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    The Continued Relevance of Realism in the Age of Obama: Plus aChange, Plus C'est La Mm e ChoseBradley A. Thayer

    Online publication date: 28 January 2010

    To cite this Article Thayer, Bradley A.(2010) 'The Continued Relevance of Realism in the Age of Obama: Plus a Change,Plus C'est La Mme Chose', American Foreign Policy Interests, 32: 1, 1 4

    To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/10803920903542725URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920903542725

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    The Continued Relevance of Realism in the

    Age of Obama: Plus Ca Change, Plus CestLa Meme Chose

    Bradley A. Thayer

    Abstract

    If this prediction of the foreign policy of

    the Obama administration proves to be true,President Obama will be judged to be an exemp-

    lar of realism. So will the sustainability of

    realism in the formulation and practice of

    American foreign policymaking where it has

    informed and driven policy for more than two

    hundred years.

    A Realist Foreign Policy

    President Barack Obama is no different.

    Every new president comes to office pledging

    to break with the past and to conduct inter-

    national politics with principle and morality.

    Each administration claims that it will bring

    new ideas to international politics and will

    not only break with the failed policies of its pre-

    decessor but will also lead the United States

    and the world to a new, brighter future while

    solving the problems the country faces and

    reducing the dangers. Such idealism is not lim-ited to presidents. Any review of foreign policy

    magazines will show that there is no shortage

    of brighter paths and new theories of inter-

    national politics touting the flatness of the

    world in the era of globalization or why inter-

    national politics must go green to save the

    earth from disaster.

    At every inaugural and among the punditry

    pontificating in the colorful magazines, it

    seems no one is a realist as in the past. It seems

    that we have no steely eyed Cardinal Richelieuor Prince Metternich, Hans Morgenthau or

    George Kennan who served as the unapologetic

    advocate of Machtpolitik, Realpolitik, or raison

    detat and placed the interests and security of

    his country before all.

    At least no politician or commentator is a

    realist in his rhetoric. Yet once the glow and

    honeyed words of the inauguration are past

    and the administration actually has to advance

    Americas interests, the mask slips in deeds if

    not in rhetoric, and realism is reborn. In fact,it never went away.

    What Is Realism?

    Realism is the oldest and most successful

    theory of international politics. Its core argu-

    ments are universally understood despite

    cultural or temporal differences. Julius Caesar

    was a good realist, as was Hans Morgenthau

    nineteen hundred years later. Thucydideswas, as is Hu Jintao. Thomas Jefferson was,

    as is Nicholas Sarkozy. Realisms verities are

    timeless, equally understood, and applied by

    good Athenian democrats and loathsome

    Stalinist dictators.

    Fundamentally, there are four verities of

    realism. First, power is the essential component

    American Foreign Policy Interests, 32: 14, 2010

    Copyright # 2010 NCAFP

    ISSN: 1080-3920 print=1533-2128 onlineDOI: 10.1080/10803920903542725

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    of international politics, and states have to seek

    power to survive. If they fail to acquire and keep

    sufficient power, their security will be at risk.

    They may be conquered like Kuwait in 1990 or

    become Finlandized, reduced to the status of a

    semisovereign state, the pawn of a great power.To avoid such an unhappy fate, they must arm

    themselves and secure alliances with other states.

    Realists see the search for power as

    inherent in human nature, and so realist expec-

    tations about behavior are just as relevant to

    life in the corporate boardroom, in institutions

    like the European Union or the College of

    Cardinals or the Mafia as they are to inter-

    national politics.

    Second, a states national interests are

    primary and must be advanced in all circum-stances and by all means at the states disposal,

    through economic, military, and diplomatic

    means, by both hard and soft power. It is regret-

    table that moral and legal principles are only

    accepted to the extent that they coincide with

    the states interests. In rhetoric, lofty principles

    are always acknowledged, but in deeds, they

    may only be indicated if they advance the

    interests of the state. The statesmans first

    loyalty is to the interests of his state.

    Third, a state can depend on or trust noother states, and cooperation, such as alliances,

    is always contingentit will last as long as

    interests coincide. Lord Palmerston described

    his responsibilities with impeccable realist

    logic: Britain has no permanent friends, only

    permanent interests. Examples abound. The

    mujahedeen were the allies of the United States

    during the Soviet war in Afghanistan but

    became Americas enemies when they played

    host to Al Qaeda. The Soviet Union was an ally

    during World War II and the bitterest of foesduring the cold war. China was an ally during

    World War II and then a foe after the Commu-

    nists came to power. It was once again an ally

    after Nixons visit and is now a rising, evermore

    formidable enemy destined to become a peer

    competitor of the United States that may

    indeed supplant it as the worlds hegemon.

