Histories of reindeer husbandry resilience Land use and social networks of reindeer husbandry in Swedish Sápmi 1740-1920

Isabelle Brännlund

Department of Historical, Philosophical and Religious

Studies and Vaartoe ∙ Centre for Sami research

Umeå 2015

Skrifter från Centrum för Samisk forskning No. 21

Vaartoe ∙ Centre for Sami research

Umeå University 2015

Copyright © Isabelle Brännlund

ISBN: 978-91-7601-233-8

ISSN: 1651-5455

Vaartoe ∙ CeSam No. 21

Cover:

Photograph ’Reindeer separation at Bjergenas 2012’, Photographer: Isabelle

Brännlund.

Photograph ‘People from Kautokeino at Kengis market 1904’, Vbm Br 6122.

Västerbottens museum.

Layout and photocollage: Isabelle Brännlund.

Electronic version available at http://umu.diva-portal.org/

Printed by: Print & Media, Umeå, Sweden 2015

This work is protected by the Swedish Copyright Legislation (Act 1960:729)

i

Acknowledgements

Det är så många människor jag har att tacka för att det blev en avhandling -

till slut. För intellektuell stimulans och utmaning, för praktiskt stöd och hjälp,

och för personligt engagemang och support.

Först och främst vill jag tacka min huvudhandledare Per Axelsson. Tack för

att du alltid har haft dörren öppen och med outtröttligt engagemang stöttat

mig. För att du med glädje och ödmjukhet har väglett mig genom den akade-

miska snårskogen. Tack för all hjälp jag fått av dig genom åren, och tack för

Toyotalånet, för Arjeplog och för ananasen!

Tack också till mina bihandledare Tom Ericsson och Patrik Lantto. Tom som

med kloka kommentarer och en stor portion humor har hjälpt mig och arbetet

framåt. Patrik, som bistått med värdefullt arkivmaterial, med ämneskunskap

och stöd. Jag vill också rikta ett speciellt tack till Jon Moen, ledare för det pro-

jekt som avhandlingen ingått i. För att du med noggrannhet och intresse läst

och kommenterat alla de texter jag skickat dig, för ditt skarpsinne och din öd-

mjukhet - tack. Ett stort tack också till övriga projektmedlemmar, Tim

Horstkotte, Annette Löf och Åsa Össbo för trevliga resor och intressanta

diskussioner. Jag vill också tacka Formas och humanistisk fakultet för att ha

finansierat detta doktorandprojekt.

Som viktiga milstolpar i avhandlingsprocessen upptar mittseminarium och

slutläsgrupp en särskild plats. Tack till Lars Elenius, Petter Bergner och Mar-

tin Hultman för viktiga synpunkter på arbetet under projektets tidiga fas och

vid mittseminariet. Tack till Gunnar Malmberg, Erland Mårald, Peter Sköld

och Jon Moen för värdefulla kommentarer i avhandlingsprocessens slutskede.

Tack till Kristina Belancic, Lis-Marie Hjortfors, Anna-Lill Ledman, Annette

Löf, Elsa Reimerson, Moa Sandström, Kristina Sehlin McNeil, Maria Wissel-

gren och Åsa Össbo, för kommentarer och hjälp med språkgranskning (i olika

skeden av avhandlingsprocessen). Tack till Mattias Sandström och Tim

Horstkotte för hjälp med kartor (Paper I och III). Ett speciellt tack till Gretha

Gustafsson och Kristina Adolfsson-Jacobsson, som hanterat och admini-

strerat expensmedel, prolongering av tjänst och föräldraledigheter. Tack

också till John Blackwell som har språkgranskat delar av denna avhandling.

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Till alla övriga vänner, nuvarande och tidigare kollegor vid CeSam, Norrsam,

DDB, CBS och Idé- och samhällsstudier - Tack för alla fikastunder, luncher,

spännande samtal och vetenskapliga diskussioner. Tack för att det alltid har

varit roligt att komma till jobbet!

Efter sex och ett halvt år på samma arbetsplats, så kommer en onekligen vissa

människor extra nära. Jag vill rikta ett särskilt tack till Anna-Lill. För spän-

nande diskussioner om vetenskap och etik, för sena vinkvällar och skrivar-

resor och för att du alltid hittar precis rätt. Tack till Moa, för ditt engagemang,

din kreativitet och för dina gjutningskonster. Till Maria, tack för din skarp-

synthet och din medkänsla. Tack till Annette, för värdefulla synpunkter på

teoriavsnittet i avhandlingen samt för ditt outtröttliga engagemang. Elsa, för

alla spännande samtal och för ditt stöd i slutskedet av avhandlingsprocessen

– tack.

Denna avhandling hade inte blivit ’vad den är’ utan stöd och hjälp från männi-

skor och organisationer utanför Umeå universitet. Jag vill rikta ett stort tack

till, Marit Anne Allas för kommentarer och input på avhandlingens form och

innehåll. Tack till Anna-Marja Kaddik, Nils-Martin Jonsson och Åsa Nordin

Jonsson, för att jag fått möjlighet att vara med vid renskiljningar och vårflytt.

Extra tack till Anna-Marja för att du betrodde mig med din nya skoter. Tack

till Marita Stinnerbom, Margret Fjällström och övriga medlemmar av Vilhel-

mina norra sameby för värdefulla synpunkter som hjälpt arbetet framåt (och

för en uppfriskande brännbollsturnering). Tack till Gaaltije för den projekt-

anställning som gjorde att avhandlingen tog en ny riktning. Speciellt tack till

Ulf-Stefan Winka för hjälp med insamling av källmaterial. Till Britta Lindgren

Hyvönen och Erik Sandén vid Västerbottensmuseet, tack för värdefulla

kommentarer, hjälp med ArcGis och för insikter i arkeologins värld. Ett stort

tack till Såhkie och SSR för intressanta samarbetsprojekt, seminarier och akti-

viteter. Jag vill också tacka Sara Mariana Åström för den Sydsamiska- och

Miliana Baer för den Nordsamiska översättningen.

När jobbet känns tungt så är det viktigt med vänner som kan får en att tänkta

på annat. Tack Sofia för alla gånger du tvingat mig att ’sluta tänka på jobbet’,

för middagar, resor och festivaler. Tack Marina, för alla gånger du knuffat upp

mig på bana igen och för din kärlek och vänskap, jag är så tacksam för att jag

har en vän som du.

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Slutligen vill jag rikta ett stort och varmt tack till de viktigaste i mitt liv, till

hela min släkt och familj. Tack för att jag har fått förmånen att växa upp i en

’extended family’, att jag har fått vara till fjälls och köra skoter (hur skulle jag

annars ha klarat mig under en vårflytt?) och för att ni ställt upp, i stort som

smått. Tack till morfar och mormor, som så många gånger påmint mig om vad

som är viktigt i livet. Tack till mina mostrar, Gun som med en ängels tålamod

och omsorg funnits där, Anna som med glädje och humor alltid har haft tid till

samtal.

Tack till mamma, pappa och lillebror, för er orubbliga kärlek och för att ni

alltid trott på mig. Tack mamma för att du agerat förste barnvakt när vardagen

inte har gått ihop - för att du alltid ställt upp. Pappa för att du begriper hur jag

funkar, du är en klippa - tack.

Slutligen. Tack älskade Hasse, för ditt stöd och din kärlek. Tack för att du utan

tvekan eller klagomål har skött all markservice de senaste månaderna. Tack

för att du gjort det möjligt för mig att slutföra detta projekt. Tora, under-

baraste ungen, tack för att du kom in i mitt liv mitt under avhandlings-

processen. Jag ska inte säga att denna bok är till dig (även om den är det), för

du skulle nog hellre velat ha en godispåse. Du är det viktigaste i mitt liv. Tack!

Umeå, den 25 februari 2015.

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Table of Contents

1. Introduction 1 1.1 Social resilience and reindeer husbandry: a brief background 5 1.2 Aim and objectives 7 1.2.1 List of papers 8 1.3 Outline 9

2. Background and previous research 10 2.1 Colonization of Swedish Sápmi 10 2.2 Reindeer husbandry 17 2.2.1 Different forms of husbandry systems and herding methods 18 2.2.2 The importance of social networks 21 2.2.3 Land use systems and land title 23 2.2.4 Legislation and administration at the turn of the 20th century 25

3. Theoretical framework 28 3.1 Social resilience 28 3.1.1 Capacities for managing social resilience: the framework applied 31 3.1.2 Resilience and adaptive capacity: limitations and possibilities 32 3.2 Vulnerability 36 3.3 Place-attachment, resilience and Indigenous peoples 37 3.3.1 Place and place-attachment 39 3.4 Social networks as promoters of adaptive capacity 42

4. Methods and sources 46 4.1 Methods applied - paper overview 46 4.2 Qualitative content analysis 47 4.3 Research in an Indigenous context 49 4.3.1 On the ethics of researching 50 4.4 Source material 52 4.4.1 Cameral records 54 4.4.2 Church records 55 4.4.3 Commissions and reports 55 4.4.4 Sami Bailiffs’ archives 57 4.4.5 Narratives and historical interviews 58

5. Summary of research papers 61 5.1 Co-authored papers 61 5.2 Paper I. Reindeer management during the colonization of Sami lands:

A long-term perspective of vulnerability and adaptation strategies 62 5.3 Paper II. Diversity of reindeer husbandry livelihoods: A comparative

study of mountain reindeer husbandry in Swedish Sápmi 1860-1920 63 5.4 Paper III. Social organization of reindeer husbandry: Representations

of household and siida structures in demographic material at the turn

of the 20th century 64

vii

5.5 Paper IV. Connections to place: Taxation lands as objects of place-

attachment in southern Sápmi 1740-1870 65 6. Analytical discussion 67

6.1 Future possibilities 74 7. Concluding remarks 77 8. Sammanfattning på svenska 79 9. Åarjelsaemien åeniedimmie 83 10. Čoahkkáigeassu davvisámigillii 87 References 91

viii

Appendices

Paper I: Brännlund, I. and Axelsson, P. (2011). Reindeer management

during the colonization of Sami lands: A long-term

perspective of vulnerability and adaptation strategies. Global

Environmental Change, 21(3), 1095-1105.

Paper II: Brännlund, I. (2015). Diversity of reindeer husbandry

livelihoods: A comparative study of mountain reindeer

husbandry in Swedish Sápmi 1860-1920. Manuscript.

Paper III: Brännlund, I. and Axelsson, P. Social organization of reindeer

husbandry: Representations of household and siida structures

in demographic material at the turn of the 20th century.

Revised version of the original publication: Brännlund, I. and

Axelsson, P. (2013). Family matters: Representation of

Swedish Sámi households at the turn of the nineteenth

century. In Anderson, D.G., Wishart, R.P. and Vate, V., (Eds.),

About the hearth: Perspectives on the home, hearth, and

household in the Circumpolar North. Oxford and New York:

Berghahn Books, 103-122.

Paper IV: Brännlund, I. (2015). Connections to place: Taxation lands as

objects of place-attachment in southern Sápmi 1740-1870.

Manuscript.

ix

x

Abstract

Against a background of ongoing and predicted climatic and environmental

change facing humans on a global level, this thesis combines historical

perspectives with theories of social resilience in a study of reindeer husbandry

in Swedish Sápmi, from the late 18th century to the early 20th century. The

thesis includes four individual studies that examine the topic from different

angles, connected together by reoccurring elements of social resilience. The

first paper analyses the adaptive capacity of reindeer herding communities in

the northernmost part of Swedish Sápmi during the 19th to early 20th century,

using materials from the Sami Bailiffs’ archives, governors’ reports and

documentation from official committees. The second paper is based on similar

materials and explores livelihood diversity of reindeer husbandry in southern

and northern regions of Swedish Sápmi from 1860 to 1920. The third paper

examines the social networks of reindeer husbandry and includes an analysis

on how these are represented in demographic sources at the turn of the 20th

century. The fourth and final paper examines taxation lands as objects of

place-attachment in a south Sami reindeer husbandry context from 1740 to

1870.

Overall, the thesis demonstrates that communities and families practiced

highly flexible herding in terms of what pasture area they used, when and how

they used it and with whom. In order to maintain this flexibility, communities

needed authority to manage their own livelihoods and a diverse and inter-

connected landscape.

The results further show that reindeer husbandry was a dynamic and diverse

livelihood, well into the 20th century. Fishing, hunting, trapping or farming

was part of many reindeer herding families’ livelihoods. By tethering aspects

of diversity to norms and ideals within the communities included in the study,

I argue that farming can be understood as both an enforced adaptation and as

an adaptive capacity depending on the ideals within the community in ques-

tion.

The thesis supports the notions that reindeer husbandry since long has faced

many challenges, including: border closings; competing land uses; disturb-

ance from settlers; enforced regulations and laws concerning reindeer hus-

bandry; and restrictions of livelihood diversity. Furthermore, these challenges

were not only sources of disturbances in their own right, but they also restrict-

ed the adaptive capacity of reindeer herding communities.

xi

1

1. Introduction

Maria Kristina Andersdotter was born into a reindeer herding family in the

mountain area of Southern Sápmi in 1827. She was the oldest of nine children

and members of her family had been holders of Girijaure taxation land for

generations. Her grandparents on both sides had lived off reindeer herding

on the land. One pair, Christoffer Sjulsson and Maria Nilsdotter, were the

first landholders of Girijaure to apply for a title deed at the county admin-

istration office, following the introduction of a new arrangement for admin-

istering the taxation lands held by Sami people instituted in the early 19th

century.

In the summer of 1847, when Maria was 20 years old, she married a young

man of the same age, Jon Olofsson Stinnerbom. Jon’s ancestral land was on

the Norwegian side of the border and he was originally a Norwegian citizen.

Together the couple had ten children and through Maria’s inheritance rights

the family acquired Girijaure taxation land from her uncle in 1866. At this

time the family had already established positions as prosperous reindeer

herders in the area with a substantial herd. When Maria and Jon applied for

title deed the county administration attached a caveat, granting them the

land “for as long as they needed it, for their own reindeer herd”. This require-

ment for land use was not stipulated in either of her grandparents’ title

deeds.

Two years after the family acceded the land title, they took over a newly

established settlement close to their taxation land. The family first quickly

consigned the usufruct right of the settlement, called Krutberg, but the fam-

ily’s oldest son, Olof, later reclaimed it and the family started to develop a

farm alongside reindeer husbandry. The family spent spring and autumn to-

gether in Girijaure and later also in the Krutberg settlement. During the

summer, the reindeer were moved over to Jon forebears’ lands on the Nor-

wegian side of the border. During the winters, the family moved the reindeer

down to the boreal forests where they could find winter fodder. Some winters

the family stayed in Åsele or Anundsjö parishes, but if the weather was harsh

and the reindeer had problems reaching the lichens under the icy snow cover,

the family sometimes moved them all the way down towards the Baltic coast.

In the summer of 1896 Maria’s husband Jon died in Rörvik, Norway, at the

age of 69. The funeral was held in Norway and after Maria returned to the

Swedish side she joined her oldest son Olof and his family’s household. Olof

took over the tax payment for Girijaure after his father passed away. Maria,

her sons Olof, Jonas and Lars, and their families kept their reindeer together

2

in one siida, and the extended family continued to develop and combine rein-

deer husbandry and farming on the lands of Girijaure and Krutberg. In 1898

Olof successfully applied for full homestead status and ownership of the

property Krutberg. At the beginning of the new century the family had a

horse, four cows, farmlands and houses in Krutberg. Their reindeer herd had

grown and the siida together owned well over a thousand reindeer.

Besides developing the farm and reindeer husbandry the family also en-

gaged in political activity. Maria’s son Lars and his wife Lisa were appointed

to manage a gåetie [cot] in Skansen museum in Stockholm in 1904. During

their stay in Stockholm they were appointed members of the inaugural board

of the Sami Central Union, an organization that strove to increase the auton-

omy of Sami people and their rights to traditional lands. After the trip to

Stockholm, her son Lars and his family decided to move down to Anundsjö.

This arrangement restricted him from fully participating in reindeer hus-

bandry and the family’s herding activities. However, with the help of the ex-

tended family the reindeer were tended through the ‘reindeer caretaking sys-

tem’ and his herd was kept intact.

As Maria aged she spent more time in the settlement tending for the farm,

and as her son Olof also aged, he joined her. The oldest grandchildren and

her younger son Jonas took more responsibility for herding and tending for

the reindeer. In the late summer of 1919 Maria, then 91 years old, passed

away in her home in Krutberg of old age.1

As for most ‘common people’ during the 19th century, the story presented of

Maria here is inevitably short and excludes most of her life, struggles and

ambitions because only scant details are available in historical sources. Al-

though the story should be read as an account of particular events in her

unique life, it also tells something about historical reindeer husbandry.

1 The story of Maria is based on information derived from the following sources: Concession and title

documents 1809-1866. “Utslags och resolutionskoncept.” Sweden/Härnösand/Landsarkivet i

Härnösand/Västerbottens läns landskontors arkiv 1650-1962/Utslags och resolutionskoncept/Volume: A IIa;

Inventory of Estate 1825 ‘Bouppteckningar och arvskiften 1825’. Sweden/Härnösand/Landsarkivet i

Härnösand/Åsele tings häradsrätts arkiv/Bouppteckningar och arvskiften/Vol: FII3/Nr 99; Parish

Catechetical Record for Åsele 1772-1853. “Husförhörslängder 1803-1853.” Sweden/Härnösand/Landsarkivet

i Härnösand/Åsele Kyrkoarkiv/Volume: AI:1 - AI:3; Parish Catechetical Record for Vilhelmina 1780-1792,

1815-1894. “Husförhörslängder 1780-1792, 1815-1894.” Sweden/Härnösand/Landsarkivet i

Härnösand/Vilhelmina Kyrkoarkiv/Volume: AIb; AIb 1 - AIb7; Parish Register for Vilhelmina 1896-1919.

“Församlingsbok 1896-1919”/ Sweden/Härnösand/Landsarkivet i Härnösand/Vilhelmina

Kyrkoarkiv/Volume: AIIa:1; Taxation records 1774-1834. ”Uppbörds- och jordeböcker för Åsele Lappmark

1774-1834.” Sweden/Stockholm/Riksarkivet/Kammarkollegiet Kansliet och kontorsarkiv/Kammarkollegiet

tredje provinskontoret; Taxation records 1835-1869. ”Uppbörds- och jordeböcker 1835-1869”.

Sweden/Härnösand/Landsarkivet i Härnösand/Häradsskrivarens i Västerbottens lappmarks födgeri

arkiv/Volume: HI aa; Westerdahl, C. (2008). Sydsamer: från bottenhavet till atlanten: en historisk

introduktion till samerna i Ångermanland och Åsele lappmark med angränsande delar av Jämtland och

Norge. Skärhamn: Båtdokgruppen

3

The place where Maria and her family lived and the lands they used are located

in the circumpolar north (the area around the Arctic Circle). In this area, ex-

treme weather events frequently occur and the climate is highly irregular.

Nevertheless, for a long time reindeer herding families and communities have

managed their livelihoods in this unpredictable environment and developed

effective strategies and capacities to do so.2 In this historical thesis, social

resilience and Indigenous land use—the capacities and strategies that commu-

nities and families developed and used to live and prosper in their changing

environment—are focal concerns.

Through Maria’s biography, we learn that reindeer husbandry was an exten-

sive and flexible land use regime. The lands her family used for reindeer herd-

ing stretched from the Norwegian side of the Scandinavian mountain chain

down towards the Baltic coast. The lands provided diverse landscapes and

grazing resources, with varying altitude, snow cover, forest stands and fodder.

Her family moved the reindeer between different pastures depending on the

season and grazing conditions.

Her story also provides information about a diverse use of natural resources.

Maria’s family subsisted on a combination of reindeer husbandry and farm-

ing, a combination of livelihoods that reduced their sensitivity to fluctuations

in the size of their reindeer herd, annual harvests of crops and vitality of their

farm animals.

In 1851 a new farm, Krutberg, was established by a settler adjacent to their

taxation land, with fields overlapping some of Girijaure taxation land, creating

competing or overlapping land uses between Maria’s family and the settled

family. However, Maria and her family soon acquired the settlement, probably

as a strategic investment to avoid land use conflicts, to expand the family in-

come and livelihood or to secure land title to their ancestral land. The settle-

ment was developed and amended to a farm homestead, a legal property of

which the family had ownership. Whatever the reason behind the family’s

acquisition of the settlement, it provided freedom in terms of livelihood

means, increased the natural resources available for the family and secured

their land title in the area.

2 Tyler, N.J.C., Turi, J.M., Sundset, M.A., Strøm Bull, K., Sara, M.N., Reinert, E., Oskal, N., Nellemann, C.,

McCarthy, J.J., Mathiesen, S.D., Martello, M.L., Magga, O.H., Hovelsrud, G.K., Hanssen-Bauer, I., Eira, N.I.,

Eira, I.M.G. and Corell, R.W. (2007). Saami reindeer pastoralism under climate change: Applying a

generalized framework for vulnerability studies to a sub-arctic social-ecological system. Global

Environmental Change, 17(2), p. 191-206; Reinert, E. S., Aslaksen, J., Eira, I. M. G., Mathiesen, S. D., Reinert,

H. and Turi, E. I. (2008). Adapting to climate change in reindeer herding: The nation-state as problem and

solution. Working Papers in Technology Governance and Economic Dynamics, 16

4

The story further conveys how social organization, of families, extended fami-

lies and siida systems (working group see section 2.2.2) facilitated the mainte-

nance of livelihood diversity and flexibility of reindeer herding. Through social

networks, the extended family could make use of multiple natural resources.

Parts of the family could manage the reindeer while others tended the farm.

Through the ‘reindeer caretaking system’ [skötesrensystem],3 one of Maria’s

sons could keep his reindeer, although he was far from his herd. The family’s

siida, which included Maria’s three sons, maintained fluid arrangements,

allowing them to keep their reindeer together for parts of the year but adjust

their herd sizes and locations in accordance with altering grazing conditions.

Moreover, the story illustrates the multiple functions and meanings that

places can have for groups or individuals. When Maria’s family acquired a new

settlement close to their old taxation land their resource base increased. The

two lands hosted the natural resources the family needed to maintain both

reindeer husbandry and farming. The family developed knowledge of the

lands and how to use them, so the lands were places of knowledge develop-

ment and transmission. On these lands the family spent substantial amounts

of time. Maria lived and died near her ancestral taxation land, a land that was

handed over to her children, and thus was a major element of family history.

Lastly, the story of Maria illustrates how the Swedish state restrained tradi-

tional land tenure systems and initiated new trajectories. Maria’s grand-

parents applied for a title deed at the county administration office in 1809,

following an administrative change where responsibility for issues regarding

taxation lands was transferred from the district court to the county admin-

istration. Before this, matters concerning the taxation lands, and other prop-

erty issues, were handled by the district courts. The shift can be seen as a mile-

stone in state rearticulation of Sami taxation lands, from individual tax prop-

erty to property of the crown. When Maria and her family acceded Girijaure

taxation land in 1866, the title deed stipulated that the land rights were

granted for reindeer herding, a postulate that was not included in her grand-

parents’ title deeds, and obliged Maria’s family to continue reindeer hus-

bandry if they wanted to keep their taxation land.

3 A system where people cared for reindeer owned by others in exchange for goods or other services. This

could be of mutual benefit for both the herder and owner, and for building relations of trust and

interdependence. See: Nordin, Å. (2002). Relationer i ett samiskt samhälle: en studie av skötesrensystemet i

Gällivare socken under första hälften av 1900-talet. Umeå: Umeå University

5

1.1 Social resilience and reindeer husbandry: a brief background

If history teaches us anything, it must be that the world is always changing.

However, with knowledge of ongoing global environmental change it is pre-

sumed that societies and communities worldwide will experience new and

novel challenges. Against this background, social resilience is a key concept,

referring to societies’ and communities’ capacities to cope with, adapt to and

transform themselves in environments characterized by change, unpredicta-

bility and surprise.4

Climate research indicates that the magnitude and speed of climate change

will be unevenly distributed, and particularly rapid and dramatic in the

circumpolar north, an area that holds the traditional lands of many Indige-

nous peoples. This region includes Sápmi, the traditional lands of the Sami

people, spanning parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. In Sami

communities, reindeer husbandry has long been an important practice, with

vital economic, social and cultural functions. Climate research suggests that

the future holds both opportunities and challenges for reindeer husbandry.

Future winters might become more disruptive, due to increased risks of ice

crust formations, reducing lichen availability. On the other hand, winter sea-

sons will likely become shorter, limiting the timeframe of the crucial winter

period. A warmer climate could improve the pasture quality of summer graz-

ing lands, but could also increase insect harassment.5

The societal outcomes of a changing climate will be determined not only by

the magnitude and speed of environmental change, but will also strongly de-

pend on communities’ and societies’ capacities to adjust to and navigate

through these changes. Previous research has characterized reindeer hus-

bandry in Eurasia as highly resilient, and historical indications of this resili-

ence have been cited. It is said that reindeer herding communities have dem-

onstrated abilities to maintain and develop viable livelihoods over long

periods of time, and have done so in highly unpredictable climates, during

times of profound political, social and economic changes.6 However, although

4 IPCC. (2001). Climate change 2001: synthesis report. Geneva: The intergovernmental panel on climate

change; Walker, B. H. and Salt, D. (2006). Resilience thinking: sustaining ecosystems and people in a

changing world. Washington: Island Press; Solomon, S. (2007). Climate change 2007: the physical science

basis: contribution of working group I to the fourth assessment report of the intergovernmental panel on

climate change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 5 Lundqvist, H. (2007). Range characteristics and productivity determinants for reindeer husbandry in

Sweden. Umeå: Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences; Moen, J. (2008). Climate change: effects on the

ecological basis for reindeer husbandry in Sweden. AMBIO: A Journal of the Human Environment, 37(4),

304-311 6 Tyler et al. 2007; Forbes, B. C., Stammler, F., Kumpula, T., Meschtyb, N., Pajunen, A. and Kaarlejärvi, E.

(2009). High resilience in the Yamal-Nenets social-ecological system, west Siberian Arctic, Russia.

6

historical examples have been cited as evidence of reindeer husbandry’s social

resilience, no previous historical studies have analysed the resilience of rein-

deer husbandry in Swedish Sápmi.7

The processes and factors influencing social resilience (such as economic,

social and cultural capital and aspects of colonialism, power and governance)

are all governed by human actions and interactions. They have a long history

that must be explored if we are to comprehend social resilience and its likely

bearings on future changes of human societies.8 Historical sources such as

those providing knowledge of Maria’s story can provide valuable information

about resilience, but such sources (and historical analyses generally) are

under-used resources in resilience research.9

Although resilience has not been the focus of previous historical studies, the

history of reindeer husbandry has received substantial attention in academic

writings. However, several historical aspects of reindeer husbandry related to

social resilience have received little attention Historical research on reindeer

husbandry has largely concentrated on the north Sami area and times predat-

ing the crucial period in Sápmi’s history when Reindeer Grazing Acts and Swe-

dish-Norwegian border Acts were passed (1883, 1886, 1889 and 1919).10 Given

the magnitude of changes in the political and legislative landscape during the

late 19th and early 20th centuries, there is room to expand our understanding

of livelihood structures, the role of legislation in relation to these structures,

and how these aspects relate to social resilience. Places or lands used by Sami

reindeer herders have commonly been understood and studied as a natural

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 106(52), 22041-22048; For a discussion of the resilience of

reindeer husbandry in a contemporary setting in Swedish Sápmi see: Löf, A. (2014). Challenging

adaptability: analysing the governance of reindeer husbandry in Sweden. Umeå: Umeå University 7 Some studies have applied concepts that share some of the rudiments of resilience, for example: Beach, H.

(1981). Reindeer-herd management in transition: the case of Tuorpon Saameby in northern Sweden.

Uppsala: Uppsala University. He provides a systems analysis of reindeer management and discusses

adaptation, external drivers, feedback loops and flexibility. Paine 1970 also discusses adaptation and

strategies for coping in an unpredictable climate see: Paine, R. (1970). Lappish decisions, partnerships,

information management, and sanctions: A nomadic pastoral adaptation. Ethnology, 9(1), 52-67 8 Cornell, S., Costanza, R., Sörlin, S. and van der Leeuw, S. (2010). Developing a systematic ‘science of the

past’ to create our future. Global Environmental Change, 20(3), 426-427 9 Brännlund, I. and Axelsson, P. (2011). Reindeer management during the colonization of Sami lands: A long-

term perspective of vulnerability and adaptation strategies. Global Environmental Change, 21(3), 1095-1105. 10 Göthe, G. (1929). Om Umeå lappmarks svenska kolonisation: från mitten av 1500-talet till omkr. 1750.

Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell; Hultblad, F. (1968). Övergång från nomadism till agrar bosättning i Jokkmokks

socken. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell; Arell, N. (1977). Rennomadismen i Torne lappmark:

markanvändning under kolonisationsepoken i fr.a. Enontekis socken. Umeå: Skytteanska samfundet; Beach

1981; Lundmark, L. (1982). Uppbörd, utarmning, utveckling: det samiska fångstsamhällets övergång till

rennomadism i Lule lappmark. Lund: Arkiv för studier i arbetarrörelsens historia; Kvist, R. (1989b).

Rennomadismens dilemma: det rennomadiska samhällets förändring i Tuorpon och Sirkas 1760-1860. Umeå:

Umeå University; Korpijaakko-Labba, K. (1994). Om samernas rättsliga ställning i Sverige-Finland: en

rättshistorisk utredning av markanvändningsförhållanden och -rättigheter i Västerbottens lappmark före

mitten av 1700-talet. Helsingfors: Juristförbundets förlag; Nordin 2002; Nordin, Å. (2007). Renskötseln är

mitt liv: analys av den samiska renskötselns ekonomiska anpassning. Umeå: Umeå University

7

resource, and sites of conflicting land uses or entities in a legislative landscape.

However, places can also have other bearings for people and communities.

People-place connections may include elements of attachment and

knowledge, and may form elements of personal or collective identity and

history. These aspects are understudied in the contexts of both reindeer hus-

bandry in Swedish Sápmi and resilience research.

