Etymological Dictionary of the Baltic Inherited Lexicon

Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series

Edited by

Alexander Lubotsky

VOLUME13

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ieed

Etymological Dictionary of the Baltic Inherited Lexicon

By

Riek Derksen

BRILL

LEIDEN ·BOSTON 2015

This publication has been made possible by the financial support of the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO).

lSSN 1574-3586 lSBN 978-90-04-27898-1 (hardback)

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE .............................................................•.•................................................................. vii

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS .............................................................................................. ix

INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... ............... l

L Origin of the dictionary .................................................................................................... l

2. The Baltic languages and their dialects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22.1 East and West Baltic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 2.2 Lithuanian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 2.3 Latvian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 2.4 Old Prussian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

3. Stress and tone in Baltic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53.1 Lithuanian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 3.2 Latvian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 3.3 The relationship between the Lithuanian and Latvian prosodic systems . . . 11 3.4 Old Prussian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

4. Theoretical framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144.1 General considerations and Proto-Indo-European . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 4.2 Balto-Slavic accentology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 4.2.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 4.2.2 Balto-Slavic developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 4.2.2.1 The rise of the mobile paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 4.2.2.2 Hirt's law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 4.2.2.3 Winter's law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 4.2.3 The rise of the East Baltic tones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 4.2.4 Slavic accentology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 4.2.4.1 Introduction: Stang 1957 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 4.2.4.2 Progressive shifts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 4.243 Illič-Svityč's law and the neuter o-stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 4.244 The fate of the Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex in Slavic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 4.3 Substratum borrowings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

5. Structure of the entries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285.1 Headword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 5.2 Lithuanian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 5.3 Latvian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 5-4 Old Prussian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 5.5 Balto-Slavic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

5.6 Proto-Slavic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 5.6 .1 Grammatical information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 5.6.2 Accent paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 5.6.3 Meaning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 5.7 Slavic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 5.7.1 Church Slavic . . . . ... ............. ...... .. ... . . . ............ . . .. .. . . . .................. . . .. . . ............. .... . . .. . 32 5.p East Slavic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 5.7.3 West Slavic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 5.7.4 South Slavic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 5.8 Proto-Indo-European . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 5.9 Indo-European cognates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 5.10 Discussion of the etymology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 5.11 Cross-references . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

6. Dictionaries, grammars, and old texts6.1 Lithuanian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 35 6.2 Latvian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 6.3 Old Prussian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

DICTIONARY .. ................... ..................... ... . ................. .. .......................... .... . . .. . . ...................... 43

Lithuanian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Latvian ................................................................................................................................. 526 Old Prussian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 555

REFERENCES ............... ........................... ........................... . .... .......... . . ...... ..... . .......... .............. 569

INDICES .. .. .... .............. .. . .... .. . ............. ....... . .... .................. . .... .. ..................... . . .... .. .................. 595

PREFACE

My work on the Baltic etymological database on which this dictionary is based began in april 1998 but was discontinued a few months later when I switched to the Slavic component of the Indo-European Etymological Dictionary project. The original project was taken up again in the spring of 2002. It was financed by the Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (NWO), whose support I gratefully acknowledge. From July 2005 until January 2008 I was employed part-time as an editor of the Indo-European Etymological Dictionary project, which position was financed by Leiden University and Brill. In this period I completed the Slavic etymological database as much as possible and transformed it into a book (Derksen 2008a). These activities were of great benefit to the present publication.

In October 2009, I took up my first position as a teacher of classics in secondary education. At the same time I enrolled in a course that was created to meet the lack of qualified teachers in this field. For a number of years I was virtually inactive in linguistics. Towards the end of 2013, during a period of unemployment, I decided to make an effort to finish the Baltic etymological dictionary.

The decision to publish separate Baltic and Slavic etymological dictionaries made a certain overlap unavoidable. This holds true for both the introduction and the dictionary proper. I believe that the efficiency that could have been gained by a single-volume dictionary is less important than the fact that two seperate dictionaries are better suited to serve as tools for further research. Hopefully, I shall be able to provide additions and corrections to both dictionaries by way of Brill's online databases.

With the exception of Alexander Lubotsky, who once again proved to be an astute proofreader, and Maarten Hijzelendoorn, whose macro for generating the indices could fortunately be revived, I shall refrain from thanking the same people as in my Slavic dictionary, though I really should thank every single one of them again. Instead I would like to express my gratitude to the various Lithuanian and Latvian institutions that through the years have aided and supported me, among other things by providing me with valuable scholarly literature, old and new. The languages and cultures of the Baltic countries deserve mare interest than they presently seem to generate. A lack of financial means cannot excuse the fundamental indifference towards minor fields of study that has recently become characteristic of many academic institutions.

Many thanks to Aleksey Andronov, Axel Holvoet, Daniel Petit, Bonifacas Stundžia, Peteris Vanags, and Steve Young, who along with many other colleagues have stimulated me in one way or another to remain active in the field of Baltic linguistics.

Leiden, September 2014

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

ABBREVIATIONS OF LANGUAGES

Aeol. Aeolic Mlr. Middle Irish Alb. Albanian MLat. Medieval Latin Arm. Armenian MLG Middle Low German Av. Avestan MoDu. Modern Dutch Bel. Belorussian M o E Modern English Bret. Breton MoFr. Modern French BSl. Balto-Slavic MoGk. Modern Greek Bulg. Bulgarian MoHG Modern High German Celtib. Celtiberian Mole. Modern Icelandic CLuw. Cuneiform Luwian Molr. Modern Irish cs Church Slavic MoLG Modern Low German Cz. Czech Mong. Mongolian Čak. Čakavian MoP Modern Persian Dor. Doric Mor. Moravian Dz. Dzūkian MP Middle Persian Est. Estonian MW Middle Welsh Fi. Finnish Myc. Mycenaean Gaul. Gaulish Nw. Norwegian Gk. Greek O Bel. Old Belorussian Go. Gothic ocs Old Church Slavic Hitt. Hittite OCz. Old Czech Kajk. Kajkavian OE Old English Kare l. Karelian OFri. Old Frisian Kash. Kashubian OHG Old High Herman LAv. Late Avestan Ok. Old Icelandic LSrb. Lower Sorbian Olr. Old Irish Lat. Latin OLat. Old Latin Latv. Latvian OLith. Old Lithuanian Lith. Lithuanian OP Old Persian Liv. Livonian OPI. Old Polish Lomb. Lombardian O Pr. Old Prussian Mac. (Ancient) Macedonian ORu. Old Russian MBulg. Middle Bulgarian OS Old Saxon Mcd. Macedonian Osc. Oscan M Du. Middle Dutch OSlk. Old Slovak ME Middle English Osset. Ossetic Mess. Messapian OSw. Old Swedish MHG Middle High German ow Old Welsh

x ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

Pal. Palaic Sln. Slovene Phr. Phrygian Slnc. Slovincian PGmc. Proto-Germani e Span. Spanish Piem. Piemontese Sw. Swedish Pl. Polish Tam. Tamian Plb. Polabian Thrac. Thracian PSI. Proto-Slavic Toch. Tocharian Rom. Romanian Ukr. Ukrainian Ru. Russian USrb. Upper Sorbian RuCS Russian Church Slavic Veps. Vepsian SCr. Serbo-Croatian w Welsh SerbCS Serbian Church Slavic WFri. West Frisian Skt. Sanskrit Žem. Žemaitian Slk. Slovak

ABBREVIATIONS OF GRAMMATICAL TERMS, ETC.

A accusative inf. infinitive act. active inj . injunctive adj. adjective L locative adv. adverb m. masculine aor. aorist med. middle AP accent paradigm N nominative e consonant n. neuter e. commune sg. singular conj . conjunctive pass. passive D dative pf. perfect du. dual pl. plural f. feminine pres. present G genitive pret. preterite

instrumental p te. participle imper. imperative v vocative impf. imperfect v. verb

SYMBOLS

* reconstructed form e consonant > developed into v vowel < developed from R resonant >> analogically replaced by N nasal << analogically replacing i or u

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

PLACE-NAMES

l. Lithuanian Alsėdžiai (Als.): N. Zem. Dotnuva (Dt.) : W./E. Aukšt. Dovilai: W. .Zem. Dusetos (Ds.) : E. Aukšt. Gegrėnai (Ggr.): N. Zem. Joniškis (Jnš.) : E. Aukšt. Kamajai (Km.) : E. Aukšt. Klaipėda (Klp.) : W. Zem. Kudirkos Naumiestis: W. Aukšt. Kupiškis (Kp.) : E. Aukšt. Kvėdarna (Kv.): S. Zem. Lazdijai (Lzd.) : S. Aukšt. Lazūnai (Lz.) : E. Aukšt.

2. Latvian

Arrasch = Araiši: C. Bersohn (Bers.) = Bęrzaune: C. Bėrzgale: E. Blieden= Blidiene: E. Doblen (Dobl.) = Duobele: W. Dondaga (Dond.) = Dufidaga: W. Dunika: W. Golgowski (Golg.) = Galgauska: E. Jumpraweeten = Jumpravieši: W. Kalupe (Klp.): E. Kalzenau = Kalsnava: E. Kreuzburg (Kreuzb.) = Krustpils: E. Lisohn (Lis.) = Lizums: E. Lubahn (Lbn.) = Lubana: E. Marienburg (Mar.) = Alūksne: E. Memelshof = Mėmele: E. Mėrdzine: E. Nerft = Nęręta: E. Nieder-Bartau (N.-Bart.) = Nica2: W. Nigranden (Nigr.) = Nigrande: W. Neu-Pebalg = Jaun-Piebalga: C. Odensee = U odziena: E. Oknist = Akniste, Akniša: E.

Leckava (Lc.) : N . .Zem. Linkmenys: E. Aukšt. Marijampolė (Mrj.) : W. Aukšt. Miroslavas (Mrs.) : S. Aukšt. Pilviškiai (Plv.): W. Aukšt. Plungė (Pln.) : N. Zem. Salantai (Slnt.) : N. Zem. Simnas (Smn.) : E. Aukšt. Smilgiai (Sml.) : S. Aukšt. Švenčionys: E. Aukšt. Utena (Ut.) : E. Aukšt. Varėna (Vrn.) : S. Aukšt. Zietela (Zt.) : W. Aukšt.

Orellen = Ufigurmuiža: E. Pilda: E. Raipole: E. Ronneburg = Raūna: C. Rujen (Ruj.) = Rūjiena: W. Rutzau = Rucava: W. Saikava = Friedrichswald: E. Salis = Salaca: W. Schujen = Skujene: C. Schwaneburg = Gulbene: E. Seyershof = Jeri: W. Siuxt = Džūkste2: W. Skaista: E. Sonnaxt = Sunaksts: E. Trikaten(Trik.) = Trikata: C. Wandsen = Vandzene ) : W. Warkhof (Warkh.) = Varkava: E. Warkland (Warkl.) = VarakĮani: E. Wessen = Zasa: E. Widdrisch (Widdr.) = Vidriži: W. Zabeln = Sabile: W. Zvirgzdine: E.

xi

INTRODUCTION

l. ORIGIN OF THE DICTIONARY

The dictionary is based on a database that was created within the context of the Indo-European Etymological Dictionary project (IED). The circumstance that the dictionary originates from a database is still apparent from the way the lemmata are structured. This type of rigid structure limits the author's freedom, but, as is confirmed by the reactions to my Slavic etymological dictionary, it also increases the value of the dictionary as a book of reference.

The main objective of the dictionary is to present an up-to-date etymological account of the Baltic inherited lexical stock. Fraenkel's Litauisches etymologisches Worterbuch (1955-1965) is in many respects outdated and recent dictionaries such Karulis's Latviešu etimologijas vardnfca (1992) and Mažiulis's Prūsų kalbos etimologijos žodynas (1988-1997) do not quite meet the standards of present-day Indo-European studies. Smoczynski's Slownik etymologiczny języka litewskiego (2007) is an important contribution to the field, but the differences in both scope and general outlook between Smoczynski's work and the present dictionary are such that they are to a great extent complementary. Smoczynski's dictionary includes far more derivatives and expressions than mine, for instance. For the differences in outlook l refer to my review of Smoczynski 2006 (Derksen forthc. a) . An ongoing project is the Altlitauisches etymologisches Worterbuch (ALEW) of the Lehrstuhl fiir Historisch-vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft der Humboldt-Universitlit zu Bedin in collaboration with the Lietuvių kalbos institutas (Vilnius) . As the name suggests, it is an etymological dictionary of Lithuanian words that are attested prior to ca. 1700. The provisional results are made available on the website of the project.

The dictionary focuses on etyma tliat have been part of the scholarly discussion in the field of Indo-European linguistics, e.g. etyma that occur in Pokorny's Indogermanisches etymologisches Worterbuch (IEW) or the Lexikon der indo­germanischen Verben (LIV). Obviously, this selection includes a number of etyma that may be considered borrowings from a non-Indo-European substratum language (see 2.2) . Excluding such etyma would not be very wise, as the classification of a word as, for instance, "North Indo-European" is merely provisional. Furthermore, even the possibly non-Indo-European elements of the Proto-Slavic lexicon usually meet the IED's criterion that an etymon must be attested in at least two branches of Indo-European in order to be included.

In comparison with other Baltic and Slavic etymological dictionaries, much attention is paid to prosody. In the case of Lithuanian, l have attempted to list all accent variants, mainly on the basis of the Lietuvių kalbos žodynas (LKŽ). In the case of Latvian, l list the variants presented in the dictionary by Miihlenbach and Endzelins (ME) and its supplement (EH), with occasional additions from other sources (see below, section 5). Not only is the prosodic information in other

2 INTRODUCTION

dictionaries incomplete, the accentuation of a form is sometimes presented in such a way that it may lead the reader astray. A case in point is the sign 2, which indicates that a Latvian tone is historically ambiguous but is nevertheless routinely left out by Fraenkel and other scholars. An example is liegs2, which without the addition of 2

seems to be at odds with Lith. lengvas but may actually just as well reflect liegs. It is true that the theory about the origins of the Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex intonations that is followed in the present dictionary significantly increases the importance of Baltic and Slavic accentology for the reconstruction of Proto-Indo­European, but a correct representation of the accentuation of an etymon is, of course, a legitimate goal under any circumstances. For the Proto-Slavic etyma I have tried to reconstruct their prosodic properties, but the number of attested forms on which the reconstruction is seemingly based is smaller than in my Slavic etymological dictionary.

2. THE BALTIC LANGUAGES AND THEIR DIALECTS

2 .1 East and West Baltic

Only three Baltic languages are known to us. They are Lithuanian and Latvian, which are still spoken today, and Old Prussian, which is only sparsely recorded and became extinct in the 181h century. Lithuanian and Latvian are closely related and grouped together as East Baltic. In contrast, Old Prussian is classified as a W est Balti e language. The names of the Baltic languages that are assumed to have died out roughly between 1200 and 1600 are derived from tribal names, e.g. Couronian, Selonian, Semigallian, Y otvingian or (W est and East) Galindian. The speakers of these languages, whose population was decimated during the Baltic crusade, were assimilated by neighbouring tribes. On the basis of onomastics, substratum features, as well as Baltic loanwords in Finno-Ugric, Couronian, Yotvingian and West Galindian are sometimes classified as W est Balti e, whereas Selonian and Semigallian are assumed to have been East Baltic languages ( cf. Dini 1997: 176-177) . Dini classifies East Galindian as Dniepr Baltic, the easternmost branch of Balti e. W e must keep in mind, however, that we know next to nothing about these languages. The eastern border of the Baltic territory has mainly been established thanks to the investigation of hydronyms by Russian scholars, such as Sedov, Otkupščikov and, most of all, Toporov.

Our impression of the Couronian language is for a significant part based on certain phenomena observed in the Latvian dialects of Kurzeme, for which a substratum origin has been assumed ( cf. Endzelins 1913-1914, Būga RR IU: 156-251 ). One such phenomenon is the preservation of Vn before a consonant, e.g. Latv. dzifltars 'amber' for Latv. dzftars. A Couronian substratum has also been suggested in connection with a number of features of Zemaitian ( cf. Būga o.e.: 235, 246, Girdenis 1981, Zinkevičius 2006: 207-226; see also below).

