GENERAL INTRODUCTION

Introduction

The Himalaya is a vast mountain system covering partly or fully eight

South Asian countries viz. Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan China, India,

Mynmar, Nepal and Pakistan. The small kingdom of Nepal with an east­

west extent of 900 km covers a significant area of the Himalayan mountain

system and is located between the river gorges of the Indus and Yarlung­

Tsangpo/Brahmaputra. From climatological point of view the Nepal

Himalaya represents a transition between the warm-wet climate of Eastern

Himalaya (including Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Bhutan, West Bengal, and

Sikkim) and the drier Western Himalaya (including Uttar Pradesh, Himachal

Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir) (lves, 1988). The linkage between

upstream deforestation and downstream flooding is a key trans­

national/regional consideration because 'upstream causes' of deforestation

are often located in one country and 'downstream effects' in another

(Thompson and Warburton, 1988). Thapa and Weber (1990) made a

watershed management study for the Upper Pokhara Valley to look after

the environmental degradation issues coming out of the natural resource

competition for the subsistence livelihood. In the context of 'Himalayan

Environmental Degradation' theory Metz (1989, 1991) analyzed the

Nepalese Himalayan farmers' dependence over forest and their knowledge

linkage with forest management system. Virgo and Subba (1994)

compared the land use change between 1978 and 1990 in Dhankuta

district of east Himalaya, Nepal. Jackson et a/., 1998; Schweik eta/., 1997

studied the land cover land use change and forest institutions in the

mountain region of Nepal. Ecological development perspective of Arun

Basin has been attempted in the work of Shrestha (1989).

Traditional agroecosystems

The Himalayan environment influences not only the people living in

this region but also many more living in the adjoining plains. Water and

sediment flow from the Himalaya determine productivity in the Indo­

Gangetic plains that supports one of the most thickly populated and most

productive regions of South Asia (Nathan, 1989, lves and Massereli, 1989).

Agriculture, considered in terms of aggregate area, constitutes a minor land

use, but is extremely important, as it remains the primary occupation of

ninety percent of people of the region. Agricultural land in the Himalaya is

in the form of patches in the matrix of forests. Crop-livestock mixed

farming, practiced in these lands in the Himalaya is sustained with fodder

and manure inputs derived from the adjoining natural forests and

meadows. Access to modern technologies is severely constrained by the

poor economic status of the local inhabitants as well as poor infrastructure.

Availability of adequate inputs from natural ecosystems had been a key

feature of sustainability of this traditional agriculture needs to be considered

as inter-dependent and complementary objectives rather than independent

sectors. Increase in1

population pressure together with penetration of

markets and tourism led to many undesirable trends: the erosion of crop

2

diversity, depletion of soil fertility and environmental functions of natural

ecosystems (Ramakrishnan, 1992; Rao and Saxena, 1994; Hurni, 1999;

Joshi et a/.,; Maikhuri et a/., 1999). The common cultivation of maize and

potato was associated with increased reclamation of dry agricultural land,

particularly from forest, and so contributed to the advanced state of

deforestation existing by the late eighteenth century in Nepal (Regmi,

1978). Bajracharya (1983) traced the linkage between the food, fodder and

fuelwood of a mountain community of eastern Himalaya, Nepal.

Mountain societies are dependent upon traditional complex multi

species agroecosystems organized in space and time (Ramakrishnan,

1992; Swift et a/., 1996). Though highly energy efficient, with little or no

energy subsidies from outside (contrast with modern agriculture receiving

inorganic fertilizers and other chemical inputs), economic productivity is low

(Altieri, 1983; Maikhuri and Ramakrishnan, 1990,1991; Maikhuri, 1996;

Semwal and Maikhuri, 1996). However, with high biodiversity within, these

agroecosystems offer a great potential of coping with environmental

uncertainties, (Ramakrishnan, 2001).

Land holdings are small and fragmented, total average land area per

household in a study done in 1 0 villages was 1.63 and persons per hectare

of agricultural land was 4.0 in a mid hill area of central Nepal (Mahat et a/.,

1987). Average farm holding size was 0.89 ha, split into a larger plot (0.68)

of terraced slopes and a smaller, levelled land plot (0.16 ha) in the valley in

a study conducted in western Himalaya, India (Singh eta/., 1997). Human

3

density ha - 1 cultivated land in Jaidvepur, Dalimsain and Hathnur village in

a traditional village agroecosystem in Garhwal Himalaya, India was 5.11,

7.00 and 7.77 respectively. Likewise, livestock density ha - 1 cultivated land

was 5.90, 6.57 and 5.48 in the above villages respectively (Semwal and

Maikhuri, 1996).

Farmyard manure was observed to be the main energy input in the

settled upland farming. It contributed about 58, 66 and 72% of the total

energy in Jaidevpur, Dalimsan and Hathnur respectively (Semwal and

Maikhuri, 1996). In contrary, labour was the major energy input in all

traditional shifting agricultural (Garo, Khasi, Mikirs, 20, 10, 5 years)

systems, whatever be the length of cultivation cycle as reported by

Maikhuri and Ramakrishnan (1990).