1.2 Aim and objectives

The overarching aim of the thesis is to analyse the social resilience of reindeer

husbandry in Swedish Sápmi from 1740-1920 century by:

a) identifying and analysing capacities and strategies that communities and

families developed and used in order to thrive in a changing environment,

b) identifying factors that constrained the adaptive capacity of reindeer

herding communities,

c) exploring livelihood diversity and the role of social networks in adaptive

capacity,

d) analysing the importance and meaning of place in relation to livelihood

structures and social resilience.

Given the changes in reindeer husbandry practices, organization, land use and

legislation during the late 18th century to the early 20th, the subject matter is

both intriguing and complex. Several structural changes could be important

background elements for explaining developments of adaptive capacity, liveli-

hood diversity, social networks and people-place-attachments during this

time. However, in this thesis I pay most attention to national legislative and

political processes and ways that they influenced social resilience related to

reindeer husbandry during the focal period.

The thesis is based on studies described in four appended papers, designated

Papers I to IV. Adaptive capacity, adaptive strategies and factors constraining

them are identified and analysed in Paper I. In order to explore the roles of

livelihood diversity and social networks in adaptive capacity, these concepts

are addressed in relation to historical reindeer husbandry in Papers II and III

(I also discuss their relations to adaptive capacity in Chapter VI of the thesis).

The importance and meaning of place in the context of livelihood structures is

8

explored in Paper IV (and connections of these elements to social resilience

are further considered in Chapter IV). For convenience, the studies described

in these papers, leading to this thesis, are sometimes collectively referred to

as ‘the study’ or ‘this study’.

1.2.1 List of papers

Paper I: Brännlund, I., and Axelsson, P. (2011). Reindeer management during

the colonization of Sami lands: A long-term perspective of vulnerability and

adaptation strategies. Global Environmental Change, 21(3), 1095-1105. This

paper focus on mountain reindeer husbandry in the northernmost part of

Swedish Sápmi. Using qualitative text analysis, a variety of historical records

are scrutinized to identify strategies that herders used to cope with disturb-

ances in grazing conditions for reindeer. Attention is paid to elements of state

policy and colonial interventions that disturbed grazing conditions and con-

strained communities’ adaptive capacities.

Paper II: Brännlund, I. (2015). Diversity of reindeer husbandry livelihoods:

A comparative study of mountain reindeer husbandry in Swedish Sápmi

1860-1920. Manuscript. This study addresses a lacuna in comparative studies

on reindeer husbandry between the northern and southern areas of Swedish

Sápmi. Using governors’ reports, Sami Bailiffs’ archives and documentation

from the Sami Committee of 1919 the study compares mountain reindeer hus-

bandry livelihoods in southern and northern parts of Swedish Sápmi during

the period 1860-1920. The focus is directed towards livelihood structures and

social networks.

Paper III: Brännlund, I., and Axelsson, P. Social organization of reindeer hus-

bandry: Representations of household and Siida structures in demographic

material at the turn of the 20th century. Revised version of the original publi-

cation: Brännlund, I., and Axelsson, P. (2013). Family matters: Represen-

tation of Swedish Sámi households at the turn of the nineteenth century. In

Anderson, D.G., Wishart, R.P. and Vate, V. (Eds.), About the Hearth: Perspec-

tives on the home, hearth, and household in the Circumpolar North. Oxford

and New York: Berghahn Books. 103-122. This methodological paper exam-

ines the concept of household in the Swedish population registers and con-

trasts it with a reading of qualitative sources on Sami reindeer herding house-

holds and siida systems. Qualitative and quantitative sources are merged to

show how demographic sources can be used when studying relations in histor-

ical reindeer husbandry contexts in Swedish Sápmi.

9

Paper IV: Brännlund, I. (2015). Connections to place: Taxation lands as

objects of place-attachment in southern Sápmi 1740-1870. Manuscript. Using

a traditional Sami tenure system as a reference point, this paper examines tax-

ation lands as elements of attachment in a south Sami reindeer husbandry

context. By analyzing taxation and court records together with parish registers

and written testimonies, taxation landholders and their families are traced

over a period of 130 years (1740-1870). The theoretical concept of plate-

attachment is the applied to explore the nature and significance of taxation

lands as entities for individual and group attachment.

1.3 Outline

The thesis is comprised of six chapters. The Introduction serves to situate the

study, present the general aim and problems I address. The following chapter

Background and previous research, provides a short background of the histo-

ry of Swedish Sápmi followed by a presentation of previous research on rein-

deer husbandry. In the third chapter Theoretical framework I present the

theoretical perspectives applied and offer an expanded discussion of their

implications and limitations. The fourth chapter, Methods and source mate-

rial, presents the terminology used in the thesis, introduces the methods and

source material, critically discusses the sources and reflectively considers

ethical aspects of researching. The fifth chapter Summary of papers, presents

brief outlines of the appended papers, including the aims, methods and

results. Finally, in the sixth chapter Analytical discussions I synthesise the

results from the research papers and evaluate them in relation to the theoret-

ical framework of resilience, place-attachment and social capital.

10

2. Background and previous research

Long before the establishment of the state borders of Fennoscandia the Sami

people lived and managed the lands that now comprise extensive tracts of the

Norwegian, Swedish, Finnish and Russian states (see Fig. 1).11 Sápmi, as a con-

cept, refers to both the land Sápmi and the Sami people.12 The Sami languages

belong to the Finno-Ugrian language group and are commonly divided into

three main sub- groups and nine or more varieties.13 It has been estimated

that between 23,000 and 50,000 people in the world speak a Sami language,

North Sami being the most commonly used.14 Historically the languages fol-

lowed the various cultural regions in Sápmi, demarcated by differences in not

only language, but also clothing, customs and livelihoods. For example, a

traditional style gákti (traditional Sami clothing) can provide information

about the wearer’s homeland, village and sometimes even family.15 Currently,

the languages and cultures are more dispersed throughout Sápmi and some

languages only have a small number of speakers.16 The Sami are one of many

Indigenous peoples in the Eurasian north that practise reindeer husbandry as

part of a traditional livelihood. In the Swedish part of Sápmi, the Sami people

are represented by the Sami parliament, an elected political body and admin-

istrative authority under the Swedish government.17 Reindeer herding comm-

unities and practitioners are further represented by the interest organizations

Sámiid Riikkasearvi [Swedish Sami Association] and Boazoeaiggádiid Okta-

vuohta [Renägarförbundet].18

2.1 Colonization of Swedish Sápmi

The long history of Sápmi involves intricately interwoven strands of colonial-

ism. Including dispossession of land and resources, enforced restrictions of

their use and management, spiritual and religious persecution and restric-

11 Bengtsson, B. (2004). Samerätt: en översikt. Stockholm: Norstedts juridik, p. 31; Hansen, L. I. and Olsen,

B. (2006). Samernas historia fram till 1750. Stockholm: Liber, pp. 19-44 12 Korhonen, O. (2007). Hur samiskan blev samiska. In Westergren, E. and Åhl, H. (Eds.). Mer än ett språk:

antologi om flerspråkigheten i norra Sverige, pp. 197-236, pp. 197-201 13 Korhonen 2007 14 Sammallahti, P. (1998). The Saami languages: an introduction. Kárášjohka: Davvi girji; Lehtola, V.-P.

(2002). The Sámi people: traditions in transition. Inari: Kustannus-Puntsi, p. 11 15 Lehtola 2002, pp. 10-12 16 Lehtola 2002, pp. 10-12 17 Lawrence, R. and Mörkenstam, U. (2012). Självbestämmande genom myndighetsutövning? Sametingets

dubbla roller. Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, 114(2) 207-239 18 SSR. Accessed 15 February 2015. http://www.sapmi.se/; Renägarförbundet, Boazoeaiggádiid

Oktavuohta. Accessed 15 February 2015. http://www.renagarforbundet.se/index.html;

11

tions of use of Sami language

and struggles for decoloniza-

tion.19 As the thesis repeatedly

refers to aspects of colonialism

and colonisation, a short expla-

nation of the terms are pre-

sented here, followed by a short

history of colonialism in Sápmi.

However, before addressing

colonisation I would first like to

settle a question reoccurring in

academic and popular debates,

the question of origin and eth-

nicity.

Academic research on Sami his-

tory, culture and livelihoods in

Sápmi has long been preoccu-

pied with configurations of

Sami ethnicity and origin. In the national context, Swedish prehistory (as the

governing norm) has been subjected to far less debate.20 Influenced by pre-

vailing research paradigms and world views, research on Sami prehistory has

taken several turns during the past centuries. During most of the 19th century

Sami people were generally understood as “the native people of Fenno-

scandia”, a notion put forward by scholars such as Erik Gustaf Geijer and Sven

Nilsson.21 During the latter part of the 19th century, a time when racial theories

and nationalistic ideas grew stronger in academic debate, Sami prehistory and

origins were reconfigured. Prominent researchers such as Gustaf Hallström

and Gustaf von Düben postulated that the Sami had migrated to Scandinavia

19 Mörkenstam, U. (1999). Om ‘Lapparnes privilegier’: föreställningar om samiskhet i svensk samepolitik

1883-1997. Stockholm: Stockholm University; Lantto, P. (2000). Tiden börjar på nytt: en analys av samernas

etnopolitiska mobilisering i Sverige 1900-1950. Umeå: Umeå University; Thomasson, L. (2002). Ur

jämtlandssamernas nutidshistoria: en mer än hundraårig kulturkamp. Östersund: Gaaltije; Lindmark, D.

(2006). En lappdrängs omvändelse: svenskar i möte med samer och deras religion på 1600- och 1700-talen.

Umeå: Umeå University; Johansson, P. (2008). Samerna: ett ursprungsfolk eller en minoritet?: en studie av

svensk samepolitik 1986-2005. Göteborg: Göteborgs University; Lantto, P. (2012). Lappväsendet:

tillämpningen av svensk samepolitik 1885-1971. Umeå: Umeå University; Össbo, Å. (2014). Nya vatten,

dunkla speglingar: industriell kolonialism genom svensk vattenkraftutbyggnad i renskötselområdet 1910-

1968. Umeå: Umeå University 20 Ojala, C.-G. (2009). Sámi prehistories: the politics of archaeology and identity in Northernmost Europe.

Uppsala: Uppsala University, p. 103 21 Lundmark, L. (2008). Stulet land: svensk makt på samisk mark. Stockholm: Ordfront, p. 141

Figure 1. Sápmi

12

from the east, relatively late in history.22 An assumption underlying this re-

search was that ethnicity and culture were both intimately and innately linked

to biological ancestry. In current debate, ethnicity is generally understood as

a dynamic and changing construct, formed in contact with ‘others’.23 Hence,

current concepts of ethnicity cannot necessarily be applied to people in pre-

historical times simply according to their biological ancestry.

Nevertheless, it is currently presumed that Sami people, as a distinct ethnic

group, were the first to settle permanently in the area currently referred to as

Sápmi.24 Prehistorically Fennoscandia was settled by people who, over time,

came to develop and construct different cultural identities. In the inner, north-

ern and eastern parts of Fennoscandia, Sami people developed livelihoods,

cultures and customs differing from those of tribal communities in the south-

ern and coastal areas of the region, distinctions that predate the western cal-

endar.

During the Middle Ages hunting, trapping and fishing were important ele-

ments of the people’s livelihoods, the salience and combination of which

depended on geographical locations and cultural affiliations. On the Atlantic

coast, settled fishing communities developed, while in the inner areas more

migratory livelihoods predominated, including hunting, trapping and lake

fishing. Goods were traded with tribal communities in the outskirts of Sápmi

and with tradesmen [Birkarlar or Kväner], local Sami communities were thus

connected to trading networks stretching to the east, south and west.25

Notwithstanding debates regarding the settlement of Sápmi, in current aca-

demic and Indigenous rights discourse the core element of indigeneity is not

who was first to settle at or use a site. Instead, it is connected to historical and

contemporary experiences of colonialism.26

Colonial contacts have been repeated elements in human history. The broad

timeframe and geographical extent of different colonial endeavors makes it

difficult to generate universal meanings of colonialism and related concepts.27

However, as I refer to aspects of colonialism as parts of the historical setting

and context of the study, the terms needs to be clarified. Building on works by

22 Hansen and Olsen 2006, pp. 19-29; Niemi, E. (2002). Katerogienes etikk og minoritetene i nord: Et

historisk perspektiv. In Samisk forskning og forskningsetikk. Oslo: De nasjonale forskningsetiske komitéer,

pp. 22-44; Lundmark 2008, pp. 147-150; Ojala 2009, p. 106 23 Ojala 2009; Hansen and Olsen 2006 24 Bengtsson 2004, p. 31; Hansen and Olsen 2006, pp. 19-44 25 Hansen and Olsen 2006 26 Johansson 2008, pp. 106-107 27 Loomba, A. (2007). Colonialism/Postcolonialism. London: Routledge, pp. xiii, 1-4

13

Loomba and Osterhammel, and designed to match the conditions in Sápmi,

in this thesis Colonisation refers to the process (and Colonialism to the sys-

tem) of territorial, economic and socio-political conquest and control.28 The

concepts thus incorporate more than merely the territorial acquisition of land

by the colonising state.29 This signals an important difference between the

conquests of land as manifested in history up until the 17th - 18th centuries and

the new colonial projects of the modern age.

[Modern colonialism] did more than extract tribute, goods and wealth from the

countries that it conquered - it restructured the economies of the latter, drawing them

into a complex relationship with their own, so there was a flow of human and natural

resources between colonised and colonial countries.30

The process of territorial occupation of Indigenous lands and territories has

taken different routes in different parts of the world. The strategies of con-

quests and Indigenous resistance have influenced each other and ranged from

warfare to diplomacy.31 One strategy used by states in annexing Indigenous

territories has been to proclaim hegemony over the annexed areas in relation

to other states,32 a strategy noticeable in the history of Sápmi.33

From the Middle Ages the growing kingdoms in Fennoscandia struggled for

influence over Sami territories. In the latter part of the era the crowns agreed

upon overlapping spheres of interests in Sápmi, a starting point for further

division of Sápmi.34 From the middle of the 16th century the crowns estab-

lished more rigid legislative, economic and religious control over Sápmi. In

Sweden King Gustav Vasa had a political ambition to secure and expand the

Swedish borders, and created central administrative instruments including

taxes, legislation and policies, for the whole kingdom.35 During this early

phase of colonisation, the state interest was not directed towards restructuring

Sami social organisation or livelihoods, instead the main target was to gain

profits from the lucrative skin trade.36

28 In line with Osterhammel, J. (1996). Colonialism: a theoretical overview. Princeton: Marcus Wiener, I

regard international politics and ‘global power games’ to be features that distinguish imperialism from

colonialism. Further, as Loomba also points out, “Imperialism can function without formal colonies (as in

United States imperialism today) but colonialism cannot.”(Loomba 2007, p. 7) 29 Osterhammel 1996, p. 4 30 Loomba 2007, p. 3 31 Osterhammel 1996, p. 8; Loomba 2007 32 Loomba 2007; Anaya, S. J. (2004). Indigenous peoples in international law. Oxford: Oxford University

Press 33 Johansson 2008, p. 37 34 Hansen and Olsen 2006, pp. 165-170 35 Hansen and Olsen 2006, pp. 229-239 36 Lundmark 1982; Lundmark, L. and Rumar, L. (2008). Mark och rätt i Sameland. Stockholm: Institutet för

rättshistorisk forskning, p. 108

14

In 1602 the Swedish King Karl IX increased the crown’s influence in the area

by establishing formal marketplaces in Sami winter settlements and forbid-

ding trading outside of them, a violation of these terms was punishable by

death.37 In these marketplaces churches were successively built, creating the

foundations for religious and administrative control. The places became cen-

tral nodes as administrative outposts for the state, where court hearings,

parish listings, trade and informational exchanges were held.38 Karl IX also

introduced a new tax policy in 1602, which introduced levies on meat, dried

fish and reindeer to secure state food supplies (strategically important for

military purposes). Researchers such as Lundmark have suggested that this

change provided a stimulus for a transition towards intensive reindeer hus-

bandry.39

During the first half of the 17th century the state established Swedish district

courts [Häradsrätter], in the inlands of Swedish Sápmi. During the early peri-

od, at least up until the late 18th century, the courts’ practice was adapted to

local customary law and traditions (a general norm within the legal system of

the Swedish kingdom during this period). In the inlands of Sápmi, Sami peo-

ple were the majority (in many areas there were no settlers at all) and they had

corresponding representation in the district court committees. The district

judge only visited the inland court houses for a couple of days each year, and

had little knowledge of local customs, regulations or conditions, especially in

regard to land use. Thus, local Sami influence over the courts was prominent

and in practise; issues concerning land and land uses were in the hands of

Sami communities.40

In line with the concern of increasing control over Sápmi the Swedish crowns

pushed to intensify colonisation of Sami lands by Swedish speaking farmers.

The territorial colonization of Sápmi was formally initiated in the late 17th

century by several decrees, in 1673, 1695 and 1749.41 The decrees granted

privileges for those who established agricultural settlements in the inner parts

37 Hultblad 1968, pp. 71-72 38 Hultblad 1968, pp. 71-72; Hansen and Olsen 2006, pp. 229-255; See also: Lundmark, L. (2006). Samernas

skatteland i Norr- och Västerbotten under 300 år. Stockholm: Institutet för rättshistorisk forskning 39 Lundmark 1982 40 Hultblad 1968, p. 72; Korpijaakko-Labba 1994; Sjölin, R. (1996). Samer och samefrågor i svensk politik:

en studie i ickemakt. Gällstad: R. Sjölin i samarbete med Institutionen för samiska, Umeå University, pp. 29-

30; Lundmark and Rumar 2008, pp. 19-20, 108-112; Päiviö, N.-J. (2011). Från skattemannarätt till

nyttjanderätt: en rättshistorisk studie av utvecklingen av samernas rättigheter från slutet 1500-talet till

1886 års renbeteslag. Uppsala: Uppsala University 41 There were earlier policies regarding tax relief for those who settled in the inner parts of Sápmi. Karl IX,

the first King to make serious attempts to increase colonization, had issued an instruction regarding tax relief

for settlers in 1603. See: Hultblad 1968, pp. 159-162; In the declaration of 1749 Sami people were also

included as possible settlers, and could thus also be granted ‘settler privileges’ Lundmark 2006, pp. 101-102

15

of Sápmi, including tax relief and dispensation from military service.42 An

underlying notion legitimising and supporting the territorial colonisation was

the theory of ‘parallel livelihoods’. From a state perspective Sami land use was

understood primarily as reindeer husbandry, with supplementary income

from fishing and hunting. Given the profound differences in character and

practices between reindeer husbandry and farming, it was assumed that the

two could co-exist peacefully. The settler decrees prohibited settlers from

intruding or disturbing Sami practicing their livelihoods: reindeer husbandry,

fishing and hunting.43 However, the state overestimated the scale of potential

agricultural productivity and profitability of farming activities in the inner

Sápmi region. Hunting and fishing became important means of subsistence

for settlers in the region. Furthermore, the most favourable sites for agri-

cultural development were old reindeer enclosures or other places were rein-

deer were frequently kept, where the soil was fertile and the ground easy to

cultivate. Thus, conflict arose over fishing waters, hunting grounds, ranges

and farmlands.44

With the farm settlements in Sápmi, livelihood structures in the region

changed, partly because some Sami (having various livelihoods) made use of

the colonial decrees and established settlements of their own, or otherwise en-

gaged more intensely in farming by leasing or taking over an established

farm.45 The ascendence of a new livelihood structure was accompanied by

reductions in profits from reindeer husbandry. This have been attributed to

colonial settlements, intensified herding practices with compact reindeer

herds causing diseases to spread, and problems with carnivores, notably

wolves. During the latter part of the 18th century the economic importance of

reindeer husbandry had declined in Sápmi and Sami representation in district

courts was also declining due to advancing settler colonisation.46

The territorial colonisation of Sápmi was trailed by formations of colonial rule,

state and church organs regulated land uses and both economic and religious

activities in Sami communities. However, it was not until after the territorial

takeover in the mid-19th century that a policy regarding ‘the Sami’ as a group

was formulated, intertwined with a colonial, racial discourse. The idea was

that the Sami people, culture and language were inferior to the Swedish

counterparts and would thus undoubtedly dwindle and eventually disappear.

42 Lundmark and Rumar 2008, pp. 149-150; Lundmark 2006, pp. 101-103 43 Arell 1977; Lundmark and Rumar 2008, pp. 88-89 44 Kvist 1989b, p. 32; Brännlund and Axelsson 2011 45 Lundmark 2006, pp. 101-103 46 Lundmark 2006; Ruong 1982; Päiviö 2011; Kvist 1989b, pp. 25-36

16

This discourse legitimized Swedish state control over Sami lands and affairs,

as implicitly they were not deemed capable of exercising appropriate control

themselves.47

At the turn of the 20th century, a time of increased governmental control of

Sami affairs, Sami politicians and activists started to mobilize on both national

and international levels. Since then Sami political movements have included

struggles to decrease states’ self-appointed custodianship of Sami affairs and

increase Sami autonomy. Several organizations and groups have worked to

strengthen land rights, Sami identity and culture (traditional and contem-

porary), enhance the development of Sami school systems, and revitalize Sami

language. As a result of these efforts greater autonomy over language, culture

and reindeer husbandry has been gained and in 1993 a Sami parliament was

established. Nevertheless, although the struggle for decolonization has been

successful in many respects, several challenges are still to be resolved, land

title being one of the most critical.48

In a Swedish context there is a remarkable silence regarding colonialism in

the national narrative. From a state perspective, colonialism has long been

understood primarily as a historical phenomenon, of concern to societies in

other continents.49 From a state perspective colonialism has been interpreted

in line with “the salt water doctrine” (also referred to as the blue water doc-

trine, or salt water thesis) accepted by the United Nations. It stipulated that

“only territories separated by water, or that were geographically separate from

the colonizing power could invoke self-determination”,50 an understanding

that various scholars, activists and politicians are currently challenging.51

47 Hansen and Olsen 2006; Mörkenstam 1999; Lundmark, L. (1998). Så länge vi har marker: samerna och

staten under sexhundra år. Stockholm: Rabén Prisma; Lantto 2000 48 Mörkenstam 1999; Lantto 2000; Lantto, P. and Mörkenstam, U. (2008). Sami rights and Sami challenges.

Scandinavian Journal of History, 33(1), 26-51; Åhrén, C. (2008). Är jag en riktig same?: en etnologisk studie

av unga samers identitetsarbete. Umeå: Umeå University; Ledman, A.-L. (2012b). Att utmana koloniala

strukturer: etik i samiskrelaterad forskning. Bårjås, pp. 37-47 49 SOU 1986:36. Samernas folkrättsliga ställning: delbetänkande. Stockholm: Liber Allmänna förlag, pp.

163-164; Fur, G. (1999). Ädla vildar, grymma barbarer och postmoderna historier. Historisk Tidskrift, (4),

637-653; Lindmark, D. (2000). Education and colonialism: Swedish schooling projects in colonial areas 1638-

1878. Umeå: Umeå University; Johansson 2008; Ledman 2012b; Össbo 2014 50 Corntassel, J. (2008). Toward sustainable self-determination: Rethinking the contemporary Indigenous-

rights discourse. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 33(1), 105-132, p. 108 See also; Anaya 2004, p. 54 51 Hansen, F. and Olaf Nielsen, T. (2006). Rethinking Nordic colonialism: a postcolonial exhibition project in

five acts: Iceland, Greenland, the Faroe Islands, Sápmi & Denmark,/Finland/Norway/Sweden March 24 -

November 25, 2006. Helsinki: NIFCA; Lundmark 2008; Hübinette, T. and Lundström, C. (2011). Sweden

after the recent election: the double-binding power of Swedish whiteness through the mourning of the loss of

‘old Sweden’ and the passing of ‘good Sweden’. NORA—Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research,

19(01), 42-52; Ledman 2012b; Fur, G. (2013). Colonialism and Swedish history: Unthinkable connections? In

Naum, M. and Nordin, J. M. (Eds.). Scandinavian colonialism and the rise of modernity: small time agents in

a global arena. New York: Springer, pp. 17-36; Össbo 2014

17

2.2 Reindeer husbandry

Reindeer husbandry is of central economic and cultural importance through-

out the Eurasian north and is almost exclusively practiced, in various forms,

by Indigenous peoples.52 In literature, several terms are used to describe this

system, such as reindeer pastoralism,53 reindeer management54 and reindeer

herding.55 Paine has defined husbandry as “the accumulations of profit” in the

system and herding as “the control of the animals in the terrain”.56 Building

on these notions I initially applied the terms pastoralism and management as

overarching concepts describing and including the two aspects herding and

husbandry (Paper I). However, as the research underlying this thesis pro-

gressed, I came to interpret husbandry as the wider concept, describing the

pastoral system of Sami reindeer husbandry as a whole. Thus, throughout the

thesis and in Papers II-IV reindeer husbandry refers to the pastoral system of

Sami reindeer husbandry as a whole, incorporating aspects of herding.

In Sápmi the transition from hunting of wild reindeer to herding of domesti-

cated/semi-domesticated have gone through several phases and have pro-

foundly changed the relations between people, communities and land. The

reindeer changed from being a common resource to being an individual prop-

erty and patterns of seasonal settlements changed to follow the reindeer’s

need for suitable pasture.57 The reasons why and how reindeer husbandry

developed in Sápmi have been subjects of lengthy academic debate.58 In line

with the much of the resent research on the topic I suggest that domestication

52 Rees, W. G., Stammler, F. M., Danks, F. S. and Vitebsky, P. (2008). Vulnerability of European reindeer

husbandry to global change. Climatic Change, 87(1-2), 199-217; Oskal, A. (2009). Ealát - reindeer herders’

voice: reindeer herding, traditional knowledge and adaptation to climate change and loss of grazing land.

Guovdageaidnu [Kautokeino]: International Centre for Reindeer Husbandry 53 Bjørklund, I. (1990). Sami reindeer pastoralism as an indigenous resource management system in

northern Norway: a contribution to the common property debate. Development and Change, 21(1), 75-86;

Lundmark 2007; Tyler et al. 2007 54 Beach 1981; Forbes, B. C., Bölter, M., Müller-Wille, L., Hukkinen, J., Müller, F., Gunslay, N. and

Konstantinov, Y. (2006). Reindeer management in northernmost Europe: Linking practical and scientific

knowledge in social-ecological systems. Berlin: Springer; Brännlund and Axelsson 2011 55 Reinert et al. 2008; Berg, A. (2010). Reindeer herding and modern forestry: the historical impacts on

forests of two main land users in northern Sweden. Umeå: Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences. 56 Paine 1970, p. 53 57 Paine 1970; Lundmark 1982; Ingold, T. (1980). Hunters, pastoralists and ranchers: reindeer economies

and their transformations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 58 Many of the conflicting notions on these issues adhere to different conceptualizations of what reindeer

husbandry (or pastoralism) is. For an overview of this debate see: Lundmark, L. (2007). Reindeer pastoralism

in Sweden 1550-1950. Rangifer, 27(3), 9-16; Bjørklund, I. (2013). Domestication, reindeer husbandry and the

development of Sami pastoralism. Acta Borealia 30(2) 174–89. See also: Wiklund, K. B. (1908). De svenska

nomadlapparnas flyttningar till Norge i äldre och nyare tid. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, pp. 9-11;

Lundmark 1982; Kvist 1989b; Kvist, R. (1991). Readings in Saami history, culture and language. 2. Umeå:

Center for Arctic Cultural Research; Hansen and Olsen 2006, pp. 201-209

18

of reindeer have a long history, dating back to the beginning of last millennia.

For centuries, domesticated reindeer was used as means of transport and as

decoys, for milk, fur and meat. But the livelihood structure was heavily reliant

on fishing, hunting and trade. A new system slowly developed during the 18th

century, where intensive herding of reindeer, for milk and meat became cen-

tral. Reindeer husbandry developed and seasonal patterns of settlement

changes to follow the reindeer. New social organizations for management of

bigger reindeer herds developed. The system change was likely driven by

numerous factors, changing tax levies, population increase, growing regional

markets and a decreasing number of wild reindeer, have been cited in the liter-

ature.59

As notions of Samihood have been, and still are, intricately connected to imag-

es of reindeer husbandry it is important to emphasize that Sami society has

been, and is, diverse and complex. Reindeer husbandry has never been the

sole livelihood in Sápmi and it is estimated that only a tenth of Sami people

today are active reindeer herders.60

2.2.1 Different forms of husbandry systems and herding methods

In a historical perspective reindeer husbandry in Swedish Sápmi has changed

substantially over the past centuries. This overview will not consider the sali-

ence of these changes, but rather focus on previous research on reindeer hus-

bandry in relation to livelihood practices, social relations and land use.

This thesis focuses largely on mountain reindeer husbandry. However, in Swe-

dish Sápmi reindeer herding is practised as part of several, somewhat differ-

ent, husbandry systems. Today there are 51 samebyar (reindeer herding

communities with defined grazing districts, see also section 2.2.4) in Swedish

Sápmi, 33 mountain-, 10 forest- and 8 are so-called concession samebys. In

mountain reindeer husbandry pasture areas are widespread, with summer

grazing all the way down to the Norwegian coast. In contrast, forest reindeer

husbandry is practiced year-round in the forest region east of the mountain

59 Lundmark 2007; Bjørklund 2013. Hultblad 1968, p 63-64, suggested that reindeer husbandry in Sápmi

first developed in the south-central parts (currently the county of Västerbotten in Sweden) at the turn of the

17th century, then gradually “spread” throughout the area and from the 18th century onwards settled as a vital

agent of cultural and economic development in Sápmi. His conclusions on where husbandry first developed,

published in 1968, are still accepted in parts of the research community, although the reasons why it

developed and spread are much contested. See for example: Lundmark 1982; Kvist 1989b; Hansen and Olsen

2006, pp. 201-209. 60 Mörkenstam 1999; Crofts, R. (2005). The Sami - an indigenous people in Sweden. Kiruna: Sami

Parliament; Åhrén 2008; Lantto 2012; Ledman 2012b

19

chain. In the concession area (located in the northern region towards the

Finnish border), reindeer husbandry is practiced by means of specific permits.

