who tried directly and indirectly to become members were persuaded to withdraw their applications.

Refused entree into the fashionable clubs in 1942, the wealthy Jews organized one of their own, closely modeled on the town's country club. By creating the Union Club, as it was named, its founders met the need of the Jewish community for a place to spend their leisure time. Tennis courts, table tennis, and other facilities exist there, but they are hardly used. Without exaggeration, the main leisure activity is card playing, men and women playing separately. The weekly meetings of the only women's organization, the WIZO (Women's International Zionist Organization), are exclusively card afternoons. The few attempts to initiate other activities, such as lectures and films, were complete failures, for the women simply make card playing a condition for attendance. At all festivities except weddings, i. e., engage- ments, circumcisions and Bar-mitzvahs, the majority of those present play cards.

Since the founders of the Union Club were Sephardim and its building was rented from the Comunidad Hebrea Sefardita, it was from the very beginning considered a Sephardic club, even though all Jews are eligible for membership. The East Europeans, nevertheless, felt that they needed a place of their own where they could converse in Yiddish and feel more at home. In 1942, the year the Union Club was founded, they obtained quarters in the elegant Prado section to house the Centro Israelita Filantropico. In 1952 the center was moved to larger quarters to keep up with the standard set by the Sephardim.

In addition to card games, the center occasionally presents Yiddish guest artists, of mediocre talent at best, who find an appreciative audience among the middle-aged and old people. These performances hold no attraction for the young who were either born in Colombia or were brought there as small children. As a matter of fact, the youth of East European descent hardly

TABLE 4

SUB-ETHNIC CLASSIFICATION OF MEMBER FAMILIES OF THE UNION CLUB, December 1955

Sub-ethnic Group Number Percent Executive Board Members

Sephardim ...................... 58 61 4 East European ................... 28 30 3 Central European ................ 9 9 1

Total ....................... ... 95 100 8

The Jews in Barranquilla 267

frequent the center, preferring to meet in the Union Club, the place "of higher class," as they designate it.

The Union Club with its greater prestige and livelier atmosphere has succeeded in attracting the richer and younger East Europeans who today compose 30 percent of the entire membership (see Table 4). However, the same people are also members of the Centro Israelita Filantropico and occasionally participate in some of the recreational activities of the East European center. Membership in the Centro implies access to all services offered by it, recreational as well as religious. In contrast, the Sephardim employ two basic organizations for these purposes: the Union Club, which is strictly recreational; and the Comunidad Hebrea Sefardita which functions as a religious, educational and charitable institution. Of the 72 dues-paying member families of the latter organization, 58 or 81 percent belong to the club.

The Germans and Austrians have their center too, the Sociedad Bne- Briss which is used for religious services on Friday nights and holidays and for occasional meetings and celebrations. In contrast to the Union Club and Centro Israelita Filantropico with their spacious and well-kept quarters in the best residential section of town, the Sociedad Bne-Briss center is a tiny place in the commercial section. It is frequented exclusively by Central Europeans who constitute the smallest and least active group of Jews in Barranquilla. Recently the Executive Board of the center contemplated a complete merger with the Centro Israelita Filantropico, but it was not consummated.

Thus the Jewish community is divided into three sub-ethnic groups, each conducting separate services on the Sabbath and holidays and each having a social center of its own. They present a united appearance, however, when dealing with the outside world. For example, when important govern- ment personages, from the President of the Republic down the line, visit Barranquilla, they are greeted by a Jewish committee in the name of the whole community. As one man put it: "For the outside we are united, but inside we are divided."

Still, despite the manifest differences, even "inside" the community, the Jews are not as divided as they believe. There are a number of common communal organizations and activities. The WIZO, for example, includes women of all sub-ethnic groups. They are also united in their fund-raising drives for Israel and in their charity work and contribute generously to both. Barranquilla has been discovered by meshulahim (itinerant fund raisers) seeking alms and none leaves empty-handed.

There are no marked divisions in the community along political or class lines. Even if the foreign born have not completely shaken off the burning interest in politics which they displayed in the old country, the fire has gone out of it and it manifests itself now only in peaceful conversation at the center

268 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

or club. Some of the East Europeans were either passionately pro- or anti- Zionist, but upon reaching Colombia they became absorbed almost exclu- sively in trade and in saving for the return to their homelands. By the time it became clear that no return was possible, they were too deeply involved in economic pursuits to care strongly about political ideas. The native-born young care even less, provided the political situation in Colombia is not detrimental to business. Both generations keep aloof from Colombian poli- tics, an attitude to some extent voluntary, but also determined by their low social status, in sharp contrast to their high economic postion. As a consequence, none of the twentieth century Jewish immigrants nor their Colombian-born sons has ever held an official position in Barranquilla.