Energy and monetary inputs into the shifting cultivation practiced by

the Nishis in Arunachal Pradesh (north-east India) declined with shortening

of the cultivation cycle. The decline was most pronounced for labour. Slash

and burn was the most labour-intensive of all operations and this input

increased under shifting cultivation cycles. Under valley cultivation, labour

was the major input followed by organic manure (Maikhuri and

Ramakrishnan, 1991 ). The energy output/input ratio ranged between 18.1

and 55.2 with minimal values under Khasis in 5 year shifting cultivation

cycle in tribal communities of Meghalaya in north-eastern India (Maikhuri &

Ramakrishnan, 1990). Energy and monetary efficiencies of the shifting

cultivation varied depending upon the cycle length, with maximum

4

efficiency (outpuU input ratio = 43) under a 10 year cycle and minimum

(outpuUinput ratio = 24) under a 60 year cycle (Maikhuri and

Ramakrishnan, 1991).

In traditional framing systems above 4000 masl, in Latin American

region where maca (Lepidium myenil) is the only crop capable of offering

farmers secure yields. Research shows that maca grown in virgin soils or

those fallowed between 5 - 8 years, exhibited significantly higher yields

(11.8 and 14.8 tonnes/ha, respectively) than maca grown after bitter

potatoes (11.3 tonnes/ha) (Altieri, 2000).

Double cropping as expected, showed higher inputs in terms of

human and bullock labor and seed quantity compared to single cropping.

The output is also higher in the double-cropping pattern. Singh and Singh,

(1992) have reported the output per unit of input from central Himalayan

agroecosystems to range from 5.5 to 14.46 for single cropping and from 3.8

to 6.0 for double-cropping.

Maize-potato dominated system enabled a yearly household income

of US$ 899 compared to US$ 1771 cardamom dominated system in Sikkim

Himalaya (Sharma et a/, 2000).

Forest ecosystems

High species richness of forests of eastern Nepal has been

documented in a number of studies over the past 150 years, from Hooker's

(1845) initial explorations to more recent work, including the pioneering

5

studies of Schweinfurth (1957, 1984), Hara (1966), Stainton (1972),

Dobremz and Shakya (1975), Numata (1980), Oshawa (1983), Shrestha

(1989), and Miche (1989). Stainton (1972) in 'Forests of Nepal' described

the variation of the temperate forests with those of other physiographic

regions. Numata (1980) explained the vertical zonation and dynamics of

vegetation of the humid Himalays in eastern Nepal. Biodiversity Profile

Project (1995) document gives an account of the biodiversity of Mid­

hills/High-hills/High Himal physiographic zones and forest ecosystems of

Eastern/ Central/Western Mid-hills of Nepal. Ali (1977) explained the Arun

valley of east Nepal as 'ornithologist's paradise' based on the species

richness and diversity. Fleming et a/., (1984) and lnskipp and lnskipp

(1989) reported 440 bird species from the eastern Himalaya, Nepal, with

majority of them breeding in that area. Carpenter and Zomer (1996)

reported a high local species richness throughout low-to-middle elevation

forests (below 3,500 m). Extensive stands of late successional, closed

canopy forests occur throughout the Makalu-Barun Conservation Area,

especially above 2,000 m. At lower elevations, spatially limited but

ecologically significant stands are found within locally protected raniban

forests and in corridors of near-tropical riparian forest within the deepest

river valleys that penetrate a considerable distance in the project area.

The establishment of Rhododendron arboreum and Quercus

semecarpifolia are considered to be less competitive and able to coexist

with a whole range of species (Oshawa eta/., 1986). The higher seedling

survival of late successional species in shade as compared with the open

6

and reverse behaviour of early successional species are related to their,

adaptation to different light regimes 1n the forest community

(Ramakrishnan, et at., 1982). If such periods of opportunity were repeatedly

available at different times and locations within the landscape, long lived

species could persist and remain dominant and this seems an important

condition for high diversity in the forest (Loucks, 1970; Tarman and Likens,

1979). In a forest ecosystem, if disturbance is small, suitable microclimate

conditions may remain prevalent on different pockets, which may lead to

germination and establishment of large number of species (Sundriyal and

Sharma, 1996).

Decrease in increasing size of tree diameter class often reflects

healthy growth of forest (Sundriyal and Sharma; Carpenter and Zomer,

1996). Thick litter accumulation often reduces seed germination of canopy

species (Janzen, 1970; Singh and Singh, 1992).

Forests in the Himalaya are under pressure, through both internal

and external forces, with· adverse impacts on the fuelwood, fodder and

other daily needs of the forest dwellers, and also on forest based

government revenues (Eckholm, 1982; Singh et at., 1984; Ramakrishnan et

at., 1992). Increasing flow of outside population in the form of tourists has

further aggravated the pressure on forests (lves and Pitt, 1988; Thapa and

Weber, 1990). Studies have shown that deforestation in Himalaya has

implications for agriculture not only in the adjoining hills and mountains, but

also in the plains far below (Pandey and Singh, 1984; Mahat, eta!., 1986;

Blackie, 1988; Virgo and Subba, 1994; Maikhuri, eta/., 1997).