Although Sami herders tend for the reindeer in these districts they are

commonly owned by landowners of non-Sami heritage.61

From the 16th century the labels ‘mountain’ and ‘forest’ reindeer husbandry

signaled different locations of practice (although not always stringently ap-

plied). Some taxation, siida and tjiellde lands were located in the forest and

others in the mountain regions. The difference in location was connected to

differences in livelihood: fishing and hunting being more prominent in the

forest region, and reindeer husbandry more important in the mountain re-

gion.62 From the middle of the 18th century, reindeer husbandry also grew

more important in the forest region, nevertheless previous research has

commonly described forest reindeer husbandry as a more diverse livelihood

compared than reindeer husbandry in the mountain districts in.63

In addition to reindeer husbandry being practiced in different regions as part

of different livelihoods, the literature also makes a distinction between exten-

sive and intensive reindeer husbandry. As a year-round livelihood practice,

intensive husbandry predates the extensive form. In intensive husbandry,

herders kept the reindeer under more or less constant watch, and the whole

family migrated together with the reindeer herd, from pasture to pasture,

depending on seasons. The áldu [reindeer cows] were frequently milked and

reindeer milk products formed an important part of the diet and economy.

Due to the close interaction between people and reindeer the reindeer became

tame, and used to human interactions.64

During the latter parts of the 19th to the middle of the 20th century, the inten-

sive form of husbandry was gradually abandoned (broadly from the north to

the south) in favour of a more extensive form, with larger, freely moving herds

that were watched less closely. This form implied increased dependence on

subsistence from reindeer alone, in which other forms of subsistence such as

61 Ruong, I. (1982). Samerna i historien och nutiden. Stockholm: Bonnier fakta, pp. 64-65; Samebyar -

Sametinget. Retrieved 24 January 2015, from http://www.sametinget.se/samebyar 62 Brøndum-Nielsen, J. and Wiklund, K.B. (1947) Nordisk Kultur: Samlingsverk. 10, Lapperne; Lapparna.

Stockholm: Bonnier, pp. 74-75; Hultblad 1968, pp. 124-135 63 Hultblad 1968; Manker, E. (1968). Skogslapparna i Sverige: fältanteckningar. Stockholm: Acta

Lapponica; Lundmark 1982; Ruong 1982, pp. 64-66; Marklund, B. (1999). Skogssamiska studier: möten i

kultur och näringar 1650-1800. Umeå: Kulturgräns norr; Westerdahl 2008 64 Manker, E. (1947). De svenska fjällapparna. Stockholm: Svenska turistföreningens förlag, pp. 78-82;

Hultblad 1968, pp. 136-140; Beach 1981, pp. 34-36

20

fishing, hunting and farming were less likely to be utilized. From the middle

part of the 20th century the extensive form of husbandry became dominant all

over Swedish Sápmi and it is this form that we see practised today.65

Scholars who have considered this process have identified several factors that

may explain this shift. Manker, Hultblad, Beach and Ruong proposed that

migration of herders from Finnmark in northern Norway to northern parts of

Sweden and the subsequent dislocation of reindeer herders from the

northernmost districts of Swedish Sápmi to southern areas may have contrib-

uted. According to this hypothesis, when the northern herders arrived in the

southern districts they brought their tradition of more extensive herding,

which stimulated the transition.66 In addition, at the turn of the 20th century

the market economy became increasingly important. With reduced benefits

from milk, cheese, fish and game, reindeer meat came to be the herders’ most

beneficial product, and as the cash economy developed families could special-

ize their livelihood. Beach and Maker suggest that the shift towards meat

production that developed in reindeer husbandry endorsed bigger, less tame

herds. As long as families milked the reindeer the herd could not be too big,

otherwise the reindeer would not be tame enough.67 Bigger herds called for

another herding and land use structure, and in this context the extensive form

was more suitable.68 Lundmark also suggests that growing numbers of ‘tended

reindeer’ belonging to settled farmers could have further driven up the herd

sizes during the period.69 All of the above factors would have had synergistic

effects. Beach puts forward a convincing understanding of the process using

the analogy of feedback loops, where reductions in milking and tameness of

animals, increases in herd sizes and extensive herding, were mutually rein-

forcing processes.70

The intensive-extensive spectrum is not only connected to different types of

general year-round husbandry practices (as described above), but also to

particular herding methods used in specific situations or seasons. Extensive

65 Arell 1977; Ingold 1980; Beach 1981; Kvist 1989b; Löf 2014 66 Manker 1947, pp. 86-88; Hultblad 1968, p. 128; Beach 1981, p. 509; Ruong 1982, pp. 68-69 67 Beach 1981, p. 42; Manker 1947, pp. 85-88 68 Ruong 1982, p. 67 69 Lundmark 2007. The literature also cites other factors (not discussed as extensively as those mentioned

here) that probably contributed to the transition, such as increasing grazing pressure, lack of hired hands and

new possibilities for transport. See, for example: Manker 1947, p. 86; Ingold, T. (1974). On Reindeer and men.

Man, 9(4), 523-538, p. 528; Beach 1981, p. 120 70 Beach 1981, see for example p. 128. The transition from intensive to extensive herding was not always ‘an

option’. Families with small herds simply did not have the reindeer capital to make the change, as argued by

Ingold, 1974, p. 528: ‘For the small-owner, managing deer primarily for a subsistence and exchange economy,

the knowledge required for profitable husbandry can come only from intensive herding (strict control over the

herd). When, under extensive conditions, only the odd one or two of his animals turn up in a separation, he

has little or no room for choice’.

21

and intensive herding methods have been practiced throughout history, and

the terms are often applied relative.71 During the course of a year there were

often rhythmic changes; herding commonly being relatively intense during

winters and more extensive during summers.72 Manker and Beach, for exam-

ple, discuss the old tradition of extensive herding during summer in the

northernmost part of Swedish Sápmi. They propose that in northern Jukkas-

järvi and Karesuando parish the topography, with deep fjords and islands,

offered natural fences for reindeer during summer. Thus, the herds could be

left grazing more freely in the area during summer.73 Herders may also have

applied more extensive herding methods when pasture was scarce or locked

due to ice crusts, or when diseases were spreading in the herd, as free-ranging

reindeer had better chances of finding pasture and avoiding disease. During

migration and gatherings, the interactions with the reindeer were more in-

tense and the herds denser. Herders could also keep the reindeer under closer

watch to protect them from carnivores and other stressors better.74

2.2.2 The importance of social networks

Knowledge of the social relations embedded in reindeer husbandry is im-

portant for understanding the families and communities involved, their rela-

tions with other communities and authorities, and reindeer husbandry sys-

tems in general. Several studies emphasize how the social dimension of rein-

deer husbandry provided security, opportunities for co-operation and

knowledge sharing within reindeer herding communities.75 In relation to the

discussion of the transition to extensive herding, for example, Beach, pro-

posed that the social relations of reindeer husbandry could either stimulate or

inhibit the transition.76 In a study of mountain reindeer husbandry in Swedish

Sápmi, Nordin considered the relations between the individual herder, the

household, the family, the siida and the sameby to be the ‘backbone’ of rein-

deer husbandry.77

71 Beach 1981, pp. 34-37, 54 72 Manker 1947, p. 84; Beach 1981, p. 51; Ruong 1982, pp. 67-68 73 Manker 1947, p. 84 74 Beach 1981, p. 143; Ruong 1982, p. 68 75 Beach 1981; Ruong 1982; Sara, M. N. (2002). The Sami siida institution as a social and an ecological

regulation system. In Soppela, P., Ruth, W., Åhman, B. and Riseth, J.Å. (Eds.). Reindeer as a keystone species

in the north: biological, cultural, and socio-economic aspects: proceedings of the 1st CAES PhD Course, 1-15

September 2000, northern Finland, Finnmark, Norway, and Kola Peninsula, Russia. Rovaniemi: CAES 23-

27; Nordin 2007 76 Beach 1981, p. 68 For a discussion on this see also Ingold 1974, p. 529 77 Nordin 2007

22

Several scholars have considered the Sami siida as a key node in the social

nexus of reindeer husbandry. The siida has been described in terms of a

cultural institution for co-operation, a working relationship,78 and an extend-

ed family system.79 In some texts the concept is used in reference to the

tjiellde, or sameby. In this thesis, however, the concept refers to the smaller

working group.80 Bjørklund, Paine and Ingold have noted that the siida served

to organize and exercise knowledge and control within the community. They

suggest that herders of the siida ensured that the workforce, the size and

composition of the herd, and the availability and quality of pasture were in

balance.81 Whitaker, Nordin and Sara suggest that kinship played a vital role

in the formation of siida groups, which usually consisted of parents, children,

siblings and cousins.82 There seems to be a solid consensus that the system

was dynamic. Although a siida could consist of the same households over

many years, it often regrouped depending on the season and over time. House-

holds commonly had alternatives available to them and were seldom obliged

to stay within the same siida.83 As an institution for reindeer herding activities

the siida groups managed “the control of nurture of animals in the terrain”,

including pasture utilization, migration and guarding of the herd.84 Disputes

between individual reindeer owners over land and water resources could be

resolved within the siida, and the group’s strong connection to the land fos-

tered a stability and continuity within the siida system that complemented its

fairly flexible and informal structure.85

At the higher level of the social dimension, we find the tjiellde (also termed

vuobme), a collective of siida groups with a defined territory.86 It is names of

these collectives [Lappby], that we find in governmental bookkeeping, at least

as far back as the 16th century. In this thesis the term tjiellde has not been

78 Bjørklund 1990, p. 80; Nordin 2007, p. 65 79 Kuokkanen, R. (2009). Indigenous women in traditional economies: The case of Sami reindeer herding.

Signs, 34(3), 499-504, p. 499 80 For a discussion of the siida concept see: Whitaker, I. (1955). Social relations in a Nomadic Lappish

community. Oslo: Norsk folkemuseum; Ingold, T. (1978). The transformation of the Siida. Ethnos, 43, pp.

146-162; Bjørklund 1990; Sara 2002; Bergman, I., Liedgren, L., Östlund, L. and Zackrisson, O. (2008).

Kinship and settlements: Sami residence patterns in the Fennoscandian alpine areas around AD 1000. Arctic

Anthropology, 45(1), 97-110; Sara, M. N. (2011). Land usage and siida autonomy. Arctic Review of Law and

Politics, 2(2), 138-158 81 Paine 1970; Ingold 1978; Bjørklund 1990 82 Whitaker 1955; Sara 2002; Nordin 2007; Sara 2011 83 Whitaker 1955; Paine 1970; Ingold 1978; Bjørklund 1990; Sara 2002; 2011; Nordin 2007 84 Paine 1970, p. 53 See also: Fellman, I. (1910). Handlingar och uppsatser angående Finska Lappmarken

och lapparne. 1. Helsingfors; Ingold 1978; Beach 1981; Nordin 2007 85 Sara 2002 86 Bergman et al. 2008, p. 101

23

translated, and refers to the traditional institution before the Reindeer Graz-

ing Act of 1886.87 Päiviö and Korpijaakko-Labba suggest that the tjiellde land-

use structure sustained local Sami communities’ livelihoods, including rein-

deer husbandry. They show that collective livelihood practices were carried

out within the boundaries of the communities’ lands, a practice that consoli-

dated the need for, and the respect of, boundaries between different tjiellde

territories.88

2.2.3 Land use systems and land title

Land use and land title in Swedish Sápmi have been subject to multiple

changes during the past five centuries. These changes have been studied by

several scholars, largely from a historical or judicial perspective.89 Most of

these scholars agree that a local Sami community traditionally governed the

lands in the inner parts of Sápmi. These were structured around community

tjiellde lands, traditional siida lands and individual taxation lands, but this

order was continually challenged by growing interference from the state, start-

ing in the 16th century.90

From the mid-17th century, Korpijaakko-Labba, Lundmark, and Päiviö have

claimed that community tjiellde lands were divided, into individual taxation

lands [Lappskatteland], held by one or several families.91 This interpretation

is supported by historical documents and earlier academic research.92 The tax-

ation lands functioned as economic entities, adapted to local social and eco-

logical environments that sustained reindeer herding, fishing and hunting.93

During the early 19th century the taxation land arrangements were contested

by both Swedish policy and Sami reindeer husbandry practice. Päiviö and

Arell argue that the transition towards a more extensive herding practice that

occurred during this period caused communities to abandon the taxation land

87 For a more elaborated discussion of the tjiellde (lappby) see: Korpijaakko-Labba 1994; Bergman et al.

2008 88 Korpijaakko-Labba 1994, pp. 328-341; Päiviö 2011 89 Holmbäck, Å. (1922). Om lappskattelandsinstitutet och dess historiska utveckling. SOU 1922:10.

Stockholm; Korpijaakko-Labba 1994; Lundmark and Rumar 2008; Lundmark 2006; Päiviö 2011 90 Korpijaakko-Labba 1994; Hansen and Olsen 2006, pp. 274-277; Lundmark 2006; Bergman et al. 2008;

Päiviö 2011 91 Korpijaakko-Labba 1994, pp. 443f; Lundmark 2006, p. 16; Päiviö 2011 92 Schefferus, J. (1674). The history of Lapland: wherein are shewed the original, manners, habits, marriages,

conjurations, &c. of that people. Oxford: At the Theater in Oxford, p. 11,80; Drake, S.

(1918).Västerbottenslapparna under förra hälften av 1800-talet: etnografiska studier. Uppsala: Almqvist &

Wiksell, pp. 328-341; Korpijaakko-Labba 1994 93 Korpijaakko-Labba 1994, p.321; Josefsson, T., Bergman, I. and Östlund, L. (2010). Quantifying Sami

settlement and movement patterns in northern Sweden 1700-1900. Arctic, 63(2), 141-154.

24

structure in favor of a new system, based more directly on the tjiellde organi-

zational framework. They claim that the taxation lands had rounded physical

shapes that were not congruent with the extensive herding practices, which

involved long migrations from summer pasture lands in the mountains to win-

ter pasture lands in the boreal forest.94

The legal status of the taxation lands have been widely discussed in both aca-

demic and popular debates.95 During the 17th and 18th centuries the Sami tax-

ation lands were administrated by the Swedish district courts, as were

concerns regarding all property in Sweden during this period. The general

consensus of recent studies is that the taxation lands during this period were

regarded by the state as private, taxed properties comparable to agricultural

homesteads.96 However, during the 19th century state understanding of taxa-

tion lands was re-considered. Lundmark and Päiviö illustrate how the county

administration boards called for tax land-related issues to be transferred to

their jurisdiction. Although local communities opposed the transfer, particu-

larly in the southern area, it was sequentially adopted by all counties during

the early 19th century. Following the transfer of responsibility the title deeds,

previously issued by the district courts, were converted to usufruct titles is-

sued by the county administration.97 According to Päiviö and Lundmark,

following the transfer the state regarded the taxation lands as property of the

crown.98 However, Päiviö and Lantto note that voices within reindeer herding

communities in the southern area opposed the transformation. Lantto further

shows that reindeer herders in Västerbotten County still regarded the taxation

lands as their properties at the turn of the 20th century.99 Furthermore, as

shown in the district regulations [Byaordningar], the taxation lands still func-

tioned as a land use system in this area during this time.100 Thus, unsurpris-

ingly, there was little harmony between national understanding of land rights,

internal understandings and land use systems.

94 Arell 1977, p. 169; Päiviö 2011, pp. 195-255 95 Holmbäck 1922; Korpijaakko-Labba 1994; Lundmark 2006; Lundmark and Rumar 2008; Norstedt, G.

(2011). Lappskattelanden på Geddas karta: Umeå lappmark från 1671 till 1900-talets början. Umeå:

Thalassa; Päiviö 2011 96 Korpijaakko-Labba 1994; Lundmark 2006, p. 45f; Päiviö 2011. A more restricted opinion is held by

Holmbäck 1922 and Hultblad 1968, pp. 81-83, who argue that Sami people only had usufruct right to their

lands. 97 Lundmark 2006, p. 91-111; Päiviö 2011, p. 185f. See also: Hultblad 1968, p. 81-83. 98 Lundmark 2006p. 117-118; Päiviö 2011, p. 185 99 Lundmark 2006, pp. 168-170; Päiviö 2011, p. 185; Lantto 2012, p. 108-109 100 Konungens befallningshafvandes i Västerbottens län, Kungörelser år 1909. Ser. A. Landskontoret N:r

177’. Riksarkivet/Lappkommittén 1919/ Volym 6 (SE/RA/320193:6); See also: Lundmark 2006, pp. 168-170

25

2.2.4 Legislation and administration at the turn of the 20th century

Following the reformation of the taxation land system, Sami rights were en-

acted through customary law with little resonance in official state legislation.

At the turn of the 20th century, Sami rights, interpreted as reindeer herders’

rights, received growing attention in policy and legislation in Swedish Sápmi.

Swedish policies towards the Sami, ‘Sami politics’, were formulated through a

process that increasingly focused on reindeer husbandry, as set out legisla-

tively in the Reindeer Grazing Acts of 1886 and 1898..101 Several factors have

been proposed to explain the focus on reindeer husbandry in the political and

legislative debate during this period in Swedish Sápmi.102 Mörkenstam found

that notions of the Sami as a vanishing people, under pressure from a domi-

nant civilization, framed much of the political discourse during this period,

and heavily influenced legislation and polices. In this context reindeer hus-

bandry was seen as the livelihood most suitable for the Sami race, thus

protection of reindeer husbandry was essential for protection of the Sami

people.103 Lantto and Beach also cite growing conflicts between settlers and

herders, mainly in the southern areas of Swedish Sápmi, as reasons for the

legislation. Both herders and settlers had called for legislation that could aid

in settling the conflicts between them.104 Relations with Norway also had a

major impact on development of the Reindeer Grazing Acts in Swedish Sápmi,

as noted by Mörkenstam, Lantto, Cramér and Pravitz. In the mid-19th century,

growing agricultural activity and settlements in northern Norway had resulted

in increasing land use conflicts over summer grazing lands used by herders

from northernmost Sweden. A border act between Norway and Sweden of

1883 was intended to solve this issue, and it entailed a need for a national

policy.105 It was in this context that the Acts concerning reindeer grazing and

Sami land rights were formulated at the turn of the 20th century.

101 Mörkenstam 1999, pp. 79-107 102 Cramér and Prawitz 1970; Mörkenstam 1999 103 Mörkenstam 1999 See also; Beach 1981, p. 79; Lantto 2012, p. 15; Lantto and Mörkenstam 2008 104 Beach 1981, pp. 78-79; Lantto 2012, p. 16 105 The conflicts in northern Sápmi prompted the formation of two committees: the Border Treaty

Committee in 1843 and the Swedish-Norwegian Commission in 1866. Their general purpose was to regulate

relations between herders and settlers, especially in the northernmost part of the Swedish-Norwegian union.

Their work resulted in the first decree regarding movement of reindeer between Sweden-Norway in 1883,

imposing regulations on reindeer numbers, pasture areas and time of utilization of pastures on the Norwegian

side. Cramér and Prawitz 1970; Lantto and Mörkenstam 2008

26

When the Swedish state introduced the Reindeer Grazing Act of 1886, it linked

(and restricted) the administration and rights of Sami land use to specific dis-

tricts in which the reindeers were to be kept and herded. This constituted a

new legal, cultural and practical foundation for reindeer husbandry in Swe-

dish Sápmi. In some areas siida or tjiellde lands became bases for the districts,

and the Swedish word ‘lappby’ was used to describe the districts, signaling that

they were related to the old tjiellde associations.106 However, the transfor-

mation marked a fundamentally new organization of reindeer husbandry and

legislative framework. Therefore, Reindeer grazing districts is used in the

thesis when referring to specific districts in which the reindeers were to be

kept and herded according to the Reindeer Grazing Act.

Reindeer husbandry was from then on to be practiced, administrated and

economically dealt with jointly within the districts. Lantto has shown that the

establishment of districts followed separate routes in the different counties.

In Norrbotten the process was rather fast and districts for mountain herding

communities were established by 1887. In Västerbotten however, formal

decisions regarding divisions of districts were not taken until the 1890s (in

Jämtland, several changes were made, up to 1915). Lantto found that in both

Norrbotten and northern Västerbotten the districts were based upon tradi-

tional tjiellde areas. However, in Jämtland and the southern part of Väs-

terbotten there was no strong tradition of tjiellde lands, partly explaining the

more extended process in these areas.107

The Act of 1886 also limited people’s rights to move between the districts. The

county board was assigned authority to handle reindeer husbandry affairs,

including possible movements of people between districts.108 Lantto and

Beach show that the taxation lands were formally overturned by the act, even

though their function clearly continued in certain districts in Västerbotten.109

The Reindeer Grazing Act of 1898 clarified several terms and practices. Nota-

bly, it restricted appliance of the reindeer caretaking system, whereby non-

active herders could own reindeers that herders cared for, to Norrbotten

County.110 Every district was thereafter obliged to establish regulations for

conduct [Byaordningar], specifying how the legislation was applied in the

106 Lantto and Mörkenstam 2008 107 Lantto 2012, p. 43 108 Lantto 2000, pp. 39-40 109 Beach 1981, p. 79; Lantto 2012, p. 81, 108; Lundmark notes that the preparatory work leading up to the

Act of 1886 is clear on this matter, but that the act itself is vague making it hard to draw any conclusion on the

status of the taxation lands based on the Act. Lundmark 2006, pp. 168-186 110 Lantto 2000; Nordin 2002

27

district.111 These allowed for a certain degree of local modifications and varia-

tions. They included regulations regarding migration routes, numbers of

guards and (in the southern areas) taxation lands.112

The Reindeer Grazing Act of 1971 fundamentally restructured management of

the districts and changed the vocabulary. The reindeer grazing districts were

subsequently termed sameby (instead of the previous Swedish term lappby),

signaling the more autonomous position that the reindeer herding associa-

tions and communities had been striving to attain during the political process

leading to passage of the 1971 Act. In the thesis, sameby is not translated to

English. Through this Act, reindeer husbandry rights (including rights to use

traditional pasture lands, hunt and fish) together with several organisational

issues are all connected to the 51 samebys. Hence, they are central actors in

reindeer husbandry in Swedish Sápmi today.113

111 Lantto 2012, p. 78; Beach 1981, p. 80 112 Lantto 2012, p. 106-107. See also: Konungens befallningshafvandes i Västerbottens län, Kungörelser år

1909. Ser. A. Landskontoret N:r 177’. Riksarkivet/Lappkommittén 1919/ Volym 6 (SE/RA/320193:6 113 Rennäringslag 1971. SFS 1971:437

28

3. Theoretical framework

As described in the introductory chapter, social resilience is a key part of the

theoretical framework for this thesis. This concept originated from the field of

ecology, but has been continually adapted to fit the aims and scopes of other

disciplines. In addition to the overarching theoretical framework, I also make

use of theories regarding the value of social networks and people’s connection

to land. Land-use and social relations are key elements of several scholars’

understanding of reindeer husbandry systems. In order to expound these ele-

ments I introduce theories of place-attachment and social capital, aiming to

broaden the scope of the thesis and contribute to discussions of resilience and

historical reindeer husbandry.

3.1 Social resilience

Reindeer husbandry has been studied within the frames of a wide spectrum of

disciplines and fields, but in recent years the concept of resilience has been

added as a theoretical framework for understanding and analyzing its dynam-

ics.114 By emphasizing the intricate relationships between the ecological and

social domains, and highlighting the complexity, diversity and change that are

continually present, resilience has brought new ways of understanding rein-

deer husbandry and adaptation to environmental change.115

The resilience framework, initially developed by Holling116 to extend under-

standing of ecosystem dynamics, has attracted growing interest in discourses

of sustainable development and climate change adaptation.117 Borrowing con-

cepts and analogies from the natural sciences may appear intimidating to

historians who value the integrity of their own discipline (or at least the integ-

rity of the humanities). However, I believe it can provide fruitful avenues to

explore within historical research since human societies are profoundly inter-

114 Forbes et al. 2006; Oskal 2009; Moen, J. and Keskitalo, E. C. H. (2010). Interlocking panarchies in multi-

use boreal forests in Sweden. Ecology and Society, 15(3), 17; Horstkotte, T. (2013). Contested landscapes:

social-ecological interactions between forestry and reindeer husbandry. Umeå: Umeå University; Löf, A.

(2013). Examining limits and barriers to climate change adaptation in an Indigenous reindeer herding

community. Climate and Development, 5(4), 328-339 115 Sami reindeer herding in the past, present and future. (2008, February 21). Retrieved 24 November

2014, from http://proj.formas.se/detail.asp?arendeid=18124; Dong, S., Wen, L., Liu, S., Zhang, X., Lassoie, J.

P., Yi, S., Li, X., Li, J., Li, Y. (2011). Vulnerability of worldwide pastoralism to global changes and

interdisciplinary strategies for sustainable pastoralism. Ecology and Society, 16(2) 10, p. 9; UArctic EALÁT

Institute (2014) 116 Holling, C. S. (1973). Resilience and stability of ecological systems. Annual Review of Ecology and

Systematics, 4, pp. 1-23 117 Davoudi, S. (2013). On Resilience. disP-The Planning Review, 49(1), 4-5

29

connected with, depend on, and shape ecosystems. Furthermore, the resili-

ence framework has been elaborated and expanded to fit the realm of complex

socio-ecological systems, including social institutions and dynamics.118 This

development has generated the terms social- and/or socio-ecological resili-

ence, where human action and interaction, including learning, planning and

norms have been added to the understanding what resilience is and how it can

be studied.119 As of now, there is plenty of room for researchers from the arts

subjects to explore their issues within the realms of a highly ‘resilient’ frame-

work.

Even though we find a multitude of different conceptualizations of resilience,

they commonly build upon two general presuppositions. Firstly, humans live

in complex socio-ecological systems; people depend upon ecological systems

for survival, and they both utilize and change ecosystems they come into

contact with to fulfill personal or collective needs, goals and aspirations. Sec-

ondly, socio-ecological systems are dynamic, complex and do not change in

predictable linear fashions. They are constantly changing, adapting and trans-

forming both themselves and the higher structures of which they are part.120

118 Adger, W. N. (2000). Social and ecological resilience: are they related? Progress in Human Geography,

24(3), 347-364; Berkes, F. and Folke, C. (2000). Linking social and ecological systems for resilience and

sustainability. In Folke, D. and Berkes, F. (Eds.). Linking social and ecological systems: management

practices and social mechanisms for building resilience (2nd ed). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

pp. 1-25; Berkes, F., Colding, J. and Folke, C. (Eds.). (2008). Navigating social-ecological systems: Building

resilience for complexity and change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Magis, K. (2010). Community

Resilience: An Indicator of Social Sustainability. Society & Natural Resources, 23(5), 401-416; Lorenz, D. F.

(2013). The diversity of resilience: contributions from a social science perspective. Natural Hazards, 67(1), 7-

24 119 Davoudi, S. (2012). Resilience: A bridging concept or a dead end? Planning Theory & Practice, 13(2), 299-

307, p. 305. In some text the term ‘evolutionary resilience’ is used instead of ‘socio-ecological resilience’. See

for example: Davoudi 2012 120 Walker and Salt 2006, pp. 31-38 See also: Adger 2000; Berkes, Colding and Folke 2008; Magis 2010;

Davoudi 2013; Lorenz 2013. It is worth noting here that a systems approach to the study of human behavior is

not new. On the contrary, it has been a growing theoretical framework within the discipline of sociology since

the middle of the 20th century. See for example the work of Parsons and Luhmann: Parsons, T. (1949). The

structure of social action: a study in social theory with special reference to a group of recent European

writers. (Second edition. First edition published in 1937) Glencoe: The Free Press; Luhmann, N. (1995).

Social systems. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Social systems theory is also discussed by Giddens:

Giddens, A. (1979) Central problems in social theory: Action, structure, and contradiction in social analysis.

Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, see especially: pp 74-95. Other common notions and

models in resilience literature include: the adaptive cycle (conceptualized by Holling to explain the dynamics

of complex ecosystems) and the panarchy (complex systems are nested in larger subsystems, which in turn are

nested in even larger subsystems). This thesis does not apply these concepts, for a discussion on them I

recommend: Gunderson, L. H. and Holling, C. S (Eds.) Panarchy: understanding transformations in human

and natural systems. Washington D.C.: Island Press; Walker and Salt 2006

30

This thesis builds on the concept of social resilience as conceptualized by

Magis: “the existence, development, and engagement of community resources

by community members to thrive in an environment characterized by change,

uncertainty, unpredictability, and surprise”.121 Magis finds that:

[M]embers of resilient communities intentionally develop personal and collective

capacity that they engage to respond to and influence change, to sustain and renew the

community, and to develop new trajectories for the communities’ future.122

I find that this understanding of resilience holds potential for studying struc-

tural change and encompasses implicit goals or expectations of communities

to be elaborated.123 This framing of resilience opens for exploration questions

such as “resilience from whose point of view, resilience of what and, resilience

for what purpose?”124

Lorenz asserts that expectations of social systems are crucial for the concep-

tualization of social resilience. I concur with his conception that “social change

becomes problematic when expectations of a social system are not fulfilled due

to changing expectations or a changing environment that does not provide the

required resources”.125 Expectations within a community are both contested

and subjected to change. This provides openings for complex outcomes and

interpretations of resilience, as some groups’ losses may be others’ gains,

depending on their subjective expectations, goals and capacities to govern

resilience.126

121 Magis 2010, p. 402 122 Magis 2010, p. 402 123 For a discussion of structural change and norms see: Bassett, T. J. and Fogelman, C. (2013). Déjà vu or

something new? The adaptation concept in the climate change literature. Geoforum, 48, pp. 42-53; Porter, L.

and Davoudi, S. (2012). The politics of resilience for planning: A cautionary note. Planning Theory &

Practice, 13(2), 329-333, p. 332; Shaw, K. (2012). ‘Reframing’ resilience: Challenges for planning theory and

practice. Planning Theory & Practice, 13(2),308-311 124 Leach, M. (2008). Re-framing resilience: A symposium report. STEPS Working Paper 13, Brighton:

STEPS Centre, p. 13 125 Lorenz 2013, p. 11 126 Osbahr, H. (2007). Building resilience: Adaptation mechanisms and mainstreaming for the poor. United

Nations development programme (UNDP): Fighting climate change: Human solidarity in a divided world,

2007/2008; Lorenz 2013; Shaw 2012; Bahadur, A. V., Ibrahim, M. and Tanner, T. (2013). Characterising

resilience: unpacking the concept for tackling climate change and development. Climate and Development,

5(1), 55-65

31

3.1.1 Capacities for managing social resilience: the framework

applied

I find that the general theoretical perspective of social resilience is difficult to

disentangle and apply without some more precise guidance. Thus, I focus here

on capacities that facilitate or constitute social resilience. Building on the work

of Lorenz (2013) these capacities are seen as adaptive (adaptation and trans-

formation), coping and participative and are used in the thesis in order to

narrow the scope of analysis (see Table 1).