Class divisions have no basis for existence in this small community of shopkeepers and businessmen who share common economic interests, mater- ially oreinted values, styles of living, and standards of education. Character- istic of the absence of class lines is the community-wide invitation to weddings, Bar-mitzvahs and circumcisions. When special parties, such as the New Year's Eve Ball, are held in the Union Club, all Jews, whether or not mem- bers of the club, are invited to attend; most do so.

Status differentiation, however, exists on the basis of wealth and its conspicuous consumption. Those who have much and spend enough are afforded special honors. As one man expressed it picturesquely when asked whether there were class divisions in the community: "We divide ourselves in accordance with how much money we can afford to lose at a game of poker."

Hence, the cultural differences of the three groups are the greatest dividing force in the Jewish community. They are manifested in disparaging remarks of one group about the others. These cause offense and occasionally even lead to fist fights between the Sephardim and East Europeans. Such an incident occurred at the last New Year celebration in the Union Club. Divisive factors are, nevertheless, diminishing in importance, for all three groups are becoming acculturated in Colombia. These factors play a minor role among the youth as the increasing number of marriages between Sephardim and Ashkenazim proves. The differences in language, customs, and, to some extent, in religious ritual that still divide their parents are of little consequence to the youth. They have been brought up in Colombia, their language is Spanish, and their religious commitments are minimal. Moreover, they have been bred in homes of the same economic standing, upper and middle class, and the same educational level, low, except for the handful of youths of German and Austrian parentage. Finally, all have been exposed to highly materialistic standards and taught to value a person largely in terms of his material possessions and income.

An interesting development, not anticipated by the parents and con- sciously recognized neither by them nor by the youth, is that material

The Jews in Barranquilla 269

possessions do not afford complete satisfaction to the younger generation. The parents, to be sure, enjoy fully and satiate themselves with all the things that money can buy. The sons and daughters tend to take these benefits for granted, for they have been surrounded by them from early life. When one looks at the bored expressions on the faces of the young people idling in the Union Club, one sees clearly the mark of a lost generation. (Unmarried people generally do not play cards, but become initiated into this pastime after marriage.) "They hang around the club like stray dogs waiting for something to happen, but nothing ever does," remarked one of the few men in Barranquilla who is aware of the problem.

Why does this situation exist? The older generation is definitely con- cerned with the needs of the younger, but, unfortunately, does not under- stand the nature of these needs. When they do have an inkling, they do not know how to go about satisfying them.

A striking example is the manner in which they treated the problem of education. In a Catholic country like Colombia, where almost all private schools are Catholic and where public schools are open to the poorest children only, the education of Jewish children clearly presented difficulties. The solution adopted in 1935 by the Sephardim was to establish a primary school, Colegio Hebreo Union, under their auspices, but open to all Jewish children. The school was in existence for only a few years, for it was closed upon the departure of its teacher from Barranquilla. The same name was given by the East Europeans to a school they founded in 1945. It, too, is open to all Jewish children, irrespective of the parents' land of origin.

Since its foundation, the latter school has lacked clearly defined aims and trained personnel. Yiddish was taught at certain times and Hebrew at others; religious instruction, supposedly part of the curriculum, was dispensed with under one principal who professed to be an atheist. The children have been receiving neither good secular training nor adequate Jewish education. Con- sequently, most well-to-do Jews send their children to other schools, especially the non-sectarian American school, justifying this step by reference to similar conduct by the founders and main supporters of the Jewish school who do not enroll their children in the Colegio Hebreo Union.

During the 1955 Colombian school year, which began in February and lasted till December, 75 children attended the Jewish school. Of these 25 were of pre-school age and were there primarily for play. Of the 50 other children, 12 were Catholic and nine were of mixed Jewish-Christian parentage. Only 29 out of the 75 were Jewish children of primary school age. These youngsters, who constitute 23 percent of all Jewish primary school students, are the only ones who have received any Jewish instruction. Accordingly, only one out of four children has been given a Jewish education, and an inferior one at that. It should be added that an average of 5,000 pesos ($2,000 at the official rate) per month is spent on the maintenance of the school.