Agriculture in the Himalaya and elsewhere is closely linked with the

forest ecosystems. Traditional agroecosystems are sustained through the

energy-flow from the adjoining forest ecosystems. Since, agriculture in the

traditional societies is highly dependent upon the natural resource base,

farmyard manure and human labour, quality of the forest from where they

extract the natural resource becomes important (Tsegye, 1997; Datta and

Virgo, 1998; Ellis-Jones, 1999; Sen et a/., 2000). Studies have shown that

agroecosystems located in natural resource rich areas are generally more

energy efficient than those located in resource poor areas of the mountains

(Maikhuri, 1992, 1996; Semwal and Maikhuri, 1996) ..

Earthworms

Earthworms play an important role in litter decomposition and

maintenance of soil fertility (Syers and Springett, 1984). Most of earthworm

species sampled from temperate regions belong to the family Lumbricidae

(Edwards 1983). In contrary, species from diverse families like Almidae,

Kynolidae, Megascolidae, Endritidae and Ocnerodrillidae have been

sampled from tropical ecosystems (Dash and Patra, 1977; Krishnamoorthy,

1985). The role of earthworms in nutrient cycling was found significant in

shifting agriculture in north-east India (Bhaduria and Ramakrishnan, 1989,

1991) as also reported for temperate agroecosystems (Edwards & Lofty,

1982) and forest systems (Satchell, 1983). The quantity, quality and timing

8

of leaf litter inputs to the soil system are very important in determining

earthworm abundance and distribution (Nemeth, 1981; Nemeth and

Herrera, 1982; Fragoso and Lavelle, 1995). An increase in earthworm

activity with pine stand age which reached a maximum in the sacred grove

could be related, to increased litter fall and more favourable soil moisture

retention, because of higher humus content in the latter situation (Bhaduria

and Ramakrishnan, 1991).

Variation in earthworm density and biomass in relation to changes in

land use-land cover have been discussed elsewhere also (Bhaduria et at.,

1997, 2000) The rainy season peak in earthworm population size and

activity is more common and is due to favourable soil moisture,

temperature and humidity (Edwards, 1982; Bhaduria and Ramakrishnan,

1991).

Common ecological theory predicts that biodiversity in a given group

and a given location should be greater in tropics than in temperate regions.

This, however, is not the case of earthworms. At the local scale, the

number of species of a given community was rather similar between

temperate forests, Mediterranean pastures and tropical savannas.

Similarly, average number of species in tropical rain forests was not

significantly different from temperate deciduous forests (Fragoso and

Lavelle, 1992). Species richness is usually higher in natural forests than in

agroecosystems and pastures (Fragoso et at., 1997).

9

Studies in Mexican humid tropics Fragoso (1993); Fragoso eta/., (1993,

1995); Fragoso and Rojas, (1994) showed that majorities of the native

species were restricted to natural forests or riparian habitats of the exotic

species to disturbed ecosystems.

Bhaduria and Ramakrishnan (1991) found three spec1es to be

endemic out of a total of five observed in natural forest in north-east India.

After slash and burn (Bhaduria and Ramakrishnan, (1989) the community

lost two native species and was invaded by one exotic species. Invasion in

the successional communities is relatively easy than invasion into the

climax phase of the biome (Ramakrishnan, 1991).

Earthworms greatly increase soil fertility, and at least part of this

must be due to the increased amounts of mineralized nitrogen that they

make available for plant growth (Edwards, 1972). Earthworms consume

large amount of plant organic matter that contains considerable quantities

of nitrogen and much of this is returned through excretion (Edwards, 1972).

Cultivation has adverse effect on earthworm population. This could be due

to mechanical damage due to cultivation, to the loss of insulating layer of

vegetation or to a decreased supply of food as the organic matter content

gradually decreases (Edwards & Lofty, 1972).

Meeting livelihood needs

Forest resources in the Upper Pokhara valley are used for extraction

of fuelwood, fodder, timber and raw materials for cottage industries. One

10

quarter of the total fuelwood and one third of the fodder requirement of an

average household was fulfilled by trees grown in forms and by crop

residues, the rest being met from forests (Thapa and Weber, 1990). In the

buffer zone of Makalu Barun Conservation Area, Nepal farmers extract

certain proportion of their fodder requirement from the wild trees planted in

their field terraces (Carpenter and Womer, 1996). Pandey and Singh

( 1984) estimate that forests meet 71% to 87% fodder requirements of the

local community.

The mean annual fuel wood consumption in Pangma village, mid­

Himalaya, east Nepal was 4290 kg. per household, 35% of it derived from

cutting down the trees and 65% from lopping and/or gathering branches

and dead wood (Bajracharya, 1983). The estimated mean value of 408 kg

"air dry" fuel person -1 year -1 agrees quite closely with estimate of 458 and

471 kg person - 1 year - 1, of which as little as 40 percent might be derived

from wood, in Sindhupalchok, mid Hill, central Nepal (Mahat et a/, 1987).

Fox (1983) reported fuelwood consumption rate of 537 kg person -1 year -1

in Bhogateni Panchayat in mid-hillwest Nepal. Per household consumption

of fuel wood, fodder in Mamlay watershed, Sikkim Himalaya was 4000-

5800 kg, 5700 kg per year respectively. Likewise, timber volume required

for household repairs, furniture was 2.5 - 4.2 m3 over a time interval of 15-

20 years and 5 - 7 m3 for new house construction over a time interval of 20

- 30 years (Sundriyal and Sharma, 1996).

