flavius josephus - complete works (antiquities of the jews and wars of the jews)

8/12/2019 Flavius Josephus - Complete Works (Antiquities of the Jews and Wars of the Jews)

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Contents: THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS -- ANTIQUITIES Of

THE JEWS Volume One.

p. iii, Para. 1, [1].

Preface:

p. iii, Para. 2, [1].

BOOK I FROM THE CREATION To THE DEATH OF ISAAC..page.32

BOOK II FROM THE DEATH Of ISAAC TO THE EXODUS OUT OF

EGYPT..page.60 BOOK III FROM THE EXODUS OUT Of EGYPT, TO

THE REJECTION OF THAT Generation..page.87 BOOK IV FROM THE

REJECTION OF THAT GENERATION TO THE DEATH Of

MOSES..page.113 BOOK V FROM THE DEATH OF MOSES TO THE DEATH

Of ELI..page.141 BOOK VI FROM THE DEATH OF ELI TO THE DEATH

Of SAUL..page.171 BOOK VII FROM THE DEATH OF SAUL TO THE

DEATH Of DAVID..page.205 BOOK VIII CONTAINING THE INTERVAL

Of ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTY-THREE YEARS. FROM THE DEATH Of

DAVID TO THE DEATH Of AHAB..page.237 BOOK IX FROM THE DEATH

OF AHAB TO THE CAPTIVITY Of THE TEN TRIBES..page.275 BOOK X

FROM THE CAPTIVITY Of THE TEN TRIBES TO THE FIRST YEAR OF

Cyrus..page.299 BOOK XI FROM THE FIRST OF CYRUS TO THE

DEATH Of ALEXANDER THE GREAT..page.321 BOOK XII FROM THE

DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE DEATH Of JUDAS Macca-

beus..page.346 BOOK XIII FROM THE DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUS

TO THE DEATH Of QUEEN Alexandra..page.376 BOOK XIV FROM THE

DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH Of ANTIGO-

NUS..page.408 BOOK XV FROM THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS TO THE

FINISHING Of THE TEMPLE BY Herod..page.444 BOOK XVI FROMTHE FINISHING Of THE TEMPLE BY HEROD TO THE DEATH OF ALEX-

ANDER And ARISTOBULUS..pag.475 BOOK XVII FROM THE DEATH Of

ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS TO THE BANISHMENT Of ARCHE-

LAUS..page.502 BOOK XVIII FROM THE BANISHMENT Of ARCHELUS

TO THE DEPARTURE FROM Babylon..page.529 BOOK XIX FROM THE

DEPARTURE OUT Of BABYLON TO FADUS, THE ROMAN Procura-

tor..page.559 BOOK XX FROM FADUS THE PROCURATOR To FLO-

RUS..page.584 p. iii, Para. 3, [1].

THE WARS Of THE JEWS. VOLUME TWO PREFACE p. iii, Para. 4,

[1].

BOOK I. FROM THE TAKING Of JERUSALEM BY ANTIOCHUS EPI-

PHANES, TO THE DEATH Of HEROD THE GREAT..page.607 BOOK.II

FROM THE DEATH Of HEROD TILL VESPASIAN WAS SENT TO SUBDUE

THE JEWS By NERO..page.665 BOOK III FROM VESPASIAN'S COMING

To SUBDUE THE JEWS TO THE TAKING OF Gamala..page.711 BOOK

IV FROM THE SIEGE OF GAMALA TO THE COMING Of TITUS TO BE-


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SIEGE Jerusalem..page.738 BOOK.V FROM THE COMING Of TITUS

TO BESIEGE JERUSALEM, TO THE GREAT EXTREMITY To WHICH THE

JEWS WERE REDUCED..page.772 BOOK VI FROM THE GREAT EXTREM-

ITY To WHICH THE JEWS WERE REDUCED TO THE TAKING OF JERUSA-

LEM By TITUS..page.807 BOOK VII FROM THE TAKING Of JERUSA-

LEM BY TITUS TO THE SEDITION AT Cyrene..page.833 p. iii,Para. 5, [1].

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION -- An EXTRACT CONCERNING

HADES p. v, Para. 1, [1].

FOOTNOTES -- PUBLISHER'S NOTES. -- INTRODUCTORY ESSAY By

The Rev. Henry Stebbing, D.D. p. v, Para. 2, [1].

Valuable as are the remains of classical antiquity, the

Works of Josephus may be placed, at least, on a level with

the most esteemed monuments of ancient learning. While the

historians of Greece and Rome inform us of events connected

with perishable states and polities, the annals of the Jew-

ish people enable us to trace the progress of dispensa-

tions, the importance and stability of which, instead of

diminishing, are perpetually on the increase. p. v, Para.

3, [1].

The writings of Josephus may be classed under the two

heads of historical and controversial; the former compre-

hending the Antiquities, and the Wars of the Jews; and the

latter, his treatise against Apion, and some essays of mi-

nor character. his earliest production was the history orthe memorable and terrific war which ended in the downfal

of his nation. This work seems to have been commenced with

no higher view than that of giving a general and popular

account of the scenes in which he had been engaged. It was,

therefore, originally written in Syro-chaldaic, or in the

common language of the Jews inhabiting Palestine. When Jo-

sephus arrived at Rome, he found numerous accounts of the

war in circulation. Some of these narratives were by per-

sons who had but limited means of learning the truth. Oth-

ers were the production of men who wrote in a spirit of

bitter prejudice. Even among those who had some portion ofthe ability and in formation necessary to such an undertak-

ing, none, perhaps, could be found so thoroughly well pre-

pared for the undertaking as Josephus. Greatly to the bene-

fit of posterity, therefore, he employed his first days of

repose in the preparation of his work for a more extended

circulation. The Greek language was, at that time under-

stood by most persons of even an ordinary degree of intel-


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ligence. It was read and spoken commonly among a large por-

tion of his own people. The Septuagint translation of the

Bible had rendered it venerable in their eyes, and must

have obliged the priestly order, to which Josephus be-

longed, to cultivate it with more than ordinary diligence.

In this popular and elegant language, therefore, he putforth his work, and the admiration with which it was re-

ceived confirmed, at once, the opinion of his genius and

merit entertained by the greatest men of his time. His

qualifications were the better estimated from the candour

which circumstances, as well as nature, taught him to cul-

tivate. Faithful to the duties of patriotism, he was yet

sufficiently awake to the vices, to the folly and obsti-

nacy, of his countrymen. This enabled him to view and speak

of things with a liberal mind. He manifested a tender re-

gret for the fall of his nation, well calculated to con-

ciliate the affections of the people whose sufferings he

shared; but he had too much gratitude not to refrain from

violating the dignity of those by whom they had been con-

quered, for he was in the daily habit of experiencing their

bounty and their tolerance. The real defects of his work,

moreover, were not such as could be readily detected by

popular readers. They consisted chiefly of errors in the

early part of the narrative, and were confined to a period

of Jewish history, the interest of which would be greatly

diminished by the awful grandeur of that which described

the fall of the commonwealth. p. v, Para. 4, [1].

The second great work of Josephus occupies the first placein the modern editions of his writings, but was not com-

posed till about eighteen years after the History of the

Jewish Wars. This interesting production of his matured

mind was undertaken with the desire of giving to the world

a narrative which might remove the prejudices entertained

against his nation. He was evidently ambitious of imitating

the celebrate classical historians, and of relating the

events, so dear to the memory of his people, in a style

which might render the subject acceptable to the learned

and accomplished of all nations. This feeling was natural,

and in many respects laudable. But it exposed him to dan-gers peculiar to the matters of which he had to treat.

There was one grand and authoritative source of informa-

tion. It bore the seal of Divine inspiration, and had been

received, from generation to generation, as the sublime re-

cord of God's dealings with his people. To this primary

fountain of information an honest historian must necessar-

ily have turned with profound reverence. From this he must


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have felt it his duty to draw the most important parts of

his narrative; nor could he regard it as allowable, we

should have supposed, to place any other source of intelli-

gence in competition with one so superior to the ordinary

foundations of historical truth. p. vi, Para. 1, [1].