In addition to the indirect traces of extinct Baltic tribal languages, there is the vocabulary entitled Poganske gwary z Narewu, which consists of a Polish side and a side that is written in a language identified as Yotvingian by some scholars (e.g.

INTRODUCTION 3

Zinkevičius 1985) , but as Lithuanian with a strong Yiddish influence by Schmid (1986). One of the problems connected with the vocabulary is the fact that we only have a manual copy at our disposal. The original, which had been included in a Latin prayer book, was thrown out by the parents of Vjačeslav Zinov, who had bought the book in 1978 and contacted Zinkevičius in 1983. Intriguing though it is, the vocabulary can hardly be regarded as a valuable linguistic monument.

2.2 Lithuanian

As was already recognized by Baranauskas and Jaunius, who made significant contributions to the beginnings of Lithuanian dialectology, the main division is between Zemaitian and Aukštaitian dialects. Their classifications of the Lithuanian dialects were superseded by the one that was established by Salys. The now generally accepted classification is based on Girdenis and Zinkevičius 1966. Here the Zemaitian dialect area consists of a northern, a western and a southern region, while the Aukštaitian area is divided into east, west and south. Furthermore, there are various subgroupings.1 The modern standard language is based on the western varieties of Aukštaitian. The now extinct Lithuanian dialects of East Prussia, which played such an important role in the codification of Lithuanian, may also be classified as West Aukštaitian.

According to Salys (1933) , the split between Zemaitian and Aukštaitian dialects originated in the middle of the 151h century. This seems uncomfortably Iate, cf. Būga' s dating of Leskien's law, which was preceded by considerable dialectal differentiation, to the 131h century ( 1924: XXXIII = 1961: 46ff.). In a series of articles, Girdenis (a.o. 1991, 1994) has attempted to push the split back in time, arriving at 700 AD as a terminus ad quem. In his opinion, the breaking up of East Baltic into the tribal languages Selonian, Semigallian, Latgallian, Zemaitian, and Lithuanian was followed by a period of convergence, which in the case of the latter two languages was connected with the formation of a Lithuanian state. Ultimately, Zemaitian came to be perceived as a Lithuanian dialect, to be distinguished from Aukštaitian. This is compatible with Kortlandt's view (1977a: 325) that, while some of the isoglosses between Zemaitian and Aukštaitian must be quite old, the two dialect groups seem to have shared a series of comparatively Iate innovations.

There are other ways of looking at the Lithuanian dialect differentiation, however. In his new book on the origin of the Lithuanian dialects ( 2006, see also 1980 ), Zinkevičius identifies a number of early isoglosses, for instance the East and South Aukštaitian raising of q and ę to ų and į, respectively, which he dates to the 10th or perhaps even 91h century, and the Zemaitian change *ja- > e, which may have taken place before the 13th century. Here the distinction between Aukštaitian and Žemaitian dialects is not represented as a deep-rooted dialectal difference. It is rather the assimilation of neighbouring tribes at later stages that shaped the appearance of the Lithuanian dialects. In the case of Zemaitian, we are dealing with a Couronian

'A convenient overview of the features of the various dialect groups can be found in Balode and Holvoet 2ooia: 51-79.

4 INTRODUCTION

substratum, which Zinkevičius holds responsible for the reflexes ū, f (S) , qu, ęi (N), Q, ę (W) corresponding with Aukštaitian uo, ie. The northwestern East Aukštaitian dialects were partly shaped by Semigallian and Selonian substrata and South Aukštaitian was influenced by Y otvingian. Of course, one must be aware of the danger of circularity (the knowledge of the substratum languages being based on the very same dialect characteristics that are to be accounted for) , but the extinction of Baltic tribal languages is certainly a factor to be reckoned with.

2.3 Latvian

One may distinguish three Latvian dialect groups ( cf. Endzelins 1922a: 1-6, Rudzite 1964: 29, Gaters 1977: 13-14, Balode and Holvoet 2001b: 16-40 ). The Central dialect is spoken in Vidzeme, Zemgale, and the southern part of Kurzeme. The Tamian or Livonian dialect is spoken in the northern part of Kurzeme as well as in certain northern areas of Vidzeme. The High Latvian dialect group comprises the dialects of Latgale, East Vidzeme, and the so-called Selonian dialects of East Zemgale. The Central dialect and the Tamian dialect are regarded to be closer to one another than to High Latvian and for this reason they are sometimes grouped together as Low Latvian. The rise of the standard language is the subject of R�e-Draviųa 1977-

2.4 Old Prussian

As mentioned above, the Old Prussian language is only sparsely documented. Apart from the Elbing Vocabulary, Simon Grunau's Vocabulary, and the three catechisms (see 6.3), we merely have a number of fragments. The Elbing Vocabulary (EV), which dates from around 1400, and the catechisms (1ih century) are often considered to represent different dialects. The dialect reflected by EV is called Pomesanian, while the dialect of the catechisms is called Samlandian or Sambian. The Old Prussian epigram (Iate 14'h century) and an Old Prussian proverb (161h century) seem to reflect the Pomesanian dialect.

In the Duchy of Prussia, the Prussians constituted the lowest class. The position of the Lithuanians was stronger, if only because they belonged to a people that for the greater part lived in the neighbouring Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In the 161h and lih centuries the Prussians were rapidly germanized. The final blow to their existence as a separate entity may have been the plague of the period 1709-1711. There are reasons to believe that the Prussians were partly assimilated by the Lithuanians. The 1ih-century historian Matthaus Pratorius has provided us with examples of the Lithuanian of Nadrovia, which in his opinion was the true Prussian language, in contrast with what he calls the corrupt Prussian of the catechisms ( cf. Y oung 2004, 2007). Pratorius's view was misguided, of course. The language of Nadrovia was clearly Lithuanian, but there are indeed a number of forms that must have originated from a Prussian substratum.

3. STRESS AND TONE IN BAL TIC2

3.1 . Lithuanian

INTRODUCTION 5

The Lithuanian standard language3 distinguishes between a sharply falling tone (acute) and a smoothly rising tone (circumflex), which occur exclusively on stressed long vowels and diphthongs4, e.g. motina 'mother', kaimas 'village', puodas 'pot', darbas 'work' vs. ponas 'sir', vaikas 'child', kuopti 'clean', daržas 'garden'. Short stressed vowels are designated by a gravis, e.g. rasti 'find' , durys 'door' . Acute i- and u-diphthongs ending in a resonant have a gravis on the first element, e.g. pilnas 'full', žiurkė 'rat', because in the normative pronunciation the first element is short and lax. The prosodic systems of the Zemaitian dialects differ considerably from the Aukštaitian system. One of the main features is the broken tone as the reflex of an old accented acute. W e shall have a closer look at the Zemaitian prosodic systems towards the end of this section.

In the Lithuanian standard language, in South Aukštaitian and many W est and East Aukštaitian dialects as well as in a few Zemaitian dialects, stress is free and mobile. In the northern part of the Lithuanian linguistic territory, we find a gradual retraction of the stress from final syllables. In the southeastern parts of this area, including the South Zemaitian Raseiniai region, the stress is only retracted from short endings to a penultimate long syllable. In two small bordering areas, including another part of the South Zemaitian territory, the stress is retracted from short endings to the penultimate syllable, irrespective of its quantity. An unconditional retraction of the stress from short and circumflex final syllables is found in most Zemaitian dialects as well as in the northernmost W est Aukštaitian and bordering East Aukštaitian dialects ( cf. Grinaveckis 1961, Zinkevičius 1966: 37-40, 447) .

While in the Aukštaitian dialects the stress is retracted to the preceding syllable, the Žemaitian dialects with an unconditional ( or visuotinis 'general') retraction of the stress shift the ictus to the initial syllable, proclitics and prepositions included. The retraction may also affect syllables that had received the ictus as a result of apocope ( cf. Zinkevičius 2006: 222 ). The originally stressed syllable receives secondary stress. It is possible for a word to have secondary stress on a number of syllables. Originally unstressed posttonic long endings, for instance, typically have secondary broken tone ( cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 42-45, Young 1991: 27) . In Standard Lithuanian and most Aukštaitian dialects, on the other hand, there is no secondary stress. Since acute syllables do not lose the ictus, Zemaitian never reaches the stage of Latvian, which has fixed stress on the initial syllable.5

'This section is an adaptation of Derksen 1996: 9-17. 3 Actually, Standard Lithuanian seems to be in the process of losing its tone, cf. Robinson 1984 and

Young 199ia. From a dialectgeographical perspective one could say that tonai contrasts on long monophthongs as well as ie and uo are difficult to distinguish or absent in centrai and southern Lithuania, cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 33-36, Kazlauskas 1966-1967: 119.

4 This indudes tautosyllabic sequences of a short vowel and resonant, which are called mixed diphthongs or semidiphthongs.

5 The stress is also not retracted from medial syllables.

6 INTRODUCTION

Lithuanian nouns belong to one of four accent paradigms, of which AP l is barytone, whereas AP 2, 3 and 4 are mobile. In the case of nouns with a monosyllabic stem, there is a connection between the tone of the root and the accent paradigm to which a word belongs. The root is acute in AP l and 3 but short or circumflex in AP 2 and 4, e.g. vyras l 'man', ratas 2 'wheel', darbas 3 'work', draūgas 4 'friend'. For the curves of the accent paradigms in the various nominal formations I refer to Ambrazas et ai. 1997 (126-133, 159-164) or any other Lithuanian grammar or manual.

Nouns with a polysyllabic stem belong to AP 2 if there are case forms which are stressed on the last syllable of the stem and if this syllable is short or circumflex, e.g. mokykla 2, Asg. mokyklą 'school'. Otherwise, nouns with a polysyllabic stem may only belong to AP l or 3. In the latter case, the tone of the root is usually indicated by the addition • (acute) or b (non-acute), e.g. vanduo 3• (Asg. vandeni) 'water' vs. akmuo 3b (Asg. akmen!) 'stone'. If the stem is trisyllabic, we sometimes find an extra addition, e.g. auksakalys 34• (Asg. auksakal!) 'jeweller' vs. pasiuntinys 34b (Asg. pasiuntin!) 'minister', where the 4 indicates that in the barytone case forms the stress falls on the fourth syllable from the end.

The distribution of nouns over the accent paradigms according to the intonation of the syllable preceding the ending suggests that it is possible to reconstruct a stage with a smaller number of accent paradigms. It was Ferdinand de Saussure who showed that the accent paradigms 2 and 4 can be derived from the paradigms l and 3, respectively, by means of a stress shift from a circumflex or short syllable to an immediately following acute syllable (1896: 157) . The progressive shift must have operated at a stage prior to Leskien's law (1881), according to which acute vowels in finai syllables were shortened.

It follows from what has been said above that in AP 2 finai stress is always due to Saussure's law, that in AP 3 finai stress is old, and that AP 4 combines the finai stress of AP 2 and 3. In the singular of the a-stems, for instance, the end-stressed forms are:

AP 2: N. ranka, I. ranka AP 3: N. galva, G. galvos, L. galvoje, Ill. galvon AP 4: N. alga, G. algos, L alga, L. algoje, Ill. algon.

An originally acute ending has usually been preserved in the compound adjective, because here Leskien's law did not operate, e.g. Nsg. f. geroji, Isg. f. gerqja (from geras 'good') . For more details about the four accent paradigms I refer to Derksen 1991: 67-72.

In the finite verbai forms, finai stress is limited to the first and second persons of the singular. The place of the stress in these forms is completely predictable on the basis of Saussure's law, with the exception of the future tense, where the law apparently did not operate. Thus, we find ISg. augu, 2sg. augi, 3 auga (augti 'grow') vs. lsg. metu, 2sg. meti, 3 meta (mesti 'throw'), cf. the reflexive forms ISg. skutuos(i), 2sg. skuties(z), 3 skutas({) (skustis 'shave') .

The original distinction between verbs with fixed stress and verbs with mobile stress can be observed in a limited number of instances only, e.g. sako, nesako (2) vs. veda, neveda (4). The equivalent of AP 3 has largely been eliminated as a

INTRODUCTION 7

consequence of Saussure's law, which entailed a stress shift from proclitics to a following acute root. The only remnants of this class in Lithuanian are end-stressed participial forms, such as duodqs, ėdqs, cf. Latv. duomu, ęmu with a broken tone reflecting earlier accentual mobility (Kortlandt 1977a: 327).

Saussure's law and Leskien's law are comparatively recent developments, which affected all Lithuanian dialects. We must therefore start from a Proto-Lithuanian system with four accent paradigms ( cf. Illič-Svityč 1963: 11 = 1979: 9 ). ln dictionaries such as the LKž and in studies that are not actually dialect descriptions, it is common practice to convert dialect forms and their accentuation to Standard Lithuanian forms. In spite of their daunting appearance, even Žemaitian forms generally allow us to recover their original accentuation. The intricate interplay of stress and tone in this area is extremely interesting.

In most Žemaitian dialects, originally stressed acute syllables have broken tone (laužtinė priegaidė), i.e. a rising-falling tone which at its peak is interrupted by a glottal stop. The realization of the broken tone is not free of variation, glottalization being more prominent in the W est. 6 The dialects in the South and the East of the Žemaitian territory as well as the neighbouring Aukštaitian dialects have Sto6ton (stumtinė priegaidė). Here the glottal stop is absent from the rising-falling contour. Dissimilation of a broken tone to stumtinė is common in the North of the Žemaitian territory, e.g. vi·ra· Npl. 'men' vs. vf.rs Nsg. (Zinkevičius 1966: 34, 2006: 241-242) .

Generally speaking, the Žemaitian circumflex (tvirtagalė or tęstinė priegaidė) differs from its Aukštaitian counterpart by having the peak of intensity on the first part of the syllable ( and therefore the first component of diphthongs ), rendering the falling element of the rising-falling contour more prominent. In the South Žemaitian Raseiniai and Varniai regions ( excluding the latter' s northwestern and northeastern areas) as well as in the West Aukštaitian Kaunas region, the circumflex is a level tone. In diphthongs both components are pronounced with equal intensity.

The opposition broken tone vs. circumflex does not occur in syllables that received the ictus as a result of the Žemaitian stress retraction. The distinction between acute and circumflex is nonetheless preserved in the area around Mosėdis and Salantai, the northeastern part of the North Žemaitian Kretinga region.7 Here newly-stressed acute syllables have stumtinė, while newly-stressed circumflex syllables have either tęstinė or vidurinė priegaidė ('middle tone'8) , depending on whether the ending is long or short. To the south of this area, around Kretinga, Plungė, and Kuliai, the tonal opposition is lost. Before long endings stumtinė has been generalized, while the middle tone is found before short endings. In the southernmost part of the Kretinga region, around Endriejavas and Rietavas, we find tęstinė before short endings and vidurinė before long endings (Zinkevičius 1966: 40-

6 Cf. Girdenis 1967 ( = KD l: 76-88), where it is argued that in the dialect of the Mažeikiai the acute is primarily characterized by pharyngalization.

7 There may be additional North žemaitian areas where the phenomenon is attested, cf. Grinaveckis 1973: 97.

8 The middle tone seems to refer to the quantity of the syllable rather than to a specific tone contour.

8 INTRODUCTION

41, Bacevičiūtė et al. 2004: 259 ). The situation may be illustrated in the following way:

Standard Lith. galva Nsg. galvos Gsg. merga Nsg. mergos Gsg.

Mosėdis, Salantai gali!' ga·lvuos me·ri' merguos

Kretinga, Plungė galv" ga·lvuos mert me·rguos

Endriejavas, Rietavas gii·lv" galvuos me·ri' merguos

It should be noted that Aleksandravičius's description of the prosodic system of the dialect of Kretinga (1957), which thanks to the fact that it features in Stang 1966 has acquired iconic status, falsely pretends that this dialect has a distinction between newly-stressed acute and newly-stressed circumflex syllables.9 A description of the system of the Mosėdis area is Rokaitė 1961.