II

Wildlife

The Eastern Himalaya supports a wide diversity of wildlife

(especially birds) resulting from complex physiography and bioclimatic

zonation (lves and Messerli, 1989) and also because of their location at the

convergence of the Palearctic and Oriental Zoogeographical Realms

(lnskipp, 1989). Despite of a relatively small geographical area, Nepal is

regarded as one of the richest natural animal reserves in the world. About

1 0 percent of the known birds in the world have been sighted in Nepal

(Majupuria, 1998). Shrestha (1989) has reported a high degree of biological

diversity (mostly plant species and birds) in Arun valley; the site studies

here lies within this valley. Ali (1977, 1997) considers Arun valley, as the

natural boundary of the winter migrating birds descending from the higher

elevation, and a region where avifauna from the rest of the Nepal and the

western Himalayas becomes sensibly discerntble. Chhetri et a/. (2001)

reported a rich diversity of birds in Kanchenjunga region of Sikkim

Himalaya, which share the natural boundary with Nepal Himalaya, too.

Fleming eta/., (1984, 2000), lnskipp and lnskipp (1985) have made an

extensive report on the bird diversity of Nepal have found the east region to

be the richest pocket of avifauna.

Wildlife study in Nepal dates back to nineteenth century (Hodgson,

1831), through the studies on the mammals of Nepal and Sikkim Himalaya.

Oliver ( 1984) studied the distribution and status of Hispid Hare and Pygmy

Hog, likewise Oli, (1991) studied the stereotyped behaviour of snow

12

leopard and Barking Deer in Nepal Himalayas, in recent years. Majupuria

( 1984) and Yon jon ( 1990, 1991) also contributed on the wildlife study of

Nepal Himalayas. The Biodiversity Profile Project (1995) provided an

overview of the whole Nepal's mammalian fauna. This document includes

an account of wildlife abundance according to physiographic regions.

Shrestha (1994) published on the Wildlife species occurring in the

Himalayan region. Shrestha (1995) has enumerated the fishes of Nepal.

Chalise (1999) reported the behavioural and ecological aspects of the

Macaca assamensis from Makalu-Barun area, east-Nepal.

The avifauna of Nepal is very diverse (Ali and Ripley, 1987; Fleming

et a/., 1984; lnskipp and lnskipp, 1985). There are some 850 species,

about 82 per cent of which breed locally. Arun valley is known as

ornithologist's paradise, with well excess of 440 species. The Arun valley

shows a change in the east-west distribution of avifauna and mammals,

although the delineation of species is not sharply marked. However, there

are twenty species whose range is markedly confined to the east.

Some 22 percent of the breeding birds of Nepal are judged to be at

risk. While most are represented in protected areas (lnskipp, 1989), habitat

is being rapidly degraded due. to agriculture and grazing. Most heavily

affected are those species that require forests, especially obligate dwellers

of less disturbed dense forest. High proportion (36 percent) of Nepal's

breeding species are altitudnal migrants, which spend much of their time

outside the nesting season at lower elevations. About 68 percent of

13

wintering spec1es and 10 per cent of those for which Nepal may hold

internationally- significant breeding populations..- utilize forests and shrubs.

A total of some 436 breeding birds have been recorded from the eastern

forests of Nepal.

In a study in northern Spain, afforestation on former arable land

showed no difference in species richness of bird species in forest bird

communities. In breeding ground also no significant difference observed.

However, species richness was positively correlated with· prevalence of

undergrowth shrubs and with plant species richness (Diaz eta/., 1998).

Only sixteen percent or 86 of the forest species are adapted to

breed in habitats heavily modified by man, such as groves, gardens, scrub

and the edge of cultivation. One bird that has benefited from such change

is the 'Spiny Babbler', which was "rediscovered" after being assumed to be

extinct. However, some twenty bird species recorded in Nepal are now

probably extinct (lnskipp, 1989). lnskipp (1989) reported that an estimated

168 breeding birds in Nepal occur within the Temperate Zone, but only ten

per cent have their home range restricted to this ecological zone. About 25

per cent of the total species of Nepal are likely to have viable population

sizes. Sub-alpine and upper temperate forests (at elevations of 2400 to

2800 meters in the east) are internationally important for breeding birds, as

they support high numbers of species.

A corridor of disturbance related to contemporary indigenous and

tourist use (tree harvesting, burning, grazing) was observed along the main

14

trail of upper Barun Valley in Makalu-Barun National Park and

Conservation Area, and impacts appeared to be growing in frequency and

magnitude (Byers, 1996). Koirala and Rai (1999) reported the decrease of

avifauna in Tamar River Basin due to the increased development activities

including tourism. Habitat degradation has resulted in the movement of

wildlife towards the croplands of the farmers adjoining to the forested area

causing crop depredation in Kanchenjung Conservation Area. However,

local opinion about wildlife was divided, while some people think it is 'bad'

to kill these animals, others demand for elimination or reduction in

population of animals as well as highly dangerous encounters threatening

life and livelihood. (Muller-Boker and Kollmair, 2000).