But Josephus had designed his work for the use of Gentile

readers. He was anxious to inspire them with respect for a

faith hitherto despised. In order to effect this, he deemed

it necessary to modify certain parts of his narrative, lest

the naked facts might strengthen, rather than allay, the

prejudices which it was his object to overcome. Such, at

least, is one of the supposed reasons of those discrepan-

cies which exist between the history of Josephus and that

of Scripture. That he was justified in even the minutest

departure from the plain statements of the Bible, few be-

lievers in revelation would venture to assert. But he has

had many apologist; and it has been suggested that, in his

time, there were other sacred books existing, besides those

received into the canon of Scripture, and which, though not

of equal authority, were not withstanding held in great

reverence by the Jewish people. It is also observed, that

the Rabbinical traditions were regarded, at this period, as

of indisputable weight; and, still further, that it is not

known whether he took as his authority the original text of

the Hebrew Bible, or a version, or paraphrase.* p. vi,

Para. 2, [1].

[* De ipso Josepho non est praetereundem quod ex sacrisHebraeorum litteris suas translaturum se est pollicitus,

neque subtrahendo quicquam, neque addendo, id eum pari fide

non praestitisse. Eodem consilio, quo Persis nuper Hierony-

mus Xaverius, Jesuita, interpolatam a se evangelicam dedit

historiam, etiam Graecis ille rerum in V. Testamento

gestarum transmisit memoriam. Nonnulla, quae erant in Can-

none, supprimens, alia (ut quum Salomoni verba gratia pro

XL. regni anni) LXXX. tribuit, et in numero talentorum ar-

genti,ad templi usum a Davide relicto, 1 Chron. xxii, 14,

centum millia pro mille millibus substituit. Minuitans,

atque de Scriptis Apocryphis non pauca adjiciens, uti inejus de Moyse trienni, de eodem juvene cum AETHIOPIBUS bel-

lum gerente, de Tharbi, reghis AETHIOPUM filia, connubium

ejus expetente, it aliis ejusdem farinae narrationibus li-

cet perspicere. Jacobus Usserius, in Epis. ad Lud. Capel-

lum, p.42.] p. vi, Para. 3, [1].

These suggestions are worthy of attention, but they do not


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completely exonerate the historian from the charge of hav-

ing either weakly yielded too much to the desire of con-

ciliating his readers, or made a bad estimate of the value

of the materials before him. It has been thought by some

that he might frequently write from mere memory. This could

only be excused on the supposition that he could not, attimes, get access to the necessary documents, a notion

which seems plainly contradicted by the fact, that he was

the keeper of the sacred books, the possession of which

must have enabled him readily to correct any error admitted

into the first impression of his work. p. vii, Para. 1,

[1].

It would be difficult, indeed, to advance an argument suf-

ficiently strong to clear him from the charge of not having

given that constant attention to the simple narrative of

the Bible, which might have prevented those discrepancies,

and therefore errors, to be found in his Antiquities. But

while it must be acknowledged that his apologists have

scarcely succeeded in their plea, it is almost equally

clear that he has been criticised by others with to great

strictness and asperity. "Baronius," says Casaubon, "never

omits any opportunity of abusing Josephus. But if all his

errors, I do not speak of those in which he departs from

Scripture, and for which he cannot be excused, were put to-

gether, they would scarcely amount to a hundredth part of

those admitted by Eusebius alone, either into his Chroni-

cle, or other portions of his works." * Whatever construc-

tion, however, may be put upon the fact, that the unin-spired writer is wanting in a close adherence to the Bible

narrative, there is this valuable lesson to be drawn from

such discrepancies, Scripture remains alone, in its sepa-

rate and sublime authority. Apart from, and infinitely ex-

alted above, all other sources of information, the very

pride and imperfections of those who would imitate or rival

it, serve but the more to prove its Divine excellence. But

for the variations in Josephus, he might imperceptibly have

been set up as equal to writers chosen by God to describe

his ways and doings. The Antiquities would have become a

substitute for the Bible; and some men would probably haverejoiced to exchange the plain and succinct account, the

exquisite beauty of which is only completely visible to

spiritual understandings, for the classical and brightly-

coloured style of the mere historian. It is, perhaps, in

the simple circumstance, that he aimed only at being an

historian, that he sought to imitate models framed in a

spirit, and fitted for materials, wholly different to those


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peculiar to his subject, that we may most readily find the

cause of the errors with which his work may be fairly

charged. He paraphrased and adorned the general statement

of facts, not with the desire of falsifying, but by yield-

ing to his literary tastes, and to those of the people for

whom he wrote. The temptation under which a writer labours,when detailing sublime and mysterious occurrences, and

which, though convinced of their truth himself, he trembles

lest others may doubt is of no ordinary kind. He fears lest

the mode of his relating the facts should be wanting in

earnestness and dignity. They have appeared to him bright

and noble under the shining light of his own imagination;

and he easily yields to the flattering suggestion, that by

its use he may make the record, in this its somewhat modi-

fied structure, more acceptable than it was likely to be in

its simpler form. p. vii, Para. 2, [1].

[* Fabricii Bibliotheca Graeca, Art. Jos.] p. vii, Para.

3, [1].

So far was Josephus from being regarded by ancient Chris-

tian writers as a wilful offender against the veracity of

history, that he is commonly honoured in their treatises

with the name of Philalethes, or, the lover of truth. *

That he was not ignorant of the importance of fidelity, as

the first characteristic of a good historian, is evident

from his own remarks. Speaking, in his life, of one who had

violated the truth, he says, "I have a mind to say a few

things to Justus, who hath himself written a history con-cerning these affairs; as also to others who profess to

write history, but have little regard to truth, and are not

afraid, either out of ill-will or good-will to some per-

sons, to relate falsehoods. These men do like those who

compose forged deeds and conveyances, and because they are

not brought to the like punishment with them, care not for

the truth." At the conclusion of the eleventh chapter of

the tenth book of the Antiquities, he says, "Now as to my-

self, I have so described these matters as I have found

them and read them. But if any one is inclined to another

opinion about them, let him enjoy his different sentimentswithout any blame from me." But the personal character of a

writer must not be passed over in the estimate taken of the

honesty of his narrative. In this respect Josephus may

claim honourable attention. The predominant sentiment of

his writings is veneration for God and his providence, nor

does he omit any opportunity of showing the value of integ-

rity, or the supreme beauty of holiness. His faults may,


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therefore, fairly be ascribed to somewhat of timidity on

the one side, and of literary vanity on the other. Most of

the errors with which he has been charged are clearly ref-

erable to these sources. Of the others, which cannot be so

accounted for, there are some that appear to have origi-

nated in the different opinions which prevailed among theJews of his time, and threw no small obscurity over por-

tions of the Scripture narrative; while the remainder,

whether omissions or statements plainly opposed to the in-

spired history, must be left without conjecture, and are

better disposed of by the acknowledgment that such discrep-

ancies cannot be accounted for, unless by suppositions

which involve us in new difficulties. p. viii, Para. 1,

[1].

[* Fabricii Bibliotheca Graeca, Art. Jos. Eusebius, the

ecclesiastical historian, speaks of him as worthy of all

credit, lib. iii. C. 9. Sozomen names him as equally cele-

brated among the Romans and the Jews, Hist. Eccles. Lib. i.

c. l. And Evagrius speaks of his history as copious, and

highly valuable, lib. v. c. 24] p. viii, Para. 2, [1].

It is somewhat curious that the two severest critics of

Josephus should be the Romanist historian Baronius, and the

sceptic Bayle; the one little attentive to the rules of

historical evidence, and readily admitting into his work

whatever the flood of common tradition cast up; the other

anxious only to discover differences in the language of

those who acknowledged the divinity of revelation, that hemight, by attacking them separately, destroy the treasure

equally dear to both. The latter, in a pretended fit of

zeal, observes, "I have been long indignant against Jo-

sephus, and those who spare him on this subject. A man who

made open profession of Judaism, the law of which was

founded on the divinity of Scripture, dares to recount

things otherwise than he read of them in the book of Gene-

sis. He changes, he adds, he suppresses circumstances; in a

work, he puts himself in opposition to Moses in such a man-

ner that one of them must be a false historian." This

statement involves a gross injustice, and is as illogicalas it is unjust. Two writers may assuredly disagree in some

points, without exposing themselves to the sweeping charge

of falsehood as their general character. If disagreement in

a few instances should oblige us to consider, that of the

writers so differing only one can be worthy of credit, and

that, consequently, the rest ought to be regarded as unde-

serving of any attention, the number of historical refer-


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ences would soon be diminished to such a degree, that the

next step would be the annihilation of history altogether.

The fact is, that wherever human inquiry begins, human er-

ror will be introduced, in greater or less proportions.