The situation in the area around Mosėdis and Salantai shows that in pretonic syllables the inherited distinction between acute and circumflex syllables was still preserved at time of the retraction of the stress to the initial syllable. In posttonic syllables, too, traces of this distinction are attested ( cf. Grinaveckis 1964: 6). ln this respect Žemaitian resembles Latvian. A difference between Žemaitian and Latvian is the fact that in Žemaitian the tonal alternations within a paradigm are usually retained, e.g. su-n6s (sūnus) Nsg. 'son' vs. su·n"s (sanus) Apl. (Bacevičiutė et al. 2004: 197) .

Another characteristic of Žemaitian is the early shortening of unstressed short and circumflex endings, e.g. neš (neša) 'carries', ka-kl" (kiiklo) Gsg. 'neck', že·m(ę) (žemė) 'earth' (ibid.). The apocope of *a seems to have preceded the lengthening of a and e in stressed non-final syllables, e.g. laps (liipas) 'leaf. Examples such as coastal Žemaitian medis 'tree' : Apl. medus (medžius) show that the lengthening occurred prior to the Žemaitian stress-shift. W e find no lengthening before a synchronically long ending, e.g. med'Ųu Dsg. (with secondary broken tone) , which may be due to a recent development. Lengthening does occur before shortened circumflex endings, e.g. med'u (medžių) Gpl. The lengthening is more restricted in the West Žemaitian area, where the tendency to shorten and eliminate final syllables is particularly strong.

3 .2 Latvian

With a few minor exceptions, the Latvian standard language as well as all Latvian dialects have fixed initial stress ( cf. Gaters 1977: 23-24). Long vowels and diphthongs have a tone, irrespective of their position in the word. The most elaborate tone system consists of three tones: the sustained tone, which is slightly rising, the falling tone, and the broken tone, which is characterized by glottal constriction, e.g. mate 'mother', duona 'bread' vs. tas Gsg. f. 'that' , ruoka 'hand' vs. azis 'goat', du6t 'give'. ln

9 Sce Aleksandravičius 1961: 125 fn. and Zinkevičius 1966: 40 fn. The original description was apparently adapted at the instigation of a number of unnamed linguists.

INTRODUCTION 9

the case of tautosyllabic sequences of a vowel and a resonant, quantitative oppositions are indicated in the following way: stirna 'roe' : virs 'man', balss 'voice' : bals ( or bals) 'pale', ceit 1ift' : vęls 1ate'. Thus, length is indicated by the place of the accent mark in diphthongs10 with a sustained or broken tone, whereas in falling diphthongs length is indicated by an additional macron. Over falling monophthongs the macron is not written because it is redundant, cf. tas (= t&s) vs. bals.

In my examples of diphthongs containing a long vowel, the resonant had become tautosyllabic as a result of apocope, cf. Lith. vyras, vėlus. W e find a quantitive opposition in original diphthongs as well, e.g. kalt 'forge', vęlns 'devil' vs. dzerve 'crane', bart 'scold', vards 'word' , vrrpt 'spin' . Insofar as these diphthongs continue East Baltic *VRC ( cf. Lith. kalti, velnias, gervė, barti, vardas, verpti) , it appears that length only occurs in the diphthongs are, erC, are, �rC. w e may now formulate the rule that at a certain period in the history of Latvian, a and e were lengthened before a tautosyllabic r under the sustained and falling tones (Endzelins 1922a: 102) . This rule explains such alternations as vilkt, vęlku 'drag' vs. pirkt, prrku 'buy'. Apparent exceptions, such as perve 'paint', pęrsuonisks 'persona!' or tarba 'bag', are recent borrowings or neologisms (ibid.) .

The marking of length in diphthongs is slightly more complicated than it seems. Since in old diphthongs ending in a resonant we hardly ever find i or ū, length is not marked in falling long diphthongs which result from apocope, e.g. {uns2 = {ūns (Lith. lianas) vs. lrns 'slow' (Lith. lenas). Short diphthongs resulting from apocope, by the way, automatically receive a falling tone, which is not indicated (Endzelins 1922b: 4). Thus, zęms 1ow' (Lith. žemas) is actually zęms. Fortunately, Endzelins's suggestion to leave out the macron in falling long diphthongs resulting from apocope is not followed in ME: whereas Endzelins proposed to write �ęms 'ghost' instead of �rms (l.e.) , ME uses the latter spelling.11

The system with three tones is original, as can easily be demonstrated (see i.3). It has been preserved in two unconnected areas, viz. in Burtneek, W ohlfahrt, Ermes, Walk, Trikaten, Wolmar, Papendorf, Wenden, Arrasch, Ronneburg, Smilten, Serbigal, Palzmar, Drostenhof, Serben, Schujen, Nitau, Jiirgensburg, and a few other places in Vidzeme (Livland), as well as in Neuenburg, Schmucken, Blieden, Kumbern, Lut(t)ringen, and Gaiken in Kurzeme and Zemgale (which together constitute Kurland) (Endzelins 1922a: 22-23).

The remaining Latvian dialects possess a system with two tones. W e may distinguish two areas. In the western part of Latvia the falling tone merged with the broken tone, whereas in East Latvia the sustained tone merged with the falling tone. If a form contains a tone which is from a historical point of view ambiguous, it is provided with the sign 2• Thus, we find Central Latvian traūks, draugs, raugs, corresponding to W est Latvian traūks, draugs2, raugs2 and East Latvian trauks2,

w The term "mixed diphthong" is usually reserved for tautosyllabic sequences of a short vowel and a resonant. It is convenient, however, to regard tautosyllabic sequences of a long vowel and a resonant as diphthongs as well.

H The vocabulary of Endzelins 1922C is inconsistent, as we fmd mrms 'stumm' alongside lęns 'langsam, sanft, mild'.

10 INTRODUCTION

draugs2, raugs (Endzelins 1922e: 58). Note that this division into three areas applies exclusively to the tone systems and that in a geographieal sense it is only roughly aeeurate.

I shall not go deeply into the phoneties of the West and East Latvian tone systems, for whieh I refer to Andronov 1996. We eould say that in West Latvian the opposition is between sustained and non-sustained (Zeps 1970: 12-13). The realization of the ambiguous broken tone resembles a broken tone in the Tamian dialeets of Kurzeme but a falling tone in the Tamian dialects of W est Vidzeme (Gaters 1977: 24) . In East Latvian, the opposition is between interrupted (glottalized) and non-interrupted, though in a part of the East Latvian territory, we find a rising tone instead of the broken tone (Zeps: l.e.).

In non-initial syllables, the system with three tones is redueed to an opposition between glottalized and non-glottalized, i.e. the opposition between the sustained and falling tones is neutralized. The result is written as a sustained tone. I must add, however, that some speakers seem to preserve the threefold distinetion in non-initial root syllables. In the native dialeets of P. Sehmidt (between Ronneburg and Smilten) and J. Cirulis (Drostenhof), for instanee, there is a tonal distinetion between pazit 'kennen' and nuoziegties 'sich vergehen' (Endzelins 1922a: 23) , whereas in Wolmar, and therefore in Endzelins' s speeeh, the tonal distinetion between seju 1 sowed' and seju 1 bound' is lost in apseju 1 sowed, I bound up' (l.e.; 1922e: 57). As I oeeasionally pointed out in my dissertation (1996), the material provided by Sehmidt and Cirulis eontains quite a few sustained tones in non-initial root syllables which alternate with a falling tone in other forms. It is implausible that these are all examples of metatonie rude.

In suffixal syllables there is a tendeney towards the generalization of a eertain tone, e.g. Lsg. pupa, vaga (Wolmar, Sehmidt) vs. pupa, vaga (Drostenhof).12 This holds true for dialeets with two tones as well. In the West Latvian dialeet of Neu­Autz, whieh is represented by Bielenstein, as well as in most dialeets of Southwest Kurzeme, all suffixal syllables have the broken tone (Endzelins 1922a: 27-28). An interesting reeent publieation on tones in non-initial syllables is Seržants 2003.

Finally, I would like to return to the subjeet of vowel lengthening before a tautosyllabie r. Lengthening is found in most dialeets13 but under varying conditions. In its most limited form the lengthening exclusively affeeted a and e before a tautosyllabie r in syllables with a sustained or falling tone. Under these eonditions the lengthening operated in most dialeets whieh are situated in the middle part of Latvia, including those on whieh the literary language is based. In the dialeets of this area in whieh the falling tone merged with the broken tone, i.e. in West Vidzeme and the neighbouring parts of eentral Zemgale,14 the original tonal differenee is betrayed

" The second broken tone in Lpl. galvas (Lith. galvose) is not analogical after pupas (Lith. pupose), if one takes the view that the broken tone reflects an unaccented acute ( cf. 3.3).

'' Sorne of the dialects in which there is no lengthening developed an anaptyctic vowel after the r, e.g. in Nieder-Bartau zirags, kurape for zifgs, kurpe (Endzelins 1922a: 105).

'4 On page 52 of Derksen 1991, l wrote "centrai Kurzerne (Kurland)" to refer to the sarne area. This is a consequence of the fact that in older publications "Kurland" is used as a designation for an area cornprising both Kurzerne and Zerngale.

INTRODUCTION 11

by a quantative difference in the case of a and e before a tautosyllabic r, e.g. darzs2 'garden', pert2 'whack' < darzs, pert vs. darbs 'work', dzert 'drink' (Endzelins 1922c: 58). The merger of the sustained and falling tones was therefore posterior to the lengthening.

In High Latvian, not only e and a but also i and u have been lengthened ( and often diphthongized) under the same conditions as I have specified above, e.g. ier2, uor2 vs. ir, ur in Marienburg, Schwaneburg, Gr.-Buschhof, etc. (Endzelins 1922a: 104) . ln all Tamian dialects and in the dialects of Kurzeme which belong to the central dialect group, we find lengthening of a, e before a tautosyllabic r irrespective of the tone of the syllable. Lengthening or diphthongization of i and u under the same conditions is also quite common in this area, though a little less widespread. In a few dialects only ir and ur have been lengthened (o.e . : 103-104).

The above-mentioned rules regarding vowel lengthening before a tautosyllabic r apply to old diphthongs of the structure VrC. In principle they do not apply to diphthongs originating from apocope or to the sequence - Vr in auslaut, cf. ar 'with', gars 'vapour, spirit'. In certain dialects in Kurzeme, we find vowel lengthening in these cases as well, e.g. garš2, turs2 'there' .

Though in ME and EH dialect forms are normalized to a large extent, the presence or absence of lengthening before r is a feature which is usually represented.

3.3 The relationship between the Lithuanian and Latvian prosodic systems

As l stated in section B 2, the relationship between the Lithuanian and Latvian prosodic systems was essentially clarified by Endzelins (1899) . He showed that the Lithuanian system must be compared with the Central Latvian system with three tones. The Latvian falling tone corresponds to the Lithuanian circumflex, whereas both the sustained and the broken tone correspond to the acute. As to the distribution of the sustained and the broken tone, Endzelins (1899: 125ff.) observed that, as a rule, the former occurs in nouns and verbs which correspond to Lithuanian words with fixed stress, whereas the latter occurs in nouns and verbs corresponding to Lithuanian mobilia. Thus, in nouns with a monosyllabic stem, the Latvian sustained tone corresponds to Lithuanian AP 1 and the broken tone to AP 3, e.g. Latv. duona, saūle, briilis, galva, azis, sirds : Lith. duona 1, saulė 1, brolis 1, galva 3, ožys 3, širdis 3. The Latvian falling tone corresponds to both AP 2 and 4, e.g. Latv. ruoka, draugs, auss : Lith. ranka 2, draūgas 4, ausis 4 (for more examples, see Derksen 1991: 50-51).

While it is clear that the Latvian sustained tone is the regular reflex of the acute intonation in stressed syllables, opinions greatly differ as to the origin of the broken tone. According to the classical explanation, the broken tone originated when the stress was retracted to an acute vowel, for instance in the oxytone case forms of a mobile paradigm. The retraction yielded a rising tone, which was preserved in certain High Latvian dialects (the so-called "Selonian dialects") but developed into a broken tone elsewhere (Endzelins 1922a: 21-22, 25-26; 1922c: 62, cf. Stundžia 1981: 62).

An attempt to provide a more detailed phonetic explanation for the rise of the broken tone was made by Ekblom. Starting from the traditional view that the Latvian

12 INTRODUCTION

acute was a rising tone, as it was in Old Prussian or Slavic, Ekblom (1933: 69) assumed that a retraction of the ictus onto an initial acute syllable caused an abrupt rise in pitch, which brought about a glottal stop. The rise of the Danish st0d is generally explained along the same lines (o.e. : 49, cf. Rasmussen 1992: 88).

I consider the traditional explanation for the rise of the broken tone highly unsatisfactory. I shall confine myself to offering a few arguments against it. Firstly, forms such as gaivas imply that the stress was retracted in two stages, as was pointed out by Stang (1966: 142-143), who basically subscribed to Endzelins's view. Secondly, originally posttonic broken tones are problematic by definition, which forces Endzelins to assume numerous analogies (cf. Young 1994: 103-106). Thirdly, the traditional theory prevents us from establishing a common origin for the connection between the Latvian and the Žemaitian broken tone, as the latter primarily reflects an originally stressed acute.

The view that the rising tone of the Selonian dialects represents a more archaic stage than the broken tone has been disputed repeatedly. It was questioned, for instance, by Zeps (1970: 14), who on the basis of the areal configuration of the Latvian tones considered the rising tone to be an innovation. Kortlandt actually establishes the broken tone as an archaism and claims that the Latvian and Žemaitian broken tones continue the original East Baltic acute. ln his view, the East Baltic acute intonation was a glottalic pitch, which arose when the glottal stop resulting from the merger of the laryngeals and the glottalic part of the preglottalized stops became a vocalic feature (1974a: 302, 1975: 25, 1977a: 324) . In Latvian, the broken tone was preserved in syllables which were unstressed after the retractions marking the end of the East Baltic period, such as the retraction of the ictus from prevocalic i. The later Latvian fixation of the stress on the initial syllable did not affect syllables with a broken tone ( cf. Derksen 1995, 2ooia) .

3 .4 Old Prussian

Following Kortlandt 1974, I assume that in Old Prussian, to be more precise in the Enchiridion, there are two indications for the place of the stress. Firstly, a long stressed vowel and the prominent part of a stressed diphthong are designated by a macron: mūti 'mother', turit 'have', wijrs 'man' (with ij equivalent to i), rankan Asg. 'hand', kaūlins Apl. 'bones'. Secondly, stressed vowels are regularly preceded by a double consonant. This applies to short vowels as well as to long vowels and diph­thongs, e.g. kadden 'when', gennan Asg. 'woman', semme 'earth', dessimts 'tenth' ettrai 'answer'. The same usage is found in certain Lithuanian publications from Konigsberg where a double consonant indicates that a preceding a or e is short and therefore usually unstressed, e.g. Asg. rasq (=rasą) , Gsg. rass6s (=rasos) in the Prayer Book of 1705, or Gpl. padu (=padų), na,ggU ( = nagiį) (Illič-Svityč 1963: 20-21 = 1979 : 17-18, 152, cf. also Bense 1958: 657). This orthographic convention was first pointed out by A. Baranauskas (1898: 13) with respect to Haack's vocabulary (1730), where we find sukku, lippu, etc. It must be emphasized that double consonants are not to be regarded as a conscious effort on the part of the scribe to mark the place of the ictus (Kortlandt 1999: 76).

INTRODUCTION 13

Kortlandt's hypothesis that a double consonant can be considered an indication that the next vowel is stressed challenged the traditional assumption that a stressed short vowel is generally followed by a double consonant. It now appears that the debate was postponed until the late nineties, when the topic was addressed in a series of articles (Parenti i998, Kortlandt 1999, 2oooa, Young 1999, Schmalstieg 2001), sometimes in connection with Kortlandt's progressive shift (see below), which was formulated independently of the hypothesis regarding the function of the double consonants. The arguments put forward in favour of the traditional view give me no reason to abandon my earlier agreement with Kortlandt's hypothesis.