Bird diversity was higher at the open canopy condition because

opening of canopy is likely to accompany an increase in habitat diversity

(Block, 1989; Daniels, 1989). Human pressure has altered species

composition and canopy organization which may result in avifauna species

richness and abundance (Chhetri et a/., 2001). Bird species richness as

well as diversity were higher in open canopy habitats, compared to close

canopy habitats at lower altitude, but were not at higher altitudes (Chhetri

et a/., 2001). Edge effect plays an important role in determining species

richness (Kilgo eta/., 1997).

Fleming and Giualiano (1998) did not find any difference in species

richness of border-edge cut and uncut plots, possibly because the study

plots were undoubtedly smaller than the species home ranges and

15

probably that the plots were used by individuals, inhabiting surrounding

forests (Aigner et a/., 1998), or size of patches (open forest area) formed

were small enough to bring about variation in bird species diversity (Kilgo et

a/., 1998).

Significant agricultural damage due to wildlife is reported from

developed as well as developing countries (Murton and Wright, 1968;

National Academy of Sciences, 1970; Stone eta/., 1972; Guarino, 1975;

Jewell et a/., 1981; Caldecott 1988). Problem wildlife includes Songbirds,

Deer, Wild pig and other large mammals. In Srilanka, for example,

Elephants cause much damage near national parks and are the focus of a

special World Bank report (Seidenstisher, 1984).

Crop damage by wildlife has become a pertinent issue these days

along the immediate periphery of parks and reserves. These issues are

attracting significant economic and political consideration of the Park

management (Mishra, 1982; Uprety, 1985). Upreti (1985) noted that

buckwheat and barley were reportedly destroyed by Wild Pigs, Langurs,

and Macaque Monkeys in Langtang and Lake Rara National Parks;

Himalayan Black Bear and Tahr destroying crops in Sagarmatha National

Park in Nepal. However, quantitative information on crop losses is very

little. For example, crop yield were attributed to wildlife in Royal Chitwan

National Park was exceeding fifty percent. Croplands lying near to forests

are depredated by Deer, Bears, Porcupines, Goral, Tahr and Monkeys in

and around Makalu-Barun Conservation Area causing a loss of 20 to 25

16

per cent of the production (Banskota and Upadhyay, 1989). It has

contributed to the food deficit in those areas (Humphrey, 1980; Banskota

and Upadhyay, 1989). In a similar study in Nanda Oevi Biosphere Reserve

in Garl:lwal Himalaya, India crop damage in low altitude villages near core

zone was three times higher to the high-altitude villages away from the core

zone (Maikhuri, eta/., 2000). In Nepal, crop damage is very common along

the immediate periphery of parks and reserves in the T erai (Milton and

Binney, 1980; Mishra, 1982, and Upreti, 1985). Complete losses were

noted in a few villages located in the highest crop damage zones along the

edge of the park. Problem species consisted of Rhinoceros, Chital (axis

deer), Wild pigs, Monkeys and Parakeets. There are reports that while

defending their fields from marauding rhinos people were killed. The main

crop depredators in the Terai and Hill zones of Nepal appear to be Bears,

Deer, Wild Boars, Monkeys and a variety of Birds. Some persons have

reported that as much as third of their crops were consumed, but (Jackson,

1990) raises doubts on accuracy of such estimates. Habitat degradation

has resulted in the movement of wildlife towards croplands bordering

forested area. Agricultural fields present some wildlife at the right time of

year with abundance of food. It is not hard to see why animals are attracted

to areas with grain or other crops. Ripening maize is richer in protein and

carbohydrates as well as some mineral nutrients than most of the natural

plants available in adjacent forests or shrublands. Unlike forest plant

species, many of which grow in isolated stands or scattered throughout the

forest, agricultural crops occur in relatively large, concentrated stands.

17

Thus, animals feeding upon such items do not have to expand as much

energy searching instead they can satisfy their hunger quickly and

efficiently provided they are not killed by angry farmers in the process

(Jackson, 1990). Crops are only available for a short time each year in the

mountains, but this period may coincide with the time that many species

are "fattening-up" in preparation for winter, or when females are nursing

and therefore have significantly greater energy demands.

Towards the end of summer, bears have only a month or two before

they hibernate. The females give birth in a winter den. Their newborn

young are very small, thus requiring large amounts of milk, which must be

provided for the first month or so of life. Furthermore, it is conceivable that

survival rates of cubs during their first few months of life are improved if the

mother has access to crops in late summer and early fall (Jackson, 1990).

Not all individuals of a particular species raid agricultural fields. Only

those animals with home ranges that encompass croplands can do so.

Since most adult mammals have strong attachments to their "home area",

they are not likely to visit sites outside their normal zone of use or to shift

their home ranges in response to ripening fields or quickly changing

cultivation patters. Subadults or juveniles, by contrast, can become

significant pests after they are forced from maternal ranges by their parents

or dominant conspecifics. As they disperse in search of a home range of

their own and encounter already-occupied sites, there may be increased

pressure for them to settle around habitations. Also, juveniles are less

18

experienced in locating or catching food, and may thus take those items,

which are most abundant, and readily available, irrespective "of risk

involved. Crop losses are probably most substantial in the upper

subtropical and lower temperate ecological zones (1500 to 2500 meters),

along the edge between continuous forest and dense human habitation,

zones that fall almost entirely within the proposed Community Managed

Resource Area (CMRA) (Jackson, 1990).