There will, accordingly, be discrepancies in the statement

of witnesses; but, except in the points where they pre-cisely differ, they may be in such general harmony, that

each may strengthen the cause of each, and neither the one

nor the other notwithstanding their occasional contradic-

tions, merit the charge of injustice or dishonesty. A very

slight comparison of the most esteemed historians will af-

ford ample illustrations of this fact. The experience gath-

ered in the collection of evidence of any kind tends to the

same purpose, and plainly shows that several witnesses to a

narrative may differ in many minor points, yet be highly

deserving of credit as to the main and more important

facts. p. viii, Para. 3, [1].

Such are the two great historical works of Josephus. They

are followed by his celebrated treatise on the Antiquities

of the Jews, a production not less admired than his former

volumes for elegance of style and copiousness of learning.

* Jerome speaks of it with astonishment, and declares him-

self unable to tell how a Jew, confined as the learned of

his nation were to the study of their own books, should

have become so extensively acquainted with Grecian litera-

ture. The object of the work was to defend the Jews against

the scorn of Gentile Philosophers and infidels. Apion, and

others, had attempted to throw ridicule on their high pre-tensions to antiquity. Their history, it was said, occupied

no place in the records of those great writers to whom the

world looked for information. It was almost unknown: while

that of the Egyptians, Carthaginians, Greeks, and others,

filled the volumes of authors read and admired in every

corner of the earth. Josephus produced facts, as well as

arguments, in confutation of this species of attack. The

nations, he contended, to whose writers the appeal had been

made against his own, were indebted for all their learning

to those more ancient countries with which the Jews had

early intercourse. They were known, moreover, to have beensingularly inattentive to the careful chronicling of

events. This is abundantly proved by the contrary, in re-

gard to the Jews, there were but twenty-two books acknowl-

edged by the nation, and these had the seal of remote an-

tiquity, and the authority of works written by men in high

public offices, and endowed with the richest gifts of Di-

vine wisdom. The whole argument is worked out in a masterly


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and lucid style; nor could even the modern reader find a

more powerful statement in favour of the authenticity of

the ancient Scriptures, or of the great truths of Jewish

history. p. ix, Para. 1, [1].

[* Eusebius speaks of this work as worthy of great esteem,and as containing answers to the calumnies of Apion, the

grammarian, and others who had endeavoured to cast doubts

upon the origin of the Jews. Eccles. Hist. lib. iii. c. 9.]

In the second part of the treatise, the writer enters upon

the task of answering those more general accusations

against the Jews, which contributed so greatly to render

them objects of hatred among the proud and ignorant Gen-

tiles. Their laws and customs, the ordinary conduct of

their affairs, the most conspicuous features of their per-

sonal character, had all afforded topics of insulting com-

ment. Josephus answers his assailants with a keen and com-

prehensive view of the odious follies of which they were

themselves guilty, and then shows that the customs which

had provoked their scorn rested upon principles which mer-

ited the most profound respect. p. ix, Para. 2, [1].

The writings of which we have given this brief account

must have exercised, in ancient times, no slight degree of

influence on the minds of inquiring men. This is suffi-

ciently evidenced by the high position which their author

continued to hold, for many years, in the court of the most

accomplished of Roman emperors. * The style again in which

he writes shows not only his confidence in the importanceof the subjects handled, but his expectation of the most

profitable results from his labours. Rome, at the period

when he wrote, was filled with men deeply engaged in relig-

ious speculation. The spirit of the ancient times, when war

only furnished employment for active minds, was rapidly de-

parting, or submitting itself to the influence of a change

destined to present every principle of society under a new

form. Superstition and philosophy had joined hands. Hosts

of theories, of creeds, and rites, from the farthest cor-

ners of the earth, had begun to establish themselves in the

midst of cities and provinces celebrated for their refine-ment. It was no longer beneath the dignity of the sternest

man to inquire, if not openly, yet secretly, into the pre-

tensions of these novel systems, and to try whether they

might not present some hitherto neglected means of warding

off approaching ills. p. x, Para. 1, [1].

[ * He was, says Sozomen, as highly honoured, by the Ro-


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mans as the Jews. Hist. Eccles. lib. i. c. i.] p. x, Para.

2, [1].

In such a state of the public mind, the common rumours

afloat respecting the religion of the Jews could scarcely

fail to attract attention. However despised the people, anddespised especially they were at this period, so ancient a

faith, and one the fundamental doctrine of which was in ac-

cordance with the most approved philosophers, must still

have claimed at least a share of the awakened curiosity.

But as yet no work existed from which information might be

gained as to the real origin and institutions of this re-

markable nation. The notions commonly entertained respect-

ing them were derived from sources utterly undeserving of

credit. Some portions of the Scriptures had been brought

before the notice of a few diligent students; but they were

altogether a sealed volume to the great mass of those who

might notwithstanding, have a very sincere desire to become

acquainted with Jewish antiquities. There were, moreover,

floating traditions which had no small weight with the mass

of the people, and the origin of which could easily be

traced to Palestine, and the mysterious oracles of its in-

habitants. This would furnish still stronger motives for

inquiry into their real doctrines and history. That a

mighty Deliverer, a lofty Renovator of the human race, was

to arise out of the East, had long been a well-known report

among heathen nations. The boastful claims of the Jews,

whose devotion and patriotism would never allow them to

keep silence on this point; the increasing importance ofthe Christians, speaking a similar language, and referring

their own hopes and triumphs to a Leader sprung from this

race; would yet further increase the curiosity of mankind

respecting the Jews, and render the want of some work of

authority every day more perceptibly understood. p. x,

Para. 3, [1].

Josephus had thus an open field for literary exertion.

There was scarcely a subject in that age better calculated

to excite attention, or reward the writer for his labour.

It is not, therefore, as an obscure author, known only tohis own people, and owing his limited success to the acci-

dental interest taken in his work by Christians, that Jo-

sephus is to be viewed; but as a writer highly esteemed and

popular in his age through a vast portion of the civilized

world, and most probably, therefore, exercising consider-

able influence on religious opinion. It is almost impossi-

ble for us in these days to estimate the value or assign


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the rank of such a writer in times and countries like those

in which he lived. Our Bibles make us intimate from child-

hood with the sublimest passages of ancient lore, with the

most wonderful manifestations of Divine power and grace. We

become familiar with the possession of this wealth, and can

scarcely persuade ourselves to think of periods when thesmallest portion of such spiritual treasures would have

been viewed as a benefaction of marvellous worth. The in-

formation supplied by Josephus is now, as far as his Antiq-

uities are concerned, already given to the most unlearned

from the first and purest source of sacred erudition; but

when no such means of instruction were open, and men had

been left for ages in the dark perplexities of heathen fa-

ble, the publication of a work like his on the origin of

the only religious system that could secure the admiration

of thoughtful men, must have tended materially to stimu-

late, while it in part satisfied, the new desire of intel-

ligence. p. xi, Para. 1, [1].

The tone in which such of the early Christian writers as

speak of Josephus allude to his works, afford fair reason

to conjecture that their circulation had been found useful

to the general cause of religion. It must indeed have been

difficult for a Gentile reader, of an active and honest

mind, to have studied his pages, and not felt disposed to

inquire for the sequel of the history. The Jew had his fa-

tal prejudices to combat, his present, literal, earthly pa-

triotism, pointing to the soil where his beloved city

lately stood, and bounding even the farthest future withvisions of its recovered glory. The Gentile, on the other

hand, as he read Josephus, was free to inquire, whether the

sublime plans of Jehovah might not contemplate an end com-

mensurate with the happiness of universal man. His igno-

rance of conventional interpretations was an advantage to

him; and learning from the uninspired historian the simple

facts connected with the mightiest dispensations of Provi-

dence, he had new motives for searching the original rec-

ords, and for employing his best efforts in securing to

himself a name among the people of God. p. xi, Para. 2,

[1].

But the writings of Josephus have not lost their use, not-

withstanding the vast advantages now enjoyed in the general

circulation of the Bible. They may still be read with

profit by the careful inquirer. Little need be said re-

specting that portion which refers to the period subsequent

to the destruction of Jerusalem. In regard to this, it is


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evidently of great importance to possess the account given

by a contemporary and credible witness. The knowledge of

what took place in an age succeeding that in the events of

which we are more particularly interested, is often power-

fully illustrative of the earlier epoch. Thus what Josephus

tells us in the narrative of the Wars throws no small de-gree of light upon the character of his countrymen, not

only of the period when he wrote, but of that also when

every mode of thought, every custom and passion, derived

unspeakable importance from its connexions, near or remote,

with the awful complication of influences that brought the

Redeemer to the cross. The mind of the people is exhibited

in many parts of the history with a terrible distinctness

of delineation. Its most striking features at that time

were evidently not impressed by any sudden convulsion. The

lines which an age of suffering and remorse had more deeply

furrowed had been traced long before by struggles of heart

and spirit, by pride and fear, by mysterious hopes and ap-

prehensions, the fruit of those inwardly understood warn-

ings which, finally despised, left them to unutterable mis-

ery. p. xii, Para. 1, [1].