270 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

Only recently, in August 1955, the Sephardim organized afternoon Hebrew classes, to which all Jewish children were invited. The two teachers, a father and daughter team, are trained and devoted to the task of educating the young. This may explain the enthusiasm of some of the parents for the new venture. As one young father expressed it: "I know that my children will know more about Jewishness than I and my wife do, and that is good." There is no tuition fee. Classes are held every afternoon from Monday to Friday. On Saturday afternoons the program of Oneg Shabbat includes stories from Jewish history, related by the teachers in Spanish, and Hebrew songs. It is too early to judge whether this project will continue or whether, like many of its predecessors, it will die out (see Table 5).

TABLE 5

ATTENDANCE AT AFTERNOON HEBREW CLASSES, 1955

Month Number Boys Girls

August ................................ 35 26 9 September ............................. 55 34 21 October ............................... 47 32 15 November ............................. 42 30 12

Out of the five air-conditioned rooms available in the Union Club only one room is allotted for the classes, and both teachers teach in the same room at the same time. The other rooms are needed for card playing. Moreover, when there is an overflow of players, the classes are suspended and the class-room used for card games. That this program of systematic instruction was introduced so late and that it is not accorded communal priority may seem strange in view of the age-old Jewish tradition of learning and of educating the young. The explanation is not a simple one. It is to be found by examining the condition of Barranquilla Jews both in the old and in the new country. They came from the lowest socio-economic stratum in respect of income and education, for South America ranked as one of the least desirable havens for Jewish immigrants. Also, Jewish culture in Poland and Rumania, the homelands of most of the East European Jews, was at that time in a period of transition, and the changes were most pronounced precisely in the lower class. 3 In the small towns the young people of that class showed the least allegiance to the culture of their forefathers. The leaders of the Jewish community in Barranquilla today are those young men of yesterday.

3 For an analysis of the reasons why changes from the traditional Jewish pattern were greater among the lower class in pre-war Poland, see Rosenthal, Celia Stopnicka, "Deviation and Social Change in a Jewish Community of a Small Polish Town," American Journal of Sociology, LIX (1954), pp. 177-81.

The Jews in Barranquilla 271

In the new country, commerce and industry, and not education, proved to be the best guarantee of upward mobility. Since Colombia is an educa- tionally backward country, the Jews of Barranquilla in a sense conform to the country's standards by not accenting the importance of education.

While the education of Jewish youth is superior to that of the general Barranquilla population, it is inferior to that of Colombians of the same economic class. There are proportionally fewer people with a university education among the Jews. The reason is that among Jewish parents business ranks higher than the professions as a suitable occupation for their sons. There is, for example, not one physician among all the Jews who were born in Barranquilla or brought there as children. Those few who have prepared themselves for professions, with the exception of two architects and one chemist, do not practice them, having joined their fathers in business. Participation in the family business enterprise after high school graduation is the general pattern for boys. Of those who receive their high school education in the United States, few get any Jewish instruction. Fewer girls than boys attend American schools but most obtain a Colombian secondary school education. They generally do not work, but the fashion amongupper-class Colombian girls of working before marriage has spread among some Jewish girls.

Despite the lack of a Jewish education, ignorance of Jewish tradition and of Jewish history, and the limited activities offered by the community, the young people remain Jews. Few withdraw from the community. What is responsible for this ingroup loyalty? Is it religion? "Religion means very little to us and we don't take it seriously," explained a young woman. "We have received very little of it in our homes. What keeps us Jewish is the club. Yes, the club unites us more than the synagogue," she continued. In light of the limited range of the club - card games and occasional dances - this statement appears far-fetched, but upon closer examination it contains the answer, however naively expressed.

Religion holds little meaning for the young people, especially since their parents no longer assign importance to it. When they first arrived from the old country, they made concessions in religious observance due to changed conditions. But with time, adherence to religious beliefs and practices became a matter to suit their convenience.

Dietary laws are observed only by a dozen families. "Every time I pass the kosher meat stand in the market," related one Polish woman, "I feel terrible. I can't help but think of the very kosher home my mother kept in the old country." Nevertheless, the same woman, like most other Jewish women, buys non-kosher meat because of its greater variety and lower price. Often there are not enough men for a minyan (quorum of ten males required for public worship) on Saturday afternoons and they have to be rounded up with some difficulty from the great number playing cards in the Union Club,

272 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

next door to the synagogue. Perhaps the clearest evidence of the diminished importance of religion is the tiny space assigned for religious services in the East European Jewish center compared to the huge room reserved for card playing.