Most of the pest animals are species which are associated with

successional or "disturbed habitats". They are thus benefited by human

actions that promote secondary forest succession, i.e., selective thinning

and opening up of dense forest by tree cutting, livestock grazing or burning.

Thus, slash-and-burn activity may actually enhance habitat conditions for

bears or barking deer, by creating grassy open glades within the forest, by

increasing the availability of some foods (including maize and other grain

crops), or simply by encouraging successional shrubland that provides

more browse or fruit shrubs and trees. The carrying capacity of old-growth

forests is usually much lower than that of successional forests, because of

a paucity of fruit or protein-rich undergrowth foliage. Any increase in the

amount of edge between forest, shrubland, grassland and agricultural field

improves foraging opportunities for generalized species like Bear, Langur

or Rhesus and Barking deer.

Milton and Binney (1980) reported that not only the crop losses

happen to be greatest along the edge of protected areas, but loss rates

19

have increased over time. Villagers of Chitwan experienced crop losses of

75 per cent in 1978, whereas, losses were three times less a decade

earlier, before the park was established. Given enforced regulations

against hunting and other park-induced measures, populations of some

wildlife species should increase markedly over time. As surplus individuals

migrate from saturated, protected sites within or near the core area, human

communities along the peripheries of parks are likely experience increased

crop depredation.

Population increases cannot be sustained indefinitely, and crop

losses are not likely to be uniform, or even inevitable. The most severe

impacts will occur in areas known as "hotspots", or sites that provide ideal

habitat conditions for pest wildlife species. Management is essential to

minimize the development of "hotspots" within areas dedicated to

community development, to replace grain crops with cash crops

unattractive to wildlife, or to compensate owners for their crop losses under

specified circumstances.

The idea birds can be used to monitor the environment is not new.

Folklore and natural history observation suggests that some aspects of bird

behaviour can be used to predict changes in the weather. Aristotle, in his

Historia Animalium of 342 BC,. describes how the behaviour of Cranes

( Grus grus) shows the weather to come: they will fly to a great distance and

high up in the air, to command an extensive view; if they see clouds and

signal of bad weather they fly down again and remain still (Thompson,

20

1910). According to Inwards (1869), the early arrival of Cranes in autumn

signals that there is going to be a particularly severe winter. The same

prediction is made by early autumn arrival of the fieldfare Turdus pilaris in

its winter range. In a similar vein, early northwards movements of grey Lag

geese (Anser anser) in spring are considered to indicate that a period of

settled spring weather is coming (Swann, 1913; Furnnes, eta/., 1993).

Compared to natural forests within landscapes disturbed by

silviculture, forests within landscapes disturbed by agriculture, irrespective

of the extent of disturbance, had fewer forest-associated species, long-

distance migrants, forest-canopy and forest-understory-nesting species,

and greater numbers of edge-associated species, including avian nest

predators (Rodewald and Yahner, 2001).

In two different studies, abundance of bird pests was found

dependant on vegetation complexity, rather than resource status of the

food. Tendency of birds to feed closer to vegetation appeared to be a

predator avoidance tactic (Nakamara and Mutusoka, 1991; Subramnaya,

1994).

Ecotourism

Tourism in general has emerged as the fastest growing industry

worldwide and is in the forefront of global economic growth (Sharma,

2000). Between 1989 and 1998, international tourism receipts grew by

about 8.1 percent annually. Mountain tourism globally is estimated to

21

account for about 15- 20 percent of the tourist industry (Mountain Agenda,

1999). Tourism is identified as one of the key activities for providing

livelihood opportunities to mountain people in the process of attaining

sustainable mountain development (Agenda 21, UNCED). Mountain

tourism development encompasses activities that attract tourists, provide a

strong stimulus to community development (Banskota and Sharma, 1995,

1998; Boselli, eta/., 1997; Rai and Sundriyal, 1997).

Amqng HKH countries, China is the only country that appears in the

world's top 40 international tourism destinations, ranking 5th worldwide, with

24 million arrivals in 1998. In terms of revenues from international tourism,

both China and India appear in the top 40 list with earnings of US$ 12,500

million and 3159 million respectively (WfO, 1999).

The HKH region, comprising of contiguous mountain terrain of

Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, China and

Myanmar, attracts international tourists in a few cases only. Nepal .

(422,000), Bhutan (5400), Ladakh (12000) and Sikkim (16000) in India, and

Tibet Autonomous Region of China (33,000) in the year 1997 are important

destinations for foreign tourists (Sharma, 2000). However, statistics show

that domestic tourist flow in larger countries like China, India and Pakistan

is quite significant (Paudyal, 1999). Available statistics on the growth rate of

tourism in the above regions/countries show, with a few exceptions, a

steadily increasing trend. In Nepal, the UP Hills, Himachal Pradesh, and

22

the HKH region of China, the average annual growth rate for the last

decade has remained above 10 per cent (Sharma, 2000).

International tourism earnings comprised 3.8 per cent of the GOP of

Nepal and accounted for 18 per cent of total foreign exchange earnings in

1996. In Bhutan, international tourism earnings accounted for 2 per cent of

GOP in 1997. Tourism is the 9th largest foreign exchange earner in

Pakistan. In the UP Hills and Himachal Pradesh in India, tourism accounted

for nearly 20 per cent of state GOP. From the viewpoint of revenue

generation the contribution of tourism has been important and there seems

to be enormous scope for its growth in HKH region (Sharma, 2000).