    Fourth, realists explain international

    politics as it is, governed by the pursuit of

    power and self-interest and by a lack of trust

    that makes cooperation contingent rather than

    as we would wish it to be, a world of trust,

    cooperation, and altruism. Realists see theworld without illusion, which often contributes

    to suspicion and pessimism. As archetypical

    realist Oswald Spengler wrote: Optimism is

    for cowards. The world as we want it to be is

    the realm of the idealist, not the realist.

    Idealism is the realm of Norman Angell. In

    1910, he explained why European countries

    were too economically interdependent to go to

    war. It is the realm of the innumerable theor-

    ists who explained why the United States

    should cooperate with the Soviet Union andnot confront it, why Washington should disarm

    rather than engage in an arms race with

    Moscow as a form of confrontation.

    The Relevance of Realism

    Today

    In academic and policy circles, it is fashion-

    able to criticize realism for a host of reasons. Itis irredeemably Machiavellian, or unprogres-

    sive because of its advocacy of self-interested

    behavior or because no cooperative solution is

    provided to solve the major problems plaguing

    the international community such as the

    causes of war. Of course, although no theory

    captures the totality of international politics,

    realists often wear those charges as badges of

    honor and respond: Precisely.

    Despite those criticisms or the explicitly

    antirealist rhetoric of statesmen, realism isas relevant today as it ever was. Obama is the

    most leftist president America has elected and

    one who came to office pledging to repudiate

    the policies of his realist predecessor. He should

    indeed be a tough case for realism.

    Yet a tour of the horizon of major issues in

    international politics reveals what the realist

    2 Bradley A. Thayer

    American Foreign Policy Interests

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    suspects: Despite the rhetoric, the Obama

    administration is realist. The first stop on the

    tour is the nettlesome problem of Iran. Iran

    wants nuclear weapons for good realist reasons.

    Iran faces many threats, too many to address

    solely with conventional arms, and has adeclining population, further weakening its

    ability to deter opponents. Nuclear weapons

    promise to keep a nuclear-armed Iran safe from

    attack from the United States and Israel as

    well as keep them out of Irans business. Simi-

    larly, the Obama administration is attempting

    to stop Irans nuclear weapons program for

    good realist reasons. A nuclear-armed Iran will

    be harder for the United States to coerce. Also,

    it will be a threat to Washingtons interests and

    to the U.S. military and allies in the importantPersian Gulf region and will serve as a poten-

    tial proliferation conduit in the future,

    sharing nuclear technology, fissile material,

    and nuclear knowledge with other states or

    terrorists.

    At the same time, the Obama administra-

    tion knows quite realistically that it cannot

    stop Irans nuclear program because of its

    advanced state, redundancy, and diversifi-

    cation; its support from China and Russia;

    and the risks of retaliation for any attackagainst Americas interests and the global econ-

    omy. It is preparing for a nuclear-armed Iran

    and is quietly adjusting alliances and U.S.

    military force structure in the region.

    The next significant issue is the Obama

    administrations decision not to deploy

    ground-based interceptors in Poland and a

    powerful radar in the Czech Republic. It would

    seem that this decision is completely at odds

    with realism. However, when one examines

    what Obama proposed instead, the weaponrywould actually be better for a confrontation

    with Iran.

    The Obama plan will deploy mobile

    sea-based platforms in the eastern Mediterra-

    nean and ground-based platforms in Europe,

    including Turkey. This system will be augmen-

    ted by an existing U.S. radar in Israel and one

    to be deployed in the Caucasus. Although

    Obamas rejection of the Bush administrations

    policy has been derided by criticsmost

    vociferously in Warsaw and PragueObamas

    plan actually has great strengths, although

    they are little reported. The Obama missiledefense system offers a greater likelihood that

    missiles launched from Iran will be intercepted

    in their boost phase, thus blowing up over Iran.

    Accordingly, U.S. allies in the Middle East and

    Europe should be encouraged by it. Far from

    diminishing U.S. capabilities, the Obama plan

    strengthens them against Iran.

    Third, the Obama policies in Iraq are almost

    exactly the same as those of President Bush.