If religion has a small hold on those raised in its ways, it has almost none on their children who have been exposed to minimal contact with it. The young people do not break away from the community largely because there are few attractions outside it. They would not think of associating with Colombian working people whose standard of living is below subsistence level, whose hygienic conditions are extremely poor, and who are to a large degree illiterate. Colombian Gentiles of similar economic standing and education, on the other hand, are apprehensive about mixing socially with Jews, whose social status is low in the country's stratification structure.

The leisure time of upper class and upper-middle class Colombians is spent in the most exclusive country club and other social clubs which are almost devoid of educational, cultural, or artistic activities. Since these clubs offer little not available in the Union Club and since Jews would have to fight to gain acceptance, they see no need to force the issue. The Christmas dances held at the Union Club exemplify the extent to which the Jewish club tries to copy the Gentile ones. With considerable effort certain wealthy young Jews born in Colombia probably could win membership in the Country Club, though in the past Jews have been refused. The fact that last year one Jewish family with the above qualifications was admitted supports this conjecture. The Jews, however, are aware that formal membership does not mean acceptance and choose not to expose themselves to an uncomfortable environ- ment. "A whole group of us once went to a dance at the Country Club. None of us felt good there," one young woman reported. The Barranquilla Club, the second in rank among the town's social clubs, recently invited a few wealthy Jews to join and they accepted. It is too early to predict whether in the course of time they will remain members in name only or become full participants.

One must not, however, be misled by the minority of educated members of the community who, concerned over the future, decry the older genera- tion's failure to meet its obligations. In an objective analysis the founding of the Union Club served not only to keep the group intact but to bring back into the fold certain previously unaffiliated families. Many people, partic- ularly the youth, frequent the club even if they are not dues-paying members. The older generation can hardly be taken to task for not providing cultural, educational and artistic opportunities for which the youth have never made an outright demand.

The few adults who have tried to broaden the interests of the youth have learned painfully that it is not easy. "We have placed collection boxes for Israel in many homes but there is not one boy or girl who is willing to go

The Jews in Barranquilla 273

around and collect the money," complained one. "I tried a small theater group but could not get people to come for rehearsal," related another. "When I talked about a hobby club for young people, they laughed at me," confessed a third. Although this lack of response may appear to contradict the view that the youth are dissatisfied with the status quo, it merely proves that they do not know what they want, and that the new programs have been neither well organized nor designed to attract them.

Why not? First, those in control of the community purse strings refuse to give money to widen horizons. Money is always available for enlarging the community buildings, but there is never enough of it to hire good teachers or to bring to Barranquilla a person trained in organizing youth activites. For instance, thirty thousand pesos ($12,000) is now being spent to fix up the basement of the club for the children's use. The reason for this expenditure, as explained by the president and other influential persons, is that the children, who now loiter in the club, are demoralized by seeing their parents play cards. Once the basement is completed they will not be allowed up- stairs and will thus be sheltered from a bad influence. A sum of $28,000 has been allotted for renovating the synagogue, including the establishment of a library room. When questioned about the purpose of this room, the president of the Comunidad Hebrea Sefardita replied in all seriousness: "At least we will have something to show to delegates coming from abroad."

The unsuccessful pioneers of new programs are the deviants of the community. They are the ones who, in a sense, have challenged its whole value system by not assigning supreme importance to wealth. Their absten- tion from card playing is interpreted as condemnation of the others. To the youth, these few individuals, who are not wealthy, are, therefore, of no account. The older generation treats the deviants with a mixture of ridicule, envy and respect. Usually subject to mockery, they are exhibited with con- siderable pride as representatives of the community when delegates come from abroad. Those who ridicule the few men who value education may be thus suppressing their guilt feelings for having abandoned one of the main values of Jewish culture, namely, the importance of learning.

Although the would-be leaders are unacceptable to the young people, the latter have not developed their own leaders and are not likely to do so soon. The kind of education they have received is not conducive to leadership and initiative. They have never been taught to stand on their own feet and to fight obstacles, for their parents have swaddled them with material goods.

If that is the case, what is the solution? The actual issue, which the community will have to face sooner or later, is that of establishing new and wider objectives and programs for the younger generation. If a trained social worker were sent to Barranquilla by an American Jewish organization, he could accomplish much in this direction. The previous failures need not be discouraging, for they were not professionally directed programs.

274 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

This idea appealed to most people interviewed by the writer but they were doubtful that it would come true. As one man put it: "Many come from abroad to ask us for aid and we give it to them. It would be good if we were finally helped to obtain the one thing which we need." If American Jews will make this contribution toward extending the horizons of Barran- quilla Jewish youth, their investment in the future of the Barranquilla Jewish community will surely be productive. This conclusion is equally applicable to many other communities in Latin America.