Adaptive capacity can be recognized as “a set of strategies and actions taken

in reaction to or in anticipation of change by people in order to enhance or

maintain their well-being”.127 Lorenz’s outline of adaptive capacity refers to

both adaptability (capacity to alter the system) and transformability (capacity

to alter expectations of the system) in response to disturbance.128

Coping capacity pertains to the ability to cope with the consequences of

change, including managing the system’s identity, ensuring that all parts of

the system are in harmony, making meaning of disturbance and handling

crises that arise by grief rituals or humor.129

Table 1. Capacities for managing resilience

127 Goulden, M. C., Næss, L. O., Vincent, K. and Adger, W. N. (2009). Accessing diversification, networks and

traditional resource management as adaptations to climate extremes. In Adger, W. N., Lorenzoni,I. and

O’Brien, K. L., (Eds.). Adapting to climate change: Thresholds, values, governance. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, pp. 448-464, p. 449 128 Lorenz 2013 129 Lorenz 2013, p. 14

Adaptive capacity Adaptability. Short-term response in crises and

emergency.

Transformability. Proleptic creation of new expectation

structures to prevent future disasters.

Coping capacity Comprehensive coping with meaning. Assuring the continuity and identity of

the system.

Coping with meaning in terms of a

historico-philosophical narrative.

Disaster is constructed as meaningful but

remains calamitous.

Other symbolic forms of coping: Grief

rituals, unification, sense of humor, etc.

Cultural altering of loss and devastation.

Participative capacity Ability to self -organize and make use of

adaptive and coping capacity.

Source : Lorenz, Daniel F. 2013. The Diversity of Resilience: Contributions from a Social Science Perspective.

Natural Hazards 67 (1): 7–24, p. 14.

32

Participative capacity concerns aspects of capital and power, referring to the

ability of a system to make use of its adaptive and coping capacities. It incorpo-

rates interpretative and normative power in and between different systems,

extended concepts of capital, property rights and power structures. In the

words of Lorenz:

[U]nequal distribution of power is a significant source of reduced social resilience.

Participative capacity is therefore an integral part of a social entity´s resilience that is

decisive to whether a social system can use its own adaptive and coping capacities.130

The term ‘self-organization’ commonly used (and criticized) in resilience re-

search,131 is interpreted here as an element of participative capacity. Drawing

on previous research Lorenz declares that, “self-organization plays a signifi-

cant role in the attempt to adapt or to cope in changing environments” and

that “participative capacity can be described as a measure of the ability to self-

organize.”132 In the context of Indigenous research, I find that self-

organization and participatory capacity could be tethered to questions of

sovereignty and self-determination.

I find Lorenz’s outline of capacities fits the general theoretical framework of

the thesis well, and its congruence with a social-humanistic approach to resil-

ience appealing. In Chapter VI, I center my analytical discussion around adap-

tive and participatory capacity, and elaborate the concepts in relation to social

networks, livelihood diversity and state ‘Sami policies’.

3.1.2 Resilience and adaptive capacity: limitations and

possibilities

Emergent critiques have been directed at resilience and climate change adap-

tation literatures,133 corresponding with the growing interest they have

attracted within the frames of social sciences and humanities. One aspect of

the critique is directed at the conjectures of the concepts themselves, while

others concern applications of the terms and the overall focus of climate adap-

tation, sustainable development and resilience literatures.134

130 Lorenz 2013, p. 17 131 See for example: Davoudi 2012, p. 305 132 Lorenz 2013, p. 17 133 Lorenz 2013; Norris, F. H., Stevens, S. P., Pfefferbaum, B., Wyche, K. F. and Pfefferbaum, R. L. (2008).

Community resilience as a metaphor, theory, set of capacities, and strategy for disaster readiness. American

Journal of Community Psychology, 41(1-2), 127-150, pp. 127-128; Bassett and Fogelman 2013 134 See for example: Shaw 2012; Davoudi, S., Porter, L. (Eds.) (2012). Resilience: A bridging concept or a

dead end? ‘reframing’ resilience: Challenges for planning theory and practice interacting traps: Resilience

assessment of a pasture management system in northern Afghanistan urban resilience: What does it mean in

33

Bassett and Fogelman argue that ‘adaptation’ has regularly been studied as a

normative good, thereby embedding conservative and normative assump-

tions; not only that disturbances are inevitable but also that social-ecological

systems want, need or should maintain a given structure.135 This critique is

echoed by other scholars who find that:

[C]ommunity involvement and local knowledge have been at the forefront of

community based adaptation approaches, but tend to work within existing systems of

governance to deliver project objectives rather than challenging them.136

However, as Bassett and Fogelman point out, studies on adaptation also have

the opportunity to address inequalities in and between social groups and

advocate need for structural change. They identify that a group of studies that

apply what they call a “transformative adaptation concept” to attend to these

issues. By applying the framework of Lorenz, I claim a place in this category

giving attention to the element of participative capacity (presented above).

Within the frames of resilience we find the notion of ‘self-organization’, ap-

plied to different forms of socio-ecological systems. Some scholars argue that

this concept can have ideological, neo-liberal connotations when translated

(from the ecological) into the social realm.137 On these grounds Swanstrom,

direct critique against the concept of socio-ecological resilience and argues

that “Resilience is often understood as the ability of an individual, or in our

case a region, to pull itself up by its bootstraps and reinvent itself in the face

of external challenges.”138 Critics, such as Swanstrom, mean that self-organi-

zation signals that people and societies can and should independently forge

their own futures, an interpretation of ‘self-organization’ that does not discern

structural aspects of power and inequalities. However, in the way that the con-

cept is applied in this thesis (within the frames of participatory capacity) I do

not see that this critique is justifiable here. Furthermore, it is worth to note

that self-organization of social systems is not a new thought, brought about by

resilience thinking, but has a long tradition within the frames of social systems

theory.139

planning practice? Resilience as a useful concept for climate change adaptation? The politics of resilience for

planning: A cautionary note. Planning Theory & Practice, 13(2), 299-333; Lorenz 2013 135 Shaw 2012; Bassett and Fogelman 2013 136 Bahadur, Ibrahim and Tanner 2013, p. 59; See also Cameron, E. S. (2012). Securing Indigenous politics: A

critique of the vulnerability and adaptation approach to the human dimensions of climate change in the

Canadian Arctic. Global Environmental Change, 22(1), 103-114, p. 107, who elaborates on this in an

indigenous context. 137 Davoudi 2012, p. 305 138 Swanstrom, T. (2008). Regional resilience: A critical examination of the ecological framework. Working

paper 2008-07. Institute of urban & regional development. Retrieved from

http://escholarship.org/uc/item/9g27m5zg, p. 17 139 See for example: Hejl, P. M. (1984) Towards a theory of social systems: Self-organization and self-

maintenance, self-reference and syn-reference. In, Ulrich, H. and Probst, G.J.B. (Eds.) Self-Organization and

34

When defining the boundaries of a system to study, some aspect or elements

are (inevitably) excluded.140 Defining a system, such as a city or a community,

is tremendously complex. The resilience concept offers no guidelines regard-

ing how systems should be conceptualized (other than as socio-ecological enti-

ties), what elements ought to be included or how these elements should be

understood and studied.141 In individual research papers there is seldom room

for extensive discussions on the above questions. By analogy then, I see a com-

plex problem that this issue may raise: that researchers’ subjective notions of

the social-ecological world could be concealed from the reader, opening prob-

lems in interpreting research results.142

The critical issues addressed above have general relevance for scholars apply-

ing resilience as a theoretical tool in their studies. However, there are some

aspects that I would like to expand in relation to historical research in general

and the current thesis in particular. If resilience is conceptualized (as it is in

many texts) as the ability of a socio-ecological system to “absorb disturbance

and still retain its base function and structure”143 this might highlight disturb-

ance as an agent of change in history, attenuating the importance of human

desires, hopes and aspirations as activators of change. Furthermore, if

disturbances are understood solely as disruptions that originate from outside

studied systems and if these disturbances are not addressed, the root causes

of disturbance and structures of inequalities are at risk of being reproduced.144

Thus, in this thesis and the appended papers factors of disturbance for rein-

deer herding communities and their families, livelihoods, social organization

and land use structures are sought and analyzed in relation to resilience. How-

ever, the above issue also has another implication, that the individual agency

of reindeer husbandry practitioners may be overlooked (a common problem

as resilience analysis generally focuses on system level processes). In combi-

nation, these two factors might depreciate individual agency and produce

images of individuals (or families) as responding and reacting to change

Management of Social Systems. Springer Series in Synergetics 26. Berlin: Springer, pp. 60–78; Giddens uses

the term ‘Reflexive self-regulation in social systems’ see: Giddens 1979, p. 75-80. 140 Davoudi 2012 141 Porter and Davoudi 2012 142 Systems theory thinkers such as Luhmann, have discussed the issue of defining (social) systems using the

analogy of difference and distinction. As de Saussure understand the language as the difference between

different words, social systems is understood by Luhmann as the difference between different systems, That is

“a system can distinguish itself from its environment [other systems]”. Luhmann, N. (2006) System as

Difference. Organization 13(1), 37–57. Quotation: p. 49 143 Walker and Salt 2006, p. 1; See also Holling, C. S. (2001). Understanding the complexity of economic,

ecological, and social systems. Ecosystems, 4(5), 390-405; Smit, B. and Wandel, J. (2006). Adaptation,

adaptive capacity and vulnerability. Global Environmental Change, 16(3), 282-292 144 See for example: Porter, L. and Davoudi, S. (2012). The politics of resilience for planning: A cautionary

note. Planning Theory & Practice, 13(2), 329-333, p. 331

35

rather than actively producing it. This issue has been one of the hardest to

disentangle. An ambition has been to highlight the agency of reindeer herding

communities, families and individuals in history. However, limited historical

sources are available to describe objectives and ambitions of reindeer herding

communities or individuals during the time of the study. As discussed in

section 4.4, the historical sources provide sparse representation of Indige-

nous, local or common voices before the turn of the 20th century.

Despite the cautionary notes on the conceptualization and appliance of resili-

ence in analyses of societal change, I still find resilience a valuable theoretical

tool in historical research. Overall, critical renderings of resilience have served

to reticulate the theoretical concept and its appliance “as a more radical and

transformational agenda that opens up opportunities for political voice, re-

sistance, and the challenging of power structures and accepted ways of think-

ing.”145 Resilience theory promotes an understanding of the world as a com-

plex web of interlinked socio-ecological systems,146 i.e., that societies

inevitably shape and are shaped by, the ecological systems they depend upon.

This implies that one domain cannot be fully understood without the other

(although they might be studied separately). Although historical studies have

long included socio-ecological connections as factors for historical change, I

see that the institutionalization of this notion could help the development of

new, perhaps contrasting perspectives in historical research and understand-

ing. As a concept spanning the socio-ecological domains, resilience also holds

potential for interdisciplinary research, cooperation and dialog.147 As a frame-

work for theoretical thinking, resilience espouses a ‘systems approach’ to

studying the world, highlighting how different ecological, social and political

systems or processes interconnect with one another over place and time.148 It

promotes an understanding of change as the norm, rather than the aberration

and “favours functions, processes, relations, interactions and feedbacks over

isolated snapshots of specific moments”.149 In this context, a historical study

fits well with the general theoretical framework of resilience. Lastly, the resili-

ence concept has long been incorporated (at least implicitly) in directives,

plans and frameworks surrounding social planning and sustainable develop-

ment.150 As noted by Porter and Davoudi, “The concepts and metaphors that

145 Shaw 2012, p. 309-310 146 Walker and Salt 2006 147 Sami reindeer herding in the past, present and future. (2008); Dong et al. 2011, p. 9; Davoudi and Porter

2012; UArctic EALÁT Institute (2014) 148 Norberg, J. and Cumming, G. (Eds.) (2008). Complexity theory for a sustainable future. Columbia

University Press 149 Löf 2014, p. 15 150 Shaw 2012; Porter and Davoudi 2012; Norris et al. 2008

36

resilience thinking brings to planning exert significant power.”151 Thus, the no-

tions underpinning the concept will influence people’s and communities’ lives,

wellbeing and understanding of themselves. I therefore hold it important to

further challenge and refine the concept.

3.2 Vulnerability

In Paper I the analytical concept of vulnerability was used in combination with

adaptive capacity. Vulnerability is a frequently applied analytical concept in

research on human dimensions of climate change and environmental hazards,

especially in literature regarding Indigenous peoples.152 Vulnerability studies

have the potential to, and often do, generate questions of power and authority

over resources, politics and discourse.153 There is potential to examine the root

causes of, and structures that sustain positions of vulnerability.154 This was

the main reason for applying the concept as part of the analytical framework

in Paper I. However, as the studies underlying this thesis developed I chose to

forsake the concept, for the following reasons.

I reckon that ‘vulnerability’ have several negative connotations that make the

concept problematic, especially as it is commonly applied in studies that con-

cern regions of the world subjected to colonization by western nations.155 In

this framing there are risks of some regions, livelihoods and peoples being

recognized as more vulnerable than others, signifying that they are weak, pas-

sive, poor or helpless, and thus at risk of becoming objects for intervention.156

A historical analogy of this was presented by Bankoff in 2001:

151 Porter and Davoudi 2012, p. 329 152 Ford, J. D. and Smit, B. (2004). A Framework for assessing the vulnerability of communities in the

Canadian Arctic to risks associated with climate change. Arctic, 57(4), 389-400; Axelsson, P. and Sköld, P.

(2007). Indigenous populations and vulnerability. Characterizing vulnerability in a Sami context. Annales de

démographie historique. Belin. 115-132; Berkes, F. (2007). Understanding uncertainty and reducing

vulnerability: lessons from resilience thinking. Natural Hazards, 41(2), 283-295; Tyler et al. 2007; Rees et al.

2008; Keskitalo, E. C. H. (2009). Governance in vulnerability assessment: the role of globalising decision-

making networks in determining local vulnerability and adaptive capacity. Mitigation and Adaptation

Strategies for Global Change, 14(2), 185-201; Brännlund and Axelsson 2011; Cameron 2012; Haalblom, B.

and Natcher, D. C. (2012). The power and peril of ‘vulnerability’: Approaching community labels with caution

in climate change research. Arctic, 65(3), 319-327 153 Sarewitz, D., Pielke, R. and Keykhah, M. (2003). Vulnerability and risk: some thoughts from a political

and policy perspective. Risk Analysis, 23(4), 805-810; Keskitalo 2009; Brännlund and Axelsson 2011;

Marino, E. and Ribot, J. (2012). Special issue introduction: Adding insult to injury: Climate change and the

inequities of climate intervention. Global Environmental Change, 22(2), 323-328 154 Oliver-Smith, A. (2004). Theorizing vulnerability in a globalized world: A political ecological perspective.

In Bankoff, G., Frerks, G. and Hilhorst D. (Eds.). Mapping vulnerability disasters, development, and people.

London Sterling: Earthscan Publications, pp. 10-24, p. 10 155 Bankoff, G. (2001). Rendering the world unsafe: ‘Vulnerability’ as western discourse. Disasters, 25(1), 19-

35; Cameron 2012; Haalblom and Natcher 2012; Lorenz 2013 156 Bankoff 2001; Cameron 2012; Haalblom and Natcher 2012; Lorenz 2013

37

Between the seventeenth and early twentieth centuries, this discourse was about

‘tropicality’ and Western intervention was known as ‘colonialism’. Post-1945, it was

mainly about ‘development’ and Western intervention was known as ‘aid’. In the 1990s,

it was about ‘vulnerability’ and Western intervention was known as ‘relief’.157

The concept of vulnerability could therefore open for reconstructions of the

colonial discourse in yet another package and create incitements for govern-

mental intervention in Indigenous affairs. Resituating Indigenous peoples in

positions of vulnerability also holds potential to influence constructions of

self-identity, for Indigenous communities and individuals.158 As the research

underlying the thesis developed and the implications of ‘symbolic violence’ in-

herent in the concept was taken into more consideration ‘vulnerability’ was

rejected in favor of social resilience.159

3.3 Place-attachment, resilience and Indigenous peoples

For Sami reindeer herders, and Indigenous communities and peoples around

the world, attachment to land, living off the land and authority over land are

central concerns for wellbeing and self-determination.160 In order to explore

the importance of place to reindeer herding communities in historical times I

draw on theories of people-place connections. In the following section, I

present how this relates to the general theoretical framework of social resili-

ence and discuss the concepts of place and place-attachment.

Currently, two lines of research on human dimensions of climate change inter-

sect conceptions of people place connections.161 One is interested in how pro-

jected environmental changes, such as reductions in biological diversity, sea 157 Bankoff 2001, p. 27 158 Haalblom and Natcher 2012, p. 324 159 Bankoff, G. (2003). Cultures of disaster: society and natural hazards in the Philippines. London:

Routledge. When the work of the thesis began in 2008, resilience was already an established concept that

could have been applied in favor of vulnerability. However, it was not until sometime into the research project

that literature, that formulated much of the critique I refer to in relation to resilience, was published. It was in

other words hard to unpack the concept in the beginning of the project. 160 Anaya 2004; UN General Assembly. (2007, September 13). United Nations declaration on the rights of

indigenous peoples: resolution. Adopted by the General Assembly; Minde, H. (Ed.) (2008). Indigenous

peoples: self-determination, knowledge and indigeneity. Delft: Eburon; United Nations permanent forum on

Indigenous issues. Climate change and indigenous peoples. Retrieved 30 January 2014, from

http://www.un.org/en/events/indigenousday/pdf/Backgrounder_ClimateChange_FINAL.pdf;

Eallinbiras/Iellembirás/ Jielemen bijre/ Sametingets Livsmiljöprogram. Adopted by the Sami parliament

20090219 §11. (2009). Sámediggi/Sámedigge/Saemiedigkie/Sametinget; Mikaelsson, S. (2014, February 1).

Speech by president of the Swedish Sami parliament plenary assembly, Stefan Mikaelsson, at the official

inauguration of the ‘European capital of culture year’ in Umeå 2014. Umeå; For an discussion of the

importance of ‘place’ or ‘land’ in contemporary Sami culture see: Hilder, T. (2014). Sámi Musical Performance

and the Politics of Indigeneity in Northern Europe. Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield 161 Norris et al. 2008; Adger, W. N. and Barnett, J. (2009). Four reasons for concern about adaptation to

climate change. Environment and Planning A, 41(12), 2800-2805; Ostrom, E. (2009). A general framework

for analyzing sustainability of social-ecological systems. Science, 325(5939), 419-422; Adger, W. N., Barnett,

38

level rises and shifts in the weather will influence people’s connections with

specific places. This literature considers not only the location, locale and nat-

ural resources but also the cultural, social and emotional aspects of places, and

how they are negotiated and changed.162 People’s ability to maintain their re-

lationships with places of significance are suggested to have a fundamental

impact on their health.163 As “climate change is likely to impose irreversible

change to unique and valued places and their cultures and environments,”164

this has prompted research and discussion on how displacements might affect

human health and wellbeing and/or how people-place connections may be re-

constructed as climate regimes change.165

The other line of studies recognizes that social resilience, adaptation and

transformation are shaped by people’s and communities’ values, norms and

expectations. These studies highlight the meanings, values and attachments

people assign to specific places, occupations and livelihoods, (knowledge of

which is required to understand communities’ aims and determination to en-

gage in adaptive and transformative processes).166 Devine-Wright shows that

individuals or groups with strong place-attachment may be particularly nega-

tively affected by swift changes to their significant places and the associated

ecology, landscapes and processes. They might be reluctant to alter their liveli-

hood, and if they do they might find themselves displaced and disconnected

from their familiar home.167 This suggests that place-attachment could hinder J. and Ellemor, H. (2010). Unique and valued places. In Schneider, S. H., Rosencranz, A., Mastrandrea, M.

and Kuntz-Duriseti, K. (Eds.). Climate change science and policy. Washington DC: Island Press, pp. 131-138;

Mishra, S., Mazumdar, S. and Suar, D. (2010). Place-attachment and flood preparedness. Journal of

Environmental Psychology, 30(2), 187-197; Scannell, L. and Gifford, R. (2010b). The relations between

natural and civic place-attachment and pro-environmental behavior. Journal of Environmental Psychology,

30(3), 289-297; Cox, R. S. and Perry, K.-M. E. (2011). Like a fish out of water: Reconsidering disaster recovery

and the role of place and social capital in community disaster resilience. American Journal of Community

Psychology, 48(3-4), 395-411; Marshall, N. A., Park, S. E., Adger, W. N., Brown, K. and Howden, S. M. (2012).

Transformational capacity and the influence of place and identity. Environmental Research Letters, 7(3), 1-9;

Amundsen, H. (2013). Place-attachment as a driver of adaptation in coastal communities in Northern

Norway. Local Environment, 20(3) 257-276; Berkes, F. and Ross, H. (2013). Community resilience: Toward

an integrated approach. Society & Natural Resources, 26(1), 5-20 162 Norris et al. 2008; Adger and Barnett 2009; Adger, Barnett and Ellemor 2010 163 Brown, B. B. and Perkins, D. D. (1992). Disruptions in place-attachment. In Altman, I. and Low, S.M.

(Eds.). Human behavior and environment: advances in theory and research. Vol. 12, Place-attachment. New

York: Springer. 279-304; Cunsolo Willox, A., Harper, S. L., Ford, J. D., Landman, K., Houle, K. and Edge, V.

L. (2012). ‘From this place and of this place:’ Climate change, sense of place, and health in Nunatsiavut,

Canada. Social Science & Medicine, 75(3), 538-547; Hess, Malilay and Parkinson 2008; Scannell and Gifford

2010a 164 Adger, Barnett and Ellemor 2010, p. 134 165 Norris et al. 2008; Adger and Barnett 2009; Adger, Barnett and Ellemor 2010 166 Ostrom 2009; Mishra, Mazumdar and Suar 2010; Scannell and Gifford 2010b; Cox and Perry 2011;

Marshall et al. 2012; Amundsen 2013; Berkes and Ross 2013 167 Devine-Wright, P. (2013). Think global, act local? The relevance of place-attachments and place identities

in a climate changed world. Global Environmental Change, 23(1), 61-69; An apparent ‘healthy migrant effect’

has been detected in studies showing that first generation immigrants to the U.S., Canada and European

countries tend to be healthier than people who remain in their birth countries (see for example: Fennelly

2007; Mladovsky, P. (2007). Migrant health in the EU. Eurohealth, 13(1), p. 9. However, I argue that this

39

social resilience as far as it prevents systems from ‘thriving’ in a changing

environment, because changes of place bring unrest and are unappealing.

However, place-attachment and the desire to remain in place may be accom-

panied by determination to rebuild and reorganize the social system in

response to changes in the landscape rather than migrate (a phenomenon

noted in hazard research). Furthermore, place-attachment and place-depend-

ence have been shown to foster resilience, since adaptive and transformative

actions are more likely when people value the resources (locale, locality and

associated ecosystem services) provided by a place.168

3.3.1 Place and place-attachment

There is a multitude of different conceptualizations of place in academic texts,

however, there seems to be agreement that place and potential included

dimensions are negotiated and constantly change.169 I understand place in

line with Cresswell’s conception of place as a set of interrelated dimensions:

Place is a meaningful site that combines location, locale, and sense of place. Location

refers to an absolute point in space with a specific set of coordinates and measurable

distances from other locations. Location refers to the ‘where’ of place. Locale refers to

the material setting for social relations - the way a place looks. Locale includes the

buildings, streets, parks, and other visible and tangible aspects of a place. Sense of place

refers to the more nebulous meanings associated with a place: the feelings and emotions

a place evokes. These meanings can be individual and based on personal biography or

they can be shared.170

In this thesis I am largely concerned with the third dimension of place men-

tioned above, sense of place (the meanings, values and emotions connected to

place), and apply the concept of place-attachment to explore it. Informed by

Massey and her writings about place, I concur with the notions that there is

apparent effect does not contradict the fact that disruption of place-attachment can negatively influence

health for several reasons. Firstly, there is a difference between enforced migrations due to warfare, drought

or poverty and migration, in which people chose to move in order to study or work. As Fennelly shows: ‘A

number of researchers suggest, for example, that refugees are at high risk for mental health problems as a

result of exposure to deprivation, violence and forced migration’. Fennelly, K. (2007). Health and well-being

of immigrants: The healthy migrant phenomenon. In Walker, P. F. and Barnett, E. D. (Eds.). Immigrant

Medicine, St. Louis: Saunders Elsevier, pp. 19-26, p. 20. However, as noted by Fennelly and Mladovsky the

effects of these stresses could be reduced by the fact that people who migrate are commonly healthier than the

general population in their home countries, see: Fennelly 2007; Mladovsky 2007 168 Nelson, D. R., Adger, W. N. and Brown, K. (2007). Adaptation to environmental change: Contributions of

a resilience framework. Annual Review of Environment and Resources, 32(1), 395-419; Ostrom 2009 169 Low, S.M. and Altman, I. Place-attachment. In Altman, I. and Low, S.M. (Eds.) (1992). Human behavior

and environment: advances in theory and research. Vol. 12, Place-attachment. New York: Springer, pp. 1-12;

Agnew, J. (2005). Space: Place. In Cloke, P. and Johnston, R. (Eds.). Spaces of geographical thought:

Deconstructing human geography’s binaries. London: SAGE, pp. 81-96; Cresswell, T (2009). Place. Elsevier.

Available at: http://www.elsevierdirect.com/brochures/hugy/SampleContent/Place.pdf 170 Cresswell 2009, p. 1

40

no natural essence and no authenticity in a place, nor in place-attachment.171

Instead, what a place represents is under constant negotiation. My explora-

tions of place-attachment are not, in other words, concerned with finding the

true character of place, but rather exploring different meanings of place.

Drawing on the work of Norris et al., place-attachment is defined here as “an

emotional connection to one´s neighborhood or city, somewhat apart from

connections to the specific people who live there”.172 Place-attachment is

connected to the concept of ‘place dependency’ and is sometimes used inter-

changeably with ‘sense of belonging’ or ‘sense of community’.173 In an influ-

ential text on the concept, Scannell and Gifford outline some of its

characteristics and find that place-attachment facilitates people’s ability to

thrive in a specific location by attracting them to places that host resources

they need in order to fulfill their goals and livelihoods. The emotional bonds

of attraction and familiarity support feelings of comfort, security and a sense

of belonging, whereas the cognitive bonds of familiarity and knowledge pro-

vide information about how to manage the land and its resources. They further

find that place-attachment can also support individual, family and social

group history.174

Place-attachment and the concept of territoriality are partly overlapping; they

both relate to place (location, locale and sense of place) and are important for

individual and group identity processes. However (unlike territoriality),

place-attachment does not concern the regulation or control of places, nor

does it confine conflicting notions of a place’s identity and/or purpose.175

The wide conception of place-attachment can be difficult to comprehend and

analyze in entirety, therefore the concept has been applied using a more

operational model, drawing on the work of Scannell and Gifford (2009) which

outlines place-attachment as three-dimensional: personal (who is attached),

place (the object of attachment) and process (the manifestation of the attach-

ment).176

171 Massey, D. B. (1994). Space, place, and gender. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press 172 Norris et al. 2008, p. 139 173 Scannell, L. and Gifford, R. (2010a). Defining place-attachment: A tripartite organizing framework.

Journal of Environmental Psychology, 30(1), 1-10. This is especially pronounced in literature on human

dimensions of climate change see: Hess, J. J., Malilay, J. N. and Parkinson, A. J. (2008). Climate change: The

importance of place. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 35(5), 468-478; Norris et al. 2008; Ostrom

2009 174 Scannell and Gifford 2010a, pp. 5-6 175 Paasi, A. (2002). Bounded spaces in the mobile world: deconstructing ‘regional identity’. Tijdschrift Voor

Economische En Sociale Geografie, 93(2), 137-148; Jensen, O. B. and Richardson, T. (2004). Making

European Space: Mobility, power and territorial identity. London: Routledge; Scannell and Gifford 2010a 176 Scannell and Gifford 2010a. Note that their model is much resembling the framework presented by Low

and Altman 1992

41

They find that in the personal dimension place-attachment can occur at both

group (cultural) and individual levels.177 Individual attachment to place is con-

nected with a sense of self, it joins personal memories, experiences and events

to a specific location or locale.178 They describe group level place-attachment

as a process through which group or community members become devoted to

places where they can practice, preserve and develop their cultures and liveli-

hoods.179 Mazumdar and Mazumdar studied attachment in relation to reli-

gious practices, and describe group level place- attachment as a process where

places can be filled with symbolic meaning through common experiences,

histories and/or religions that are transmitted between generations.180 These

two levels of personal attachment are interrelated and influence one

another.181

The object of attachment is divided into social and physical space. Scannell

and Gifford understand social spaces as places that support social relation-

ships: between family, kin, neighbors, friends and other community

members182 (some scholars use this aspect interchangeably with ‘a sense of

community’).183 They relate the physical spaces of attachment to the locale of

place and find that people can develop attachment to places because of the

resources they host that people or communities need in order to maintain

their livelihoods or reach their goals.184

The attachment process, people’s bonding with certain places, is conceptual-

ized as cognitive, behavioral and emotional.185 Scannell and Gifford connect

the cognitive element of attachment to memories, knowledge and beliefs that

people develop and exercise in relation to place. Being from a certain place

creates inward social bonds and distinctiveness from others. Thus, for some

people places can come to represent who they are. In this respect they regard

177 Scannell and Gifford 2010a 178 Knez, I. (2005). Attachment and identity as related to a place and its perceived climate. Journal of

Environmental Psychology, 25(2), 207-218; Scannell and Gifford 2010a 179 Scannell and Gifford 2010a 180 Mazumdar, S. and Mazumdar, S. (2004). Religion and place-attachment: A study of sacred places.