Old Prussian stress was free and mobile: spigsnii Nsg. vs. spfgsnan Asg. 'bath', mergan Asg. vs. mergūmans Dpl. 'maid' , laikūt inf. vs. laiku 3pl. ind. 'hold' . According to Kortlandt, "it can be demonstrated that Old Prussian shared the common Balto-Slavic accentual innovations" ( 197 4: 299 ). At a recent stage stressed short vowels los t the ictus to the following syllable (o.e. : 302, cf. also Kortlandt 2oooa). This progressive shift is sometimes designated as "Kortlandt's law", e.g. Dybo 1998: 6.15

It is likely that the Balto-Slavic opposition between acute and circumflex intonation in one way or another was preserved in Old Prussian. Unfortunately, only the accentuation of diphthongs offers any information about the existence of such an opposition. In Old Prussian, diphthongs can be stressed on the first or on the second element (Trautmann 1910: 187-192), e.g. iiusins Apl. 'ears', kaūlins Apl. 'bones', liiiskas 'booklet', afnan Asg. m. 'one'. The macron, however, never appears over one of the resonants m, n, l, r, though it is very probable that they were stressable as the second element of diphthongs. A comparison with Lithuanian shows that diph­thongs with a macron on the first element regularly correspond to circumflex diphthongs in Lithuanian, while diphthongs with a macron on the second element correspond to acute diphthongs or, in the case of ef < *f and oū < *ū, to y and u, respectively (Schmalstieg 1974: 22-23; Stang 1966: 143-144), e.g.

eit 3sg. subj. 'may go': eiti 'go' imt inf. 'take' : imti 'id.' riinkan Asg. 'hand' : ranką 'id.' pogaūt inf. 'receive' : pagauti 'catch' afnan Asg. m. 'one' : vieną 'id.' boūt inf. 'be' : buti 'id.' gefwans Apl. m. 'alive' : gyvas 'id.'

It is therefore quite possible that in Old Prussian the circumflex was falling and the acute rising, as in Latvian and Slavic. Kortlandt (2009a) , on the other hand, argues that the language of the catechisms indicates that Old Prussian had a quantitative but not a tonal opposition in the vowel system.

'5 Dybo (1998: 6 fn.) claims that he discovered the shift independently and discussed the law in lectures on Baltic accentology presented in 1973. Furthermore, he subscribes to the view that double consonants are preceded by unstressed short vowels.

14 INTRODUCTION

4. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK16

4.1 General considerations and Proto-Indo-European

Not surprisingly, the ideas about the structure of the Indo-European proto-language underlying this book conform with the theories propagated by Leiden based Indo­Europeanists such as Beekes, Kortlandt, and Lubotsky. The best introduction to this theoretical framework is Beekes 1995, which is the English edition of Beekes 1990. The existence of this introductory work largely relieves me of the obligation to present an outline of the theories on which my Proto-Indo-European recon­structions are based. Thus, I shall confine myself to representing some of the main aspects.

It is a well-known fact that Leiden Indo-Europeanists tend to deny that there was a Proto-Indo-European phoneme *a (see especially Lubotsky 1989). Nevertheless, it is quite possible that a Proto-Slavic etymon derives from a form containing *a. The Proto-Slavic lexical stock contains numerous elements that do not have an Indo­European origin. These may have been borrowed from a substratum language, possibly at an early stage. The *a that these words may contain is sometimes called "European *a" because the substratum language was located on European soil.

I subscribe to the hypothesis that Proto-Indo-European did not have an opposition between palatalized and plain velars ( cf. Meillet 1894, Steensland 1973) . The latter arose from depalatalization in certain constellations, in particular after *s (though not before *1) and after *u, where the opposition between the palatovelar and labiovelar series was neutralized. Depalatalization before resonants unless followed by a front vowel occurred in Balto-Slavic and Albanian ( cf. Kortlandt 1978a: 240-242). The latter development is to a considerable extent responsible for the variation between velar stops and sibilants that we observe in both Baltic and Slavic.

The traditional Proto- Indo-European system of voiceless, voiced, and aspirated voiced stops has repeatedly been challenged on typological grounds. As an alternative, it was proposed that the unaspirated voiced stops were actually glottalic (e.g. Gamkrelidze and Ivanov 1984: 5-84). The glottalic hypothesis was applied to great effect by Kortlandt, who employed it to tackle a diversity of issues in various branches of Indo-European (cf. Kortlandt 1985a) . Crucial to the present publication is Kortlandt's interpretation of the Balto-Slavic development known as Winter's law as the merger of the glottalic element of the traditional mediae with the reflex of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals ( see 4.2.2.3 ) .

In Proto-Indo-European, the lengthened grade vowels *e and *o occurred in a limited number of categories, which can ultimately be reduced to monosyllables and forms ending in a resonant ( cf. Beekes 1990: 204, 1995 : 167, Kortlandt 1986: 154-155). Contrarily to what is generally assumed, lengthened grade vowels are regularly circumflex in Balto-Slavic. Forms presented as counter-examples contain either a laryngeal or can be regarded as examples of Winter's law. Another source of

'6 Section 4 is largely identical with section 2 of the introduction of Derksen 2008a (2-15).

INTRODUCTION 15

circumflex long vowels is contraction. A special case is the constellation *eH (*oH), where according to Kortlandt the laryngeal was lost (Kortlandt 1985b: 115, 118-120 ) .

As can be gathered from the preceding paragraphs, I adhere to the view that there once existed a Balto-Slavic linguistic unity. It can be demonstrated that Baltic and Slavic underwent a sequence of common developments, a number of which relate to the place of the stress. In view of its complexity as well as the important role it plays in this dictionary, Balto-Slavic accentology will be the subject of a separate section.

4.2 Balto-Slavic accentology

4.2.1 Introduction

As stated above, Kortlandt's theory about the origins of the Balto-Slavic acute and circumfle�. intonations significantly increases the relevance of Balto-Slavic accentology for etymological studies. This is reflected in numerous publications by Indo-Europeanists from Leiden, for instance in several monographs that appeared in the Leiden Studies in Indo-European series. A good example is Schrijver 1991, where a conscious effort is made to take the Balto-Slavic accentual evidence into account.17 My own book in the series, Derksen 1996, is a slightly different matter, as it deals with an accentological subject, the problem of metatony in Baltic. It contains a brief survey of Balto-Slavic accentology,18 which partly coincides with Derksen 1991. I shall here repeat some of the points I tried to make in these two publications.

4.2.2 Balto-Slavic developments

Over the years Kortlandt has devised a detailed relative chronology of developments ranging from Proto-Indo-European to disintegrating Slavic. It was first published in a Serbo-Croation translation in 1989. The English version, which was marred by many misprints, appeared in 1994, to be followed by a corrected version on the World Wide Web (2002), which finally ended up in Kortlandt 2011a (157-176). Articles reproducing and discussing large parts of the relative chronology are Kortlandt 2005a and 2006a. Kortlandt's chronology might be called the backbone of my investigations in the field of Balto-Slavic historical linguistics, which is not to say that it will be treated as if it were carved in stone.

The Balto-Slavic section of Kortlandt's relative chronology contains a number of developments that concern accentology. These are conveniently listed in Kortlandt 2006b (349 ) :

"i. Loss of PIE accentual mobility, of which there is no trace outside the nominal flexion of the consonant stems, e.g. Lith. dukte 'daughter', piemuo 'shepherd', and the flexion of the athematic verbs, e.g. duodij.s 'giving' ( cf. Kortlandt 1985b on the latter). 2. Pedersen's law: the stress was retracted from medial syllables in mobile accent paradigms, e.g. acc.sg. dukterį, piemenį, Greek thugatera, poimena.

17 We may draw a comparison with the thematically similar dissertation Beekes 1969, where Balto­Slavic accentology did not yet play any role of significance.

'8 A recent introduction to Balto-Slavic accentology is Sukač 2013.

16 INTRODUCTION

3. Barytonesis: the retraction of the stress spread analogically to vocalic stems in the case forms where Pedersen's law applied, e.g. acc.sg. avį 'sheep', srinų 'son', dievq 'god', žiemq 'winter'. 4. Oxytonesis: the stress is shifted from a medial syllable to the end of the word in paradigms with end-stressed forms, e.g. inst.sg. sūnumi, inst.pl. žiemomis. 5. Hirt's law: the stress was retracted if the vowel of the pretonic syllable was im­mediately followed by a laryngeal, e.g. duona 'bread', vyras 'man', damai 'smoke', Vedic dhands, viras, dhūmas. 6. Winter's law: the PIE glottalic stops dissolved into a laryngeal and a buccal part. The former merged with the reflex of the PIE laryngeals and the latter with the re­flex of the lenes stops, e.g. Latvian pęds 'footstep' < *ped6m, nuogs 'naked' < *nogw6s, duomu 'I give' < *dodH3mf. 7. Retraction of the stress from final open syllables of disyllabic word forms unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent, e.g. Lith. gen.sg. vilko 'wolf', dat.sg. vilkui, galvai 'head', neša 'carries', Serbo-Croatian vCtka, vCtku, gliivi, nese 'carried', neuter pila 'drank', but Lith. gen.sg. avies, gen.pl. vilkų < * -om, nom.sg. galva < * -aH, Russian pila 'she drank' < *-aH, neuter nesl6, infinitive nesti, where syllable-final consonants (including word-final laryngeals) prevented the retraction of the stress."

4.2.2 .1 The rise of the mobile paradigm

The developments 1-4 and 7 are intended to account for the accentual curve of the Balto-Slavic mobile paradigm. Here a few words on the historical background of the problem are in order. According to Saussure (1896), the Lithuanian opposition between barytona and mobilia continues an Indo-European opposition between barytona and oxytona. As the identity of the Lithuanian and Proto-Slavic mobile paradigms is beyond doubt, this implies that the Balto-Slavic mobile paradigm arose from an oxytone paradigm. Saussure's explanation for the origin of the Lithuanian mobile paradigm started from consonant stems of which the number of syllables did not remain constant within the paradigm. In Kortlandt's chronology it appears under the name Pedersen's law in view of Pedersen's effort (1933: 25) to reformulate the law proposed by Saussure.

The prehistory of the Balto-Slavic accentual system has been the subject of much debate (see Olander 2006 and 2009 for an overview). Kortlandt's development (1) places him at the same starting-point as Saussure: the early Balto-Slavic system mainly had an opposition between barytona and oxytona. The few traces of original accentual mobility that survived only played a modest role. The question is if it is possible to strengthen the link between the Balto-Slavic accentual mobile paradigm and Proto-Indo-European accentual mobility. We may note that Illič-Svityč, when he set out to provide comparative proof for Saussure's hypothesis on the Indo-European background of the Balto-Slavic barytone and mobile paradigms (1963, English translation 1979 ) , tried to gain a better understanding of Pedersen's law by suggesting a link with the survival of mobile root nouns. With respect to the Indo-European situation he preferred the term "mobile-oxytone" to "oxytone''.

INTRODUCTION 17

It so happens that Kortlandt himself (2009b) has recently modified his account of the rise of the Balto-Slavic mobile paradigm. Instead of assuming an early loss of Proto-Indo-European accentual mobility, he now starts from the Late lndo-European hysterodynamic and proterodynamic paradigms. The first step is the replacement of the isolated root stress of the Nsg. of the hysterodynamic paradigm by final stress. The sigmatic Nsg. of the proterodynamic paradigm then underwent the same development, creating a dear accentual opposition between end-stressed masculines and feminines on the one hand and root-stressed neuters on the other. The medially stressed case-forms, viz. the Asg., Lsg. , Apl. , and Npl. forms of the hysterodynamic paradigm and the Dsg. and Npl. forms of the proterodynamic paradigm, subsequently retracted the stress to the initial syllable. Kortlandt's objective here is to reformulate Pedersen's law as a phonetic development. Furthermore, the scope of the barytonesis has been limited:

"The barytonesis did not affect acc.sg. avį 'sheep', sunų 'son', which had preserved Indo-European radical stress, nor žiemq 'winter', which was built on the original nom.sg. form *gheim ( cf. Beekes 1985: 44), but did yield tlie retraction in dievq 'god', cf. Vedic devcim, because the o-stems had fixed stress from the outset:' (Kortlandt 2009b: 77)

Finally, the existence of oxytonesis as a Balto-Slavic development is put into doubt. The accentuation of Lith. sunumi Isg. and žiemomis lpl. may be old because it replaces the end-stressed instrumental in *-bhi. On the whole, the new scenario links the Balto-Slavic state of affairs more dosely to Late Indo-European nominal accentuation.

The retraction listed as number 7 was first formulated by Kortlandt in 1975 (5-7). Since it was inspired on a retraction formulated by Ebeling, it was baptized "Ebeling's law", but in recent publications by Kortlandt this designation tends to be avoided. An interesting consequence of the condition that the stress was not retracted to syllables ending in an obstruent is the rise of a dass of oxytone neuters. In Slavic, these oxytona ended up in AP (b ) . If the root contained the reflex of a laryngeal or the laryngeal part of a PIE glottalic stop, it was lost in pretonic position. ln Baltic, the oxytone neuters became barytone when the stress was retracted from final *-a, yielding metatony (Derksen 1996: 96-128 , 229-232, see also 2004: 87-89, zona) . Words belonging to this dass were occasionally misinterpreted by Illič-Svityč (1963) . The effects of what The Late Balto-Slavic retraction, as we may now call this development, can also be observed in masculine o-stems (Derksen 2009 ) .

4.2.2.2 Hirt's law19

Hirt's law, which is listed above as development 5, was proposed in order to account for the large number of correspondences between Baltic and Slavic barytona and nouns which considering the Sanskrit, Greek, and Germanic evidence had

19 The sections on Hirt's law and Winter's law as well as section 2.2.3.2 on progressive shifts in Baltic and Slavic are adaptations of the corresponding sections in Derksen 2004.

INTRODUCTION

mobile/oxytone accentuation in PIE. In Hirt's original formulation (1895) the stress was retracted to long root syllables. Since then the law has been reformulated a remarkable number of times, among others by Hirt himself (1899) . An important observation was made by Bonfante (1935, 1937) , who showed that the stress was only retracted to non-apophonic long vowels, i.e. to sequences of a short vowel and a laryngeal.

After a thorough investigation of the "Hirt-Bonfante hypothesis': Illič-Svityč (1963: 80 = 1979: 63) concluded that the retraction was indeed limited to non­apophonic long syllabic elements, i.e. to non-apophonic long vowels, long resonants and long diphthongs. He contrasts syllables containing "new length" from laryngeal loss after a syllabic element with syllables containing apophonic length or an original sequence of a short vowel followed by a resonant and a vocalized laryngeal, e.g. *tenaų6s < *tenHų6s, cf. Gk. wva6c; 'outstretched, tall', Latv. tievs 'thin'. This invites the conclusion that at the time of the retraction the laryngeals were still present, as has indeed been argued by some scholars ( cf. Kortlandt i975: 2, Rasmussen 1985: passim). In that case one might simply say that the stress was retracted to an immediately preceding syllable containing a vocalic element followed by a laryngeal. That the position of the laryngeal plays an essential role was demonstrated by Kortlandt in connection with the accentuation of the Slavic 1-participle (1975: 2-4) . He suggested that in instances such as Ru. pila f. 'drank' the laryngeal must originally have preceded the i of the root. His reconstruction *pHilaH is supported by full grades of the type *pe/oh)- or *pe/oh3- e.g. Skt. payayati. An opposition between *-HI- and *-IH- can also be demonstrated for Greek and Italo-Celtic, where we find indications that pretonic *-HI- yielded a short reflex (Schrijver 1991: 512-536) . ln Balto-Slavic, *-HI- seems to have yielded the same reflex as *-IH- , which suggests that posterior to Hirt's law, *-HI- was metathesized. It may be clear that Hirt's law is a

strong argument for a Balto-Slavic linguistic unity.