The account which Josephus gives of the Jewish wars has,

therefore, a manifest use beyond that of merely satisfying

our curiosity as to facts. It opens the path to inquiries

closely connected with the history of our religion, and

brings to light many of the secret causes which operated

most powerfully to the degradation and ruin of God's an-

cient people. p. xii, Para. 2, [1].

Nor has time diminished the interest attached to other

parts of this author's writings. "The Antiquities," though

of little value as history, when compared with the authori-

tative accounts of Scripture, is a work eminently calcu-

lated to assist an inquiring mind in the general investiga-

tion of ancient mysteries. Traditional evidence, tradi-

tional interpretations, and the new facts which may be sup-

plied from the full storehouses of national memory, will

never be despised by those who know how often an obscure

point is cleared up when it is discovered what were theruling sentiments of the period when the narrative was

written. While, therefore, it is utterly subversive of the

authority of the Bible to place tradition upon the same

level, nor less inconsistent with sound reason to modify

plain declarations, clearly stated doctrines, according to

the uncertain temper of human wisdom, it is surely unwise

to reject those helps for the confirmation or illustration


13/1855

of sacred history which are known to be profitably used in

the study of records of every other species. Hence the

value of Josephus. He was intimately acquainted with what-

ever had been taught by the learned of his nation. He had

been familiarized in childhood to its superstitions. The

spirit of popular Judaism was the chief instructor of hislater years; and as a man of education, he knew well

through what revolutions and by what various trials his

countrymen had been proved, instructed, and warned of God.

Though from his pages, therefore, it is not often that we

can add to our stock of positive knowledge, we may in many

cases trace by their help the progress of error, discover

its origin, and estimate the relative force of those de-

plorable corruptions whereby it became at last so indis-

solubly bound up with the national constitution. p. xii,

Para. 3, [1].

However cautiously, moreover, we receive information from

sources not of the highest authority, where our doing so

may modify our notions in respect to the surer communica-

tions, it would be unreasonable to reject the knowledge

which, not coming within the intention of a divine witness

to render, may have been fairly the subject of interest to

a human observer. It is evident that there must have been

numberless very curious circumstances perpetually occurring

in the period alluded to, but which were not essential to

the completeness of that succinct narrative of God's pro-

ceedings which the Bible gives. From these the uninspired

historian might readily gather an abundant store of remark-able incidents, and such as would confer no slight value on

his work in those distant ages when it would be impossible

to recover, through other means, any fragment of the past.

p. xiii, Para. 1, [1].

We cannot now tell whether Josephus employed to the best

purpose the advantages which his position afforded. It is

fair to presume that his good sense and ability led him to

such an examination of evidence as prevented the introduc-

tion of any thing into his narrative which had not the best

support that tradition could bestow. If in any case, there-fore, we can consult an ancient historian with respect and

confidence, Josephus will be read as a valuable guide to a

most important branch of knowledge. Separating him from the

inspired writers by that impassable barrier which a true

reverence for Scripture will infallibly create, we may yet

refresh ourselves with his vivid descriptions, his often

eloquent harangues, and his not unfrequent detail of af-


14/1855

fecting incidents, which almost make us feel and hear the

strong pulsations of Israel's proud and breaking heart. p.

xiii, Para. 2, [1].

The Memoir of this eminent writer, as given by himself,

leaves us nothing to desire in respect to his biography,but some authentic account of his latter days. There is

only a very vague tradition that he died in the reign of

Domitian, and shared the fate of his beloved friend and pa-

tron Epaphroditus. But of Epaphroditus himself too little

is known to give any certainty to this report. It is possi-

ble, therefore, that Josephus was allowed to spend the

close of his life in some safe retreat, and in the enjoy-

ment of that ample provision for his wants supplied him by

the liberality of his earlier patrons. p. xiii, Para. 3,

[1].

Josephus, we have already seen, was esteemed in the first

ages of Christianity as an author deserving a high degree

of respect for research and integrity. Pious and learned

men of later ages have continued to view him in the same

light. The care bestowed upon numerous editions of his

works in the original Greek proves that they have been

deemed worthy of the attention of the most erudite of mod-

ern scholars. Some passages in his writings have engaged

the attention of several acute critics, especially that in

which he distinctly refers to the actions and character of

Jesus Christ. The controversy thence excited is one of more

than ordinary interest, but, like many others of a similarcharacter, it is so intimately connected with questions of

history and opinion, that few persons are competent to form

a judgment of the relative worth of the arguments employed.

p. xiv, Para. 1, [1].

The works of Josephus were early translated into English.

Thomas Lodge, who combined in himself the several charac-

ters of poet and physician, was the first who attempted the

task. His version was published about the year 1602, and

another in the year 1609 and 1620. He died of the plague in

1625, and appears to have enjoyed among his contemporariessome reputation both for talent and learning. His transla-

tion, however, did not, it appears, satisfy the next gen-

eration, as at the beginning of the following century Sir

Roger L'estrange, a name better known by it connexion with

that of Seneca, published a new translation, which obtained

sufficient favour to secure the circulation of five edi-

tions in less than forty years. The first of these was pub-


15/1855

lished at Oxford in 1700, and the second at London in 1702.

The last edition of this version appeared in 1733; but was

followed in the space of four years by the first edition of

Whiston's translation, a work which speedily set aside the

former versions, and obtained for its author not only the

approbation of mere general readers, but the praise of thelearned as well on the continent as in England. * p. xiv,

Para. 2, [1].

[* Nihilo tamen minus ea Whistono laus debetur, inter om-

nes fere omnium hentium Josephi interpretes nullum tanta

ingenii et judicii acie, tantoque studio in vertendis hujus

scriptoris operibus versatum esse. Fabricii Bibliotheca

Graeca, T. V. lib. iv. c. 8, p. 47.] p. xiv, Para. 3, [1].

That this translation is free from errors, or the best

which could be made, few competent judges will venture to

affirm. But it would be an equal violation of fair criti-

cism to deny that it has great merits, or that it is equal,

on the whole, to any of the translations from ancient

authors which are most popular among us. It has been well

observed by an elegant and acute scholar, that, whatever

maybe the faults of Whiston, he has in most cases caught

the tone and feeling of his author, and that the want of

this merit would be but badly atoned for by a much superior

degree of grace and smoothness. p. xiv, Para. 4, [1].

Readily allowing, however, that an improvement might be

made in some parts of Whiston's translation, he richly de-serves the gratitude of the English reader for having put

him in possession of an author so valuable as Josephus, and

with so little loss as to the more important objects of

such a writer. Through his version Josephus has been made

familiar to tens of thousands, who would otherwise have re-

mained ignorant of some of the most awful and edifying por-

tions of Jewish history. The fulfilment of our Lord's

prophecy respecting Jerusalem, and of earlier predictions

setting forth the lamentable events which would attend the

final apostacy of Israel, is portrayed in the pages of Jo-

sephus with terrible exactness. We may, perhaps, withoutpresumption ascribe the existence of his works to Divine

Providence; for there are few persons who have read his

narrative that have not felt themselves more deeply im-

pressed than ever with the solemn truths of Scripture, and

the tremendous certainty of the Divine judgments. p. xiv,

Para. 5, [1].


16/1855

THE LIFE of FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. p. 1, Para. 1, [1].