Journal of Environmental Psychology, 24(3), 385-397. See also: Memmott, P. and Long, S. (2002). Place

theory and place maintenance in indigenous Australia. Urban Policy and Research, 20(1), 39-56; Scannell

and Gifford 2010a 181 Scannell and Gifford 2010a, p. 2. See also: Brown and Perkins 1992 182 Scannell and Gifford 2010a, p. 5 183 See for example: Hess, Malilay and Parkinson 2008; Norris et al. 2008; Ostrom 2009 184 Scannell and Gifford 2010a, p. 5 185 Scannell and Gifford 2010a the emotional element is called ‘affect’ by Scannell and Gifford. See also:

Brown and Perkins 1992

42

place-attachment as including aspects of place identity.186 The behavioral ele-

ment of attachment is related to people’s willingness to stay or return to a

place of significance.187 However, drawing on previous research on place-

attachment they find that leaving an important place on a regular basis is not

necessarily indicative of a loose connection to that place. On the contrary, they

argue that alternating presence between places can strengthen the develop-

ment of place meaning.188 This view is supported by other studies of people-

place connections showing that attachment can occur in multiple places and

levels simultaneously; people can become attached to their home, secondary

home, places of recreational visits and other special places at the same time.189

People’s emotional bonds to places are commonly described as affection, love,

peace, pride or well-being.190 However, as Scannell and Gifford note, places

can also evoke feelings of fear or hatred, depending on personal experi-

ences.191

The tripartite framework of place-attachment is applied in Paper IV in relation

to the taxation land tenure system in southern Sápmi and the analytical

discussions Chapter (VI) of the thesis (For a discussion of the operationaliza-

tion of the method see Paper IV).

3.4 Social networks as promoters of adaptive capacity

Social networks are major themes of the thesis, thus it is essential to clarify

their position in the theoretical framework and why I propose that they are

key factors for sustaining social resilience and diversity of livelihoods. Several

scholars have previously considered the role of social networks within resili-

ence frameworks, such as Adger, Folke, Newman and Dale, and Norris et al.192

186 Scannell and Gifford 2010a, p. 3 For a discussion of the relation between place-attachment and place

identity, see Hernández, B., Carmen Hidalgo, M., Salazar-Laplace, M. E. and Hess, S. (2007). Place-

attachment and place identity in natives and non-natives. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 27(4), 310-

319. 187 Scannell and Gifford 2010a, p. 4 188 Scannell and Gifford 2010a, p. 4 189 Williams, D. R., Patterson, M. E., Roggenbuck, J. W. and Watson, A. E. (1992). Beyond the commodity

metaphor: Examining emotional and symbolic attachment to place. Leisure Sciences, 14(1), 29-46; Bricker, K.

S. and Kerstetter, D. L. (2000). Level of specialization and place-attachment: An exploratory study of

whitewater recreationists. Leisure Sciences, 22(4), 233-257; Eisenhauer, B. W., Krannich, R. S. and Blahna, D.

J. (2000). Attachments to special places on public lands: An analysis of activities, reason for attachments, and

community connections. Society & Natural Resources, 13(5), 421-441; Jorgensen, B. S. and Stedman, R. C.

(2001). Sense of place as an attitude: Lakeshore owners attitudes toward their properties. Journal of

Environmental Psychology, 21(3), 233-248 190 Scannell and Gifford 2010a; Hernández et al. 2007; Brown and Perkins 1992; Low and Altman 1992 191 Scannell and Gifford 2010a, p. 3 192 Adger 2000; Newman, L. and Dale, A. (2005). Network structure, diversity, and proactive resilience

building: a response to Tompkins and Adger. Ecology and Society, 10(1), r2; Folke, C. (2006). Resilience: The

43

These scholars are not generally concerned with the networks per se, but with

the value or assets that they conduct. Thus, their studies rely on concepts and

theories of ‘social capital’, commonly drawn from the work of Bourdieu or

Coleman.193

In this thesis I draw on more recent work concerning social capital and concur

with Putnam and Lin (2001) that “social networks have value [in them-

selves]”194 and that they provide channels of social capital that can “be

accessed and/or mobilized in purposive actions”.195 Thus, they can facilitate

cooperation and individual or community support.196 As with other forms of

capital, social capital is not sufficient to ensure a resilient or sustainable fu-

ture. I rather see it as a resource that individuals or systems may be able to

exploit in order to reach a desired goal.

Furthermore, not all forms of social capital share the same dynamics and an

essential distinction is commonly made between bridging and bonding social

capital.197 Putnam regards bonding social capital as residing in the strong ties

between family, kin and friends, close neighbors, co-workers or others.198 The

social networks these ties form are interconnected, dense and stable. Bonding

ties between members have been shown to create common cultures, shared

norms and values, trust and a sense of community. To be a member of such a

close connected collective brings security for its members, socially, psychically

and economically.199 Scholars such as Ostrom find that strong bonding ties

are highly important for societies’ and communities’ resilience. Tightly

bonded groups “have sufficient trust in one another to keep agreements, will

face lower transaction cost in reaching agreements [concerning sustainable

use of natural resources and adaptation to climate change] and lower costs of

monitoring”.200 However, depending on what norms are promoted, bonding

social ties may also be deemed restrictive. According to Newman and Dale, for

example, by hindering individual actors within a social system, tight bonds

emergence of a perspective for social-ecological systems analyses. Global Environmental Change, 16(3), 253-

267; Norris et al. 2008 193 Newman and Dale 2005; Norris et al. 2008 Social capital commonly based on the work of Bourdieu, P.

(1985). The forms of capital. In Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education. New York:

J. G. Richardson. 241-258; or Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American

Journal of Sociology, S95-S120 194 Putnam, R. D. (2001). Bowling alone: the collapse and revival of American community. London: Simon

and Schuster, pp. 18-19 195 Lin, N. (2001). Social capital: a theory of social structure and action. Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press, p. 29 196 Putnam 2001 197 Putnam 2001, p. 22; See Norris et al. 2008 on this in relation to resilience. 198 Newman and Dale 2005, p. 1; Norris et al. 2008, pp. 138-139; Osbahr 2007, p. 9; Putnam 2001, p. 22 199 Newman and Dale 2005, p. 1; Norris et al. 2008, pp. 138-139; Osbahr 2007, p. 9; Putnam 2001, p. 22 200 Ostrom 2009, p. 421

44

can narrow the scope of information and knowledge acquisition and transfer,

thereby “imposing social norms that discourage innovation”.201 Furthermore,

Putnam suggests that bonding social capital “by creating strong in-group

loyalty” can also create “strong out-group antagonism”.202 Negative effects of

tight bonding are suggested to be more likely in societies with strong hierar-

chical systems.203

Bridging social capital is commonly understood as the weaker ties that span

social groups, connecting people from different social, economic, ethnic or

political contexts.204 Hahn et al. claim that it promotes resilience by providing

possibilities for actors to acquire external information, and disseminate

knowledge and information across scales and sectors.205 Newman and Dale

show that it can also facilitate “a network´s ability to access more vertical

power relationships”.206 Together with Osbahr they suggest that bridging

social capital provides channels for innovation, flexibility and new opportu-

nities for social systems.207

The boundaries between bonding and bridging network structures are neither

static nor clear-cut, for example Putnam notes that “many groups simulta-

neously bond along some social dimensions and bridge across others.”208 A

combination of bridging and bonding social capital is suggested to be optimal

for resilience, adaptability and transformability in systems.209

I address social networks in several ways in both the thesis and appended

papers. Paper I discusses reports of bridging social networks detected in

historical archive material and the social capital they carried for herders in the

area. Paper II, provides a more detailed discussion on the relation between

livelihood diversity and social networks. In this paper, the reindeer caretaking

system is regarded as an arrangement that brought together people from

different areas, trades and ethnic groups. Paper III, analyses social networks

associated with reindeer husbandry and discusses the ways they are depicted

201 Newman and Dale 2005, p. 2 202 Putnam 2001, p. 23; See also: Aldrich, D. P. (2012). Building resilience: social capital in post-disaster

recovery. Chicago: University of Chicago Press 203 Aldrich 2012, p. 163 204 Putnam 2001, pp. 22-23; Lin 2001 205 Hahn, T., Schultz, L., Folke, C. and Olsson, P. (2008). Social networks as sources of resilience in social-

ecological systems. In J. Norberg and G. Cumming (Eds.). Complexity theory for a sustainable future. New

York: Columbia University Press, pp. 119-144 206 Newman and Dale 2005, p. 2 207 Newman and Dale 2005, pp. 1-2; Osbahr 2007, p. 9 See also: Putnam 2001, pp. 22-23 208 Putnam 2001, p. 23 209 Newman and Dale 2005; Norris et al. 2008; Osbahr 2007; Putnam 2001

45

in demographic material. In Paper IV, bonding ties between holders of a tax-

ation land are demonstrated based on information in population registers and

taxation records. Finally, in Chapter VI of the thesis, I synthesize the results

presented in the appended papers in a discussion of social capital.

46

4. Methods and sources

Overall, an interdisciplinary approach has been applied in all the studies

underlying this thesis, combining concepts and theoretical frameworks from

several disciplines, and applying them to historical material. My view of this

approach (and aim in applying it) adheres to Hammersley’s conception of

indefinite triangulation.210 I use multiple data, theoretical perspectives and

methods to enhance complexity and allow the emergence of contradictory

results.211 This chapter offers an overview of the methods and materials used

and discuss methodological considerations.

4.1 Methods applied - paper overview

Paper I triangulated semi-conventional and directed content analysis to

examine aspects of adaptive capacity related to reindeer husbandry in the

northernmost part of Swedish Sápmi. The combination of methods allowed

separate levels of ‘freedom’ in the readings. A semi-conventional content anal-

ysis was applied in examinations of reports regarding grazing and grazing

conditions. The context of these reports was analyzed, based on concepts ap-

plied in research on resilience and adaptability. Secondly, the sources were

reviewed ones again using directed content analysis. Pre-defined descriptions

of adaptations and constraints were identified based on previous research on

adaptation and resilience within Indigenous communities in the Arctic. These

included: knowledge, social networks providing knowledge, workforce and

subsistence support, dynamic working group structures, flexibility regarding

times and places of subsistence harvests, and finally inter-community trade.

210 The use of multiple kinds of data, perspectives, theories or methods to grasp how descriptions ‘of social

phenomena are constructed differently by different participants’: Hammersley, M. (2008). Troubles with

triangulation. In M. M. Bergman (Ed.). Advances in mixed methods research: theories and applications.

London: SAGE 211 Denzin defined four forms of triangulation commonly applied today, these include: data triangulation

(using different kinds of data), investigator triangulation (having more than one researcher investigating a

question), theoretical triangulation (mixing theoretical perspectives) and methodological triangulation (using

more than one method), see: Denzin, N. K. (1970). The research act: A theoretical introduction to

sociological methods. London: Methodological perspectives. Hammersley identified at least four different

meanings of the concept of triangulation, connected to separate purposes and based on varying

methodological notions. Indefinite triangulation, as used in the thesis, builds upon Hammersley's (2008)

interpretation of the term and is used here to enhance complexity of the study by using methods and theories

drawn from different disciplines. However, critics argue that theories and methods based upon essentially

different ontological assumptions (such as qualitative and quantitative paradigms) cannot be combined,

compared or analyzed together, for the same reason. I do not concur with this notion, agreeing with Bryman

Johnson and Onwuegbuzie that is both possible and fruitful: Bryman, A. (2003). Triangulation. In

Encyclopedia of Social Science Research Methods. London: Sage; Johnson, R. B. and Onwuegbuzie, A. J.

(2004). Mixed methods research: A research paradigm whose time has come. Educational Researcher, 33(7),

14-26; Bryman, A. (2006a). Integrating quantitative and qualitative research: how is it done? Qualitative

Research, 6(1), 97 -113; Bryman, A. (2006b). Paradigm peace and the implications for quality. International

Journal of Social Research Methodology, 9(2), 111-126

47

These concepts were analyzed, placed into the historical, local reindeer hus-

bandry context, and the sources were scrutinized.

As in the first study (and for the same reasons, outlined above), both directed

and semi-conventional qualitative content analysis were applied in Paper II,

to explore diversity in reindeer husbandry livelihoods in northern and south-

ern parts of Swedish Sápmi. The comparison deliberately sought differences,

although I also considered consistencies between the two areas.212 Concepts

of livelihood diversity and social networks guided the semi-conventional

content analysis. The directed content analysis was directed towards liveli-

hood diversity in terms of fishing, hunting, and farming; and towards social

networks between individuals, families and siida systems.

In Paper III several source materials and methods were triangulated. A quali-

tative reading of literature on reindeer husbandry households and siidas was

conducted, followed by a similar reading of ‘household’, as treated in the

instructions for census takers. These two readings were then compared and

finally qualitative material was combined with demographic data to display

the advantages of combining materials to study social networks of Sami rein-

deer husbandry.

In Paper IV I applied directed qualitative content analysis to analyze aspects

of place-attachment in southern parts of Swedish Sápmi. Guided by the tri-

partite model of place-attachment presented by Scannell and Gifford,213 focus

was directed towards reports of: development and maintenance livelihood

activities; histories, storytelling and spiritual practices; references to places in

people’s representations of themselves and others; and proximity-maintain-

ing behavior on individual and family levels.

4.2 Qualitative content analysis

Content analysis, which has a long history in Swedish academic milieu, focus-

es on informational aspects of texts, such as the readings of intentions, mean-

ings and context rather than the linguistic aspects.214 Although some question

the legitimacy and use of differing between qualitative and quantitative

content analysis,215 the difference is commonly made and can help to clarify 212 For a discussion of different comparative methods, see Van den Braembussche, A. (1989). Historical

explanation and comparative method: towards a theory of the history of society. History and Theory, 28(1),

2-24 213 Scannell and Gifford 2010a 214 Krippendorff, K. (2004). Content analysis: an introduction to its methodology. 2. Ed. Thousand Oaks:

Sage, pp. 4-16 215 Krippendorff 2004, p. 16

48

whether or not estimations will be done and indicate the research paradigm

in which the study might be understood. Qualitative content analysis guided

the data analysis in all the appended papers, but it has been applied in differ-

ent ways. Hsieh and Shannon have presented a fairly straightforward defini-

tion of the method:

[A] research method for the subjective interpretation of the content of text data through

the systematic classification process of coding and identifying themes or patterns.216

The method fits into the naturalistic paradigm and aims to elaborate how

issues are created differently, depending on social context.217 It is distin-

guished from other qualitative methods such as grounded theory, phenome-

nology and ethnography (which strive to generate theory or expand under-

standing of lived experiences), by the lack of theoretical aspiration. As Hsieh

and Shannon note, this methodological procedure generates concepts that can

be difficult to detach from the method itself and the preconceptions of the re-

searcher. A theory situated beyond the method is thus required to make the

procedure candid.218

The method can be further divided into at least two main approaches: directed

and conventional. Directed content analysis uses predefined categories de-

rived from theory or prior studies.219 The text is analyzed and findings that do

not fit in the predefined categories are either disregarded or used to form a

new category. This method is useful for confirming or expanding previous re-

search results, but as Hsieh and Shannon suggest, it can raise risks of

researchers approaching material with a strong bias, only confirming what

others have already read.220 Thus, I have chosen to combine this approach

with a more conventional method. By not applying preconceived categories to

the material, conventional content analysis sanctions more freedom in read-

216 Hsieh, H.-F. and Shannon, S. E. (2005). Three approaches to qualitative content analysis. Qualitative

Health Research, 15(9), 1277-1288, p. 1278 217 Krippendorff 2004, p. 17; Hsieh and Shannon 2005, p. 1278. Drawing on the work of Guba and Lincoln. I

assume that there are several interpretations and understandings of ‘reality’ and that ‘reality, as it is lived by

the subjects of research [people], is not fragmentable into variables and processes, but is rather experienced

holistically and mediated heavily by values, attitudes, beliefs, and the meanings which persons ascribe to their

experiences’. Furthermore, I agree that ‘human behavior, bounded as it is by time and context, is best

described by means of “working hypotheses,” temporary assertions about context-specific situations’. Thus, I

am concerned with how events, processes and realities are created differently depending on social context.

However, I do not concur with their notion that it is impossible to span different paradigms: Guba, E. G. and

Lincoln, Y. S. (1982). Epistemological and methodological bases of naturalistic inquiry. Educational

Communication and Technology, 30(4), 233-252. 218 Hsieh and Shannon 2005, pp. 1280-1281 219 Mayring, P. (2000). Qualitative content analysis. Forum Qualitative Social Research Sozialforschung,

1(2), p. 21 220 Hsieh and Shannon 2005, pp. 1281-1283

49

ing and thus, hopefully, allows new insights to emerge. The conventional pro-

cess, described well by Mayring and Krippendorff, starts with the researcher

approaching the material with a question or phenomenon that they want to

highlight. After first reading the material as a whole, key words and concepts

are derived from the text and a coding scheme is constructed. The work fol-

lows a back-loop where categories are revised and altered as the research

progresses.221 A challenge associated with this method is that it runs the risk

of failing to distinguish concepts that have been identified as relevant by oth-

ers.222 In the studies underlying this thesis the conventional and directed

approaches were coupled with a concurrent critical evaluation of the sources.

A full analysis of the sources was conducted, applying a classical historical

source evaluation and a postcolonial reading of the material, which ensured

that sources were analyzed individually in respect to their context.223 This con-

trasts with the principles of the conventional approach, in which sources are

normally studied inductively.224 Because of this alteration of procedure, the

method is understood and termed s as ‘semi-conventional’ in the thesis (and

appended papers).

4.3 Research in an Indigenous context

In many Indigenous context around the world, ‘research’ bares a history of

oppression and colonialism.225 In Swedish Sápmi, we find tight bonds be-

tween racial ideologies, colonialism and research. During the first part of the

20th century racial biology was adopted by several scholars in the Nordic coun-

tries, as a method to determine who the Scandinavian ‘native’ was. During this

era, cultural objects, histories and symbols were violated, graves desecrated

and people objectified.226 Few attempts to seek reconciliation have been made

for the trauma caused by the symbolic violence and abuse that these scholars

221 Mayring 2000; Krippendorff 2004xbfxcv 222 Hsieh and Shannon 2005, p. 1280 223 Here, a postcolonial reading is understood in line with Ashcroft, B., Tiffin, H. and Griffiths, G. (2000).

Postcolonial Studies: The Key Concepts. London: Routledge, p. 192, as being ‘A way of reading and rereading

texts of both metropolitan and colonial cultures to draw deliberate attention to the profound and inescapable

effects of colonization on literary production; anthropological accounts; historical records; administrative and

scientific writing. It is a form of deconstructive reading most usually applied to works emanating from the

colonizers (but may be applied to works by the colonized) […] and reveals its (often unwitting) colonialist

ideologies and processes.’ This reading has provided a way of distinguishing the context of the text;

constructed by ‘colonialist' ideologies and processes. 224 Hsieh and Shannon 2005, p. 1279 225 Smith, L. T. (2012). Decolonizing methodologies: research and indigenous peoples. London: Zed Books 226 Evjen, B. (1997). Measuring heads: physical anthropological research in North Norway. Acta Borealia,

14(2), 3–30; Hansen and Olsen 2006, pp. 19-29; Hjortfors, L.-M. (2012). Berajgåvå nievrep bielle

[Släktbildens baksida]. Bårjås, pp. 48-58

50

directed against the Sami people, individuals and communities during this

time, in the name of science.227

Furthermore, although research has previously served to legitimize colonial

projects in Swedish Sápmi, research being carried out in Sápmi today is still

not readily congruent with Sami traditions, understandings or epistemolo-

gies.228 In this context, Indigenous scholars have challenged and criticized

western academic paradigms from methodological, theoretical and ethical

standpoints. Methods, theories and philosophies that strive to decolonize

and/or indigenize knowledge and knowledge production have been intro-

duced as possible pathways towards post-colonial justice.229 Acknowledging

the need for, and importance of, Indigenous methodologies and epistemolo-

gies in academic research, the current thesis does not claim a position in this

literature. However, ethical and epistemological deliberations have constantly

influenced all aspects of the research process.

4.3.1 On the ethics of researching

In contrast to many other research settings, Swedish academia has no specific

ethical protocol for research relating to Indigenous issues. The lack of ethical

guidelines brings great uncertainty amongst researchers on how to handle

ethical issues and also risks the trustworthiness of research in Sami con-

texts.230 Research, as the production, reproduction and translator of know-

ledge, raises questions of authority and control. In this context there have

been calls for research that resonates and respects, has relevance for, and

strong elements of reciprocity and responsibility in regard to, Indigenous

peoples.231 Throughout the research leading to this thesis these concepts of

227 Hjortfors 2012; Ledman, A.-L. (2012a). Att representera och representeras: samiska kvinnor i svensk och

samisk press 1966-2006. Umeå: Umeå University; Ledman, A.-L. (Forthcoming). Ethics in Indigenous

research: Past experiences - future challenges. Umeå 228 Kuokkanen, R. (2008). From research as colonialism to reclaiming autonomy: Toward a research ethics

framework in Sápmi. In Porsanger, J. and Andreassen, L. (Eds.). Sáme- ja álgoálbmotdutkama etihkka:

seminára raporta, Kárášjohka 23.-24..10.2006. Guovdageaidnu [Kautokeino]: Sami Instituhtta, pp. 48-63;

Porsanger, J. and Andreassen, L. (Eds.). (2008). Sáme- ja álgoálbmotdutkama etihkka: seminára raporta,

Kárášjohka 23.-24..10.2006. Guovdageaidnu [Kautokeino]: Sami Instituhtta; Ledman 2012a; Ledman

Forthcoming 229 Smith 2012; Porsanger, J. (2004). An essay about indigenous methodology. Nordlit, 8(1), 105-120;

Chilisa, B. (2011). Indigenous research methodologies. London: SAGE. 230 Ledman 2012a 231 Kuokkanen, R. J. (2007). Reshaping the University: Responsibility, Indigenous epistemes, and the logic

of the gift. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press; Porsanger and Andreassen 2008; Porsanger, J.

(2010). Self-determination and Indigenous research: Capacity building on our own terms. In In Tauli-Corpuz,

V., Enkiwe-Abayao, L. and de Chavez, R. (Eds.) Towards an alternative development paradigm: Indigenous

peoples’ self-determined development. Baguio: Tebtebba Foundation, pp. 433-446; Smith 2012

51

respect, relevance, reciprocity and responsibility have been guiding principles

in the reflective process. In practice this has entailed a learning process with

numerous complications and reconfigurations.

Being fully respectable calls for an understanding of the norms and standards

that are at work in different context. This has required a conscious act to edu-

cate myself and be a student in various Indigenous contexts. Based on these

experiences, the research process has been conducted as respectfully as possi-

ble, according to different protocols. A major aim has been for the thesis (and

appended papers) to be relevant to the communities concerned and reindeer

husbandry practitioners generally. Thus, learning from different communities

and actors has been essential (and also facilitated resonance, and develop-

ment of a more reciprocal relationship). A central principle of reciprocity, reg-

ularly referred to as ‘giving back’ or ‘outreach’, accentuates the importance of

disseminating research results, thereby sharing knowledge and making

research a more transparent process.232 During the work leading to this thesis

the reciprocity principle motivated the publication of both popular scientific

and academic papers, public and community presentations, and attendance at

workshops and seminars. Furthermore, being present at, and participating in,

cultural or political events fostered both a learning process and establishment

of reciprocal relationships. Responsibility includes a reflective dialog about

possible short- and long-term implications of the research. It concerns all

aspects of the research process, such as the methods used, data collection and

data ownership. Furthermore, it also relates to the research findings and

presentation. In a historical research context writings of history have an

ineluctable influence on social memory and identity233. History is not an

“innocent” enterprise, in the words of Smith, thus I believe that historians

should not ignore the implications of their work for discourses (inter alia) of

ethnicity, gender or colonialism.234 The principle of responsibility has

prompted ongoing critical thinking concerning the thesis and negotiations of

central concepts (such as vulnerability, discussed in section 3.2.). The princi-

ple of responsibility also includes aspects of accountability and agency. It must

232 Kuokkanen 2008; Smith 2012 233 Tosh, J. (2000). Historians on history: an anthology. Harlow: Longman, pp. 8-9; Jenkins, K. (1991). Re-

thinking history. London: Routledge, p. 17 234 This relates to questions of different ’uses of history’. For a discussion of this in a Swedish context, see:

Karlsson, K.-G. (2014). Processing time: On the manifestations and activations of historical consciousness. In

Bjerg, H., Lenz, C. and Thorstensen, E., (Eds.). Historicizing the uses of the past: Scandinavian perspectives

on history culture, historical consciousness and didactics of history related to World War II Bielefeld:

Transcript cop, pp. 129-144; Stokholm-Banke, C. F. (2014). Small and moral nations: Europe and the

emerging politics of memory. In Bjerg, H., Lenz, C. and Thorstensen, E., (Eds.), Historicizing the uses of the

Past: Scandinavian perspectives on history culture, historical consciousness and didactics of history related

to World War II Bielefeld: Transcript cop, pp. 107-128; For a discussion of the historical education and

identity see Elmersjö, H. Å. (2013). Norden, nationen och historien: perspektiv på föreningarna Nordens

historieläroboksrevision 1919-1972. Lund: Nordic Academic Press, especially pages 275-301

52

be clear who is responsible for the research, otherwise no one can be held

accountable; texts must be candid and whose voice(s) is or are resonating

must be clear.235 In a discussion regarding current research projects in the

Arctic, Cameron notes that:

Research into Inuit vulnerability and adaptation to climatic change actively solicits

“local” and “community” involvement, emphasizes consultation and participation, and

even frames its findings as a translation and representation of Inuit knowledges, con-

cerns, and perspectives themselves. That is, researchers claim to speak not just about

Inuit, but for Inuit, by undertaking expert inquiries into what “local” people think, feel,

know, and want, and designing strategies and responses that address these knowledges,

capacities, and concerns.236

Who is accountable for the research must always be clear. Thus, in closing, I

thank the members of Talma, Gran, and Vilhelmina North samebys for taking

time to school me, comment on my research ideas or papers, take me along

with them in their daily work, or in various other ways help me and the re-

search process. However, I am solely accountable for the thesis, the appended

papers, and all their implications.

4.4 Source material

In an international perspective, the Swedish historical archives are both rich

and well preserved, and in contrast to the situation for many other Indigenous

people, the Sami have long been included in official governmental bookkeep-

ing records. However, for a longitudinal study, such as this, sources covering

the whole period of interest are scarce. The few that are available, such as the

church and taxation records used in this study, have not been compiled by the

same people, in the same manner and with the same purpose throughout the

full period. This makes the process of analyzing the empirical material more

complex and time consuming. Both when selecting and interpreting sources,

methods of source criticism have been applied. The criteria of source evalua-

tion have also helped to make meaning of the traces and employed during the

contextualization process (intertextual comparison, interpretation and trian-

gulation).

In Sweden, we find Sami individuals, issues and concerns recorded in cam-

eral, juridical and church records, dating back to the time of territorial coloni-

zation. However, as noted by Popper “the so-called ‘sources’ of history record

235 Ledman 2012b 236 Cameron 2012, p. 107

53

only such facts as appeared sufficiently interesting to record,”237 and in Sápmi,

issues concerning taxation, Christianity, population statistics and law were all

deemed important by the state and material pertaining to such issues is well

preserved in the historical archives. However, sources that provide infor-

mation about livelihood practices and social organization are fragmented at

best. This is especially true for the 18th and early 19th century. In the latter part

of the 19th century, state interest in Sami issues grew, hence increasing

amounts of material are available from that time. However, with few excep-

tions (memoirs and narratives written by Sami actors), the historical material

was constructed by the governing. Historians concerned with the history of

subaltern groups often encounter this problem.238 Most of the texts used in

the studies underlying this thesis essentially provide indications (explicitly or

implicitly) about how the governing/state/church/administrators understood

reindeer husbandry, herding and Sami livelihoods at the time. Given what we

know of ideologies and leading discourses in the latter part of the 19th century,

it is not surprising that the material during this time is tinted by stereotypical

and racial representations of Sami people and livelihoods. Some is openly

racist, while other texts convey notions of Sami people and reindeer herders

as different, outside the defined Swedish norm.

Clearly, knowledge of the time period of study has been crucial when evaluat-

ing sources, and in this regard historical literature and research have provided

valuable reference points. The problems of fragmentary sources and lack of

Sami voices in the archives have been addressed by analyzing multiple (inde-

pendent) sources, tracing the ‘unspoken’ in the texts, analyzing the sources

according to their (biased) positions and identifying the discourses in which

the texts are rooted.239 These strategies have been employed throughout the

research process, paying close attention to the sources’ contexts, including

their origins, intended readers and the values and notions that were influen-

tial at the time.

Questions of time and distance (between the informants, phenomena depicted

and authors of focal texts), have been explored in relation to all sources in the

study. Instead of accounting for these relations in regard to all individual

sources used, some problematic aspects of the county governors’ reports and

some advantages of the Sami Bailiffs’ archives [Lappfogearkiv] are discussed

when these sources are presented in sections 4.4.3 and 4.4.4.