4.2.2.3 Winter's law

Winter's law, which in its original formulation is vowel lengthening before PIE unaspirated voiced stops (Winter 1978) , is without doubt a sound law of major importance. So far, however, it has not quite received the recognition it deserves. The main reason for this is probably the fact that a number of appealing examples seem to violate the law. Since a survey of the evidence clearly indicates that the law is essentially correct (cf. Young 1990, 2008, Rasmussen 1992, and especially Dybo 2002) , the next logical step is to look for special circumstances which might provide an explanation for the apparent exceptions. For 'water' ( cf. OCS vada vs. Lith. vanduo 3•) and 'fire' ( cf. Lith. ugnis, OCS ogn'b ) , Kortlandt has proposed that the law did not affect the clusters ndn and ngn (1979 : 61, 1988: 388-389) . The nasal infix which may be reconstructed for Balto-Slavic must have developed from a nasal suffix in PIE times already (cf. Thurneysen 1883) . Another major exception is Slavic *xod'b 'going, course' . Here the absence of Winter's law may originate from a reduplicated present stem *sizd-, where the law was blocked by an intervening z (Kortlandt 1988: 394) .

INTRODUCTION 19

This is not the place to discuss the various attempts to modify the formulation of Winter's law, for which l refer to Derksen 2003a, 2004, and 2007. l would like to elaborate, however, on Kortlandt's interpretation of Winter's law and its relationship to the Balto-Slavic prosodic system. According to the traditional doctrine, the Balto­Slavic acute intonation, which is usually reconstructed as a rising tone, reflects length, i.e. original length or length resulting from the loss of a laryngeal. If Winter's law is interpreted as vowel lengthening, the fact that the law yields acute long vowels and diphthong is only to be expected. The regular reflex of a lengthened grade, however, is circumflex in Balto-Slavic, as Kortlandt has argued on numerous occasions (e.g. 1985b, 1997a). The main reason why this is not generally recognized is the ease with which some Indo-Europeanists postulate lengthened grades, thereby obscuring the original situation. Since both the presence of a laryngeal and Winter's law generate acute syllables, one may try to link this observation to the hypothesis that the PIE voiced unaspirated stops were actually (pre )glottalized (Kortlandt 1978b ). In Kortlandt's interpretation, Winter's law is the merger of the laryngeal element of the glottalic stop with the reflex of the Indo- European laryngeals, which had become a glottal stop in Balto-Slavic.

An advantage of Kortlandt's interpretation of Winter's law is the possibility to regard the Latvian and Zemaitian broken tones as direct continuations of a Balto­Slavic glottal element (Derksen 1995, Kortlandt 1998a). This does not imply that already in Balto-Slavic glottalization existed as a vocalic feature. l am not aware of any indications that in the Balto-Slavic period the glottal stop lost the status of a segmentai phoneme which it must still have had when Hirt's law operated ( see 4.2.2.2), though Kortlandt (2010: 37) now assumes that syllable-medial and syllable­final glottal stops developed into a syllable-final feature of constriction. The Balto­Slavic distinction between acute and circumflex syllables, which was clearly independent of the place of the ( free and mobile) ictus, was originally the distinction between the presence and absence of a glottal stop. It most certainly was not a tonai distinction originating from PIE ( cf. Kortlandt 1985b, Nassivera 2000 ). The rise of tonai distinctions must probably be dated to the separate branches of Balto-Slavic, as will be argued in the next sections.

4.2.3 The rise of the Bast Baltic tones

In Kortlandt's view (1977a: 324), the Balto-Slavic glottal stop became a vocalic feature in the East Baltic period. This may have been simultaneous with the monopthongization of stressed *ai and *ei to *ę and the rise of nasalized vowels. Distinctive tone arose when the stress was retracted from prevocalic *i and from *a in finai syllabes (o.e. : 325-326, cf. Derksen 1996: 374-376, 2011d: 17).20 The retraction yielded a rising tone on both plain syllables and syllables with glottal constriction. In Lithuanian, the newly stressed constricted syllables lost the glottalization, while in Latvian the glottalization was weakened and developed into a creaky voke quality,

"' Kortlandt (2011b: 93, cf. 2012) has occasionally referred to the retraction from *-a as "Derksen's law", a designation which, for obvious reasons, will not be adopted in this dictionary.

20 INTRODUCTION

which resulted in a falling tone (Kortlandt 2010: 240 ). The unconstricted newly stressed syllables remained rising in Latvian but acquired a middle ( or level) tone in Lithuanian. In Aukštaitian, the middle tone merged with the falling tone which had developed from a creaky voice quality in originally stressed constricted syllables. Originally stressed unconstricted syllables acquired a rising tone, which merged with the metatonical rising tone. ln Latvian, originally stressed constricted syllables acquired a stretched or sustained tone when glottalization was lost, while originally stressed unconstricted syllables became falling, as was the case in Žemaitian (ibid.). As can be gathered from the above, the rise of distinctive tone and the phenomenon of metatony originate from the same process.

Glottal constriction has been preserved as the so-called broken tone in Žemaitian syllables that were stressed and Latvian syllables that were unstressed after the East Baltic retractions of the ictus. There are several indications for a long-lasting preservation of glottalization in Lithuanian unstressed syllables (see 3.1) . In Aukštaitian, glottalization was ultimately lost altogether. In Latvian, the fixation of the stress on the initial syllable led to a three-way tonal opposition. Developments such as the generalization of mobility in neuter o-stems ( cf. Derksen 1995) or the secondary presence of the broken tone in sta-presents (cf. Derksen 2011b) must have preceded the rise of the sustained tone.

4.2.4 Slavic accentology

4.2.4.1 Introduction: Stang 1957

The starting-point of modern Slavic accentology is the publication of Stang's Slavonic accentuation (1957).21 In this study Stang effectively did away with a number of concepts of what is often called "classical accentology'; though in particular the interbellum witnessed many unrealistic theories. Stang ends his book with a list of conclusions (1957: 179) , which l shall now try to rephrase and provide with com­ments ( cf. Derksen 1991: 53-55).

Stang established three (Late) Proto-Slavic accent paradigms, each with its own prosodic characteristics:

(a) Fixed stress on the stem. If the stem is monosyllabic, the stressed syllable is "acute'; i.e. we find a short rising tone on a historically "long" syllable, which is equivalent to saying that the nucleus of the root syllable is not constituted by monophthongal *e, *o, *'b, or "b . A special class is formed by nouns of the so­called *voĮa type, where the root has neo-acute intonation. Stang discusses these nouns within the context of (j)ii-stems belonging to AP (a), but there are good arguments to classify them as belonging to AP (b ), which is what will be done in this dictionary.

21 See espccially Vcrmeer 1998, which deals with the place Stang's monograph occupics in the history of the field.

INTRODUCTION 21

If the stress is on a medial syllabe, there is a greater number of possibilities regarding the prosodic qualities of the root. Since these cases are not crucial for understanding the three basic types, I shall not go into the matter here.

(b) The stress alternates between the last syllable of the stem and the first syllable of the ending. Stem-stressed forms have a rising tone with retention of the old quantity of the syllable. This tone is called "neo-acute''. Forms with stress on the ending have a short rising tone.

(e) The stress alternates between the first syllable of the stem and the ending. Stem-stressed forms have a falling tone and lose the stress to a clitic. End­stressed forms usually have a short rising accent, but in some cases a long rising accent. The falling tone is sometimes referred to as "circumflex''. This is potentially confusing because the same designation has been used to refer to any non-acute long syllable or even to any non-acute syllable ( cf. Derksen 1991: 55).

In classical accentology, an acute or a circumflex tone changed under certain conditions into a neo-circumflex and a neo-acute tone, respectively. This process, called metatony, yielded four distinctive tones (Kortlandt 1978c: 271). In Stang's system there are three tones, which are all connected with a specific accent paradigm. Stang now showed that the neo-acute originated from a retraction of the stress. 22 He also showed that the neo-circumflex is an innovation of Slovene and the Kajkavian dialects of Serbo-Croatian rather than a Proto-Slavic tone. 23 The next question that we must address is the relationship between the Slavic and the Baltic accent paradigms.

4.2.4.2 Progressive shifts

As mentioned in section 3.1, Lithuanian nouns belong to one of four accent paradigms, of which 1 is barytone, while 2, 3, and 4 are mobile. Monosyllabic stems are acute in 1 and 3, while they are circumflex or short in 2 and 4. If the stem is polysyllabic, the situation is slightly more complicated, but that need not concern us here. The four accent paradigms can be reduced to a barytone and a mobile paradigm if one takes into account the progressive shift which is commonly referred to as Saussure's law. Employing the method of internal reconstruction, Saussure (1896) demonstrated that at a certain point in the history of Lithuanian accentuation the stress shifted from a circumflex or short syllable to an immediately following acute syllable. This development was independently discovered by Fortunatov (1897), who applied the law to Slavic as well. Hence, Saussure's law, when applied to both Baltic and Slavic, is sometimes referred to as Fortunatov's law. Propagated by none other than Meillet,24 Saussure's law came to occupy an important place in classical

22 Cf. Ivšic 1911. 23 The neo-circumflex also occurs in Northwest Čakavian ( cf. Vermeer 1982). 24 Actually, Meillet had already suggested the operation of the progressive shift in Slavic at the very

same session where Saussure presented his discovery (CIO 1894) .

22 INTRODUCTION

accentology. The law was often considered a Balto-Slavic innovation, though Meillet regarded the progressive shifts in Baltic and Slavic as parallel developments (1900: 350-351, 1924: 145).

The decline of Saussure's law as a Balto-Slavic development may be said to have started with Kurylowicz (1931 : 75ff, 1952), who denied its operation in Slavic, albeit basically without addressing the facts. A much heavier blow, one might argue, was delivered by Stang (1957: 15-20), who by presenting a series of factual arguments undermined the at the time prevailing view that Saussure's law had also operated in Slavic. Now as we have seen, Stang reconstructed three Proto-Slavic accent paradigms, whereas the Lithuanian situation points to a system with two paradigms, one of them barytone and the other mobile. Since AP (a) corresponds to Lithuanian AP i, while AP (e) corresponds to 3 and 4 (see the next section), the core of the problem is the relationship between AP (b) and AP 2. As shown by Stang, the neo­acute tone originates from a retraction of the stress, a development now generally referred to as Stang's law. This means that AP (b) was originally oxytone. AP 2,

however, is a mobile paradigm originating from a barytone paradigm as a result of Saussure's law. Stang did not have an answer for this discrepancy, but he made it clear that the answer most certainly was not Saussure's law.

A solution was proposed by Dybo and Illič-Svityč, who argued that the oxytone paradigm which must have existed prior to Stang's retraction had been generated by a progressive stress shift that cannot be identified with Saussure' s law ( see especially Dybo 1962, Illič-Svityč 1963: 157-161 = 1979: 140-144) . According to Dybo's law, also known as Illič-Svityč's law,25 a syllable which was neither acute nor falling lost the stress to the following syllable, causing a split of the Proto-Slavic immobile paradigm. The syllable that received the stress became falling, which provided the input for Stang's law, the retraction of the stress from long falling vowels in final syllables. •6

The scenario proposed by Dybo and Illič-Svityč allows us to derive the Baltic and Slavic accentual systems from a stage when there were only an immobile barytone and a mobile or oxytone paradigm. As later publications from the Moscow accentological school have shown (see especially Dybo 1968a), it is possible to distinguish between dominant ("strong") and recessive ("weak") morphemes at this stage. The place of the stress is governed by the valency of the morphemes that constitute a given form (cf. Dybo 1981: 260-262, 2000: 10-14, Lehfeldt 2001: 67-69) . Whether a morpheme is dominant or recessive cannot be predicted on the basis of its phonological structure: the distribution of morphemes over the two classes is

•5 The designation Illič-Svityč' s law is also used to indicate the transfer of masculinc o-stems belonfing to AP (b) to the mobile accent paradigm.

• This is actually the formulation of Stang's law as it appears in publications of Dutch accentologists. Stang himself did not limit the retraction to finai syllables. In order to account for the •va/a type, he also assumed that the stress was retracted from semi-vowels. For Kortlandt's solution, which is connected with a dcvelopmcnt that he baptized "Van Wijk's law", see Kortlandt 1975: 30-32.

INTRODUCTION 23

"traditional" (Dybo 2000: 10, but cf. Lubotsky 1988, which makes a case for the opposite view) .27

4.2.4.3 Illič-Svityč's law and the neuter o-stems28

In his monograph on nominal accentuation in Baltic and Slavic, Illič- Svityč tried to explain why so many PIE neuter o-stems appear to have become masculine in Slavic, an observation which was first made by Hirt. A comparison with accentual data from Baltic, Greek, Sanskrit and Germanic led Illič-Svityč to conclude that PIE barytone neuter o-stems correspond with Slavic masculine o-stems belonging to the barytone class in the case of "long" roots and to the oxytone class in the case of "short" roots (in Stang's terminology to accent paradigms a and b, respectively) . As we have seen, AP (a) and (b) continue a single barytone paradigm, which allows the conclusion that PIE barytone neuter o-stems became barytone masculine o-stems in Slavic. This shift of gender must be rooted in Balto-Slavic ( see below). In originally masculine mobile o-stems with a non-acute root, accentual mobility has been generalized (Illič­Svityč 1963 : 109-119 = 1979 : 94-104) , a development that is sometimes called Illič­Svityč's law. Thus, Slavic masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters. I consider it possible, however, that masculine o-stems that were oxytone in Late Balto-Slavic, i .e. after the Late Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress (formerly known as Ebeling's Law), escaped the transfer to the mobile class (cf. Derksen 2009 ) .

Whereas the barytone neuter o-stems became masculine, PIE oxytone neuter o­stems remain neuter in Slavic. According to Illič-Svityč, the majority of the Slavic neuter o-stems belong to the oxytone class, Stang's AP (b). Mobile neuter o-stems (e) contain, as a rule, a historically long root or have a įo-suffix. In my opinion, the distribution between AP (b) and (e) is not completely clear. We can say with a high degree of certainty, however, that originally oxytone neuters of the structure CVC1 Cr6 (where C, is an obstruent) belong to (b), in conformity with the Late Balto-Slavic retraction (see 4.2.2.1) . Proto-Slavic neuter o-stems belonging to AP (a) originate from the retraction generally known as Hirt's law, which generated a new class of neuter o-stems with fixed root stress in Balto-Slavic times already.

It is remarkable that Illič-Svityč, who reaches the conclusion that the Baltic and Slavic accent paradigms were identical, does not make an attempt to connect the Slavic NAsg. -o with the Lithuanian ending -a, which now only occurs in adjectives, participles and pronouns but must have been the East Baltic NAsg. ending of neuter o-stem nouns, as is evident from Baltic borrowings in Finnic. While he follows

27 It should not be left unmentioned that in the last few decades the concepts of the Moscow accentological school have undergone significant modifications, on which see Vermeer 2001. Since at present it is doubtful whether these modifications can be regarded as improvements, a discussion of the relevant issucs fall outside the scope of this dictionary. l shall confine myself to the remark that the ncw scenario of for the rise of AP (b) comes close to a rehabihtation of Saussure's law for Slavic. As to Dybo's claim (1998) that Old Prussian offers evidence for a modified version of Saussure's law, l refer to Andronov and Derksen 2002: 215-217.

28 This section derives from a paper that was presented at the Fachtagung of the Indogermanische Gesellschaft in Cracow (Octobcr 2004) and eventually gave rise to Derksen 2011a.

24 INTRODUCTION

Nieminen (1922) in deriving the East Baltic ending from pronominal *-od, Illič­Svityč assumes that Slavic -o continues stressed * -om, a development advocated by Hirt (1893) . In my opinion, it would be natural to look for a common origin. Since l do not believe that * -om ever yields Balto-Slavic *-o, the best option would be to assume that in Balto-Slavic the ending * -om was replaced by * -od in oxytone neuters ( cf. Kortlandt 1975a: 45. In that case one would expect Old Prussian neuter o-stems to correspond to Slavic neuter o-stems and end-stressed neuters in other Indo­European languages. The evidence seems indeed to point in that direction ( cf. Kortlandt i983 : 183).

Illič-Svityč's law implies that barytone neuter o-stems were still distinct from masculine o-stems. Though the above-mentioned bifurcation of neuter o-stems seems to be Balto-Slavic, suppletive neuter plurals may have existed both in Baltic and Slavic. The existence of suppletive neuter plurals may also explain why we find so much vacillation between neuter and masculine o-stems belonging to (a) and (b). Illič-Svityč's law must have preceded the rise of distinctive tone in mobile paradigms because the transfer to the mobile class was based on the identity of the barytone case forms. For the same reason, Illič-Svityč's law must have preceded Dybo's law.