1. THE family from which I am derived is not an ignoble

one, but hath descended all along from the priests; and as

nobility among several people is of a different origin, so

with us to be of the sacerdotal dignity, is an indicationof the splendor of a family. Now, I am not only sprung from

a sacerdotal family in general, but from the first of the

twenty-four * courses; and as among us there is not only a

considerable difference between one family of each course

and another, I am of the chief family of that first course

also; nay, further, by my mother I am of the royal blood;

for the children of Asamoneus, from whom that family was

derived, had both the office of the high priesthood, and

the dignity of a king, for a long time together. I will ac-

cordingly set down my progenitors in order. My grandfa-

ther's father was named Simon, with the addition of Psel-

lus: he lived at the same time with that son of Simon the

high priest, who first of all the high priests was named

Hyrcanus. This Simon Psellus had nine sons, one of whom was

Matthias, called Ephlias: he married the daughter of Jona-

than the high priest, which Jonathan was the first of the

sons of Asamoneus, who was high priest, and was the brother

of Simon the high priest also. This Matthias had a son

called Matthias Curtus, and that in the first year of the

government of Hyrcanus: his son's name was Joseph, born in

the ninth year of the reign of Alexandra: his son Matthias

was born in the tenth year of the reign of Archclaus; as

was I born to Matthias in the first year of the reign ofCaius Caesar. I have three sons: Hyrcanus, the eldest, was

born in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, as was

Justus born in the seventh, and Agrippa in the ninth. Thus

have I set down the genealogy of my family as I have found

it described ** in the public records, and so bid adieu to

those who calumniate me [as of a lower original]. p. 1,

Para. 2, [1].

[* We may hence correct the error of the Latin copy of the

second book Against Apion, sect. 8, (for the Greek is there

lost,) which says, there were then only four tribes orcourses of the priests, instead of twenty-four. Nor is this

testimony to be disregarded, as if Josephus there contra-

dicted what he had affirmed here; because even the account

there given better agrees to twenty-four than to four

courses, while he says that each of those courses contained

above 5000 men, which, multiplied by only four, will make

not more than 20,000 priests; whereas the number 120,000,


17/1855

as multiplied by 24, seems much the most probable, they be-

ing about one-tenth of the whole people, even after the

captivity. See Ezra 2:36-39; Nehemiah 7:39-42; 1 Esdras

5:24, 25, with Ezra 2:64; Nehemiah 7:66; 1 Esdras 5:41. Nor

will this common reading or notion of but four courses of

priests, agree with Josephus's own further assertion else-where, Antiq. B. VII. ch. 14. sect. 7, that David's parti-

tion of the priests into twenty-four courses had continued

to that day.] p. 1, Para. 3, [1].

[** An eminent example of the care of the Jews about their

genealogies, especially as to the priests. See Against Ap.

B. 1 sect. 7.] p. 1, Para. 4, [1].

2. Now, my father Matthias was not only eminent on account

of his nobility, but had a higher commendation on account

of his righteousness, and was in great reputation in Jeru-

salem, the greatest city we have. I was myself brought up

with my brother, whose name was Matthias, for he was my own

brother, by both father and mother; and I made mighty pro-

ficiency in the improvements of my learning, and appeared

to have both a great memory and understanding. Moreover,

when I was a child, and about fourteen years of age, I was

commended by all for the love I had to learning; on which

account the high priests and principal men of the city came

then frequently to me together, in order to know my opinion

about the accurate understanding of points of the law. And

when I was about sixteen years old, I had a mind to make

trial of the several sects that were among us. These sectsare three: - The first is that of the Pharisees, the second

that Sadducees, and the third that of the Essens, as we

have frequently told you; for I thought that by this means

I might choose the best, if I were once acquainted with

them all; so I contented myself with hard fare, and under-

went great difficulties, and went through them all. Nor did

I content myself with these trials only; but when I was in-

formed that one, whose name was Banus, lived in the desert,

and used no other clothing than grew upon trees, and had no

other food than what grew of its own accord, and bathed

himself in cold water frequently, both by night and by day,in order to preserve his chastity, I imitated him in those

things, and continued with him three years. * So when I had

accomplished my desires, I returned back to the city, being

now nineteen years old, and began to conduct myself accord-

ing to the rules of the sect of the Pharisees, which is of

kin to the sect of the Stoics, as the Greeks call them. p.

1, Para. 5, [1].


18/1855

[* When Josephus here says, that from sixteen to nineteen,

or for three years, he made trial of the three Jewish

sects, the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essens, and

yet says presently, in all our copies, that he stayed be-

sides with one particular ascetic, called Banus, with him,and this still before he was nineteen, there is little room

left for his trial of the three other sects. I suppose,

therefore, that for, with him, the old reading might be,

with them; which is a very small emendation, and takes away

the difficulty before us. Nor is Dr. Hudson's conjecture,

hinted at by Mr. Hall in his preface to the Doctor's edi-

tion of Josephus, at all improbable, that this Banus, by

this his description, might well be a follower of John the

Baptist, and that from him Josephus might easily imbibe

such notions, as afterwards prepared him to have a favour-

able opinion of Jesus Christ himself, who was attested to

by John the Baptist.] p. 1, Para. 6, [1].

3. But when I was in the twenty-sixth year of my age, it

happened that I took a voyage to Rome, and this on the oc-

casion which I shall now describe. At the time when Felix

was procurator of Judea there were certain priests of my

acquaintance, and very excellent persons they were, whom on

a small and trifling occasion he had put into bonds, and

sent to Rome to plead their cause before Caesar. These I

was desirous to procure deliverance for, and that espe-

cially because I was informed that they were not unmindful

of piety towards God, even under their afflictions, butsupported themselves with figs and nuts. * Accordingly I

came to Rome, though it were through a great number of haz-

ards by sea; for as our ship was drowned in the Adriatic

Sea, we that were in it, being about six hundred in number,

** swam for our lives all the night; when, upon the first

appearance of the day, and upon our sight of a ship of Cy-

rene, I and some others, eighty in all, by God's provi-

dence, prevented the rest, and were taken up into the other

ship. And when I had thus escaped, and was come to

Dicearchia, which the Italians call Puteoli, I became ac-

quainted with Aliturius, an actor of plays, and much be-loved by Nero, but a Jew by birth; and through his interest

became known to Poppea, Caesar's wife, and took care, as

soon as possible, to entreat her to procure that the

priests might be set at liberty. And when, besides this fa-

vour, I had obtained many presents from Poppea, I returned

home again. p. 2, Para. 1, [1].


19/1855

[* We may note here, that religious men among the Jews, or

at least those that were priests, were sometimes ascetics

also, and, like Daniel and his companions in Babylon, Dan-

iel 1:8-16, ate no flesh, but figs and nuts, etc. only.

This was like the, or austere diet of the Christian ascet-

ics in Passion-week. Constitut. V. 18.] p. 2, Para. 2,[1].

[** It has been thought the number of Paul and his compan-

ions on ship-board, Acts 27:38, which are 276 in our cop-

ies, are too many; whereas we find here, that Josephus and

his companions, a very few years after the other, were

about 600.] p. 2, Para. 3, [1].

4. And now I perceived innovations were already begun, and

that there were a great many very much elevated in hopes of

a revolt from the Romans. I therefore endeavoured to put a

stop to these tumultuous persons, and persuaded them to

change their minds; and laid before their eyes against whom

it was that they were going to fight, and told them that

they were inferior to the Romans not only in martial skill,

but also in good fortune; and desired them not rashly, and

after the most foolish manner, to bring on the dangers of

the most terrible mischiefs upon their country, upon their

families, and upon themselves. And this I said with vehe-

ment exhortation, because I foresaw that the end of such a

war would be most unfortunate to us. But I could not per-

suade them; for the madness of desperate men was quite too

hard for me. p. 2, Para. 4, [1].

5. I was then afraid, lest, by inculcating these things so

often, I should incur their hatred and their suspicions, as

if I were of our enemies' party, and should run into the

danger of being seized by them, and slain; since they were

already possessed of Antonia, which was the citadel; so I

retired into the inner court of the temple. Yet did I go

out of the temple again, after Manahem and the principal of

the band of robbers were put to death, when I abode among

the high priests and the chief of the Pharisees. But no

small fear seized upon us when we saw the people in arms,while we ourselves knew not what we should do, and were not

able to restrain the seditious. However, as the danger was

directly upon us, we pretended that we were of the same

opinion with them, but only advised them to be quiet for

the present, and to let the enemy go away, still hoping

that Gessius [Florus] would not be long ere he came, and

that with great forces, and so put an end to these sedi-


20/1855

tious proceedings. p. 2, Para. 5, [1].

6. But, upon his coming and fighting, he was beaten, and a

great many of those that were with him fell. And this dis-

grace which Gessius [with Cestius] received, became the ca-

lamity of our whole nation; for those that were fond of thewar were so far elevated with this success, that they had

hopes of finally conquering the Romans. Of which war an-

other occasion was ministered; which was this: - Those that

dwelt in the neighboring cities of Syria seized upon such

Jews as dwelt among them, with their wives and children,

and slew them, when they had not the least occasion of com-

plaint against them; for they did neither attempt any inno-

vation or revolt from the Romans, nor had they given any

marks of hatred or treacherous designs towards the Syrians.