237 Popper, K. S. (2012). The open society and its enemies. (Routledge Classics 1:st edition). Abingdon:

Routledge, p. 471 238 Fairburn, M. (1999). Social history: problems, strategies and methods. Basingstoke: Macmillan, pp. 177-

180 239 Tosh, J. (2011). Historisk teori och metod. (G. Sandin, Trans.). Lund: Studentlitteratur, p. 190; Fairburn

1999

54

On several occasions, source triangulation (analysis of multiple sources) has

been hampered by interdependence between different sources. This is mani-

fest in the relation between taxation and catechetical records, especially

during the early period. It is also detectable in the relation between Bailiffs’

archives and governmental committees. Committee members were commonly

also employed, or were soon to be employed, by the Sami administration

office.240

The following section presents the materials used, and the context in which

they were constructed, thereby situating the traces historically and some crite-

ria of source evaluation are referred to in passing.

4.4.1 Cameral records

In Swedish cameral records there is evidence of taxation of Sami people dating

back to the Middle Ages.241 However, during this early period records are few

and fragmentary. Taxation records [Jordeböcker, Uppbördsböcker] from the

18th and 19th centuries are generally more consistent and well preserved. Tax-

ation lands that Sami people held, were also included in official records. The

taxation records include the first and family name for every person who was

liable for tax, the tax amount and commonly the name of the land or home-

stead. Up until 1695, the taxation lands were taxable entities and holders were

individually responsible for the tax. After 1695 this changed, each tjiellde was

made a taxable entity, and tax liability was to be distributed among the tjiellde

members (although still connected to the possession of, and incomes from,

the taxation lands).242 Records from Åsele lappmark in 1750 and 1774-1869243

are considered in the thesis. They show that the tjiellde tax was based on the

taxation lands, which were named and connected to fixed amounts of tax that

the landholders were liable to pay. The material has been studied in relation

to land use structures and people-place connections. The material exhibits

good internal consistency and the scripts are of fine quality and good reada-

bility.

240 Lantto 2012 241 Lundmark 1982, pp. 78-80 242 For more information about taxation records and proceedings see: Korpijaakko-Labba 1994; Päiviö 2011 243 No records for the period 1751-1773 and 1819 have been found.

55

4.4.2 Church records

Church records are used in Papers III and IV to attain information on social

networks and family relations. Demographic information, including data on

ethnicity and family relations was gathered for parish records and national

statistics in Sweden throughout the 18th and 19th centuries. Although the mo-

tives for collecting this information varied over time from religious to societal

and scientific reasons.244 Church records, including informative catechetical

examination registers [Husförhörslängder], birth-, death- and migration rec-

ords were administrated by clergymen, who ascribed ethnicity trades and

family relations to the people in the parish. Thus, ethnicity, occupation, and

family bonds were not founded on self-identification. Methodological impli-

cations and a more detailed description of demographical material are

presented in Paper III.

4.4.3 Commissions and reports

Every five years, from the early 19th century onwards, the county governors

in Sweden prepared reports on conditions in their respective counties for the

crown. The Governors’ five-year reports [Landshövdingarnas femårsberät-

telser] included summaries of general conditions, statistics on the population,

trades and industries in the counties, and political issues. The governors re-

sided in the coastal regions at the outer limits of the study area, in Umeå, södra

Sunderbyn, Piteå and Luleå,245 and their reports were based upon information

from senior enforcement officers, county sheriffs and city administrators.

Thus, there were long communication distances in both space and time be-

tween the governors and reindeer herding communities. The reports were

brief, and often did not expand discussions related to reindeer husbandry or

Sami livelihoods. More detailed reports of reindeer husbandry and issues

framed as ‘Sami’, were evident in relation to the Reindeer Grazing Acts in the

latter part of the 19th century (notably issues concerning the “declining Sami

population”, prominently discussed by the governor in the southern region).

Despite their brevity, the reports contain information that is comparable be-

tween the counties and provides an overview of the governors’ interest in the

counties. In Paper I reports from the county of Norrbotten was analyzed for

the period 1817-1900. In Paper II reports from the counties Norrbotten and

Västerbotten was analyzed for the period 1860-1905.

244 Axelsson, P. (2010). Abandoning ‘the Other’: statistical enumeration of Swedish Sami, 1700 to 1945 and

beyond. Berichte Zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 33(3), 263-279 245 Hövdingarnas hus: länsresidenset i Norrbotten. (2003). Luleå: Länsstyrelsen i Norrbottens län

56

In the mid-19th century growing agricultural activity and settlements in north-

ern Norway had resulted in increasing land use conflicts over summer grazing

lands used by herders from northernmost Sweden. The Sami reindeer herders’

right to move freely over the national borders was limited when Russia, having

taken control of Finland in 1809, closed the border between Norway and Fin-

land in 1852, thereby increasing pressure on pasture in the north of Sweden

and Norway. Yet another border closure followed in 1889, this time between

Sweden and Finland-Russia (1882 års lappkommitté, 1883; Lundmark, 2002;

Arell, 1977).246 The ongoing settlements in Sweden and Norway and later the

border closures caused problems for reindeer husbandry practitioners and

increasing conflicts between settlers and herders, especially in the northern

area of Norway. These conflicts impelled several committees to look into the

question of transboundary reindeer herding and the situation for reindeer

husbandry in northernmost part of Swedish Sápmi. The Border Treaty Com-

mittee of 1843 [Kommitté ang tillägg till 1751 års gränstraktat i avseende på

lapparna] was initiated following a Norwegian initiative.247 After dissolution

of the Swedish-Norwegian union in 1905 tensions between the two states

prompted The Reindeer Grazing Commissions of 1906 and 1907.

Reports from these commissions include vast amounts of information on rein-

deer management in northernmost part of Swedish Sápmi. The committees

sought information regarding reindeer husbandry and its requirements,

partly from herdsmen in the area.248 The material focuses heavily on the use

of summer pastures and the migrations over the Swedish-Norwegian border.

The appendix to the Reindeer Grazing Commission’s report of 1907 is a two-

volume compilation of documents concerning movements of reindeer across

the Swedish-Norwegian border. The material was compiled by Professor K.B.

Wiklund on behalf of the Reindeer Grazing Commission of 1907, but the mate-

rial dates back to the early 18th century.

The Border Treaty Committee of 1843 and The Reindeer Grazing Com-

missions of 1906 and 1907 have been studied in relation to reindeer hus-

bandry, adaptive capacity and resilience in Paper I.

246 1882 års Lappkommité. (1883). Förslag till förordning angående de svenska lapparne och de bofaste i

Sverige samt till förordning angående renmärken. Stockholm: Marcus; Arell 1977; Lundmark, L. (2002).

‘Lappen är ombytlig, ostadig och obekväm-’: svenska statens samepolitik i rasismens tidevarv. Bjurholm:

Norrlands universitetsförlag. 247 The border Treaty Committee of 1843 did not result in any regulation of the border treaty. It was not until

1883 that transboundary reindeer herding was regulated in national law on both the Norwegian and Swedish

sides. 248 Cramér, T. and Prawitz, G. (1970). Studier i renbeteslagstiftningen. Stockholm: Norstedt; Pedersen, S.

(2006). Lappekodisillen i nord 1751-1859: fra grenseavtale og sikring av samenes rettigheter til

grensesperring og samisk ulykke. Tromsø: Tromsø University

57

The Sami Committee of 1919 [Lappkomittén 1919] was appointed by the Swe-

dish government in order to investigate ’the Sami question’ as a whole. Their

task was to examine: reindeer husbandry (which was still the central concern

of the committee), the school system, the situation of Sami not involved in

reindeer husbandry, and poverty relief systems. For the first time in Swedish

Sápmi, Sami representatives were included in the work leading to the report,

not as members of the committee, but in working groups. However, as Lantto

notes, their possibilities to direct and influence the work of the committee and

the final report was limited.249 The committee conducted interviews through-

out Swedish Sápmi, with herders, settlers, Sami Bailiffs and bailiffs assistants.

The committee’s report includes records of hearings conducted with reindeer

herders throughout Swedish Sápmi. The source is analyzed in Paper II in rela-

tion to livelihood diversity. The committee’s list of questions clearly shows

that an implicit notion was that reindeer husbandry and settledness could not

be unified.250 The leading questions, the implicit aim of the hearing and brev-

ity of the records from the northern districts have made analysis of the mate-

rial derived from this area difficult.

4.4.4 Sami Bailiffs’ archives

As described above, competing land uses and border closures had caused

problems for reindeer husbandry and conflicts between herders and farmers

that accentuated at the end of the 19th century. In order to address these issues

Sami Bailiffs were appointed throughout Swedish Sápmi. These were at first

temporary arrangements aimed at solving specific issues in different areas,

but soon came to be institutionalized as parts of the Swedish ‘Sami admin-

istration’, organized under the county administration.251 The Sami Admin-

istration archive [Lappadministrationen] for Norrbotten, have been studied

in regards to reindeer husbandry and adaptive capacity in Paper I. It contain

letters, reports and protocols dating back to 1863, and protocols from consul-

tations with local actors generated by the Sami Commission of 1866. Letters

from Sami herders, settlers and administrators are also present in this archive.

249 Sami Committee of 1919 Vol: I. Sweden/Stockholm/The national archives/YK 193: Lappkommittén

1919/Vol:I; Lantto 2012, pp. 145-146 250 Some of the questions regarded “The suitability for a reindeer herding Sami to have a farm as well as

herding reindeer” and “The right for a nomadic Sami to raise a cabin on reindeer grazing areas.” An example

of the follow up questions that the committee posed is: “May building a cottage tempt the herder to stay in

that place and then start to cultivate the land more extensively and pull him from his true livelihood to start a

settled life?” 251 For a presentation of the structure of the administration, see Lantto 2012, p. 10

58

The Sami Bailiff’s archives [Lappfogdearkiv] from Västerbotten and

Norrbotten (from 1916 for Norrbottens northernmost district) have been ana-

lyzed in research papers I and II. The first Bailiff in Norrbotten, Frans For-

ström, was appointed in 1890 and had jurisdiction in the whole of Norrbotten,

including the reindeer grazing districts of Könkämä, Lainiovuoma, Saari-

vuoma, Talma, Gabna, Laevas, Girjas, Báste and Unna tjerusj.252 In 1896, six

years after appointment of the Bailiff in Norrbotten, Fredrik Burman was

appointed the first Bailiff in Västerbotten County, with jurisdiction in Ran,

Gran, Ubmeje tjeälddie, Vapsten, Vilhelmina norra and Vilhelmina södra

reindeer grazing districts.

The Sami Bailiffs’ archives contain reports, protocols and correspondence be-

tween the bailiffs and the respective county administrations in Norrbotten and

Västerbotten. Starting in 1890, the Bailiff of Norrbotten wrote annual reports

concerning reindeer husbandry in the area, a practice the Bailiff in Väster-

botten subsequently followed.253 These reports constitute a rich source of

continuous information on the conditions for reindeer husbandry.254 Unsur-

prisingly, the contents and valuations clearly reflect the bailiffs’ own values as

well as conditions in their areas.255 It is important to note, that Sami Bailiffs

were not hired among people in local herding communities. In fact, Sami peo-

ple in general were seen too biased to be employed in higher positions of the

Sami administration.256 In general, the bailiffs had close contact with herders

in the area they covered, as indicated by their long lists of travelling reports.

4.4.5 Narratives and historical interviews

Although scripts and letters from Sami actors and communities are present in

the archives mentioned above, there are few cohesive records from Sami

actors during the 18th and 19th centuries. However, there are several influential

texts written by, or based on interviews with, Sami actors during the turn of

the 20th century.

252 Gabna previous name: Rautasvuoma; Laevas previous name: Kaalasvuoma; Girjas previous name:

Norrkaitum; Báste previous name: Mellanbyn; Unna tjerusj previous name: Sörkaitum. For a more detailed

account of the history of the ‘Sami administration’ and the Sami Bailiffs' work, see Lantto 2012 253 The annual reports from the southern area are more scattered in the archives. 254 See for example Lantto 2012 for a detailed discussion on this. 255 For example, there are clear differences between the reports of Frans Forsström (the first Bailiff in

Norrbotten) and his successor, Julius Hultin. Hultin had a more negative attitude towards forest reindeer

herding, and I believe both a more pessimistic approach to reindeer husbandry in general and less faith in

reindeer herders’ competence than Forsström. 256 Lantto 2012, p. 170f

59

Johan Turi was born into a reindeer husbandry family in Guovdageaidnu

[Kautokeino], Norway, in 1854. During the 1880s he moved together with his

family to Talma in Swedish Sápmi.257 In his work Muitalus sámiid birra, he

provides accounts of “Sami circumstances, mostly in Karesuando and Jukkas-

järvi parishes”.258 His work has played an important role in Sami literature,

language, culture and history.259 The texts include facts, legends and stories

related to Sami life and livelihoods, including reindeer husbandry. Notably,

Turi explicitly intended to “present the truth about the Sami situation and de-

scribe Sami life and conditions as they really were”.260 Thus, Turis work is not

a fictional text but represents his understanding of reindeer husbandry, Sami

communities, and Sami livelihoods.

Kristoffer Sjulsson, born in a reindeer husbandry family in Vapsten in 1828,

lived and worked in Vapsten, in Västerbotten County. In the middle of the 19th

century he worked a catechist and later settled down as a farmer using fishing

lakes in the area. After settling down, he left his reindeer to be cared for by

other herders, but still maintained a connection with the husbandry. A book,

The memories of Kristoffer Sjulsson [Kristoffer Sjulssons minnen], was

written by O.P. Pettersson at the turn of the 20th century and published in

1979. The work mainly, but not exclusively, contains accounts by Sjulsson

(other people who contributed to the work are mentioned by name).261 Parts

of the text are detailed accounts in which Sjulsson’s narrative voice is clear,

but other sections are more general descriptions and enquiries, probably

made by the writer Pettersson himself. The text has been analyzed according

to the presumed consignor (although this has not always been clear).

Torkel Tomasson, born in 1881 in Anundsjö in the southern part of Swedish

Sápmi into a family of reindeer herders in (what was to become) Vilhelmina

south reindeer grazing district, was an active politician, writer and founder of

The Sami people’s own journal [Samefolkets egen tidning]. In the summer of

1917, he conducted 22 interviews in southern Sápmi and collected stories

about livelihood customs, reindeer husbandry, and belief systems.262

257 Svonni, M. (2011). Johan Turi: First author of the Sámi. Scandinavian Studies, 83(4), 483-490, p. 483 258 Turi, J. (1917). En bok om samernas liv. Umeå: Två förläggare. 259 Cocq, C. (2008). Revoicing Sámi narratives: North Sámi storytelling at the turn of the 20th century.

Umeå: Umeå University; Gaski, H. (2011). More than meets the eye: The Indigeneity of Johan Turi’s writing

and artwork. Scandinavian Studies, 83(4), 591-608; Svonni 2011 260 Gaski 2011, p. 595 261 Pettersson, O. P. (1979). Kristoffer Sjulssons minnen: om Vapstenlapparna i början af 1800-talet.

Bäckman, L. and Kjellström, R., (Eds.). Stockholm: Nordiska museet 262 Tomasson, T. (1988). Några sägner, seder och bruk upptecknade efter lapparna i Åsele- och Lycksele

lappmark samt Herjedalen sommaren 1917. Uppsala: Dialekt- och folkminnesarkivet

60

Given the scarcity of accounts from reindeer herders during this time, the

work of Turi, Tomasson and The memories of Kristoffer Sjulsson have served

important purposes, as both sources of information and for contextualizing

research findings. Turis work have been used in Paper I whereas Tomasson

and The memories of Kristoffer Sjulsson have been used as a source in Paper

IV. As with other texts used in the studies underlying this thesis they have

been analyzed in relation to context, and are treated as expressions of the

authors.263

263 Self-evidently, simply because they originate from within Sami communities does not purport that they

are used (or should be read) as blueprints of Sami customs, livelihood or practices in general.

61

5. Summary of research papers

This chapter starts with a presentation of the contributions made by the au-

thors of co-authored appended papers (Papers I and III), then briefly summa-

rizes all of the papers included in the thesis. For each paper I present the aim,

the theoretical framework, the method and sources used, the main results and

finally general comments.

5.1 Co-authored papers

Brännlund and Axelsson (2011) Reindeer management during the coloniza-

tion of Sami lands: A long-term perspective of vulnerability and adaptation

strategies. Global Environmental Change 21 (3): 1095-1105. In this article, I

collected the empirical material, constructed the theoretical and methodolog-

ical framework of the study, analyzed the results and wrote the text. Axelsson

contributed with appreciated inputs on the structure, outline and historical

context of the study and was responsible for contacts with the journal.

Brännlund, I., and Axelsson, P. Social organization of reindeer husbandry:

Representations of household and Siida structures in demographic material

at the turn of the 20th century. Revised version of the original publication:

Brännlund, I., and Axelsson, P. (2013). Family matters: Representation of

Swedish Sámi households at the turn of the nineteenth century. In Anderson,

D.G., Wishart, R. P. and Vate V. (Eds.), About the hearth: Perspectives on the

home, hearth, and household in the Circumpolar North. Oxford and New

York: Berghahn Books. 103-122. In this book chapter Axelsson and I had joint

responsibility for the outline, theoretical and methodological framework, and

the overall design and analyses. The chapter has three parts. I played a leading

role in work with the sources, analyses and text in parts II and III, and an

equal role with Axelsson in work with the source material, analyses and text

in part I.

62

5.2 Paper I. Reindeer management during the colonization of Sami lands: A long-term perspective of vulnerability and adaptation strategies

This first research article focuses on mountain reindeer husbandry in the

northernmost part of Swedish Sápmi from the 19th to the turn of the 20th cen-

tury. It aims to analyze factors affecting grazing conditions during the period,

adaptation strategies the herders developed and used to cope with deteriorat-

ing grazing conditions and elements constraining adaptability (referred to as

adaptive capacity in all other parts of the thesis and appended papers).

Previous research has suggested that reindeer husbandry throughout the Eur-

asian north has high adaptive capacity. Several adaptive strategies and capac-

ities have been cited as promoters of resilience in these communities, such as

knowledge, social networks, dynamic working groups and flexible herding.

However, previous studies have provided little knowledge of how these capac-

ities and strategies were utilized in a historical perspective.

The study builds on various historical materials, including governmental

reports, writings from Sami actors, archive material from the county admin-

istration office and Sami Bailiffs’ archives. These sources are analyzed using

semi-conventional and directed content analysis. The theoretical framework

of the paper draws on the concept of vulnerability, which shares much

common ground with the concept of resilience and associated notions (as ex-

plained in section 3.2, vulnerability was replaced by resilience as the research

progressed).

The results show that despite obvious differences between current husbandry

practices and those of a century ago, many adaptation strategies and factors

constraining the adaptive capacity of reindeer herding communities corre-

spond over the centuries. In accordance with findings of previous research on

resilience of contemporary reindeer husbandry, we highlight the importance

of flexible herding (in terms of when pasture areas were used, sites used for

grazing, herding techniques and working groups) and diverse use of pasture

areas. The results also show that several factors constrained the adaptive

capacity of herders, such as border closures, competing land uses, disturbance

from settlers, enforced regulations and laws concerning reindeer husbandry.

However, we argue that the root causes of these constraints are the herders’

loss of authority over the land and the imposed regulations concerning rein-

deer husbandry, both of which were strongly connected to the process of

colonization.

63

5.3 Paper II. Diversity of reindeer husbandry livelihoods: A comparative study of mountain reindeer husbandry in Swedish Sápmi 1860-1920

In this second research paper, I wanted to add to the understanding of liveli-

hood diversity of mountain reindeer husbandry. Generally speaking, previous

research on the history of reindeer husbandry has heavily focused on condi-

tions before the mid-19th century, , with little coverage of the latter part of the

19th and early part of 20th century. We knew little about the diversity of rein-

deer husbandry during the time of the Reindeer Grazing Acts, or if (and if so

how) conditions in the northern and southern areas of Swedish Sápmi differed

during this period. Thus, using governmental reports and historical archive

material from county administration offices and Sami Bailiffs’ archives the

study compares mountain reindeer husbandry practices in southern and

northern parts of Swedish Sápmi during the period 1860-1920. I examine

manifestations of the diversity of reindeer husbandry and how social networks

supported this diversity.

The central analytical concepts livelihood diversity and social networks guided

the study. Features of these concepts are analyzed (by semi-conventional and

directed content analysis of the historical material), with a conscious effort to

identify differences between a southern area and northern area of Sápmi. The

southern area, equivalent to Västerbotten County, includes the following rein-

deer grazing districts and current samebys: Ran, Gran, Umbyn, Vapsten,

Malå, Vilhelmina norra and Vilhelmina södra. The northern area, situated in

Norrbotten County’s northernmost district, includes the reindeer grazing

districts and current samebys Könkämä, Lainiovuoma, Saarivuoma, Talma,

Gabna, Laevas, Girjas, Báste, and Unna tjerusj.

The paper provides new insights into livelihood structures of reindeer hus-

bandry during a crucial time in Sápmi’s history. During this time, state policy

on “Sami issues” was formulated, together with the first Reindeer Grazing Acts

of 1886 and 1898. We know from previous research that an idea underlying

much of the political activity at the time was that reindeer husbandry was best

practiced as a mono culture. In contrast to this prevalent notion, I show that

mountain reindeer husbandry was both diverse and complex.

Within the frames of nomadic reindeer husbandry, substantial diversity was

evident in terms of livelihood means and degrees of nomadism or settlement,

especially in the southern districts. This implies that the notion of the nomadic

reindeer herder espoused by policy-makers and legislators during this period

64

was not anchored in the practice of mountain reindeer husbandry, but an ideal

created within Swedish state organs. The results suggest that the imagined

boundaries between reindeer husbandry and farming that were institutional-

ized through legislation restricted mobility between trades and settlements.

5.4 Paper III. Social organization of reindeer husbandry: Representations of household and siida structures in demo-graphic material at the turn of the 20th century

In this revised book chapter, Axelsson and I examine social relations associ-

ated with reindeer husbandry (which is important for understanding the

dynamics of the practices and associated activities) using both qualitative and

quantitative methods and sources. Sweden has a long tradition of population

registers, but there is limited knowledge of how social relations between Sami

individuals, families and working groups were registered in official statistical

material. The chapter examines the concept of household in the Swedish pop-

ulation registers in general and the 1900 census in particular, analyses the

implications of this discourse through a descriptive demographic study based

on the 1900 census material, and explores conceptual relationships between

household and siida, in a reindeer husbandry context. Finally, the study pre-

sents a method for merging qualitative and quantitative sources to show how

demographic sources can be used when studying relations in historical rein-

deer husbandry contexts in Swedish Sápmi.

We show that the way that we understand the social organisation of reindeer

husbandry does not correspond with how households were understood and

constructed in the 1900 census. We suggest that prevalent notions of a house-

hold as a closed unit with a single provider guided the census material. In a

reindeer husbandry context, the census thus provides a representation of

simple family households detached from the wider context of social organisa-

tion: the siida. We suggest that in the context of reindeer husbandry in north-

ern Sápmi the household was not a solitary socio-economic unit but coupled

with the siida. The concepts of household and siida are therefore suggested to

have joints that merit further investigation and elaboration in a demographic

context. We found that the siida is not very evident in census material. How-

ever, we demonstrate a method for studying social networks associated with

reindeer husbandry in historical material, by combining qualitative sources

with population registers. By using qualitative sources from the early 20th

century we were able to distinguish reports of siida groups and the sizes of

reindeer herds at the household level. The image of the households and siida

changed when information from the demographic sources was added and we

believe this is an interesting way to analyse the historical material. We show

65

that by linking reports of siida groups with information in Swedish population

registers, we can gain information about demographical aspects of siida

constellations and the social ties that formed them.

5.5 Paper IV. Connections to place: Taxation lands as objects of place-attachment in southern Sápmi 1740-1870

In the fourth and final research paper, I am concerned with the construction

and meaning of place. For Indigenous peoples around the world, connection

to land or place is often complex and tangled by histories of dispossession,

displacements and enforced relocations. Accordingly, land use and land use

structures in the Swedish part of Sápmi have been subject to multiple changes

during the past centuries, many due to colonial projects and interventions. At

least as far back as the 17th century, individual taxation lands held by Sami

families served as structures that regulated land use in this part of Sápmi. The

political and legislative processes surrounding the sequential disassembly of

this system during the 18th to 20th century have been well studied by previous

scholars. However, we know little about connections, meanings and attach-

ments that people developed in relation to their lands.

By examining taxation records, population registers and qualitative sources,

this research paper explores place-attachment in a southern Sami reindeer

husbandry context during a period of 130 years. A tripartite model of place-

attachment is used to frame the study’s three main questions: Who was

attached? What was the object of attachment? How was the attachment mani-

fested? In order to contextualize the findings land-uses and reindeer hus-

bandry practices are examined. Finally, the results are examined in relation to

previous research and questions of land-use structure and reindeer husbandry

transformations.

The results show that place-attachment was evident in relation to the land as

both a social and physical space, and at both individual and group levels. The

attachment was manifested through proximity-maintaining behavior and true

cognitive processes of knowledge and identity. Using information in the tax-

ation records I show that landholders held the land over long periods of time,

and the land was passed from generation to generation. Based on information

in court records in combination with qualitative material, narratives and pre-

vious archeological research, I suggest that the lands were valued as natural

resources for reindeer husbandry and that they were significant places of fam-

ily and individual history. People referred to the land when presenting them-

selves and others, which I propose is a clear sign of place identity.

66

Previous researchers have suggested that the taxation land system, as a regu-

latory land-use structure, had become obsolete in the northern areas of Swe-

dish Sápmi by the early 19th century. In this paper, I show that in Åsele lapp-

mark the taxation land system continued to be a functional land-use structure

until the implementation of the Reindeer Grazing Act of 1886. I also couple

this finding to differences between the summer extensive and intensive herd-

ing practices in the northern and southern areas, respectively. Previous

researchers have suggested that extensive reindeer husbandry practice with

big herds that were kept under less close watch alleviated a need for, or even

induced dismantling of, the taxation land system in the northern area. How-

ever, I found no records of extensive herding (during summer) in the southern

area, suggesting that it was possible to uphold the practice of individual lands.

Finally, I suggest that colonial projects undermined previously essential ele-

ments of attachment and land use by contesting the taxation land titles. I

suggest that confinement of Sami land title to access right for reindeer hus-

bandry activities alone restricted Sami communities and individuals from

developing their culture and livelihoods according to their own needs and

interests.

67

6. Analytical discussion

In analyzing the social resilience of reindeer husbandry, I have found myself

continually needing ‘more of history’, as studying adaptive capacities, liveli-

hood diversity, social relations and meaning of place in the social resilience

framework has raised numerous complex questions. Paper I framed the issue

of adaptive capacity in a historical setting, whereas Papers II to IV served as

steppingstones, providing foundations for analyses I present in this chapter.

Here I synthesize the results of Papers I-IV and expand the analytical discus-

sions with the help of the theoretical framework based on social resilience and

the concepts of place-attachment and social capital presented in Chapter III.

In a closing section, drawbacks of the work and future research possibilities

are discussed.

By identifying and analyzing adaptive capacities and adaptation strategies,

Paper I shows that many of the aspects that are known to promote resilience

of reindeer herding communities today have a long tradition in Swedish Sáp-

mi. In line with the current situation for herding communities in the Eurasian

north, the foremost adaptation strategy in the northern part of Swedish Sápmi

was the flexible use of pasture areas. The study identified four central aspects

of flexible herding: when pasture lands were used (time), locales used for

grazing (locale), herding techniques (practice) and working group (organ-

ization). All these aspects varied extensively, representing a highly flexible

livelihood, requiring vast areas for pasture. Some areas might not have been

used for several years due to over-grazing or inappropriate snow cover, but

they were nevertheless needed when other pasture areas were no longer usa-

ble due to pasture impoverishment, adverse snow conditions, expansion of

agriculture or forestry, or for administrative reasons.

Diversity, which is strongly related to the term flexibility and a key concept in

resilience research,264 was explored in depth, in relation to livelihood struc-

tures and social relations in Paper II. Previous historical research has shown

that fishing, hunting and trapping gradually lost importance for reindeer

herding families over time, starting with the development of intensive hus-

bandry,265 followed by the shift towards extensive husbandry.266 The results

264 Diversity has been discussed as an adaptive capacity in relation to several components of socio-ecological

systems, including the flora and fauna of the ecological landscapes, and the economy, livelihoods, culture and

actors of the social landscapes, see for example: Berkes and Folke 2000; Lebel, L., Anderies, J., Campbell, B.,

Folke, C., Hatfield-Dodds, S., Hughes, T. and Wilson, J. (2006). Governance and the capacity to manage

resilience in regional social-ecological systems. Ecology and Society. 11(1), 19; Berkes, Colding and Folke

2008; Norberg and Cumming 2008; Bahadur, Ibrahim and Tanner 2013 265 Lundmark 1982; Manker 1947; Hultblad 1968 266 Arell 1977

68

presented in Paper II (and Papers I and IV) add to this history by showing that

although over time livelihoods became more dependent on income from the

reindeer - fishing, hunting, trapping and later farming were important parts

of reindeer husbandry livelihoods well into the 20th century.

The results presented in these papers raised questions about how we should

interpret diversity of reindeer husbandry livelihoods within the framework of

social resilience. According to previous research on diversity and resilience,

diversity and access to a wide variety of resources buffers disturbance by

spreading risk. It is also suggested that a diverse system holds multiple alter-

native sources for renewal and innovation after disaster or disturbance.267 In

the appended papers I argue that livelihood diversity could be sought by fam-

ilies in order to spread risks, as capital investment (farms) or as means to

adapt and transform in the face of changing conditions. In this respect the

findings of the work underlying this thesis correspond well with the notions

in previous research of social resilience. However, through affirming that ex-

pectations, norms and ideals are important in conceptualizing resilience I find

that diversity encompasses much greater complexity than previously recog-

nized.

I believe that norms, expectations and desired futures of a system should

guide conceptualization of social resilience. In line with Lorenz, I also believe

that this implies that “social change becomes problematic when expectations

of a social system are not fulfilled due to changing expectations or a changing

environment that does not provide the required resources”.268 Internal expec-

tations of reindeer husbandry are understood here to be connected to customs

of livelihood structures and reindeer husbandry practices. I understand aspi-

rations of people and communities to be reliant on cultural ideals expressed

by leading actors.