The above-mentioned developments may be illustrated with the following examples:

PSl. *tyl-b (a) 'back of the head, back' (e.g. Ru. tyl, Cz. tfl) < *tuHlom, cf. Skt. tdla­n. 'tuft, reed, panicle'. Secondary *tylo in Slk. tylo. PSL *dvoib (b) 'courtyard, door' (e.g. Čak. dvor, Cz. dvur) < *dhu6rom, cf. Skt. dvara- n. 'door, gate, passage'.29 PSL * zpb11 (e) 'tooth' (e.g. Čak. zub, Sln. zpb) < * g6mbhos, cf. Skt. jambha- m. 'tooth', Gk. y6µcpoc; 'pin, nail', Lith. žambas 'sharp edge' 2/ 4.

PSL *jato (a) 'flock, herd' (e.g. SCr. jato) < *jaHto < *jeh2t6d « *jeh2t6m, cf. Skt. yata- n. 'course, motion'. Secondary *jat'b in Ru. jat ( dial.) 'shoal of fish'. PSL *pero (b) 'feather' (e.g. Ru. pero, SCr. pero) < *pero < *pero < *per6d «

*perH6m (*tper6m?), cf. Gk. rrn:p6v 'feather, wing'. PSL *męso (e) 'meat, flesh' (e.g. SCr. meso, Pl. mięso) < *mems6 < *mems6d «

*mems6m, cf. Skt. marrzsa- n. 'id.'.

4.2.4.4 The Ja te of the Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex in Slavic

As I explained in the section on Winter's law, the Balto-Slavic opposition between acute and circumflex syllables is in Kortlandt's framework equivalent with the respective presence or absence of a glottal stop. Before discussing the fate of the glottal stop in Slavic, I would like to present a concise account of the rise of the East Baltic tones (see also 4.2.3 above) .30 The crucial point is that the broken tone is an

archaism.

'' One could argue, however, that Skt. dvara- is a !ate replacement of a root noun dvar-. 30 Since our knowledge of West Baltic is based on a limited number of Old Prussian documents, the

accentual developments in this branch of Balto-Slavic cannot be determined in detail (see 3-4· above).

INTRODUCTION 25

In East Baltic, the glottal stop became a feature of the neighbouring vowel, yielding the laryngeal pitch that in Baltic linguistics is known as "broken tone". Tonal oppositions arose when the stress was retracted from prevocalic *i and word-final *-a. In the Aukštaitian varieties of Lithuanian, retraction onto glottalized syllables yielded a rising tone and loss of the laryngeal feature, e.g. edis 'food, fodder', cf. i!sti 'eat ( of animals )'. In originally stressed syllables, the glottalic pitch changed into a falling tone, e.g. si!ti 'sow', whereas the non-glottalic pitch merged with the new rising tone, e.g. dukte 'daughter'. Retraction of the stress onto non-glottalized syllables yielded a middle tone, which later merged with the falling tone, e.g. vilkė 'she-wolf', cf. viikas 'wolf: In unstressed syllables, glottalization was eventually lost. In Žemaitian, the broken tone was preserved under the old ictus, e.g. Ųmii9s (Kretinga) 'age, century' = amžius.

In Latvian, the retractions of the stress yielded a rising tone on both plain and glottalized vowels. The other stressed vowels became falling per oppositionem. Subsequently, glottalization was lost under the falling tone. The result was a stretched tone, which later merged with the rising tone, e.g. set 'sow' with the same tone as sniedze 'snow-bunting', cf. sniegs 'snow'. The remaining glottalized stressed vowels, which had lost their distinctive tone when the glottalic feature was lost under the falling tone, lost their glottalization as well and became falling, e.g. dęsts 'plant', cf. destit 'plant', dėt 'lay ( eggs )'. In originally unstressed syllables, glottalization was preserved as a broken tone, e.g. gaiva 'head', Lpl. gaivas, cf. Lith. galva, Lpl. galvose. This scenario is in conflict with the widespread view according to which the broken tone results from retraction of the ictus. The system with a threefold tonal opposition only survives in certain Central Latvian dialect areas (see 3.2) .

Apart from the fact that it is not always easy to tell if the tone of a given syllable is metatonical, the way in which the Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex are reflected in East Baltic is fairly straightforward.3' It is often insufficiently realized that this is not the case in Slavic. A common misapprehension, for instance, is the idea that the "Serbo-Croatian" short falling tone indicates that the syllable was originally acute. In reality, the situation is much more complex. If the form belongs to the neo-Štokavian variant of Serbo-Croatian, the short falling tone indicates that the syllable was already stressed before the neo-Štokavian retraction of the ictus and that it is short. The quantity may be related to the fact the syllable was originally acute, but it may also have been originally short or originate from a comparatively Iate shortening, for instance the shortening of long falling vowels in forms counting more than two syllables. The fact is that the history of Slavic quantity is immensely complicated. Both the vowels that on qualitative grounds are considered "historically long" and the ones considered "historically short" may be reflected as either long or short. In order to establish the origin of a morpheme in terms of acute and circumflex, one must evaluate the information offered by the individual Slavic languages regarding stress,

31 In this account the term "circumflex" refers to non-acute long vowels and diphthongs. In my description of the Balto-Slavic situation I , strictly speaking, used the term as a designation of every non­acute syllable. It may be clear, however, that there is no distinction between acute and circumflex short vowels.

26 INTRODUCTION

tone and quantity within the context of the Proto-Slavic accent paradigms, which is by no means simple ( cf. Vermeer 1992, Kortlandt 2005a).

In the classical view, sequences of vowel plus laryngeal merged with lengthened grade vowels. Subsequently, long vowels acquired an "acute" tone movement, probably a rising tone.32 Thus, the Balto-Slavic acute is about vowel length. As one might expect, Winter's law, insofar as the law is accepted, is interpreted as vowel lengthening. The difficulties raised by the classical scenario are numerous ( cf. Vermeer 1992: 125-126). In Kortlandt's theory, sequences of vowel plus laryngeal (including the glottal stop that arose from Winter's law) remain essentially distinct from lengthened grade vowels up to the end of the Proto-Slavic period. With the exception of certain positions where the distinction was lost ( see below), the original contrast is reflected by a quantitative difference. l shall now give an overview of the fate of the laryngeals in Slavic ( cf. Kortlandt 1975: 21-37, Vermeer 1992: 127-130 ) :

(1) The laryngeals were lost in pretonic and postposttonic syllables with compen­satory lengthening of the adjacent vowel. In mobile paradigms the loss of the laryngeals gave rise to an alternation between long vowels and sequences of vowel plus laryngeal. In root syllables the long vowel was generalized. This is Kortlandt's explanation of Meillet's law, according to which mobilia with an acute root under­went metatony (Meillet 1902).

(2) The laryngeals were lost in the first posttonic syllable without compensatory lengthening. In stressed syllables the glottal stop became a feature of the adjacent vowel. Since the new short vowels had the same timbre as the long vowels and the glottalized vowels and therefore did not merge with the old short vowels, the timbre distinction became phonemically relevant. In pretonic syllables, where the laryngeals had been eliminated at stage (1) , quantitative oppositions were rephonemicized as qualitative oppositions. In other words: pretonic long vowels were shortened. At a later stage, Dybo's law reintroduced phonemic length in pretonic syllables.

(3) Glottalized vowels lost their glottalic feature and became distinctively short rising. This development must have been posterior to Dybo's law because the progressive shift only applied to non-acute non-falling syllables.

Summarizing, we could say that originally acute syllables are reflected as short vowels in syllables which prior to Dybo's law were stressed or immediately followed the stressed syllable. In originally pretonic or postposttonic position acute and non­acute long syllables merged. Non-acute long vowels and original diphthongs are long in AP (b), whereas in AP (e) they often fell victim to the widespread shortening of falling vowels. Length was preserved in monosyllabic and disyllabic word-forms in Serbo-Croatian and in Slovene monosyllables.

32 Note that in the traditional view the distinction between the rising acute and falling circumflex must have existed in unstressed syllables as well.

INTRODUCTION 27

4.3 Substratum borrowings

The Indo-Europeans who populated Europe must have come into contact with speakers of non-Indo-European languages, who to a certain extent were assimilated to the invading tribes. Consequently, we expect to find traces of non-Indo-European substrata in the attested Indo-European languages. In Leiden, the study of substratum influences received an impetus from Kuiper 1995, where mainly on formai grounds three substratum layers were distinguished (see also Beekes 1996: passim, Boutkan and Siebinga 2005: xm-xvn). What these layers have in common, is the frequent occurrence of the vowel *a, which did not belong to the Proto-Indo­European phoneme inventory (see 2.1). One of the layers, labelled A3, is the language of Krahe's hydronymy and is usually called "Old European''. It is, among other things, characterized by the vocalism *a and the high frequency of continuants and *s. Substratum A2, qualified as "European': only had aspirated voiced stops in antevocalic position, or rather the antevocalic stops were identified with the traditional mediae aspiratae. Furthermore, there seems to have been variation between labial and velar stops. The vowel *a was frequent and there probably was no distinctive vowel length. Another characteristic feature are vowel alternations of the type *a :*ai and *a : * au. Substratum A1, which is mainly reflected in Germanic, but also left traces in Italo-Celtic and Balto-Slavic, is claimed to have had *a : *i : *u vocalism, prenasalization, initial consonant clusters *Kn- and *Kl-, as well as a remarkable alternation of root-finai stops, including geminates.

While A3 did not prove to be a fruitful subject of investigation, one might say that as far as Kuiper's substratum layers A1 and A2 were concerned, the hunt was on, e.g. Beekes 1996, Schrijver 1997, Boutkan 1996, 1998, 2003, Derksen 1999, 2000. Kuiper's criteria for identifying substratum borrowings were applied to various Indo-European languages and attempts were made to establish more phenomena indicative of non-Indo-European origin, of which Schrijvers prefix *a- (1997: 307-312) is among the most spectacular.33 At the same time, Kuiper's distinction between A2 and A3 was called into question by Beekes (1996 : 217) , who proposed to group these two together under the name "European''. l am inclined to agree with him that in this respect Kuiper's classification seems premature. Beekes (ibid.) also suggested the designation "Helladic" for the non-IE substratum language that left so many traces in Greek, but he himself now seems to prefer "Pre-Greek''. Without question, Beekes deserves great credit for his attempt to reconstruct Pre-Greek through a careful analysis of the Greek material (see now 2010: XIII-XLII, cf. Furnee 1972) . A different approach is applied by Schrijver (2007), who tries to link the Pre-Greek substratum to "Minoic" (attested in Linear A) and Hattic. In his view, we are dealing here with the language of the first agriculturalists, who migrated from Asia Minor to Centrai Europe through Greece and the Balkans and whose language left traces in Anatolian, Greek, Albanian, Germanic, Balto-Slavic and Italo-Celtic.

33 Interestingly, this type of prefixation seems to occur both in Greek (and possibly Anatolian) as well as in "North European".

28 INTRODUCTION

Undeniably, it makes perfect sense to look for formai characteristics of non-Indo­European elements in the vocabulary of the individual Indo-European languages. Within a couple of years after the publication of Kuiper's article, however, the limitations and inherent dangers of this new line of research became apparent, in particular with regard to the Pre-Germanic substratum, where there was a tendency to pay insufficient attention to the role played by specifically Germanic develop­ments, such as Kluge's law (see Kroonen 2011a, 2011b) . Though it seems to me that the Indo-European origins of Balto-Slavic etyma which in view of their Germanic cognates seem to violate Winter's law are suspiciously often unclear, it cannot be denied that the typically Germanic alternation of root-finai consonants may at least partly result from Proto-Germanic sound laws. Nevertheless, the question why Germanic underwent these specific developments (the rise of geminates, for instance) is still legitimate.

5. STRUCTURE OF THE ENTR!ES

5.1 Headword

For practical reasons, the headwords have been left unaccented. In principle the headwords are Lithuanian, but in those cases where a Latvian form does not have a Lithuanian counterpart the headword is Latvian. Old Prussian headwords have neither a Lithuanian nor a Latvian counterpart. The three types of headwords belong to separate sections. The alphabetical order of the Lithuanian forms conforms with the order that is used for the standard language. For Latvian, I have maintained the alphabetical order as well as the orthography used in the dictionaries by Miihlenbach and Endzelins (ME) and Endzelins and Hausenberg (EH), which is a, a, b, e, č, d, dz, dž, e, e, g, g, i, l, ie, j, k, �, l, /, m, n, i;i, p, r, f, s, š, t, u, ū, uo, v, z, ž. Old Prussian forms are arranged according to the alphabetical order used in Trautmann 1910.

5.2 Lithuanian

Headwords that also occur in modern Standard Lithuanian forms are quoted according to the fourth edition of the DLKŽ, in which case l provide no additional information on the attestations of these forms. The most important source for Lithuanian, however, is the LKŽ, which has incorporated data from older periods and dialect data. The abbreviations used to indicate particular dialects and old texts are generally the same as in the LKŽ (see also 6.1), which is not to suggest that I reproduce all attestations of a given form.

I have kept the grammatical information to a minimum. It is clear, for instance, that a noun in -as is a masculine o-stem or that a form in - ti is an infinitive. In the case of a noun in - is, which could either be a masculine io-stem or a masculine or feminine i-stem, I follow the common practice that in the absence of any specification the noun is to be taken as an io-stem. The first number ( or num bers) indicating the accent class refers to the immediately preceding form and. In the case of a headword that is not marked as Old Lithuanian or as a dialect form this is the normative accentuation. Accentual variants are given between square brackets and

INTRODUCTION 29

include the accent class belonging to the cited form. I have only specified the accentuation of the nominative connected with the accentual variants if it is not entirely evident. In the case of verbs, accentual variants of the infinitive are given between square brackets. Note that the alternative stress and tone also apply to the finite forms, even though here the accentual variants are not explicitly mentioned. If the infinitive does not reveal the tone of the root, I also give the present and the preterite of the accentual variant, but in that case I do not use square brackets.

Following the form that is also the headword I often mention variants, such as forms that belong to a different flexion class. If the meaning is the same, the gloss is not repeated. The variants are separated by a semicolon.

5.3 Latvian

Latvian data are quoted from the dictionary by Muhlenbach and Endzelins (ME) and the supplement by Endzelins and Hausenberg (EH). The orthography used in these works deviates from modern Standard Latvian orthography but is still customary in the scholarly literature. No attempt has been made to indicate whether a form belongs to the modern standard language or not. Abbreviations referring to dictionaries, old texts, and placenames are in principle the same as in ME and EH.

Forms followed by 2 originate from a dialect with two to nes (instead of three ), where the tone of that particular form is ambiguous from a historical point of view (see 3.2 above). Tonai variants are given between square brackets and include the tone of the form that is actually presented. The variants almost exclusively originate from the above-mentioned dictionary. Though I also include conflated tones that may continue the same tone as the one found in the area with three tones (in order to obtain a completer picture I do not confine myself to variants that do not correspond with each other), I have not looked actively for West and East Latvian tonai variants, with the exception that I have occasionally added a variant from the East Latvian dialect of Kalupe (see Rel}ena 1998) or the West Latvian dialect described by Bielenstein (1863-1864) . Thus, if for a centrai Latvian form with, for instance, a sustained tone, no variant with a conflated falling tone is listed, this does not imply that it does not exist.

With respect to grammatical information and the presentation of variants, the principles mentioned in the preceding section apply to Latvian as well. Note that forms in - is are masculine io-stems. The Nsg. of i-stems has the ending -s. If a noun in -s is not provided with grammatical information, it is an o-stem.

5.4 Old Prussian

The Old Prussian evidence stems from the Enchiridion (or Third Catechism) unless indicated otherwise: I write 'T' for the First Catechism, "II" for the Second Catechism, "III" for the Enchiridion, "EV" for the Elbing Vocabulary, and "Gr:' (GrG, GrA, GrF) for Simon Grunau's Vocabulary. The forms are quoted from Trautmann 1910 and Mažiulis PKEŽ. Emendations are mentioned between square brackets.