But what was done by the inhabitants of Scythopolis was the

most impious and most highly criminal of all; * for when

the Jews their enemies came upon them from without, they

forced the Jews that were among them to bear arms against

their own countrymen, which it is unlawful for us to do; **

and when, by their assistance, they had joined battle with

those who attacked them, and had beaten them, after that

victory they forgot the assurances they had given these

their fellow citizens and confederates, and slew them all,

being in number many ten thousands ,000 . The like miseries

were undergone by those Jews that were the inhabitants of

Damascus. But we have given a more accurate account of

these things in the books of the Jewish war. I only mention

them now, because I would demonstrate to my readers, thatthe Jews' war with the Romans was not voluntary, but that,

for the main, they were forced by necessity to enter into

it. p. 2, Para. 6, [1].

[* See Jewish War, B. II. ch. 18. sect. 3.] p. 2, Para.

7, [1].

[** The Jews might collect this unlawfulness of fighting

against their brethren from that law of Moses, Leviticus

19:16, "Thou shalt not stand against the blood of thy

neighbor;" and that, ver. 17, "Thou shalt not avenge, norbear any grudge against the children of thy people; but

thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself;" as well as from

many other places in the Pentateuch and Prophets. See An-

tiq. B. VIII. ch. 8. sect. 3.] p. 2, Para. 8, [1].

7. So when Gessius had been beaten, as we have said al-

ready, the principal men of Jerusalem, seeing that the rob-


21/1855

bers and innovators had arms in great plenty, and fearing

lest they, while they were unprovided of arms, should be in

subjection to their enemies, which also came to be the case

afterward; and, being informed that all Galilee had not yet

revolted from the Romans, but that some part of it was

still quiet; they sent me and two others of the priests,who were men of excellent characters, Joazar and Judas, in

order to persuade the ill men there to lay down their arms,

and to teach them this lesson, - That it were better to

have those arms reserved for the most courageous men that

the nation had [than to be kept there]; for that it had

been resolved, That those our best men should always have

their arms ready against futurity; but still so, that they

should wait to see what the Romans would do. p. 3, Para.

1, [1].

8. When I had therefore received these instructions, I

came into Galilee, and found the people of Sepphoris in no

small agony about their country, by reason that the

Galileans had resolved to plunder it, on account of the

friendship they had with the Romans, and because they had

given their right hand, and made a league with Cestius Gal-

lus, the president of Syria. But I delivered them all out

of the fear they were in, and persuaded the multitude to

deal kindly with them, and permitted them to send to those

that were their own hostages with Gessius to Dora, which is

a city of Phoenicia, as often as they pleased; though I

still found the inhabitants of Tiberias ready to take arms,

and that on the occasion following: - p. 3, Para. 2, [1].

9. There were three factions in this city. The first was

composed of men of worth and gravity; of these Julius

Capellus was the head. Now he, as well as all his compan-

ions, Herod the son of Miarus, and Herod the son of Ga-

malus, and Compsus the son of Compsus; (for as to Compsus's

brother Crispus, who had once been governor of the city un-

der the great king [Agrippa] * he was beyond Jordan in his

own possessions;) all these persons before named gave their

advice, that the city should then continue in their alle-

giance to the Romans and to the king. But Pistus, who wasguided by his son Justus, did not acquiesce in that resolu-

tion; otherwise he was himself naturally of a good and vir-

tuous character. But the second faction was composed of the

most ignoble persons, and was determined for war. But as

for Justus, the son of Pistus, who was the head of the

third faction, although he pretended to be doubtful about

going to war, yet was he really desirous of innovation, as


22/1855

supposing that he should gain power to himself by the

change of affairs. He therefore came into the midst of

them, and endeavoured to inform the multitude that "the

city Tiberius had ever been a city of Galilee, and that in

the days of Herod the tetrarch, who had built it, it had

obtained the principal place, and that he had ordered thatthe city Sepphoris should be subordinate to the city Tibe-

rias; that they had not lost this preeminence even under

Agrippa the father, but had retained it until Felix was

procurator of Judea. But he told them, that now they had

been so unfortunate as to be made a present by Nero to Ag-

rippa, junior; and that, upon Sepphoris's submission of it-

self to the Romans, that was become the capital city of

Galilee, and that the royal library and the archives were

now removed from them." When he had spoken these things,

and a great many more, against king Agrippa, in order to

provoke the people to a revolt, he added that "this was the

time for them to take arms, and join with the Galileans as

their confederates (whom they might command, and who would

now willingly assist them, out of the hatred they bare to

the people of Sepphoris; because they preserved their fi-

delity to the Romans), and to gather a great number of

forces, in order to punish them." And as he said this, he

exhorted the multitude, [to go to war;] for his abilities

lay in making harangues to the people, and in being too

hard in his speeches for such as opposed him, though they

advised what was more to their advantage, and this by his

craftiness and his fallacies, for he was not unskilful in

the learning of the Greeks; and in dependence on that skillit was, that he undertook to write a history of these af-

fairs, as aiming, by this way of haranguing, to disguise

the truth. But as to this man, and how ill were his charac-

ter and conduct of life, and how he and his brother were,

in great measure, the authors of our destruction, I shall

give the reader an account in the progress of my narration.

So when Justus had, by his persuasions, prevailed with the

citizens of Tiberias to take arms, nay, and had forced a

great many so to do against their wills, he went out, and

set the villages that belonged to Gadara and Hippos on

fire; which villages were situated on the borders of Tibe-rias, and of the region of Scythopolis. p. 3, Para. 3,

[1].

[* That this Herod Agrippa, the father, was of old called

a Great King, as here, appears by his coins still remain-

ing; to which Havercamp refers us.] p. 3, Para. 4, [1].


23/1855

10. And this was the state Tiberias was now in. But as for

Gischala, its affairs were thus: - When John, the son of

Levi, saw some of the citizens much elevated upon their re-

volt from the Romans, he laboured to restrain them, and en-

treated them that they would keep their allegiance to them.

But he could not gain his purpose, although he did his en-deavours to the utmost; for the neighboring people of

Gadara, Gabara, and Sogana, wth the Tyrians, got together a

great army, and fell upon Gischala, and took Gischala by

force, and set it on fire; and when they had entirely de-

molished it, they returned home. Upon which John was so en-

raged, that he armed all his men, and joined battle with

the people forementioned; and rebuilt Gischala after a man-

ner better than before, and fortified it with walls for its

future security. p. 4, Para. 1, [1].

11. But Gamala persevered in its allegiance to the Romans,

for the reason following: - Philip, the son of Jacimus, who

was their governor under king Agrippa, had been unexpect-

edly preserved when the royal palace at Jerusalem had been

besieged; but, as he fled away, had fallen into another

danger, and that was, of being killed by Manahem, and the

robbers that were with him; but certain Babylonians, who

were of his kindred, and were then in Jerusalem, hindered

the robbers from executing their design. So Philip staid

there four days, and fled away on the fifth, having dis-

guised himself with fictitious hair, that he might not be

discovered; and when he was come to one of the villages to

him belonging, but one that was situated at the borders ofthe citadel of Gamala, he sent to some of those that were

under him, and commanded them to come to him. But God him-

self hindered that his intention, and this for his own ad-

vantage also; for had it not so happened, he had certainly

perished. For a fever having seized upon him immediately,

he wrote to Agrippa and Bernice, and gave them to one of

his freed-men to carry them to Varus, who at this time was

procurator of the kingdom, which the king and his sister

had intrusted him withal, while they were gone to Berytus

with an intention of meeting Gessius. When Varus had re-

ceived these letters of Philip, and had learned that he waspreserved, he was very uneasy at it, as supposing that he

should appear useless to the king and his sister, now

Philip was come. He therefore produced the carrier of the

letters before the multitude, and accused him of forging

the same; and said that he spake falsely when he related

that Philip was at Jerusalem, fighting among the Jews

against the Romans. So he slew him. And when this freed-man


24/1855

of Philip did not return again, Philip was doubtful what

should be the occasion of his stay, and sent a second mes-

senger with letters, that he might, upon his return, inform

him what had befallen the other that had been sent before,

and why he tarried so long. Varus accused this messenger

also, when he came, of telling a falsehood, and slew him.For he was puffed up by the Syrians that were at Caesarea,