As highlighted in Paper II, livelihood structures had different characters in the

northern and southern study areas. In reindeer grazing districts in the south-

ern area settledness and combined livelihoods were part of a general norm, at

least at the turn of the 20th century. Farming, agriculture, fishing and hunting

were integrated components of reindeer herding families’ livelihoods. The

nature of the farms and agricultural properties in the area ranged from small-

scale farms with a potato field and a few goats to large agricultural settlements

267 Turner, B. L., Kasperson, R. E., Matson, P. A., McCarthy, J. J., Corell, R. W., Christensen, L., Eckley, N.,

Kasperson, J.X., Luers, A., Martello, M., Polsky, C., Pulsipher, A., Schiller, A. (2003). A framework for

vulnerability analysis in sustainability science. Proceedings of the national academy of sciences, 100(14),

8074-8079; Berkes and Folke 2000; Lebel et al. 2006; Berkes, Colding and Folke 2008; Norberg and

Cumming 2008; Bahadur, Ibrahim and Tanner 2013 268 Lorenz 2013, p. 11

69

with cows, horses and barns. In addition previous research has shown that the

combination of livelihoods was endorsed by local herders and advocated in

political campaigns driven by political actors in the south Sápmi area.269 As

shown in Papers I and II, diversity and combined livelihoods were also mani-

fested in the northern area. However, the comparative study presented in

Paper II suggests that farming was less prominent in the northern area than

in the southern area. For many communities, extensive herding with big herds

in the summer pasture areas allowed quite extensive farming and fishing

during summers. However, the general notion among herders themselves was

that combining farming and husbandry was not ideal.270 In these districts

herders instead relied more directly on income from reindeer, combined with

hunting, trapping and fishing.

Due to differences in norms at play during the latter parts of the 19th century,

adaptive and transformative processes in the two areas must be interpreted

differently. In the southern area, where diversity in terms of combining farm-

ing and herding was a norm and an ideal, this is interpreted here as a sign of

social resilience. However, in the northernmost area this form of diversity

could instead be understood as an adaptation enforced in opposition to the

ideals of the communities. Diversity in this understanding might encourage

resilience in order to survive, but not to thrive or fulfill the needs and interests

of the community.271 However, as norms and expectations are subject to

change, this result is valid only during the timeframe of the study. It provides

no information about how diversity should be interpreted in the areas before

or after the study period.

As discussed above, the results presented in the papers show that attitudes

toward, and practices of, combining farming and herding, differed between

the southern and northernmost districts. I would like to further consider these

findings and suggest possible explanations for the differences with the help of

the synthesized results of the research papers. I see several factors that could

help explain the differences in attitude to and practices of combining farming

and herding, related to location, competing land uses, traditional land-use

structures and individual land title.

The locations of the districts offered different climatological conditions for

farming. The northern districts were located in the inner parts of Swedish

Sápmi, above the Arctic Circle, and thus were less suitable for farming than

the southern districts. At the end of the 19th century, settlement colonization

269 Lantto and Mörkenstam 2008, especially p. 30 270 The results also echo the findings of previous research on conditions in the northern areas during the

19th century: Arell 1977; Kvist 1989b; Päiviö 2011 271 Shaw 2012

70

by Swedish speaking peasants had had more profound effects on the ethnic,

language and culture dynamics in the southern region.272 This suggests that

competition over natural resources might have been more intense for herders

in the southern region, triggering families in this region to secure land title.

The differences in livelihood structure correspond to differing land-use struc-

tures. As shown by Korpijaakko-Labba and Päiviö, reindeer herding commun-

ities in the northern area had a strong tradition of tjiellde lands. This land use

structure, Päiviö argues, was fitted for the extensive reindeer husbandry

practice of the northern region, thereby alleviating the need for, or even bring-

ing about the dismantling of the taxation land system in the area.273 However,

as I highlighted in Paper IV, this was not the case in Åsele lappmark, the site

of lands now assigned to the samebys Vilhelmina norra and Vilhelmina södra.

In this area the taxation land system was the functional land-use structure

until implementation of the Reindeer Grazing Act of 1886. These differences

in traditions of individual land title might explain why families in the southern

area sought individual ownership of farmlands more often than families in the

northern area.274

In the context of land-use and land tenure systems I consider that the meaning

people attach to specific places and the livelihoods developed there will influ-

ence the goals people and communities might pursue through resilience,

adaptation and transformative processes.275 The question of place-attachment

is examined in Paper IV, through an exploration of the taxation land system

in the southern area of Swedish Sápmi. The results showed that taxation lands

served as objects of place identity, and both individual and cultural attach-

ment. Holders of the land contested state notions of the taxation lands, as

being without title, and tried to uphold the system within the community after

the turn of the 20th century. As we know from previous research that people-

place-attachment promotes resilience, adaptation and transformation,276 I

suggest that the high value assigned to the land enhanced the probability of

holders adapting or transforming their livelihoods in situ. This might partially

272 Göthe 1929; Pettersson, O. P. (1982a). Gamla byar i Vilhelmina I-II. Umeå: Två förläggare; Pettersson,

O. P. (1982b). Gamla byar i Vilhelmina III-IV. Umeå: Två förläggare 273 Korpijaakko-Labba 1994; Päiviö 2011 274 Furthermore, previous studies have shown that taxation lands were often chosen by herders as sites when

establishing a new farm. See for example: Bylund, E. (1956). Koloniseringen av Pite lappmark t.o.m. år 1867.

Uppsala: Geographica, pp. 210-211; Kvist, R. (1989a). Friktion och samexistens: Den fjällsamiska

markanvändningen och relationerna till nybyggarna i Jokkmokk 1760-1860. In Rennomadismens dilemma:

det rennomadiska samhällets förändring i Tuorpon och Sirkas 1760-1860 Umeå: Umeå University, pp. 113-

150, p. 125 275 Ostrom 2009; Leonard, S., Parsons, M., Olawsky, K. and Kofod, F. (2013). The role of culture and

traditional knowledge in climate change adaptation: Insights from East Kimberley, Australia. Global

Environmental Change, 23(3), 623-632; Wolf, J., Allice, I. and Bell, T. (2013). Values, climate change, and

implications for adaptation: Evidence from two communities in Labrador, Canada. Global Environmental

Change, 23(2), 548-562 276 Nelson, Adger and Brown 2007; Ostrom 2009

71

explain the trend of herders establishing settlements on their taxation lands.

As already noted, previous studies show that herders in the northern area were

not strong supporters of the taxation lands regime during the late 19th cen-

tury.277 This implies that herders in the two areas had different objects of

place-attachment.

As discussed in in Papers I and II, livelihood diversity as an adaptive capacity,

was reliant on the social networks within the reindeer herding community (as

presented in Paper III). Social networks enabled reindeer husbandry

households to engage in a variety of livelihoods and trades. Paper IV shows

how social networks were connected to the taxation land tenure system in the

southern area, promoting both attachment to land and diversity of livelihoods.

Furthermore, as shown in Paper III, the social networks of communities in-

volved in reindeer husbandry not only supported diversity, but were also

diverse and dynamic themselves. During the course of a year the household or

siida could adopt various social constellations, and its composition in terms of

family, household, kin and hired-hands was fluid and subject to change. This

dynamic nature poses challenges for scholars studying the historical networks

associated with reindeer husbandry. However, as Paper III shows, combining

Swedish population registers with qualitative sources provides opportunities

for analyzing at least some aspects and dynamics of these networks.

The appended papers continuously emphasize the importance of social net-

works as facilitators of livelihood diversity within reindeer husbandry. This

calls for an elaboration of social networks and the capital they channel that

favors resilience. Paper IV shows how the social networks provided close,

interconnected bonds that facilitated combinations of farming and husbandry

for taxation landholders in the southern area. In addition, if we trace land-

holders into the 20th century demonstrates that they helped to anchor the

political movement of the Sami Central union in the local reindeer herding

community.278 Paper II also shows that bonding social networks in the south-

ern area facilitated a wide range of trades and livelihoods within the household

or extended family. However, from results presented in Paper III we know that

the concept of ‘a single provider’ for the household was important to the offi-

cials at the turn of the 20th century,279 which may hamper searches for evi-

dence of combined livelihoods in official statistics.

277 Korpijaakko-Labba 1994; Päiviö 2011; Lundmark 2006; Arell 1977 278 Westerdahl 2008, p. 248 279 See also Utredningar angående lappförhållanden i Västerbottens län

72

Bridging social networks were discussed in Papers I and II. The reindeer care-

taking system, discussed in Paper II, provided possibilities for farmers and

settlers, regardless of ethnicity, to engage in reindeer husbandry and created

transition pathways between different trades.280 Paper I provides evidence of

relations bridging reindeer grazing districts, county and state borders in the

northern area, and that these networks were highly valued by people in the

region. We know from previous research that social networks facilitate trans-

mission of knowledge, which is crucial for adaptive and coping capacities of

systems,281 further highlighting their importance.

Considering the results of the study in relation to the participative capacity of

reindeer herding families and communities (their ability to make use of their

adaptive capacities), we can see that state policies and agendas did not gener-

ally promote their adaptive capacity, but rather constrained it. The flexible use

of a diverse and connected landscape was hampered by competing land uses,

promoted by state colonization agendas. Diversity of livelihoods was confined

following the Reindeer Grazing Acts of 1886 and 1898 (Papers I and II). In the

southern areas attachment to lands and autonomous management of them

were contested during the 19th century (Paper IV). Bridging social network

structures were challenged following the border closures of 1883 and 1919,

and the restriction of the reindeer caretaking system by the Acts of 1886 and

1898 (Papers I and II). Restricted authority over land, imposed regulations

and lack of influence over decision-making processes were strongly connected

to colonial ideas that herders could not manage their own issues. A number of

studies have observed that deterioration of connected landscapes due to

competing land uses, limited influence and uneven distribution of power

characterize the current situation for reindeer husbandry in much of the Eur-

asian north. These conditions have been shown to restrict resilience for

reindeer herding communities.282 Thus, a continuum of factors has con-

strained the resilience of reindeer herding communities over time.

280 Nordin 2002 281 Folke, C. (2004). Traditional knowledge in social-ecological systems [editorial]. Ecology and Society,

9(3), 7; Olsson, P., Folke, C. and Berkes, F. (2004). Adaptive co-management for building resilience in social-

ecological systems. Environmental Management, 34(1), 75-90; Adger, W. N., Hughes, T. P., Folke, C.,

Carpenter, S. R. and Rockström, J. (2005). Social-ecological resilience to coastal disasters. Science,

309(5737), 1036-1039; Hahn, T., Olsson, P., Folke, C. and Johansson, K. (2006). Trust-building, knowledge

generation and organizational innovations: the role of a bridging organization for adaptive co-management of

a wetland landscape around Kristianstad, Sweden. Human Ecology, 34(4), 573-592; Olsson, P., Folke, C.,

Galaz, V., Hahn, T. and Schultz, L. (2007). Enhancing the fit through adaptive co-management: creating and

maintaining bridging functions for matching scales in the Kristianstads Vattenrike Biosphere Reserve

Sweden. Ecology and Society, 12(1), 28; Moore, M.-L. and Westley, F. (2011). Surmountable chasms:

networks and social innovation for resilient systems. Ecology and Society, 16(1), 5 282 Forbes, B. C. (2007). Equity, vulnerability and resilience in social-ecological systems: a contemporary

example from the Russian Arctic. In Research in social problems and public policy, 15. Bingley: Emerald, pp.

203-236; Tyler et al. 2007; Forbes et al. 2009; Keskitalo 2009; Pape, R. and Löffler, J. (2012). Climate

change, land use conflicts, predation and ecological degradation as challenges for reindeer husbandry in

northern Europe: What do we really know after half a century of research? AMBIO, 41(5), 421-434; Löf 2014

73

Political, socio-cultural and legislative landscapes in the circumpolar north

have been heavily shaped by colonialism and struggles for decolonization. The

results presented in this thesis show that aspects of colonialism influenced

communities’ capacities to manage resilience.283 Nevertheless, as Cameron

shows, most studies of climate change adaptation and resilience in the circum-

polar north today do not consider colonialism as an analytical element. Given

the results presented here I concur with her argument that more under-

standing of how colonialism influences social resilience is needed, to add to

the knowledge of social resilience, and hinder reproduction of colonial policies

and relations in the context of climate adaptation and resilience.284

In closing, we can see that the short story of Maria Kristina Andersdotter re-

flects many of the issues discussed in this chapter. The lands that Maria and

her family used for herding stretched from the Norwegian side of the Scandi-

navian mountain chain down towards the Baltic coast, offering connected and

diverse landscapes. Herding was flexible and reindeer were moved between

different pastures depending on the season and grazing conditions. The

system whereby Maria inherited taxation land, and later bequeathed it to her

children, was a key component of the traditional land-use and tenure structure

in the area until implementation of the Reindeer Grazing Act of 1886. The

land, being in her family’s possession for generations, was as an object of

attachment, providing both the resources needed for reindeer husbandry and

settings for family interactions and personal history. When a new settlement

was established that overlapped their taxation land, the family soon took it

over. The settlement may have encouraged them to secure land title in the

area, as the taxation land system was being continually destabilized by policy

and juridical praxis. The family developed farming alongside reindeer hus-

bandry and continued to do so for the rest of Maria’s life. The combination of

herding and farming illustrates the diversity of livelihoods that were regularly

practiced in the southern region at the time. The settlement allowed for free-

dom in regard to livelihood means and increased the natural resources avail-

able for the family. Bonding social networks created stability in regard to the

land, a complement to the flexible herding practice. Social networks allowed

her son Lars to engage in political activity and move towards the coast, while

retaining his reindeer herd. Through the reindeer caretaking system, the

family tended for his reindeer, giving him an option to return and actively par-

ticipate in herding again (if or when he wanted to).

283 As noted by previous researchers: Cameron 2012 284 Cameron 2012

74

Finally, Maria’s story also illustrates how national policies and aspects of colo-

nialism imposed new path choices and confined Sami livelihoods and land use

to reindeer herding. When Maria and her family acceded Girijaure taxation

land in 1866, the title deed stipulated that the land rights were granted for

reindeer herding, a postulate that was not present in her grandparents’ title

deeds. In other words, Maria’s family had to continue practicing reindeer hus-

bandry if they wanted to keep their taxation land.

6.1 Future possibilities

In this closing section, I would like to point out some of the shortcomings in

the research this thesis is based upon and suggest future research possibilities.

First, I have some comments on the data used in the study. The vast majority

of the source material applied was produced by and for non-Sami people.

Thus, it reflects commissioners’, bailiffs’ and other administrators’ under-

standings of reindeer husbandry livelihoods and the reindeer herding commu-

nities. Studies on colonialism and effects of colonization suggest that there

might be profound discrepancies between ways in which Indigenous people

and non-Indigenous officials and scientists throughout history have under-

stood places, landscapes, livelihoods and the world.285 This drawback is exac-

erbated by the scarcity of material describing how people of the focal commu-

nities understood places, taxation lands, land title or livelihood diversity.

These limitations have left certain aspects that are highly relevant to the gen-

eral aim of the thesis unexplored.

Due to a lack of appropriate empirical data I have not been able to study

peoples’ own testimonies of attachment to the taxation lands. Instead, I have

considered the presence, abundance and availability of features linked to emo-

tional attachment, and taken evidence of their presence as a strong indication

that emotional bonds were also formed. Concerning attachment, the thesis

dealt with a vital but limited part of the traditional reindeer herding lands. The

area represented (and still represents), a minor part of the landscape used by

individual herders and communities. More research is needed, adopting a

more holistic approach, on reindeer herding communities’ attachment to land

and the character of emotional attachment, to explore how emancipatory

actions, struggles for decolonization and colonial constructs have influenced

this process over time. Analysis of the inter-relations between resilience,

place-attachment, Indigenous rights and wellbeing would be challenging, but

I believe merging these perspectives could be highly fruitful.

285 Smith 2012; Coates, K. (2004). A global history of indigenous peoples: struggle and survival.

Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan

75

An issue that has fallen beyond the scope of the thesis concerns internal

understandings of land rights. Research providing a historical perspective of

how holders of taxation lands and members of tjiellde and siida groups viewed

their land rights would contribute to the understanding of land-use in Sápmi

generally. It would also contribute knowledge of the taxation land system and

have implications for Indigenous rights today.

In the analysis chapter I briefly discussed the role of norms in the context of

reindeer husbandry, particularly indications that diversity fundamentally dif-

fered in this respect between the two focal areas (conceptually represented as

an adaptive capacity in the south and enforced adaptation in the north).

Differing norms of practice in the areas could be further explored and might

help explain the differences in attitudes towards Sami school policies, and

Reindeer Grazing Acts during the study period. The nomadic school system

formulated in the committee reports of 1919 met stronger resistance and the

political movement for Sami rights that developed at the turn of the 20th cen-

tury was stronger in the south than the north. It would be interesting to dissect

if (and if so how) this was connected to different norms and practices in the

areas.

The social networks associated with reindeer husbandry also warrant more

attention. The results presented in this thesis show that these connections en-

abled livelihood diversity and promoted adaptive capacity. Social capital the-

ories were applied to structure and explain these networks’ value, but there is

plenty of scope to elaborate on this matter.

One problem I have faced when applying the analytical model presented by

Lorentz (2013) to the historical findings of the presented studies is that it gives

no room to address actions focused on the disturbance factors per se. Alt-

hough Lorenz presents a thorough outline of three main capacities that con-

stitute resilience, I would like to add another to the scheme, the capacity to

counter. By this, I mean the capacity to frame the sources of disturbance and

resist, eliminate or mitigate them. We know that causes of disturbance of

either environmental or anthropogenic origin are seldom inevitable.286 In

order to clarify this, and leverage political resistance and voice I suggest that

capacity to counter, should be added to the scheme. In climate change litera-

ture this capacity is commonly understood as mitigation: “an anthropogenic

intervention to reduce the sources or enhance the sinks of greenhouse

286 See for example: Cameron 2012; Bassett and Fogelman 2013, for a more detailed discussion of this.

76

gases”,287 thereby making possible future adaptive and coping measures un-

necessary.288 When moving beyond the context of climate change and green-

house gases, I would interpret this capacity as a community’s capacity to elim-

inate, resist or moderate perceived potential disturbance, i.e. unwanted

changes to the natural, political or socio-economic environment. Political

actions, protests and manifestations in order to hinder, prevent or resist

certain events or processes are, in this line or reasoning, manifestations of

countering capacity in action. If successful, adaptive or coping measures may

not be necessary.

In the context of reindeer husbandry, the papers highlighted several events

and processes that were understood to be disturbances for reindeer hus-

bandry, including border closures, competing land uses, disruption by

settlers, enforced regulations and laws concerning reindeer husbandry and

livelihood diversity. I argue that capacity to counter, as with participatory

capacity, relies on political influence, power and authority, to set the agenda

for political discussions and legislative processes.289 Piecing together the find-

ings presented in this thesis with the results of previous studies relating to the

above disturbances, such as settler colonization, border closures, and regula-

tions and laws concerning reindeer husbandry and other means of subsist-

ence, it is evident that the countering capacity of reindeer herding

communities was restricted.290 Local herders continually made statements

calling attention to the above disturbances. At the turn of the 20th century

there was high activity and political mobilization among Sami actors,

especially in the southern districts. However, attempts to counter or mitigate

the disturbances they saw (corresponding to those reported here) were

restricted, Sami actors were not included in decision-making processes.

287 IPCC 2001, p. 379 288 IPCC. (2007). Inter-relationships between adaptation and mitigation. In Parry, M., Canziani, O. F.,

Palutikof, J. P., van der Linden, P. J. and Hanson, C. E (Eds.). Climate change 2007: Impacts, adaptation

and vulnerability. Contribution of working group ii to the fourth assessment report of the

intergovernmental panel on climate change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 745-777, p. 750 289 See for example Cameron 2012; Bassett and Fogelman 2013 for a discussion on this matter. 290 Cramér and Prawitz 1970; Arell, N. (1979). Kolonisationen i Lappmarken: några näringsgeografiska

aspekter. Stockholm: Esselte studium; Kvist 1991; Lundmark 1998; Mörkenstam 1999; Lantto 2000; Nordin

2002; Lantto and Mörkenstam 2008;

77

7. Concluding remarks

By analyzing the social resilience of reindeer husbandry in Swedish Sápmi

from the late 18th century to the early 20th century, this thesis adds a new

perspective to Sápmi history and contributes new historical perspectives to

resilience of reindeer husbandry. By identifying and analyzing adaptive capac-

ities and adaptation strategies, the study demonstrates that many of the

aspects that are known to promote resilience of reindeer herding communities

today have a long tradition in Swedish Sápmi. This finding corroborates the

importance of flexible herding (in terms of when pasture areas were used, the

sites used for grazing, herding techniques and working groups) and diverse

use of pasture areas for promoting resilience in reindeer husbandry.

Through affirming that expectations, norms and ideals are important in

conceptualizing resilience, and showing that they differed between northern

and southern Sápmi, the thesis shows that a given form of livelihood diversity

may have fundamentally different connotations in different settings. Although

diversity is commonly used in resilience literature as a token of resilience, the

thesis shows that diversity can be understood as either an adaptive capacity or

an enforced adaptation of reindeer husbandry, depending on the setting. In

areas where a combination of herding and farming was both a norm and an

ideal, this form of livelihood diversity is interpreted as an adaptive capacity.

In areas where farming was neither practiced nor endorsed by local actors,

settling down as a farmer should instead be understood as an enforced adap-

tation. Over time, however, expectations, norms and ideals are all subject to

change, so these findings are strictly time bound. Nevertheless, livelihood

diversity was not solely connected to farming and the thesis adds nuance to

the historical notion of reindeer husbandry as increasingly reindeer-centered

by showing that fishing, hunting and trapping continued to be important

components of the livelihood up until the 20th century.

Livelihood diversity was shown to be heavily reliant on social networks. The

thesis demonstrates a method to study these networks. It shows that by link-

ing reports of people belonging to a siida group to information in the Swedish

population registers we can learn about siida constellations and the social ties

that formed them. Knowledge about social networks associated with reindeer

husbandry is important for understanding the dynamics of historical reindeer

husbandry. As I show in the thesis, both tightly bonded networks and looser

bridging networks acted as channels of social capital, enabling diversity of

livelihoods within extended families and cooperation between herders over

district and state borders.

78

Bonding social networks are shown here to have been closely connected to the

taxation land system in the southern area of Swedish Sápmi. The thesis

demonstrates that the taxation land system was the functional land-use and

tenure system in the area until implementation of the Reindeer Grazing Act of

1886. I suggest that that these lands were objects of attachment and important

for individual and cultural history, and identity for people in the area, thus

enhancing the probability of holders of the lands adapting or transforming

their livelihoods in place. As land-use and people’s place-attachment corre-

late, differences in land-use systems between the northern and southern areas

at the time (stronger traditions of siida lands and taxation lands in the north-

ern and southern areas, respectively), suggest that attachment to place

differed between the areas. As land-use structures change, attachment to place

changes, thus it is not possible to draw conclusions about current people-

place-attachments from the findings of this research.

The thesis strengthens the notions that reindeer husbandry has long been

challenged by border closures, competing land uses, disturbance from settlers,

enforced regulations and laws concerning reindeer husbandry and restrictions

of livelihood diversity. Although local herders called attention to the above

disturbances, their attempts to counter or mitigate the disturbances they saw

was restricted; Sami actors were not included in decision-making processes.

Furthermore, these challenges were not only sources of disturbances in their

own right, but they also constrained the adaptive capacity of reindeer herding

communities. The flexible use of a diverse and connected landscape was ham-

pered by competing land uses. Diversity of livelihoods was confined by the

Reindeer Grazing Acts of 1886 and 1898. Bridging social network structures

were undermined following the border closures of 1883, 1919 and the re-

striction of the reindeer caretaking system by the Acts of 1886 and 1898.

The possibilities for reindeer herders to counter sources of disturbance and

make use of their adaptive capacities were restricted by weak participatory

capacity; a lack of authority over land and influence over decision-making pro-

cesses. However, as shown in the thesis, the adaptive capacity of reindeer

herding families and communities enabled them to sustain, adapt and trans-

form reindeer husbandry throughout centuries. That, I believe, is the contri-

bution of this thesis to histories of reindeer husbandry resilience.

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8. Sammanfattning på svenska

Om historien lärt oss något så är det att den värld vi lever i är i ständig föränd-

ring. Vårt klimat, den jord vi brukar och de samhällen vi lever i omformas hela

tiden. Men, pågående och förväntade klimatförändringar gör att frågor som

rör samhällens förmåga att hantera, anpassa sig till och ställa om - i mötet

med oväntade störningar och förändringar än mer aktuella. Samhällens

adaptiva kapacitet (förmågan till anpassning och förändring) i kombination

med förutsättningar för att verkställa och utveckla denna kapacitet är

nyckelfaktorer för social resiliens (förmågan att hantera storskaliga för-

ändringar av vår livsmiljö).

Samerna är det enda erkända urfolket i Sverige. Deras traditionella land,

Sápmi, sträcker sig över delar av Norge, Sverige, Finland och Ryssland. Här

har samerna bedrivit renskötsel i olika former under hundratals år. I detta

område, kring norra polcirkeln, antas klimatförändringarna bli mer omfat-

tande och ske betydligt snabbare än på många andra platser i världen.

Renskötseln antas också vara särskilt mottaglig för ett förändrat klimat,

eftersom den i mångt och mycket styrs av väderförhållanden och betesvillkor.

Vi vet från tidigare forskning att renskötare och samebyar av idag har god

adaptiv kapacitet, men att den kapaciteten kringskärs av att renskötare och

samebyar har begränsat inflytande över många av de faktorer som påverkar

dem och deras näring. Vad vi däremot vet mindre om är hur adaptiva kapa-

citeter och anpassningsstrategier har fungerat och utvecklats över tid. Det är

detta som föreliggande avhandling har för avsikt att belysa.

I denna avhandling studeras samisk renskötsel i den svenska delen av Sápmi

ur ett historiskt perspektiv, med fokus på samhällelig förmåga till anpassning

och omställning i mötet med oväntade störningar och förändringar. Syftet

med avhandlingen är att analysera och åskådliggöra social resiliens inom

renskötseln på den svenska sidan av Sápmi från slutet av 1800-talet till början

av 1900-talet genom att: (a) identifiera och analysera adaptiva kapaciteter och

strategier inom renskötseln, (b) studera hur olika närings- och livsförings-

strukturer inom renskötseln bidrog till ovanstående kapaciteter, (c) söka me-

toder för att studera sociala nätverk inom renskötsel under perioden, samt (d)

analysera betydelsen och innebörden av ”plats” för närings- och livsförings-

strukturer inom renskötseln. Det historiska källmaterial som ligger till grund

för studien innefattar: statliga utredningar, material från lappfogdearkiv,

material från länsstyrelsernas ”lappadministration”, demografiska individ-

data, skattelängder, domboksmaterial samt tryckta vittnesberättelser från den

studerade tidsperioden.

80

De skriftliga källorna har främst studerats genom en kvalitativ textanalys, där

en öppen läsning har kombinerats med en strikt sådan där fördefinierade

kategorier och begrepp applicerats på materialet. De historiska källorna har

analyseras i förhållande till samtida nationell politisk, lagstiftning och aspek-

ter av kolonialism, för att utröna vilket sätt dessa processer kan sägas har

påverkat social resiliens för renskötseln under tidsperioden.

Huvudsakliga resultat

Vi vet av tidigare forskning att strukturer för markanvändning i den svenska

delen av Sápmi har genomgått omfattande förändringar under de senaste

decennierna. En analys av markanvändning i Åsele lappmark visar att lapp-

skattelanden med exklusiv rätt till renbete, jakt och fiske, var den struktur som

reglerade markanvändning inom renskötseln i detta område fram till ren-

beteslagen 1886. Detta resultat kan kontrasteras mot förhållanden i de norra

delarna av Svenska Sápmi, där studier istället pekat på att individuella skatte-

land, förlorade i betydelse i förhållande till kollektiva landstrukturer redan

under tidigt 1800tal.

De värden människor tillskriver ett visst landområde och de näringar de ut-

vecklat i relation till detta har betydelse för hur anpassning och föränd-

ringsprocesser utvecklar sig. Skattelandens funktion med avseende på mark-

användning och innehavarnas anknytning till dem kan därmed antas ha

påverkat adaptiva processer, något som inte tidigare har uppmärksammats.

Studien lyfter fram lappskattelanden som föremål för platsanknytning och en

huvudsaklig slutsats är att de var viktiga platser för familjehistoria och för

lokal och individuell identitet.

Sociala nätverk har påvisats ha starka kopplingar till adaptiv kapacitet. De

fyller flera viktiga funktioner inom renskötseln, inte minst via reglering av

markanvändning genom att förhållandet mellan renskötarfamiljer, renantal

och betesmark balanseras. Tyvärr finns det begränsade möjligheter att stu-

dera de sociala nätverken inom det renskötarsamiska samhället ur ett histo-

riskt perspektiv. Sverige har en lång tradition av folkbokföring, men trots

detta så finns det endast begränsad kunskap om hur sociala relationer mellan

renskötarsamiska individer, familjer och hushåll registrerades i offentligt

statistiskt material. Inom ramen för avhandlingen har en metod utvecklats för

att lokalisera och belysa sociala relationer, en metod som kan vara till hjälp

vid framtida historiska studier av sociala nätverk inom renskötseln. Genom

att länka demografisk information från svenska befolkningsregister med

kvalitativa uppgifter om individer som uppges tillhöra samma siida, så

demonstreras att det finns goda möjligheter att studera sociala strukturer,

nätverk och familjeband. Kunskap om sociala nätverk inom renskötseln är

81

väsentlig för att förstå dynamiken i renskötseln ur ett historiskt perspektiv.

Som framgår av avhandlingen så fungerade sociala nätverk som kanaler för

socialt kapital. De möjliggjorde att en familj, släkt eller siida hade tillgång till

flera näringsfång. De sociala nätverken möjliggjorde diversitet inom ren-

skötseln och skapade förutsättningar för samarbete mellan renskötare över

sameby, distrikts- och statsgränser.