    Once in office, Obama had to reject the promise

    of withdrawal made in the campaign. Instead, itis as if Bush had won a third term. Obama has

    embraced the gradual and contingent with-

    drawal that the Bush administration advanced.

    Concerning Afghanistan, the Obama adminis-

    tration is out-Bushing Bush. It is continuing

    to back the government of Hamid Karzai while

    surging forces into that country as it accelerates

    covert action programs in Afghanistan and

    Pakistan. Far from idealism, the Obama admin-

    istration knows that the United States could

    lose in Afghanistan and is taking steps toprevent such an outcome. Time will tell whether

    the plans are successful, but the administration

    recognizes what is at stake and is acting as any

    good realist administration would.

    Fourth, politics toward great powers such

    as Russia and China have not changed. The

    Obama administration views Moscow with a

    healthy suspicion but recognizes, as the Bush

    administration did, that it is an important ally

    on key issuescombating terrorism, piracy,

    dealing with North Korea, and many otherissuesdespite real divisions in interests

    between the two countries. But the most impor-

    tant shared interest they have is China. In

    time, the growth of Chinese power will threaten

    both the United States and Russia, and that

    common threat should bring them into some

    type of alliance, even if it is not named as

    The Continued Relevance of Realism in the Age of Obama 3

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    one. The decision to abandon the Bush adminis-

    trations European missile site should be seen

    in this light. The Obama administration wants

    to signal that it is willing to address some Rus-

    sian concerns, even at the expense of alienating

    NATO members. Likewise, the tepid supportfor Georgia in its effort to join NATO is a

    marked contrast to the Bush administrations

    effort before the RussianGeorgian War of

    August 2008 and should also be seen as an

    effort to signal Russia that the United States

    is willing to reduce support for allies in return

    for advancing the shared interests of Moscow

    and Washington.

    With respect to China, although few com-

    mentators notice, the Obama administration

    is continuing the Bush administration policieson the major security issues in the Sino

    American relationship. The United States

    continues to sell arms to Taiwan and support,

    de facto, a two-China policy. After World War

    II, the French novelist Francois Mauriac wrote:

    I love Germany so much that I am glad there

    are two of them. Well, the same is true for

    the United States. A divided China is a weaker

    one, and observers should expect continued and

    strong support for Taiwans efforts to defend

    itself from Chinese coercion, even if Washing-ton does this sotto voce.

    Unnoticed as well because of its gradual-

    ism, the naval and air force presence of the

    United States in the Western Pacific continues

    to expand, although perhaps one step behind

    the growth of Chinese capabilities. Increasingly

    those capabilities explicitly target American

    vulnerabilities. Moreover, the United States

    has created a network of alliances in the coun-

    tries bordering China. There is either an

    American military presence in or close militarycooperation with Afghanistan, India, Japan,

    Kazakhstan, Mongolia, and Vietnam. Although

    confrontation in the SinoAmerican relation-

    ship is not inevitable, the Obama administra-

    tion continues the policies of the last three

    American presidents in preparing for it. Do

    not expect that to change, as Washingtons

    interests in Asia have not.

    The Bright Future ofRealism: Plus Ca Change,

    Plus Cest La Meme Chose

    Realisms future is a brilliant one as long as

    statesmen have to worry about the security of

    their state, labor to advance their countrys

    interests, and find it important to conceal their

    true intentions. Clausewitz argued that war

    has its own grammar, understood by the mili-

    tary but not its own logic, which is a form of

    the political art and thus better understood by

    politicians. The review of the major issues

    confronting the United States today shows that

    the Obama administration has its own gram-

    mar, which we should expect will continue to

    be often lofty and idealist, but its logic is realist.

    Even in the age of Obama, realism is the right

    tool for comprehending American foreign

    and defense policy. Pity the Europeans and

    Americans who thought that transatlantic

    problems were Bushs fault and a new age

    would dawn with Obamas election. They have

    come to realize that the interests of countries,

    not the personalities of their leaders, are pri-

    mary. If you are ever in Vegas and have cause

    to bet on theories of international relations,

    put your money on realism.

    About the Author

    Dr. Bradley A. Thayer is a professor ofpolitical science at Baylor University. He is

    the author or editor of five books, most recently

    Debates in International Relations (2009). He

    has served as a consultant to the Rand Corpor-

    ation and the Department of Defense.

    4 Bradley A. Thayer

    American Foreign Policy Interests