30 INTRODUCTION

5.5 Balto-Slavic

Since l adhere to the view that there was a Balto-Slavic proto-language, l found it atttractive to include a field "Proto-Balto-Slavic" in order to obtain a modernized version of Trautmann i923a (cf. Derksen 2011c). As l explained above, l follow Kortlandt in not reconstructing any Balto-Slavic tones. The stage represented by my reconstructions is posterior to Winter's law. The reflex of the laryngeals and the glottal element of the (pre)glottalized stops is indicated by ?, the IPA symbol for a glottal stop. The phonological system is as follows ( cf. Kortlandt i994a) :

p b d

s i

k g

s m n r

( w

e a a

u ū.

o

With respect to morphology, it is important to note that the barytone neuters have a Nsg. in *-um < *-om, while the originally oxytone neuters have *-o < *-od << *-om.

Notwithstanding my comparison with Trautmann's Baltisch-slavisches Worter­buch, it is my opinion that these reconstructions in themselves do not have independent evidential value for the Balto-Slavic hypothesis, as striking formai similarities between Proto-Baltic34 and Proto-Slavic etyma usually relate to those common developments on the basis of which the Balto-Slavic linguistic unity was postulated. We must reckon with the possibility that seemingly Balto-Slavic etyma are actually old borrowings from Slavic into Baltic or vice versa. In particular, Baltic substratum words in Slavic are a factor that is to be taken into account ( cf. Nepokupnyj i976).

The assumption that there was a Proto-Baltic-Slavic stage raises the question how to act if an inherited Proto-Slavic etymon does not have a Proto-Baltic counterpart? Does it make sense to reconstruct a Balto-Slavic form anyway, thereby assuming that the etymon was lost in the other branch? In my opinion, it does not. The main point of the field Balto-Slavic is to get an impression of the number of lexical items shared by Baltic and Slavic. A Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction of an etymon that is exclusively found in Baltic or Slavic would just be one of many intermediate stages.

Another, quite common problem is the determination of the orginal stem class of a noun in those cases where Baltic and Slavic diverge . Unless there are clear indications which stem class is more archaic, l considered it best to allow the variation to be reflected in the Balto-Slavic reconstructions.

34 Actually, l am not convinced that it is justified to rcconstruct a Proto-Baltic stage. The term Proto­Baltic is used for convenience's sake.

INTRODUCTION 31

5. 6 Proto-Slavic

The reconstructed etyma represent a Iate stage of Proto-Slavic, posterior to the loss of glottalization under the stress and Stang's law. Quantity, tone and stressed are marked accordingly (see 3.5) The most recent development that l have taken into account is the shortening of the falling tone in word-forms of more than two syllables, e.g. *siJrdvce. With respect to the metathesis of liquids (and the East Slavic polnoglasie), which shows dialectal differentiation, l had no option but to let the forms reflect the stage where the syllable was still closed, even though the metathesis preceded the above-mentioned developments.

Please note the following:

• The results of the second and third palatalizations of velars (*k, *g, *x) are written *e, *dz and *s. This may seem inconsistent, but l considered that there was nothing to gain by using *e and *dž or *j. The introduction of *s, on the other hand, could not be avoided, cf. *vvsv 'all' vs. *vvsv 'village'.

• l have employed the signs *f, *IJ and *r to render sequences of resonant + *j. In the alphabetical order these signs are equivalent to *lj, *nj and *rj, respectively.

• l follow the ESSJa in writing anachronistic *tj, *dj rather than *te, *dj vel sim. • Word-initially, l do not distinguish between *e- and *je-. l simply write *e­

because the *j- was automatic before front vowels from a certain stage onwards. l also write *e- for etymological *e- and *ja-, which merged after the rise of prothetic *j-. l do distinguish between *u- and *ju-. lnitial *jv- < *i- is more complicated. l have argued that we basically had stressed *ji- vs. unstressed *jv­with generalization of the latter in mobile paradigms (Derksen 2003b ) . Nevertheless, l have decided in favour of a uniform spelling *jv- , which is more conventional.

5.6.1 Grammatical information

Following the reconstruction, there is an indication of the word class the etymon belongs to. In the case of substantives, the stem class is preceded by an indication of gender, e.g. "m. n" for "masculine n-stem''. The flexion types to which OCS mlvn'i(i) 'lightning' and svekry 'church' belong are designated with f and ū, respectively.

For the sake of readability, the attested Slavic forms are generally speaking only provided with grammatical information if they belong to a different word class than the reconstructed etymon.35 This practice extends to non-Slavic forms insofar as it does not cause confusion.

5. 6.2 Accent paradigm

In those cases where l deemed it justified to reconstruct the accent paradigm of a noun or verb, the paradigm is indicated by Stang's (a), (b) or (e). l am not convinced

35 In the case of original u-stems it is assumed that the reader is familiar with the fact that in the attested languages the u-stem and (masculine) o-stem paradigms have merged into a single paradigm, which here will be referred to as the o-stem paradigm.

32 INTRODUCTION

that there ever was a Proto-Slavic paradigm (d) (Bulatova, Dybo, and Nikolaev 1988, cf. Vermeer 2001). l have occasionally resorted to designations such as (b/c) in those cases where there is strong evidence for two accent paradigms.

Tone and quantity are indicated in the sarne way as is conventional for literary Serbo-Croatian:

short rising: *mati (a) 'mother', *mpka (a) 'torment, torture', *n0ž1> (b) 'knife' long rising: *bll11 (b) 'white', *ppt1> (b) 'way' short falling: * si.rd1>ce (e) 'heart' long falling: *męso (e) 'flesh, meat', *b6go (e) 'god' long unstressed: *m9ka (b) 'flour', *osnova (a) 'base, foundation'

Thus, l have not adopted any of the special signs that are sometimes used to indicate the original acute, e.g. *mati or *ma 1ti.

5. 6.3 Meaning

Unlike the ESSJa, I have attempted to provide a reconstruction of the Proto-Slavic meaning of an etymon. In principle, attested forms meaning the sarne as the reconstructed etymon have not been glossed, though occasionally the meaning has been retained for the sake of clarity. This holds good for both the Slavic and the non­Slavic forms.

5.7 Slavic

In order to make the presentation of the Slavic forms more compact, I have merged the Church Slavic, East Slavic, West Slavic, and South Slavic fields of my Slavic etymological dictionary, where the subdivision had more relevance. The order of the forms has remained the same. The subsections below, which contain information on the sources of the Slavic forms, correspond with the original fields.

5.7.1 Church Slavic

In principle the Slavic field starts with forms that occur in texts belonging to the Old Church Slavic canon as well as forms that occur in Church Slavic texts whose language was influenced by the local vernacular. The latter varieties of Church Slavic are called recensions. With the aid of the Slovnik jazyka staroslovčnskeho, which, by the way, includes a number of texts that fall outside the canon, and the Staroslavjanskij slovar', I have tried to keep Old Church Slavic and Church Slavic forms apart. Here I should also mention Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997, where attention is paid to the lexicon of the manuscripts that were discovered at the Monastery of St. Catherine at Mount Sinai in 1975.

It is not unusual to present Old Church Slavic forms in a normalized shape and this is the practice I have adopted here. If an etymon is only rarely attested, however, I usually present the form as it occurs in the manuscript(s) . If an etymon occurs in a

INTRODUCTION 33

fairly limited number of manuscripts, the latter have been mentioned. I have used the following abbreviations:

Ass.: Codex Assemanianus Boj. : Bojana Evangeliary Cloz.: Glagolita Clozianus En. : Enina Apostol Euch.: Euchologium Sinaiticum Hil.: Hilandar Folios Hilf.: Macedonian Folio37 Mar.: Codex Marianus

5.7.2 Bast Slavic

Ps. Dim. : Psalter of Dimitri Ps. Sin. : Psalterium Sinaiticum36 Ril. : Rila Folios Sav. : Sava's Book SPbOkt.: St. Petersburg Oktoich Supr. : Codex Suprasliensis Zogr. : Codex Zographensis Zogr.2: Codex Zographensis palimpsest

East Slavic comprises three living languages: Russian, Ukrainian, and Belorussian. Furthermore, an important place is occupied by Old Russian, which can sometimes hardly be distinguished from Russian Church Slavic. Here I generally follow the ESSJa. For Old Russian accentual data I have relied completely on Zaliznjak 1985: 131-140. The accentuation of a noun or verb in Old Russian is chiefly mentioned in those cases where it deviates from the modern Russian standard language.

My main sources for Russian dialect material are the classic dictionary by Dal' and the Slovar' russkix narodnyx govorov (SRNG). To indicate the region where a form is attested I have used a number of abbreviations: Psk. (Pskov), Olon. (Olonec), Arkh. (Arxangel'sk), Novg. (Novgorod), Smol. (Smolensk), Rjaz. (Rjazan' ) .

5.7.3 West Slavic

Czech forms may belong to the literary language, for which the SSJČ is an important source, or originate from dialects. Dialect material generally stems from the ESSJa or from Machek's etymological dictionary (1957, 1971) . A special category is formed by the 181h century dictionaries of Jungmann and Kott, which include archaic and dialectal forms, but also borrowings from other Slavic languages and neologisms. An analysis of the material from these dictionaries is beyond my competence, so I have confined myself to indicating Jungmann (Jg.) or Kott as the source. Slovak forms, insofar as they are not dialectal, are generally quoted according to the Slovnik slovenskeho jazyka (SSJ) . Since the juxtaposition of Czech and Slovak forms is interesting from an accentological point of view ( cf. Verweij 1993), the collection of Slovak material is relatively comprehensive.

Upper Sorbian is one of the languages that are not heavily represented in this dictionary. Nevertheless, the language has retained a number of features which may provide additional information about Proto-Slavic prosody ( cf. Dybo 1963, 1968b, Derksen 2008b ) . In this respect Lower Sorbian has less to offer. Schuster-Šewc's

36 Ps. Sin. MS 2/N refers to the part of the Psalterium Sinaiticum that was discovered in 1975 at the Monastery of St. Catherine. The other part (MS 38/0) was discovered in 1850 at the same location.

37 Discovered by Hilferding.

34 INTRODUCTION

Sorbian etymological dictionary (1978-1996) deals with both languages and may also function as a source of older attestations and dialect forms.

A considerable portion of the Polish material in the ESSJa, which subsequently found its way to the present dictionary, is quoted from the voluminous dictionaries by Karlowicz et al. (1900-1927) and Doroszewski (1958-1969) . For Old Polish the main source is, of course, the yet unfinished Slownik staropolski. The etymological dictionaries by Slawski (unfinished) and Bankowski provide a lot of information about the earliest attestations of an etymon. In this context the Slownik języka polskiego XVII i l. polowy XVIII wieku (Karpluk6wna and Ambroiewicz 1999-) is also worth mentioning.

Within West Slavic, Slovincian - now extinct - and the North Kashubian dialects are unique in having preserved accentual mobility, albeit with certain restrictions. Furthermore, old quantitative distinctions have been transformed into qualitative distinctions, like in Polish. In Slovincian and Kashubian, however, this phenomenon ( called pochylenie in Polish) applies to a greater number of vowels. Our most important source for Pomeranian, as Slovincian and Kashubian are sometimes called, are the works of Friedrich Lorentz (e.g. 1903, 1908-1912, 1958- 1983) .

The westernmost attested Lechitic language, Polabian, only plays a marginal role in this dictionary. Forms will be quoted according to Polanski and Sehnert 1967.

5.7.4 South Slavic

The name "Serbo-Croatian" will occasionally be used as a generic designation for all varieties of the language spoken in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Montenegro. The abbreviation "SCr.", however, refers in principle to neo-Štokavian, i.e. to those Štokavian dialects that underwent the neo-Štokavian retraction of the stress. A prominent example is the language that was codified by Vuk Karadžic and Duro Daničic in the i9th century and subsequently became the basis of normative grammars and dictionaries, for instance the Rječnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika (RJA). The Serbo-Croatian (neo-Štokavian) forms presented in this dictionary usually conform to aforementioned normative tradition. In some cases I have quoted directly from Vuk KaradžiC's dictionary (abbreviated as "Vuk") .38

The Čakavian dialects of Serbo-Croatian are mainly represented by JurišiC's description of the Vrgada (Vrg.) dialect (1966-1973) , Kalsbeek's description of the dialect of OrbaniCi (Orb.) near Žminj (1998) and BeliC's description of the dialect of Novi (1909) , which is the best-known description of a Čakavian dialect. In addition, l have occasionally added data from Hvar (Hraste 1937) , Cres (Tentor 1909, 1950) , and Orlec39 (Houtzagers 1985) . The Kajkavian dialects are represented by Jedvaj's description of the Bednja dialect.

The Slovene material originates almost exclusively from Pleteršnik's dictionary (1894-1895) , which is a compilation of data from a great variety of sources presented

38 For practical reasons, l have used thc third edition of Vuk's dictionary (Belgrade 1898) instead of the second, which appeared in Vienna in 1852. The latter would have becn preferable, as the latcr editions are marred by misprints (V ermeer, p.e.) .

39 A village on the island of Cres.

INTRODUCTION 35

in a historical spelling, i.e. in a spelling that reflects dialectal differences that are absent from many dialects, including the ones underlying the modern standard language. The reader will therefore be confronted with the spectacular dialectal differentiation that is characteristic of Slovene ( cf. Greenberg 2000 ) .

Bulgarian and especially Macedonian provide little information on the prosody of Proto-Slavic.40 Nevertheless, it is clear that this corner of the Slavic territory must not be neglected. The material presented here is chiefly modern Standard Bulgarian.

5. 8 Proto-Indo-European

The field "PIE" basically contains forms that may have belonged to the Proto-Indo­European vocabulary. I do not wish to condemn the practice of reconstructing quasi­Indo-European forms, as the latter may contain useful information, even in the case of etyma that may have been borrowed from a non-Indo-European language, but I personally prefer to let this information be part of the discussion of the etymology.

5.9 Indo-European cognates

It is not my intention to present an exhaustive list of cognates from other branches of Indo-European. One may expect to find quite comprehensive lists of cognates in the dictionary that is the ultimate goal of the Indo-European Etymological Dictionary project. I have tried to mention forms that are in all respects close to the Baltic lemma, but occasionally I had to settle for forms that merely contain the same root.

5. 10 Discussion of the etymology

As a rule, the etymology of a given root is discussed under a single lemma. If the eymology is perfectly clear, there may be no discussion at all. Instead, only a Proto­Indo-European reconstruction is given.

5.11 Cross-references

The last field mentions all cognate lemmata in this dictionary except the ones that are referred to in the discussion of the etymology. If the discussion of the eymology contains a reference to a cognate lemma, the field is omitted.

6. DICTIONARIES, GRAMMARS, AND OLD TEXTS

6. 1 Lithuanian

In the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the chancellery language was a northwestern variety of Russian Church Slavic. One must keep in mind that at the time the Lithuanian state covered a huge area, which was largely inhabited by Eastern Slavs. After the Union of Lublin (1569), when the persona! union between Poland and

40 This does not hold good for Middle Bulgarian, which is the language of a number of accented texts. Since Middle Bulgarian is on a par with Russian Church Slavic etc„ it belongs to my category Church Slavic.

INTRODUCTION

Lithuania was replaced by a Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth, Polish culture came to occupy a dominant position among the upper classes. After the third partition of Poland (1795) , Lithuania fell under czarist rule.

Since the arrival of the Teutonic Order in the early 13th century an important number of Lithuanians had lived outside the Duchy of Lithuania. There was a substantial Lithuanian minority in the Duchy of Prussia (1525- 1701), which eventually became the province of East Prussia. The northern part of East Prussia is sometimes even designated as Lithuania Minor. This circumstance turned out to be crucial to the development of the Lithuanian language.

In 1525, Albert, Grand Master of the Teutonic Knights, accepted protestantism and transformed Prussia into a secularized state. This had a favourable impact on the Lithuanian language. Pastors had to preach in Lithuanian and religious texts were translated. Among the books published in Konigsberg was the first Lithuanian book, Mažvydas's catechism (1547). Mažvydas had arrived from Lithuania (Maior) at the request of Duke Albert. His language betrays a South Žemaitian origin. Other notable publications from the same century were religious works by Vilentas, another settler from the Duchy of Lithuania, and Bretkūnas ( or Bretke ), who had been born in Prussia and is reported to have had a Prussian mother.