There is considerable debate over what ecotourism means

(Campbell, 1999). Stewart and Sekartjakrarini (1991) argue that the

multifaceted nature of expanded, principle-based definition leads to

ambiguity in interpretation, a definition which includes community

development is increasingly promoted (Boo, 1990; Kutay, 1992; Ecotourism

Society, 1992; Norris, 1992; Cater, 1994). The notion is associated with the

growth of the nature- related travel sector as Ecotourism Society defines

ecotourism: " responsible travel that conserves natural environment and

sustains the well-being of people (Lindberg and Hawkins, 1993).

The prime aim of eco-tourism is to promote a symbiotic relationship

between tourism and the environment, with a particular focus on benefitting

local economies through a decentralized framework (Ghurmi, 1997;

Sharma eta/., 2001 ). Mou~tain environments offer excellent opportunity for

23

organizing nature-based tourism as aspired by trekkers and mountaineers.

However, these areas have a fragile ecosystem and socio-cultural heritage

with meager tolerance of stress and limited carrying capacity (Poudel,

1998).

Tourism development cannot be viewed in isolation from

conservation and natural resource management and mountain

development, as it is the mountain resources that form the very basis of

mountain tourism as well as the basis of survival of local communities

(Dunsmore, 1988; Banskota and Sharma, 1995, 1998; Sreedhar, 1995).

The lack of realization has not been able to contribute meaningfully to wider

mountain development. The unique mountain environment found in the

Himalayas is therefore becoming increasingly degraded, thereby reducing

the tourist and visual appeal of the areas, and, at the same time, local

communities that lies amidst these rich environmental resources continue

to lead a subsistence life (Banskota and Sharma, 1995). The true economic

value of tourism, when measured in terms of willingness to pay, is likely to

be much higher than the current levels of expenditure by tourists (Wells,

1993).

Annapurna Conservation Area Project (ACAP) is the first protected

area to allow local residents to live within its boundaries and maintain their

traditional rights to access and use of its natural resources. It is also the

first protected area managed by local experts that does not use assistance

of the army to protect the dwindling resource base on which the region

24

depends. Instead, it invests the financial resources that area available for

community development and local capacity building in the region (Ghurmi,

1997).

If critical areas and safe minimum standards were defined without

addressing the needs of the local people, the very purpose of delineating

such areas would be defeated. In ACAP, the formation of such critical area

has taken into consideration local people's need for firewood, fodder, and

other resources. The formation of Conservation and Development

Committees (CDCs) at grass roots' level is the mainstay of ACAP's

community empowerment approach (Banskota and Sharma, 1995). The

effectiveness of the hunting ban in ACAP has been reflected in increased

wildlife around villages, and this has in turn led to livestock depredation. A

compensation mechanism has yet to evolve, and, to a certain degree,

illegal hunting may be related to the lack of compensation. Crop raid by

wildlife is also in rise (Banskota and Sharma, 1995).

A ban on tourism to the core zone of Nanda Devi Biosphere Reserve

m Garhwal Himalaya has eliminated an important source of income for

local people. Added to this, conservation policies have restricted grazing in

the core zone, collection of non-timber forest products (NTFP) and removal

of dead logs from Van Panchayat forests. Damage to livestock, agriculture,

crops, fruits and localllivelihood by wildlife have also affected the villagers.

Villagers have rarely been given an explanation of the curtailment of their

rights, and have rarely been provided with adequate alternatives. The

25

experience of top down conservation programme has caused a break down

in local community-nature relationship and is causing increasing hostility of

local people towards conservation/management of natural resources

(Maikhuri eta/., 2000).

Wunder (2000), in a study conducted to see the linkage between

income incentive and conservation, in Cuyabeno Wildlife Reserve, Ecuador

found that the effectiveness of tourism income depends on the incentive

structure inherent in the mode of participation, and on the substitution

versus complementarity of other productive activities: only if tourism

changes labour and land allocation decisions, it will have a local

conservation impact. This study suggests that the autonomous

communities may operate more efficiently than the salary receiving or

paternalistic ones.

Ownership issue raises the question of how. far local people can be

empowered in the control of their newly created resources, and whether or

not they can transfer the skills and leadership they have developed to

future generations. It is likely that the numbers of trekkers will increase

rapidly once the infrastructure is in place. This may lead to the area being

overrun and overused, and end in a classic case of the "boom and burst".

All of these questions must be addressed seriously if ecotourism to a given

area is to succeed. The future of ecotourism relies heavily on who is

responsible for marketing, setting the trekking quotas, increasing the entry

26

fees once the infrastructure is in place, and the carry1ng capacity of a

tourist destination themselves (Ghrumi, 1997).

In a mountain context, carrying capacity with respect to tourism is an

attempt to define the level of tolerance or compatibility between tourist

activities and demands of the ecological, social, cultural and economic

support systems of the mountains to meet those demands. Therefore, in

ecological terms the level of tourism and tourist activities has to be

compatible with the maintenance and enhancement of the ecological

balance, biological diversity and biological resources. In social and

economic terms, tourism development has to ensure that its benefits are

broadly shared, that it is compatible with the culture and values of the

people, and that it maintains and strengthens community identity and

enhances people's control over their own lives. In economic terms, tourism

development needs to facilitate a process of development that is

economically efficient, relives pressure on fragile resources, and allows and

promotes management of resources in ways that not only support present

needs but which can super the needs and aspirations of future generations

(WCED, 1987).