and had great expectations; for they said that Agrippa

would be slain by the Romans for the crimes which the Jews

had committed, and that he should himself take the govern-

ment, as derived from their kings; for Varus was, by the

confession of all, of the royal family, as being a descen-

dant of Sohemus, who had enjoyed a tetrarchy about Libanus;

for which reason it was that he was puffed up, and kept the

letters to himself. He contrived, also, that the king

should not meet with those writings, by guarding all the

passes, lest any one should escape, and inform the king

what had been done. He moreover slew many of the Jews, in

order to gratify the Syrians of Cesarea. He had a mind also

to join with the Trachonites in Batanea, and to take up

arms and make an assault upon the Babylonian Jews that were

at Ecbatana; for that was the name they went by. He there-

fore called to him twelve of the Jews of Cesarea, of the

best character, and ordered them to go to Ecbatana, and in-

form their countrymen who dwelt there, That Varus hath

heard that "you intend to march against the king; but, not

believing that report, he hath sent us to persuade you to

lay down your arms, and that this compliance will be a sign

that he did well not to give credit to those that raisedthe report concerning you." He also enjoined them to send

seventy of their principal men to make a defense for them

as to the accusation laid against them. So when the twelve

messengers came to their countrymen at Ecbatana, and found

that they had no designs of innovation at all, they per-

suaded them to send the seventy men also; who, not at all

suspecting what would come, sent them accordingly. So these

seventy * went down to Caesarea, together with the twelve

ambassadors; where Varus met them with the king's forces,

and slew them all, together with the [twelve] ambassadors,

and made an expedition against the Jews of Ecbatana. Butone there was of the seventy who escaped, and made haste to

inform the Jews of their coming; upon which they took their

arms, with their wives and children, and retired to the

citadel at Gamala, leaving their own villages full of all

sorts of good things, and having many ten thousands of cat-

tle therein. When Philip was informed of these things, he

also came to the citadel of Gamala; and when he was come,


25/1855

the multitude cried aloud, and desired him to resume the

government, and to make an expedition against Varus, and

the Syrians of Cesarea; for it was reported that they had

slain the king. But Philip restrained their zeal, and put

them in mind of the benefits the king had bestowed upon

them; and told them how powerful the Romans were, and saidit was not for their advantage to make war with them; and

at length he prevailed with them. But now, when the king

was acquainted with Varus's design, which was to cut off

the Jews of Caesarea, being many ten thousands, with their

wives and children, and all in one day, he called to him

Equiculus Modius, and sent him to be Varus's successor, as

we have elsewhere related. But still Philip kept possession

of the citadel of Gamala, and of the country adjoining to

it, which thereby continued in their allegiance to the Ro-

mans. p. 4, Para. 2, [1].

[* The famous Jewish numbers of twelve and seventy are

here remarkable.] p. 4, Para. 3, [1].

12. Now, as soon as I was come into Galilee, and had

learned this state of things by the information of such as

told me of them, I wrote to the sanhedrim at Jerusalem

about them, and required their direction what I should do.

Their direction was, that I should continue there, and

that, if my fellow legates were willing, I should join with

them in the care of Galilee. But those my fellow legates,

having gotten great riches from those tithes which as

priests were their dues, and were given to them, determinedto return to their own country. Yet when I desired them to

stay so long, that we might first settle the public af-

fairs, they complied with me. So I removed, together with

them, from the city of Sepphoris, and came to a certain

village called Bethmaus, four furlongs distant from Ti-

berius; and thence I sent messengers to the senate of Ti-

berius, and desired that the principal men of the city

would come to me: and when they were come, Justus himself

being also with them, I told them that I was sent to them

by the people of Jerusalem as a legate, together with these

other priests, in order to persuade them to demolish thathouse which Herod the tetrarch had built there, and which

had the figures of living creatures in it, although our

laws have forbidden us to make any such figures; and I de-

sired that they would give us leave so to do immediately.

But for a good while Capellus and the principal men belong-

ing to the city would not give us leave, but were at length

entirely overcome by us, and were induced to be of our


26/1855

opinion. So Jesus the son of Sapphias, one of those whom we

have already mentioned as the leader of a seditious tumult

of mariners and poor people, prevented us, and took with

him certain Galileans, and set the entire palace on fire,

and thought he should get a great deal of money thereby,

because he saw some of the roofs gilt with gold. They alsoplundered a great deal of the furniture, which was done

without our approbation; for after we had discoursed with

Capellus and the principal men of the city, we departed

from Bethmaus, and went into the Upper Galilee. But Jesus

and his party slew all the Greeks that were inhabitants of

Tiberias, and as many others as were their enemies before

the war began. p. 5, Para. 1, [1].

13. When I understood this state of things, I was greatly

provoked, and went down to Tiberias, and took all the care

I could of the royal furniture, to recover all that could

be recovered from such as had plundered it. They consisted

of candlesticks made of Corinthian brass, and of royal ta-

bles, and of a great quantity of uncoined silver; and I re-

solved to preserve whatsoever came to my hand for the king.

So I sent for ten of the principal men of the senate, and

for Capellus the son of Antyllus, and committed the furni-

ture to them, with this charge, That they should part with

it to nobody else but to myself. From thence I and my fel-

low legates went to Gichala, to John, as desirous to know

his intentions, and soon saw that he was for innovations,

and had a mind to the principality; for he desired me to

give him authority to carry off that corn which belonged toCaesar, and lay in the villages of Upper Galilee; and he

pretended that he would expend what it came to in building

the walls of his own city. But when I perceived what he en-

deavoured at, and what he had in his mind, I said I would

not permit him so to do; for that I thought either to keep

it for the Romans or for myself, now I was intrusted with

the public affairs there by the people of Jerusalem. But,

when he was not able to prevail with me, he betook himself

to my fellow legates; for they had no sagacity in providing

for futurity, and were very ready to take bribes. So he

corrupted them with money to decree, That all that cornwhich was within his province should be delivered to him;

while I, who was but one, was outvoted by two, and held my

tongue. Then did John introduce another cunning contrivance

of his; for he said that those Jews who inhabited Cesarea

Philippi, and were shut up by the order of the king's dep-

uty there, had sent to him to desire him, that, since they

had no oil that was pure for their use, he would provide a


27/1855

sufficient quantity of such oil for them, lest they should

be forced to make use of oil that came from the Greeks, and

thereby transgress their own laws. Now this was said by

John, not out of his regard to religion, but out of his

most flagrant desire of gain; for he knew that two sextar-

ies were sold with them of Caesarea for one drachma, butthat at Gischala fourscore sextaxies were sold for four

sextaries. So he gave order that all the oil which was

there should be carried away, as having my permission for

so doing; which yet I did not grant him voluntarily, but

only out of fear of the multitude, since, if I had forbid-

den him, I should have been stoned by them. When I had

therefore permitted this to be done by John, he gained vast

sums of money by this his knavery. p. 5, Para. 2, [1].

14. But when I had dismissed my fellow legates, and sent

them back to Jerusalem, I took care to have arms provided,

and the cities fortified. And when I had sent for the most

hardy among the robbers, I saw that it was not in my power

to take their arms from them; but I persuaded the multitude

to allow them money as pay, and told them it was better for

them to give them a little willingly, rather than to [be

forced to] overlook them when they plundered their goods

from them. And when I had obliged them to take an oath not

to come into that country, unless they were invited to

come, or else when they had not their pay given them, I

dismissed them, and charged them neither to make an expedi-

tion against the Romans, nor against those their neighbors

that lay round about them; for my first care was to keepGalilee in peace. So I was willing to have the principal of

the Galileans, in all seventy, as hostages for their fidel-

ity, but still under the notion of friendship. Accordingly,

I made them my friends and companions as I journeyed, and

set them to judge causes; and with their approbation it was

that I gave my sentences, while I endeavoured not to mis-

take what justice required, and to keep my hands clear of

all bribery in those determinations. p. 6, Para. 1, [1].