Tidigare forskning kring klimatanpassning har lyft fram diversitet - att ha flera

källor till inkomst och livsföring - som en viktig resurs för adaptiv kapacitet.

Diversitet antas öka möjligheten för samhällen att hantera storskaliga föränd-

ringar. Studier av renskötsel har pekat på att fiske, jakt och fångst har fått

minskad betydelse för renskötseln över tid - först i samband med utvecklingen

av intensiv renskötsel, därefter i samband med övergången till en mer extensiv

renskötsel. Detta skulle kunna tolkas som en ökad specialisering av ren-

skötseln över tid, med minskad diversitet som följd. Ett flertal andra studier

visar dock att jakt, fiske och lönearbete har fortsatt att vara viktiga sido-

inkomster för renskötarfamiljer under modern tid. Avhandlingen adderar ett

historiskt perspektiv på denna diversitet och visar att fiske, jakt och fångst var

viktiga delar av renskötseln från slutet av 1800-talet till en bra bit in på 1900-

talet. Ett resultat som kan tillfogas, och möjligt nyansera, den historiska

framställningen är att renskötsel över tid blivit alltmer specialiserad och inrik-

tad på utkomsterna från renen.

Genom att visa på att det rådde olika normer och ideal rörande önskvärda

närings- och livsföringsmönster inom olika lokalsamhällen så visar studien

också att diversitet, kan förstås på olika sätt inom ramen för resiliens. I

områden där kombination av renskötsel och jordbruk var både en norm och

ett ideal, så kan denna form av diversitet tolkas inom ramen för en adaptiv

kapacitet. I områden där jordbruk varken praktiserades eller gillades av lokala

aktörer, kan denna form av diversitet istället förstås som en påtvingad

anpassning. Över tid så är förväntningar, normer och ideal föremål för

förändring, vilket gör dessa resultat strikt tidsbundna.

De resultat som presenteras i avhandlingen tydliggör att många av de aspekter

som visat sig fungera till förmån för resiliens inom renskötseln idag, har en

lång tradition i svenska Sápmi. Ett flexibelt och mångsidig nyttjande av betes-

mark, dynamiska arbetsgrupper och sociala nätverk har visat sig vara ytterst

viktiga aspekter för främjade av resiliens inom renskötseln. Därtill stärker

resultaten i avhandlingen föreställningen att renskötselutövare länge ut-

manats av ett flertal störningar, som exempelvis gränsstängningar, gräns-

regleringar, konkurrerande markanvändning och föreskrivna lagar och reg-

leringar. Även om lokala aktörer uppmärksammade ovannämnda störningar,

så begränsades deras försök att motverka eller mildra dessa. Koloniala makt-

82

strukturer gjorde att samiska aktörer inte hade tillgång till de arenor där

diskussioner om deras näring, kultur och livsföring fördes och beslut fattades.

Dessutom visar avhandlingen att störningar för renskötseln, många gånger

hade kumulativa effekter. De var inte endast störningar i sin egen rätt, de

fungerade också ofta begränsande för den adaptiva kapaciteten. Flexibel

användning av ett varierat och sammankopplat landskap hämmades av

konkurrerande markanvändning. Begränsningar av diversitet av näringar och

livsföring samt restriktioner avseende skötesrensystemet infördes med ren-

beteslagar 1886 och 1898. Överbyggande sociala nätverksstrukturer stördes

efter gränsregleringar 1883 och 1889. Utsikterna för renskötare att motverka

källor till störningar och deras möjligheter att sätta adaptiva strategier till

verket begränsades av svagt med- och självbestämmande. Men, som framgår

i avhandlingen, renskötarfamiljers och samhällens adaptiva kapacitet upp-

rätthöll, anpassade och omvandlade renskötseln genom århundradena.

83

9. Åarjelsaemien åeniedimmie

Jis histovrije mijjem maam akth lïereme dle dïhte ahte veartene gusnie mijjieh

jielieminie iktesth jeatjahtovveminie. Mijjen klimaate, eatnemem maam

nuhtjebe jïh dah siebriedahkh gusnie mijjieh jielieminie abpe tïjjem

värhtodeminie. Bene, klimaatevärhtoedimmieh mah daelie sjïdteminie jïh

dejtie mejtie vuertieminie edtjieh båetije biejjide båetedh dagkeres

gyhtjelasside vadta man bïjre guktie siebriedahkh edtjieh dejgujmie gïetedidh

jïh dåemiedidh. Siebriedahki adaptijve kapaciteete (nuepie jïh maahtoe

sjïehtedidh jïh värhtoedidh) jïh nuepieh guktie dam kapaciteetem tjïrredidh

jïh evtiedidh leah åejviefåantoeh sosijaale resiliensese ( maahtoem maehtedh

stoerre värhtoedimmieh gïetedidh mah mijjen jielemebyjreskesisnie).

Saemieh leah Sveerjen jïh Europeijen aajne vihtiestamme aalkoealmetjh. Dej

tradisjonelle laante, Saepmie, biehkie dovne Nöörjeste, Sveerjeste, Såevmeste

jïh Russlaanteste. Daesnie saemieh båatsoejielemem eevtjeme ovmessie

vuekine gellie tjuetieh jaepieh. Daennie dajvesne, noerhte poolegievlien lïhke,

almetjh aervede klimaatevärhtoedimmieh maehtieh tjarkebe sjïdtedh jïh

sneehpebe båetedh enn gellieh jeatjah sijjide veartanisnie. Båatsoe aaj jielie-

masse mij aervede maahta tjarki tsavtsasovvedh värhtoedamme klimaateste

dan gaavhtan dïhte dovne veareldi jïh gåatomen jearohke.

Aerebe dotkemistie daejrebe båatsoealmetjh jïh saemiesïjth daan biejjien

buerie adaptijve kapaciteetem utnieh, bene dam kapaciteete vaananidh juktie

båatsoealmetjh jïh saemiesïjth eah ellies nuepiem utnieh meatan årrodh

nännoestidh fåantoej bïjre mah båatsoem tsevtsieh. Man bïjre ibie seamma

jïjnjem daejrieh dïhte guktie adaptijve kapaciteete jïh strategijh sjïehtedidh

leah evtiedamme jïh guktie fåantoeh mah daejtie gaertjiedamme leah juhteme

tïjjen doekoe. Dïhte dam maam daate tjaalege säjhta goerehtidh.

Daate tjaalege saemien båatsoem goerehte histovrijen perspektijveste mij

sveerjen Saepmesne jïh ulmie-aamhtese lea siebriedahken maahtoe

sjïehtesjidh jïh praaretje sturremh jïh värhtoedimmieh dåastodh. Tjaalegen

ulmie lea gïehtjedidh jïh vuesiehtidh dam socijaale reciliensem båatso-

ejieliemisnie Saepmien sveerjen bielesne 1800-taalen raajeste 1900-taalen

raajan juktie: (a) adaptijve kapaciteeth jïh strategijh identifijeeredh jïh

goerehtidh båatsosne, (b)goerehtidh guktie ovmessie jielemestruktuvrh

båatsoen sisnie biehkie orreme dejnie dej joe jiehteme kapaciteetine, (c)

vuekie ohtsedidh guktie socijaale viermieh daennie tïjjesne goerehtidh, jïh (d)

goerehtidh mij ulmie jïh man vihkeles ”sijjie” lea jieliemassestruktuvride

båatsose. Histovrijen gaaltijebïevnesh mah dan goerehtimmien våarome leah:

staaten gïehtjedimmieh, bïevnesh lappfåvhtaarkijvijste, bïevnesh leeneståv-

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roej ”lappadministrasjovneste”, demografijen individedaatah, skaehtie-

låhkoeh, dööpmemegärjabievnesh jïh dïedteme almetjesoptsestimmieh

daehtie tïjjeste. Dah tjaaleme gaaltijh jeenjemesh kvalitatijve teeksteanalysen

tjïrrh goerehtamme gusnie vijries tjaaleme nuhtjesovveme ektine strikte

tjaaleminie mesnie defineereme kategorijh jïh baakoeh teekstese bïejes-

ovveme. Dah histovrijen gaaltijh leah daaletje nasjovnelle processigujmie jïh

aspektigujmie kolonijalismeste gïehtjedamme juktie goerehtidh guktie dah

dam sosijaale resiliensem båatsosne tsavtseme daan tïjjen.

Jarnges resultaate

Aerebe dotkemistie daejrebe stoerre värhtoedimmieh orreme struktuvride

guktie dajvide nuhtjedh dej minngemes decenijumh sveerjen bielesne

Saepmesne. Gïehtjedimmie guktie dajvh nuhtjeme Åsele lappmarkesne vu-

esehte dah lappskaehtielaanth mej sjïere reaktajgujmie båatsose, vijremasse

jïh göölemasse dïhte struktuvre mij stuvri guktie dajvh nuhtjedh båatsosne

daennie dajvesne goske båatsoelaake jaepien 1886. Dam maahta mohtedidh

dej tsiehkiej vuestie mah noerhte biehkine sveerjen Saepmeste gusnie

dotkeme sijjeste vuesehte individuelle skaehtielaanth faamoem dassin kollek-

tijve laantestruktuvride joe 1800 taalen aalkoelisnie.

Dejtie vierhtieh mejtie almetjh biejieh sjïere dajvese jïh dejtie jielemasside

mejtie dah evtiedamme relasjovnine dan laantine leah biehkie dejstie guktie

sjïehtedimmie jïh värhtoedimmiehprocessh sjïdteminie. Skaehtielaanti

funksjovnh dajvenuhtjemen bïjre jïh guktie dah mah skaehtielaantide utnieh

aaj dejtie vïedteldahkesne maehtebe aerviedidh adaptijve processide tsevt-

seme, mij akth maam ij aerebe vuaptan båateme. Tjaalege vuesehte lapp-

skaehtielaanth goh biehkieh guktie sijjide vïedteldidh jïh åejvieåssjalommes

lea dah vihkeles sijjieh orreme fuelhkiej histovrijasse jïh byjreske jïh

individuelle identiteetese.

Sosijaale viermieh aerebe vihtiestamme tjarki gorreldahkesne årrodh

adaptijve kapaciteetese. Dah gellie vihkeles funksjovnh illieh båatsosne, ij

unnemes regleringen tjïrrh guktie dajvide nuhtjedh mij vadta laavenjostem

båatsoefuelhkiej, bovtselåhkoen jïh gåatomelaanti gaskemsh balansem åtna.

Nåake ij dan stoerre nuepie dejtie socijaale viermide båatsoesiebriedahkesne

goerehtidh histovrijen perspektijveste. Sveerjesne guhkies tradisjovne

bïevnesh tjåanghkan bïejedh åålmegen bïjre, folkbokföring, bene jalhts dam

vaenie maahtoeh gååvnesh guktie sosijaale relasjovne v.t.g saemien

aajnealmetji jïh fuelhkiej gaskemsh sïjse tjaalasovveme byjjes statistiske

bïevnesasse. Dan goerehtimmien mieriej sisnie vuekiem evtiesovveme juktie

maehtedh sosijaale relasjovnh lokaliseeredh jïh vuesiehtidh, mij akth mij

maahta viehkine årrodh histovrijen goerehtimmide sosijaale viermiej bïjre

85

båatsosne. Dan tjïrrh demografijen bïevnesh sveerjen åålmegeregisteristie lea

tjåanghkan bïejesovveme kvalitatijve bïevnesh aajnealmetji bïjre mij vååjnoe

seamma sïjteste årrodh jïh dan tjïrrh nuepiem åådtje sosijaale struktuvrh,

viermieh jïh fuelhkiegaskesh goerehtidh. Maahtoe sosijaale viermiej bïjre

båatsoen sisnie vihkeles juktie dynamikem guarkedh mij båatsosne histov-

rijen perspektijveste. Guktie goerehtimmie vuesehte sosijaale viermieh

juhtieh goh kanaalh sosijaale kapitalese. Dah nuepieh vedtin fuelhkese, sïjtese

jallh slïektese gellie måedtie såarhts jielemassh utnedh. Dah sosijaale

viermieh nuepiem vedtin diversiteetem utnedh båatsoen sisnie jïh aaj nuepie

skaepiedieh laavenjostem utnedh båatsoej gaskemh sïjti-, dajvi-, jïh staati

krïensi rastah.

Aerebe dotkeme klimaatesjïehtesjimmien bïjre leah vuesiehtamme diversit-

eete - gellie gaaltijh utnedh jieliemasse jïh jielemevuekide - vihkeles resurse

lea adaptijve kapaciteetese. Aervede diversiteete stuerebe nuepie vadta

siebriedahkese stoerre värhtoedimmieh gïetedidh. Dotkeme båatsoen bïjre

vuesiehtamme gööleme jïh vïjreme ij seamma vihkeles sjïdteme tïjjen doekoe

- voestegh intensijve båatsojne, jïh dan männgan gosse eelki vielie extensijve

båatsoe sjïdtedh. Dam maahta guarkedh goh stuerebe spesialiseringe båats-

oen sisnie tïjjen doekoe mij vaenebe diversiteetem vadteme. Bene gellieh

jeatjah goerehtimmieh vuesiehtieh vïjreme, gööleme jïh baalhkabarkoe annje

vihkeles båatsoefuelhkide daaletje tïjjesne. Vuesiehtidh ovmessie normh jïh

idealh gååvnesin jieliemassen jïh jielemevuekiej bïjre maahta vedtedh

goerehtimmieh vuesehte diversiteetem, maahta ovmessie vuekine guarkedh

resiliensen mieriej sisnjelen. Dajvine gusnie dovne båatsoste jïh laante-

burrijinie jieledh norme jïh ideale lij maahta dam vuekiem diversiteeteste

guarkedh adaptijve kapaciteeten mieriej sjisjnjelen. Dajvine gusnie ij

laanteburrije årrodh jieliemasse lij jallh ij lij jååhkesjamme lokaale aktöörijste

maahta dam diversiteetem jalhts guarkedh goh nåvreme sjïehtesjimmie.

Tïjjen doekoe veanhtoeh, normh jïh idealh jeatjahtovveminie man gaavhtan

dagkeres resultaath tjarki vïedteldahkesne dej jïjtsh tïjjese. Diversiteete

jielemassi jïh jielemevuekiej bïjre ij ajve laanteburrijidie gorreldahkesne.

Goerehtimmiem sijjeste vuesehte gööleme jïh vijreme vihkeles biehkieh

båatsoste annje 1900-taalen raajan. Resultaate maam maahta lissiehtidh, jïh

maam maahta jienebh vååjnoeh vedtedh dan histovrijen våajnose dïhte ahte

båatsoe vielie jïh vielie spesialiseereme sjïdteme guktie vierhtieh bovtseste

åadtjodh.

Dejtie mejtie daate goerehtimmie gaavneme gellie dejtie aspektide tjïelkede

mah vååjnoeh buerielaakan daan biejjien juhtedh gosse resiliensem båatsosne

gaavnedh aaj guhkies tradisjovne utnieh sveerjen Saepmesne. Gellielaaketje

jïh fleksibiliteete guktie gåatomelaanth nuhtjedh, dynamiske barkoedåehkieh

jïh sosijaale viermieh leah gaavneme eevre vihkeles aspekth juktie resiliensem

86

båatsosne evtiedidh. Dam maam daehtie goerehtimmeste båateme dan

gaavhtan jååhkesje dam veanhtoem mij aerebe gååvnesamme ahte

båatsoealmetjh guhkiem sturremh dåastome vuesiehtimmien gaavhtan

krïensh mah dahpeme jïh regleereme sjïdteme, jeatjah gïeh krïebpesjieh

eatnemem nuhtjedh jïh måedtiesåarhts laakh jïh njoelkedassh. Bene jalhts

byjreske aktöörh dagkeres sturremh vueptiestamme dej nuepieh dejtie

vaeniedidh jallh dåastodh feerh smaave sjïdtin. Kolonijaale byjjes-

faamoestruktuvrh dorjeme saemien aktöörh idtjin nuepiem utnieh tjaangedh

dej sijjiej sïjse gusnie digkiedimmieh jïh nännoestimmieh dej kultuvri jïh

jielemi bïjre vaaltasovvin. Tjaalege aaj vuesehte dah sturremh idtjin ajve sov

jïjtsh reaktaj sisnie gaertjiedieh bene aaj dam adaptijve kapaciteetem

gaertjiedin. Fleksible nuhtjeme gellielaaketje jïh ellies dajvijste aehpebe gosse

konkurranse eatnemen bïjre sjïdti. Vaenebe diversiteete jieliemistie jïh

jielemevuekijste jïh aaj restriksjovnh skötesrensysteemese tjïrresovvi jaepien

1886 jïh 1898 båatsoelaaki gaavhtan. Krïenseregleringh jaepiej 1883 jïh 1889

dejtie vijrebe sosijaale viermiestruktuvride stuvrin. Vaenie mietie- jïh

jïjsestuvreme vedti nuepieh båatsoealmetjidie vaananin juktie sturremh

dåastodh jïh adaptijve strategijh dan gaavhtan vaeniedieh. Bene, dam maam

maehtebe tjaalegisnie lohkedh, båatsoefuelhkiej jïh siebriedahki adaptijve

kapacieteete viehkehte båatsoem gorredidh, evtiedidh jïh jeatjadehtedh

tjuetiejaepiej doekoe. Dïhte tjaalegen vijries jïh åeniedamme biehkie dïsse:

soptsesh båatsoen resiliense.

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10. Čoahkkáigeassu davvisámigillii

Jus historjjá lea oahpahan min maidege de lea ahte dan máilmmis gos mii

eallit lea olles áiggi rievdame. Min dálkkádat, eatnama man geavahit ja dat

servodagat gos mii eallit hábmejuvvojit ođđasit olles áiggi. Muhto jođus ja

vurdojuvvon dálkkádatrievdadusat dagaha áššiid mat gusket servodaga

návcca gieđahallat, heivehit ja rievdat go árut mat eai leat vurdojuvvon ja riev-

dadusat leat vel áigeguovdileappot. Servodaga adaptiiva nákca (vejolašvuohta

heivehit ja rievdadit) ovttas eavttuiguin doaimmahit ja ovddidit dán návcca

lea čoavddafaktorat sosiála resiliensii (vejolašvuohta gieđahallat stuorra riev-

dadusaid min eallinbirrasis).

Sámit leat Ruoŧa ja Eurohpá áidna dohkkehuvvon eamiálbmot. Sin árbevi-

rolaš eanan, Sápmi, lea stuorra oassi Norggas, Ruoŧas, Suomas ja Ruoššas.

Dáppe sámit leat jođihan boazodoalu sierra hámiin čuohtenár jagiid. Dán gu-

ovllus, nuorta poláragierddu birra, sii jáhkket ahte dálkkádatrievdadusat šad-

det vearrát ja dáhpáhuvvá jođáneappot go máŋga iežá sajiin máilmmis.

Boazodoallu orru maid leahkime erenoamáš vuostáiváldi rievdadeame

dálkkádahkii, danin go stuorra muddui stivrejuvvo dálkedilis ja guohtu-

neavttuin.

Mii diehtit ovddibut dutkamiin ahte otná boazobargiin ja čearuin lea buorre

adaptiiva nákca, muhto nákca hedjona go boazobargiin ja čearuin lea rádd-

jeduvvon váikkuhanvejolašvuohta áššiid badjel mat váikkuhit boazodoalu.

Muhto mas mii diehtit unnit lea got adaptiiva návccat ja heivehallanstrategi-

ijat leat ovddiduvvon ja maid got faktorat mat leat ráddjen dáid leat doaibman.

Dán dutkamušas lea áigumuš čalmmustahttin dán.

Dán dutkamušas iskojuvvo sámi boazodoallu ruoŧa beal Sámis historjjálaš

geahčastagas, ja čalmmustahttá servodaga návcca heivehit ja rievdadit go ožžo

áruid ja rievdadusaid maid ii leat vuordán. Áigumuš dutkamušain lea analyse-

ret ja čájehit sosiála resiliensa boazodoalus ruoŧabeal Sámis 1800-logus

loahpas gitta 1900-álgui dán bokte: (a) gávdnat ja analyseret adaptiiva

návccaid ja strategiijaid boazodoalus, (b) iskat got sierra ealáhus ja eallinvuo-

hkestruktuvrrat boazodoalus dagahii čuovvovaš návccaid, (c) áigodagas ohcat

vugiid iskat sosiála fierpmádagaid boazodoalus, ja vel (d) analyseret

mearkkašumi ja sisdoalu ”sajis” ealáhus- ja eallinvuohkestruktuvrrat boazo-

doalus. Historjjálaš vuođđomateriála mii lea iskama vuođđun mearkkaša:

stáhtalaš guorahallamat, materiálat fáldearkiiva, materiálat leanastivrraid

”lappadministrašuvnnas”, demográfalaš indiviidadieđut, vearrologut, du-

opmogirjemateriálat ja maid prentejuvvon vihtanmuitalusat dan iskon áigo-

dagas. Čálalaš gáldut leat erenoamážit iskojuvvon kvalitatiiva teakstanalysas,

88

gos rabas lohkan ovttas garra dakkáriin gos ovdagihtii definerejuvvon katego-

riijat ja doahpagat leat geavahuvvon ávdnasiin. Historjjálaš gáldut leat ana-

lyserejuvvon daid dálá nášuvnnalaš politihkalaš proseassaid ja aspeavttaid

ektui kolonialismas, oaidnin dihte got leat váikkuhan sosiála resiliensa boazo-

dollui dan áigodagas.

Váldobohtosat

Ovddibut dutkamiin mii diehtit ahte struktuvrrat eanangeavaheamis ruoŧa

oasis Sámis lea čađahan stuorra rievdadusaid daid maŋemus jahkelogiid. Okta

analysa eanangeavaheamis Åsele sámieatnamiin vuoseha ahte sámi vearroe-

atnamat oktasaš riektái boazoguohtumii, bivdui ja guolásteapmái, leai

struktuvra mii muddii eanangeavaheami dán guovllu boazodollui gitta 1886

boazoguohtunlága. Dán bohtosa sáhttá buohtastahttit diliiguin nuorta osiin

Ruoŧa Sámis, gos iskamat vuosehit ahte doppe ovttaskas vearroeatnamat,

masse mearkkašumi daid ovttaskas eananstruktuvrraid ektui juo árra 1800-

logus.

Daid árvvuid mat olbmot bidjet muhtin eananguvlui ja dat ealáhusat

ovddiduvvon daid eatnamiin lea mearkkašupmi got heiveheapmi ja rievda-

danproseassa ovdána. Vearroeatnamiid doaibma eanangeavaheami ektui ja

oamasteaddji čatnosa daidda sáhttá danin jáhkehahtti váikkuhan adaptiiva

proseassaid, juoga maid eat ovdal leat fuobmán. Iskkus buktá ovdan vearroe-

atnamiid dego dávvir báikečatnosii ja váldo loahppaboađus lea ahte ledje

deháleamos sajit veahkahistorjái ja báikkálaš ja ovttaskas identitehtii.

Sosiála fierpmádagat leat vuosehan nanu čatnosiid adaptiiva nákcii. Das leat

maid máŋga dehálaš doaimmat boazodoalus, erenoamážit go heivehit eanang-

eavaheami boazodoalloveagaid gaskkas, boazologu ja guohtuneatnama dásse-

hallama. Dađi bahábut leat ráddjeduvvon vejolašvuođat iskat daid sosiála

fierpmádagaid boazodoallosámi servodagas historjjálaš geahčastagas. Ruoŧas

lea guhkes árbevierru álbmotčáliheamis, váikko lea ráddjeduvvon máhttu got

sosiála oktavuođat ovdamearkka dihte boazodoallosámiid ovttaskasaid, ve-

agaid ja doallodoalu gaskkas leat čálihuvvon almmolaš statistihka materi-

álain. Dutkamuša rámmaid siste vuohki lea ovddiduvvon vai galgá sáhttit

gávdnat ja čalmmustahttit gaskavuođaid, mat sáhtte leat veahkkin historjjálaš

iskamiin sosiála fierpmádagain boazodoalus. Go čatná oktii demográfalaš

dieđuid ruoŧa álbmotregistaris kvalitatiiva dieđuiguin indiviidan gos lea čállon

ahte gullojit seamme siidái de lea ráhkaduvvon vejolašvuohta iskat sosiála

struktuvrraid, fierpmádagaid ja veahkaoktavuođaid. Dieđut sosiála fierp-

mádagaid birra boazodoalus lea dehálaččat vai galgá ipmirdit dynamihka

boazodoalus historjjálaš geahčastagas. Dego boahtá ovdan dutkamušas de

89

sosiála fierpmádagat doibme dego kanálat sosiála kapitálii. Dat dagai ahte ve-

agas, sogas dehe siiddas leai vejolašvuohta máŋga ealáhusaide. Sosiála

fierpmádagat dagahii máŋggabealátvuođa vejolažžan boazodoalus ja ráhkadii

eavttuid ovttasbargui boazobargiide čearro- guovllo -ja stáhtarájiid rastá.

Ovddibut dutkan dálkkádatheiveheami birra lea čalmmustahttán máŋgga-

bealátvuođa - atnit máŋga gálduid sisbohtui ja eallinvuohkái - dego dehálaš

nákca adaptiivvalaš vejolašvuhtii. Máŋggabealátvuohta jáhkket lasihit

servodaga vejolašvuođa gieđahallat stuorra rievdadusaid. Iskamat boazo-

doalus leat čujuhan ahte guolásteapmi ja bivdu lea ožžon unnit mearkkašumi

boazodollui áiggi mielde - álggus go ovddiduvvui eanet intensiiva boazodoallu,

ja dan maŋŋil go rivde ekstensiivalaš boazodollui. Dát sáhtálii dulkojuvvot nu

ahte boazodoallu lea šaddan eanet erenomáš áiggi mielde, unniduvvon

máŋggabealátvuođain bohtosiin. Máŋga iežá iskosat vuoseha goitge ahte

bivdu, guolásteapmi ja bálkábargu ain leat dehálaš lassesisboađut boazo-

doalloveagaide ođđaáigásaš áiggis. Go vuosehii ahte ledje sierra norpmat ja

ideálat mii guoská sávahahtti ealáhus- ja eallinvuohkeminstariid boazo-

doalloservodagain de iskamuš vuoseha máŋggabealátvuohta, sáhttá ipmir-

duvvot sierra láhkái resiliensa rámma siskkobealde. Guovllus gos ovttastahtte

boazodoalu ja eanandoalu leai sihke norbma ja ideála, de dán lágán máŋgga-

bealátvuohta sáhttá dulkojuvvot adaptiiva návcca rámma siskkobealde.

Guovllus gos eai bargan eanandoaluin ja báikkálaččat eai liikon dasa, de dát

lágán máŋggabealátvuohta nuppe dáfus šaddá dego bággejuvvon heive-

heapmi. Áiggi mielde vuordámušat, norpmat ja ideála leat šaddan rievdat, mii

dagaha daid bohtosiid garrasit čadnon áigái. Máŋggabealátvuohta mii guoská

ealáhusa ja eallinvuogi, ii lean dušše čadnon eanandollui. Lea jur nuppos, is-

kan čájeha ahte guolásteapmi ja bivdu ain ledje dehálaš oasit boazodoalus

gitta 1900-lohkui. Bohtosa man sáhttá lasihit, ja vejolaččat addá buoret gova,

historjjálaš ovdabuktimii lea ahte boazodoallu áiggi mielde lea šaddan eanet

ja eanet sierra ja boađus bohccos lea dehálaš.

Dat boađus mii ovdanbukto dutkamis čielggada máŋga daid aspeavttaid mat

lea čájehuvvon doaibmat resiliensa váras otná boazodoalus ja lea guhkes ár-

bevierru ruoŧa Sámis. Heivehanmunni ja máŋggabealálaš geavaheapmi

guohtuneatnamiin, dynámalaš bargojoavkkut ja sosiála fierpmádagat leat

čájehuvvon leahkit oalle dehálaš aspeavttat go ovddida resiliensa boazo-

doalus. Dasa lassin bohtosat dutkamis nanne jáhku ahte boazodoallobargit

guhká leat hástaluvvon máŋggaid áruin, dego ovdamearkka dihte rádjegidde-

mat, rádjereguleremat, gilvaleaddji eanangeavaheamit ja lágat ja njuolggadu-

sat. Váikko báikkálaš doaimmalaččat bukte ovdan bajil namuhuvvon áruid, de

sin geahččaleamit vuosttildit dehe láivvihit daid ráddjeduvvui. Kolonialaš

fápmostruktuvrrat dagahii ahte sámi doaimmalaččat eai beassan lávddiide

gos ságastallamat sin ealáhusaid, kultuvrra ja eallinvuogi birra dollojuvvui ja

90

mearriduvvui. Dasa lassin dutkamis čájehuvvo ahte dát árut eat dušše lean

gáldut áruide sin iežas rievttis, muhto doibme maid gáržžidahtti dan adaptiiva

nákcii. Heiveheaddji geavaheapmi sierra ja oktiičadnon eatnamiin vu-

osttilduvvui gilvaleaddji eanangeavaheamis. Ráddjemat máŋggabealátvuođas

ealáhusain ja eallinvugiin ja maid gáržžideamit mii guoská suitebo-

hccovuogádaga ásahuvvui boazoguohtunlágaiguin 1886 ja 1898. Oppalaš sosi-

ála fierpmádatstruktuvrrat ráfohuvvojedje rádjereguleremiid maŋŋil 1883 ja

1889. Vejolašvuohta boazobargiide vuosttildit gálduid áruid ja sin vejol-

ašvuođat ráhkadit adaptiiva strategiijaid ráddjeduvvojedje heajus miel- ja

iešmearrideamis. Muhto, nugo boahtá ovdan dutkamis, boazodoalloveagaid

ja servodaga adaptiiva nákca doaimmai doalahit, heivehit ja rievdadit boazo-

doalu jahkečuđiid čađa. Lea dutkama oppalaš ja čoahkkáigeassu attus:

historjjáide boazodoalu resiliensa birra.

91

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