Carrying capacity of a particular site or area may be seen as a

function of a variety of tourist resources; the nature of "mountain

specificities", particularly the tolerance and fragility of resources to use; the

number and frequency of visitors; their activity types and intensity of

resource uses; provision and maintenance of infrastructural facilities;

27

monitoring and management of resource use sites; and the expectations,

attitudes, and behaviour of visitors as well as resource managers and local

communities (Sharma, 1995).

In the context of carrying capacity, it is convenient to categorize

tourists on the basis of their purpose. National Tourism Statistics (1992)

recognizes six categories in this context i.e., a) holiday and pleasure, b)

business, c) official, and d) convention/conferences e) "trekking and

mountaineering" f) pilgrimage. Out of these, category trekking and

mountaineering fall purely into mountain tourism (Shrestha, 1995).

A mountain ecosystem is generally fragile and vulnerable to rapid

deterioration due to modern exploitative forces such as tourism. Most

mountain societies function in a more or less closed system depending

upon subsistence agriculture and the traditional use of natural resources.

After centuries of interaction with the nature these societies have acquired

equilibrium with the natural environment. The time- tested knowledge of

local people may provide accurate and reliable means for environmental

monitoring. The coming and going of migratory birds, or the appearance

and disappearance of frogs and toads, festival cycles, and the agricultural

calendar all are tied with the agro-climatic dynamism of the environment

(Shrestha, 1995).

Carrying capacity is determined by a number of biotic/abiotic factors

that create environmental resistance or impose limits on the growth of the

population. The capacity of a mountain ecosystem to support healthy

28

population, while maintaining its productivity, adaptability, and capability of

renewal, is drastically affected by the rapid growth of tourism. This force

readily weakens and breaks the closed circuit of the traditional economic

circle of remote mountain societies and links them with the market

economy and more affluent societies. The notion of carrying capacity is not

only the measure of how many individuals (tourists) a particular habitat can

sustain at a given time but also the measure of maximum optimum impact

that a particular habitat can retain (Shrestha, 1995).

Mountain areas, as distinct from other physiographic units, have

certain objective conditions or specificities. These conditions of

inaccessibility, fragility, diversity, 'niche' or comparative advantage, and

marginality add a particularly critical dimension to tourism in the mountains

and call for particular ways of responding to these specificities (Jodha,

1991).

Inaccessibility has traditionally restricted external linkages to

mountain economies. Trekking, mountaineering, and other forms of nature­

based adventure tourism are helpful in bringing economic incentives in

these areas. It can also generate employment in transportation and the

creation of infrastructure. For isolated remote area~ with a limited resource

base, tourism may also provide scope for improvements in livelihood that

would not be possible otherwise (Jodha, 1991; Sharma, 1994).

Low-carrying capacities and vulnerability of resources to rapid, and

often irreversible, degradation under conditions of high-intensity use are the

29

fragility characteristics in mountains (Jodha, 1991 ). These adversities are

however, tackled by the ecocentric view of traditional societies widely

reflected in their attitudes towards plants, animals, soils and water

(Ramakrishnan, 2001 ).

Diversity manifests in a range of micro-environmental variations

leading to a variety of ecosystems in the mountains. Mountain tourism can

be used to enhance the linkages with these different production systems

and resource-management regimes (Shrestha, 1989, Jodha, 1991 ).

Diversity also provides opportunities for the harnessing of specific

comparative advantages in the tourism - from rafting down rivers to trekking

and mountaineering at higher altitudes (Sharma, 1994; Gurung and

Coursey, 1994; Thapa and Gurung, 1997; Rai eta/., 1998).

Niche, an outcome of the diversity, is expressed in the form of

relative or absolute comparative advantage by particular locations and

areas for small- scale specialization, and mountains provide specific niches

for tourism activities (Jodha, 1991 ). Mining, logging, hydro-electric

generation and promotion of ·skill-based ethnic- and culture specific

handicrafts are some niche related opportunities that flow from mountain

tourism (Gurung, 1995; Sreedhar, 1995; AI- Jalaly eta/., 1995; Sharma,

2000)

Mountains have historically been neglected in terms of development

priorities and have always been considered marginal entities, economically

and politically (Jodha, 1991 ). With the advent of community forestry

30

management and ecotourism practices a decentralized decision-making

and resource reinvestment approach has come up to benefit mountain

community development (Maharana et at., 2000; Muller- Boker and

Kollmair, 2000; Jodha, 2001 ).

Present study

In the present study of two adjacent villages viz. Tamafok (hereafter

referred as TF) characterized by low intensity degradation and

Madimulkharka (hereafter referred as MM) characterized by a high intensity

degradation in a landscape of Tinjure-Milke region of, eastern Nepal

Himalaya are compared in respect of ecological and economic efficiencies

of agroecosystems and impacts of wildlife and tourism on the local food

production system and livelihood. Both the villages are 1) dependent on

natural resource base 2) practice crop-livestock mixed farming 3) and are

characterized by subsistence economy.

31