15. I was now about the thirtieth year of my age; in which

time of life it is a hard thing for any one to escape thecalumnies of the envious, although he restrain himself from

fulfilling any unlawful desires, especially where a person

is in great authority. Yet did I preserve every woman free

from injuries; and as to what presents were offered me, I

despised them, as not standing in need of them. Nor indeed

would I take those tithes, which were due to me as a

priest, from those that brought them. Yet do I confess,


28/1855

that I took part of the spoils of those Syrians which in-

habited the cities that adjoined to us, when I had con-

quered them, and that I sent them to my kindred at Jerusa-

lem; although, when I twice took Sepphoris by force, and

Tiberias four times, and Gadara once, and when I had sub-

dued and taken John, who often laid treacherous snares forme, I did not punish [with death] either him or any of the

people forenamed, as the progress of this discourse will

show. And on this account, I suppose, it was that God, *

who is never unacquainted with those that do as they ought

to do, delivered me still out of the hands of these my ene-

mies, and afterwards preserved me when I fell into those

many dangers which I shall relate hereafter. p. 6, Para.

2, [1].

[* Our Josephus shows, both here and every where, that he

was a most religious person, and one that had a deep sense

of God and his providence upon his mind, and ascribed all

his numerous and wonderful escapes and preservations, in

times of danger, to God's blessing him, and taking care of

him, and this on account of his acts of piety, justice, hu-

manity, and charity, to the Jews his brethren.] p. 6,

Para. 3, [1].

16. Now the multitude of the Galileans had that great

kindness for me, and fidelity to me, that when their cities

were taken by force, and their wives and children carried

into slavery, they did not so deeply lament for their own

calamities, as they were solicitous for my preservation.But when John saw this, he envied me, and wrote to me, de-

siring that I would give him leave to come down, and make

use of the hot-baths of Tiberias for the recovery of the

health of his body. Accordingly, I did not hinder him, as

having no suspicion of any wicked designs of his; and I

wrote to those to whom I had committed the administration

of the affairs of Tiberius by name, that they should pro-

vide a lodging for John, and for such as should come with

him, and should procure him what necessaries soever he

should stand in need of. Now at this time my abode was in a

village of Galilee, which is named Cana. p. 6, Para. 4,[1].

17. But when John was come to the city of Tiberias, he

persuaded the men to revolt from their fidelity to me, and

to adhere to him; and many of them gladly received that in-

vitation of his, as ever fond of innovations, and by nature

disposed to changes, and delighting in seditions; but they


29/1855

were chiefly Justus and his father Pistus, that were ear-

nest for their revolt from me, and their adherence to John.

But I came upon them, and prevented them; for a messenger

had come to me from Silas, whom I had made governor of Ti-

berias, as I have said already, and had told me of the in-

clinations of the people of Tiberias, and advised me tomake haste thither; for that, if I made any delay, the city

would come under another's jurisdiction. Upon the receipt

of this letter of Silas, I took two hundred men along with

me, and traveled all night, having sent before a messenger

to let the people of Tiberias know that I was coming to

them. When I came near to the city, which was early in the

morning, the multitude came out to meet me; and John came

with them, and saluted me, but in a most disturbed manner,

as being afraid that my coming was to call him to an ac-

count for what I was now sensible he was doing. So he, in

great haste, went to his lodging. But when I was in the

open place of the city, having dismissed the guards I had

about me, excepting one, and ten armed men that were with

him, I attempted to make a speech to the multitude of the

people of Tiberias: and, standing on a certain elevated

place, I entreated them not to be so hasty in their revolt;

for that such a change in their behaviour would be to their

reproach, and that they would then justly be suspected by

those that should be their governors hereafter, as if they

were not likely to be faithful to them neither. p. 7,

Para. 1, [1].

18. But before I had spoken all I designed, I heard one ofmy own domestics bidding me come down, for that it was not

a proper time to take care of retaining the good-will of

the people of Tiberias, but to provide for my own safety,

and escape my enemies there; for John had chosen the most

trusty of those armed men that were about him out of those

thousand that he had with him, and had given them orders

when he sent them, to kill me, having learned that I was

alone, excepting some of my domestics. So those that were

sent came as they were ordered, and they had executed what

they came about, had I not leaped down from the elevation I

stood on, and with one of my guards, whose name was James,been carried [out of the crowd] upon the back of one Herod

of Tiberias, and guided by him down to the lake, where I

seized a ship, and got into it, and escaped my enemies un-

expectedly, and came to Tarichese. p. 7, Para. 2, [1].

19. Now, as soon as the inhabitants of that city under-

stood the perfidiousness of the people of Tiberias, they


30/1855

were greatly provoked at them. So they snatched up their

arms, and desired me to be their leader against them; for

they said they would avenge their commander's cause upon

them. They also carried the report of what had been done to

me to all the Galileans, and eagerly endeavoured to irri-

tate them against the people of Tiberias, and desired thatvast numbers of them would get together, and come to them,

that they might act in concert with their commander, what

should be determined as fit to be done. Accordingly, the

Galileans came to me in great numbers, from all parts, with

their weapons, and besought me to assault Tiberias, to take

it by force, and to demolish it, till it lay even with the

ground, and then to make slaves of its inhabitants, with

their wives and children. Those that were Josephus's

friends also, and had escaped out of Tiberias, gave him the

same advice. But I did not comply with them, thinking it a

terrible thing to begin a civil war among them; for I

thought that this contention ought not to proceed further

than words; nay, I told them that it was not for their own

advantage to do what they would have me to do, while the

Romans expected no other than that we should destroy one

another by our mutual seditions. And by saying this, I put

a stop to the anger of the Galileans. p. 7, Para. 3, [1].

20. But now John was afraid for himself, since his treach-

ery had proved unsuccessful. So he took the armed men that

were about him, and removed from Tiberias to Gischala, and

wrote to me to apologize for himself concerning what had

been done, as if it had been done without his approbation,and desired me to have no suspicion of him to his disadvan-

tage. He also added oaths and certain horrible curses upon

himself, and supposed he should be thereby believed in the

points he wrote about to me. p. 7, Para. 4, [1].

21. But now another great number of the Galileans came to-

gether again with their weapons, as knowing the man, how

wicked and how sadly perjured he was, and desired me to

lead them against him and promised me that they would ut-

terly destroy both him and Gischala. Hereupon I professed

that I was obliged to them for their readiness to serve me,and that I would more than requite their good-will to me.

However, I entreated them to restrain themselves, and

begged of them to give me leave to do what I intended,

which was to put an end to these troubles without blood-

shed; and when I had prevailed with the multitude of the

Galileans to let me do so, I came to Sepphoris. p. 7,

Para. 5, [1].


31/1855

22. But the inhabitants of this city having determined to

continue in their allegiance to the Romans, were afraid of

my coming to them, and tried, by putting me upon another

action, to divert me, that they might be freed from the

terror they were in. Accordingly, they sent to Jesus, thecaptain of those robbers who were in the confines of

Ptolemais, and promised to give him a great deal of money,

if he would come with those forces he had with him, which

were in number eight hundred, and fight with us. Accord-

ingly, he complied with what they desired, upon the prom-

ises they had made him, and was desirous to fall upon us

when we were unprepared for him, and knew nothing of his

coming beforehand. So he sent to me, and desired that I

would give him leave to come and salute me. When I had

given him that leave, which I did without the least knowl-

edge of his treacherous intentions beforehand, he took his

band of robbers, and made haste to come to me. Yet did not

this his knavery succeed well at last; for as he was al-

ready nearly approaching, one of those with him deserted

him, and came to me, and told me what he had undertaken to

do. When I was informed of this, I went into the market-

place, and pretended to know nothing of his treacherous

purpose. I took with me many Galileans that were armed, as

also some of those of Tiberias; and, when I had given or-

ders that all the roads should be carefully guarded, I

charged the keepers of the gates to give admittance to none

but Jesus, when he came, with the principal of his men, and

to exclude the rest; and in case they aimed to force them-selves in, to use stripes [in order to repel them]. Accord-

ingly, those that had received such a charge did as they

were bidden, and Jesus came in with a few others; and when

I had ordered him to throw down his arms immediately, and

told him, that if he refused so to do, he was a dead man,

he seeing armed men standing all round about him, was ter-

rified, and complied; and as for those of his followers

that were excluded, when they were informed that he was

seized, they ran away. I then called Jesus to me by him-

self, and told him, that" I was not a stranger to that

treacherous design he had against me, nor was I ignorant bywhom he was sent for; that, however, I would forgive him

what he had done already, if he would repent of it, and be

faithful to me hereafter." And thus, upon his promise to do

all that I desired, I let him go, and gave him leave to get

those whom he had formerly had with him together again. But

I threatened the inhabitants of Sepphoris, that, if they

would not leave off their ungrateful treatment of me, I


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would pun

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