In the Duchy of Lithuania, the higher classes had largely been polonized and the status of the Lithuanian language was accordingly low. Now the Reformation had to be countered by the publication of Catholic literature in Lithuanian, for example Daukša's Katechismas (1595) and Postilla Catholicka (book of sermons, 1599), in the preface of which Daukša explicitly condemned the polonization of the aristocracy. It should be noted, however, that in Lithuania, too, Reformist literature was printed. As to the language of these publications, we may distinguish a central and an eastern variant. The latter was centered around Vilnius, where in 1579 the jesuits founded a university.

Daukša's texts are by far our most valuable sources for Old Lithuanian accentua­tion, even though only the place of the stress is indicated. The amount of data is so large, however, that it is often possible to determine the accent paradigm of a word. It should be noted that the language of Daukša's translations is unbalanced and that we find considerable accentual variation. This may have something to do with the fact that Daukša originated from a Central Aukštaitian area but lived among Žemaitians during the latter half of his life. It has been suggested that Daukša strived to establish a common Lithuanian literary language (Senn 1957: 166). However, we must reckon with alterations made by the corrector or the type-setter. The classical study of Daukša's accentuation is Skardžius 1935, which includes a selection of forms. The interested accentologist may want to study the complete material of Daukša's Postilla, which can be accessed in Kudzinowski 1977. I must admit, however, that I have reservations about the accuracy of this work. A state-of-the-art edition of the Postilla remains a desiderandum.

In iih-century Prussia, the necessity to preach Protestantism in the native language of the parishers resulted in a call for elementary grammars and vocabularies. This led to the first grammar of Lithuanian (the Latin version was

INTRODUCTION 37

published in 1653, the smaller German version in 1654), written by Daniel Klein, a pastor in Tilsit (Tilžė) . This work exceeded the requirements of the government grammars and became the foundation of a Prussian Lithuanian tradition of grammars (and dictionaries) , for example those by Haack (1730), Ruhig (1774) , Ostermeyer (1791) , and Miekke (1800).

The system of accent marking which prevails in Prussian Lithuanian texts of the 17lh and 18th centuries can be traced back to Klein's Lithuanian grammar. The accent marking is sporadic and rarely serves to indicate the tone of a syllable (Buch 1961: 6-8). The first document in which tone differences are systematically marked is the anonymous grammar of 1737, which was edited by Rozwadowski (1896). This grammar seems to be based on a Central Aukštaitian dialect (Illič-Svityč 1963: 20 =

1979 : 17) . Friedrich Kurschat's Littauisch-deutsches Worterbuch (1883) faithfully represents

the southern dialect of Prussian Lithuania, which became the literary language of the whole region (Senn 1966: 54) . Other publications which contributed to the rise of this dialect's status were Schleicher's Litauische Grammatik (1856), Kurschat's Grammatik der littauischen Sprache (1876) and Nesselmann's reissue of the poems of Donelaitis ( 1869 ). It can be shown that the accentuation which is retlected in Donelaitis's poetry differs only marginally from Kurschat's (Buch 1961: 124- 125) .

By the time of Kurschat' s publications the use of Lithuanian in East Prussia was on the <ledine. The process of germanization was sped up significantly by a number of measures taken after the founding of the German Empire (1871) . Lithuanian was gradually banned from public life. Meanwhile in Lithuania the use of the Latin alphabet had been banned by the czarist regime following the uprising of 1863. The ban lasted from 1864 to 1904 and went hand in hand with an attempt to replace polonization by russification. Though at some point Lithuanian was prodaimed officially dead, the government' s policy was not entirely successful: books were smuggled into the country and Lithuanian was illegally taught. The heart of the revivalist movement was located in the Suvalkija district, in the South W est. The dialects of this area, the southern dialects of West Aukštaitian, were very similar to Prussian Lithuanian, as the latter had been before the enforced germanization. It was only natural that the propagators of the Lithuanian language used the descriptions by Schleicher and Kurschat as a model, while trying to adapt this variety of Lithuanian to the needs of the society and freeing it from foreign intluences. A crucial role in this process was played by Jonas Jablonskis, who is often called "the father of the Lithuanian language". After the Lithuanian independence in 1918 (apart from the Vilnius area, which became Polish) , the language used and propagated by Jablonskis became the standard language.

Kurschat's dictionary has been incorporated in the Lithuanian-German dictionary (1968- 1973) by his nephew Alexander Kurschat. This is a comprehensive work but, being a compilation of earlier dictionaries, it is necessarily heterogeneous in many respects. For the accentuation of a word one is often referred to other publications. Another dictionary which I would like to mention is the Litovskij Slovar' of Juškevič, which was an important source for Būga's artide on metatony

INTRODUCTION

(1923-1924). For linguists who are not well versed in Baltic accentology this is perhaps not a recommendable dictionary, as the orthography, including the accent marking, is quite unorthodox. Juškevič's dictionary is based on the West Aukštaitian dialect of the Veliuona region.

The most comprehensive dictionary of the Lithuanian language is the Lietuvių kalbos žodynas (LKŽ), which was begun in 1941 and completed in 2002. The attesta­tions include such indirect sources as Fraenkel's etymological dictionary (1955-1965) or the Latvian dictionary by Miihlenbachs and Endzelins. Nonetheless, the LKŽ is of utmost importance to Indo-European and Baltic studies. Commendably, a corrected version of the dictionary has been made available online and can be consulted at http://www.lkz.lt. The designated abbreviation for the (first) electronic edition of the LKŽ is LKŽe. Since l have gradually switched from the LKŽ in its original shape to the online edition, l have decided to retain LKŽ in those cases where l probably consulted the original dictionary, but only if l am unaware of any differences between the original text an its digital counterpart.

Leaving the LKŽ aside, the most important dictionary is the W orterbuch der litauischen Sprache (Ndž) by Niedermann, Senn, Brender and Salys (1932-1968) . Senn, who was initially in charge of the accentuation, was guided by Būga's principle that the accentuation of the standard language should reflect the accentuation of the majority of speakers. From p. 449 of volume 2 on, when Salys had taken charge of this area, the standard shifted to the W est Aukštaitian accentuation, as had been propagated by Jonas Jablonskis (Balaišis 1969: 206-207). Accentual variants are often provided with the designation "dialectal".

6.2 Latvian

W e can be brief on Latvian dictionaries, grammars and old texts that are relevant to our purposes. The dictionary of Miihlenbachs and Endzelins (1923-1932), together with the sizeable supplement by Endzelins and Hauzenberga (1934-1946), has no rivals among Latvian dictionaries. Among other things, it provides a wealth of information about the accentuation of Latvian forms throughout the dialects. Earlier dictionaries, such as Ulmann's Lettisch-Deutsches Worterbuch (1872), have found their way into ME and have therefore no special significance for us. W orth mention­ing is the Ergemes izloksnes viirdnica (1977-1983) by Kagaine and Rage, which con­tains the vocabulary of a dialect with three tones, and Rel}ena's Kalupes izloksnes viirdnica (1998) , which describes the vocabulary of an East Latvian dialect with two tones. Furthermore, l would like to remind the reader that the Latvian material in

Fraenkel's Lithuanian etymological dictionary cannot be used for accentological purposes, which is largely due to the omission of the vital 2 sign. The recent Latvian etymological dictionary by Karulis includes an incomplete rendering of the accen­tual variants which are listed in ME.

Endzelins's monumentai Lettische Grammatik (1922) is, of course, our chief source for the grammar of Latvian. The Latvian edition, which appeared in 1951, contains some additions and corrections. Bielenstein's grammar of 1863, which once was highly influential, is interesting as a representative of W est Latvian.

INTRODUCTION 39

6.3 Old Prussian

For a long time the most important edition of the major Old Prussian texts was Trautmann 1910, aptly called "the scholar's workhorse" by Jules Levin (1982: 202). It was superseded by Mažiulis 1966 (facsimile) and 1981. W e are very fortunate that Mažiulis's edition of the various texts, along with a corrected edition of his etymo­logical dictionary, can now conveniently be accessed at www.prusistika.flf.vu.lt. The Old Prussian documents are the following:

l. The Elbing Vocabulary: a German-Old Prussian vocabulary consisting of 802 thematically arranged lexical items which is part of the Codex Neumannianus (pp. 169-185 ). The codex, which was lost in the Second World War, dates from ± 1400, but the vocabulary may be a copy of a significantly older original.

2. Simon Grunau's Vocabulary: a list of 100 Old Prussian words with German translations. The list is incorporated in Grunau's Preussische Chronik, which was written in the period 1517-1526. The vocabulary reflects the author's characteristic unreliability and contains some Polish and Lithuanian forms. Many words have either a distorted ending or no ending at all. There are eight copies, one of which was discovered as recently as 1970.

3. The First Catechism: 12 pages of parallel German and Old Prussian text preceded by a title page and two pages of introduction in German. The catechism was printed in Konigsberg in 1545 in an edition of 197 copies, eight of which have survived. The German text on which the translation is based is Luther's Smaller Catechism published in 1531.

4. The Second Catechism: a "corrected" edition of the first catechism that appeared the same year. Of this edition 192 copies were printed, three of which have survived.

5. The Third Catechism or Enchiridon: 98 pages of parallel German and Old Prussian text preceded by a title page and 9 pages of introduction in German. The Enchiridion, based on the 1543 edition of Luther's Smaller Catechism or Enchiridion, was published in Konigsberg in 1561. The translation was prepared by the clergyman Abel Will with the aid of a certain Paui Megott.

6. Probably the most important of the minor Old Prussian documents is the Basei Epigram, which occurs in a manuscript dated 1369 ( cf. Kortlandt 1998b, 1998c, 1998d) :

Kayle rekyse. thoneaw labonache thewelyse. Eg. koyte. poyte. nykoyte. penega doyte.

Among the other fragments is a proverb that occurs in the 1583 Onomasticum published by the alchemist Thurneysser ( cf. Kortlandt 1998b ) :

Deues does dantes, Deues does geitka.

Dictionary

A, Ą abejoti

LITH abejoti [a, a] 'doubt', 3 pres. abejoja, 3 pret. abejojo

Denominative verb derived from abejiz 'doubt', which is cognate with -+abu 'both', cf. also the collective abeji, Latv. abeji.

abu

LITH abu 'both', f. abi LATV abi 'both', f. abas OPR abbai 'both', Apl. abbans

BSL *obo? PSL * oba prn. 'both' SL OCS oba, f. obe, n. obė; Ru. oba, f. obe, n. oba; Cz. oba, f. obė, n. obė; Pl. oba, f.

obie, n. oba; SCr. oba, f. obje, n. oba; Sln. oba, f. obę, n. obę

IE Skt. ubha- 'both'; Gk. aµ<j>w 'both'; Go. bai 'both'

The PIE anlaut of the root defies reconstruction. Toch. B antapi, antpi, and Gk. aµcpw seem to reflect *h2nt-bhoh1 (Jasanoff 1976) , which does not match Skt. ubha- and Go. bai. In Latvian, the original NAdu. m. ending - u, which is recorded in dialects and old texts, was replaced by the plural ending - i. Subsequently, the NAdu. f. ending was replaced by -as. A system with m. abi vs. f. abi is attested in East Latvian (Endzelins 1922a: 359-360).

adata

LITH adata l [ 1/3b] 'needle' LATV adata 'needle'

Connecting Lith. adata 'needle' and -+adyti 'darn' with the name of the 'spruce' or 'fir­tree' (-+eglė), as advocated by Fraenkel (LEW: 117-118) and Pokorny (IEW: 290) , is semantically attractive but does not make much sense in relation to Lat. ebulus f. or ebulum n. 'dwarf-elder, danewort' ( cf. Andersen 1996: 119 ).

adyti

LITH adyti 'darn', 3 pres. ado, 3 pret. adė LATV adit 'darn', 1sg. pres. adu, 1sg. pret. adiju

See -+adata.

aguona

LITH aguona 2 'poppy'; VAR maguonė 1; maguona; magūna LATV maguone 'poppy'; VAR magitona2 [uo, uo2] ; magana; magane; magūne OPR make (EV) 'poppy'

44 aigyti

PSL *mako m. o (a) 'poppy' SL CS mako; Ru. mak, Gsg. maka; Cz. mak; Slk. mak; Pl. mak; SCr. mak, Gsg.

maka, Gsg. maka; Sln. mak, Gsg. maka; Bulg. mak

IE Gk. µ�Kwv f.; Dor. µ&Kwv f.; OHG maho m. (following Kroonen (2011a: 311-314) , I have abandoned the macron on the root vowel of this form, as written by Pokorny (IEW: 698) and others) ; mago m.; OS magosiimo m. 'poppyseed'; OSw. valmoghe m. (the first element means 'sleep', cf. Nw. vale ( dial.) 'deep sleep', Sw. valbjorn ( dial.) 'Schlafdorn' ) (Est. magun and Liv. maggon are borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian)

The initial m of the word for 'poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m, which are restricted to the area around Klaipėda, may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fisher­men of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas (1960: 71-72) suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai : rarotai, akrūtas : rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere : uodere, ū�eris.

The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as a quantitative alter­nation. The vocalism seemingly reflects PIE *eh1 : *hi , which would not match the *ii of the Greek and the Slavic forms. Seebold (Kluge-Seebold: 565) therefore suggests that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively Iate stage the root *miik­was borrowed into Germanic. According to Kroonen (2011a: 311-314), however, the evidence for PGm. *e is actually non-existent, which means that there are no objections to the reconstruction of a PIE n-stem with root ablaut *meh2k- : *mh2k­( cf. also Schaffner 2001: 561-562 ). The Balti e evidence does not constitute a strong counter-argument against this view, considering that the Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually regarded as borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. make may have been borrowed from Polish. In view of the productivity of vocalic alternations in the Germanic n-stems, however, I see no reason for assuming PIE ablaut, but I am willing to concede that the case for a borrowing from a non-Indo-European language ( cf. Chantraine III: 694) is not as strong as suggested in my Slavic dictionary ( 2008a: 300).

aigyti

LITH aigyti (NE dial.) 'prick, sting, incite, beat', 3 pres. aigo, 3 pret. aigė; VAR aigyti, 3 pres. aigija, 3 pret. aigijo

This verb has been mentioned in connection with -+OPr. ayculo.

aikštė

LITH aikštl 3 [ 1/3/ 4] 'dearing, square, ground'

A derivative of -+aiškus, cf. the synonymous noun aikšml (Dsn.) and the adjective aikštus 'open, visible'. These forms illustrate the metathesis of -šk- to -kš- before consonant ( cf. Būga RR II : 660 ) .

aiškus 45

aikštis l

LITH aikštis f.(i) 1 [1/3/4] 'whim, (Zem.) desire, passion, rage'; VAR aikšte (Zem.) 3 [1/3] 'rage'

It has been attempted to seek a conneetion with Skt. ejati 'move, stir', Gk. aiyk 'rushing storm, hurrieane' < *h2eig-. If this etymology is eorreet, the aeute tone of the root may be attributed to Winter's law. Nevertheless, I eonsider it preferable to assume that aikštis derives from the same root as -+aikštis II and -+aikšte 'clearing', whieh are derivatives of -+aiškus.

aikštis 11

LITH aikštis f. (DP, Smn.) 4 'fine weather, drought, heat'

See -+aiškus and the two previous etyma.

ailis

LITH ailis l 'club, stiek, spindle for spreading fishing-nets, stiek to whieh a net is attaehed'; VAR ailė

LATV ailis [ai, ai2] 'part of a fish-weir to whieh fishing-baskets are attaehed, handle of a net, a pole that is used for moving heavy objeets'; VAR aile2 [ai2, ai2]

See -+iena for the etymology of the root ie-. An 1-suffix is also present in -+ielaktis.

aistra

LITH aistra 2 'passion, (Zem.) rabies'

Lith. aistra is traditionally eonneeted with sueh forms as Gk. olcnpo<; 'gadfly, sting, vehement desire, passion' or Lat. fra (if from *eiseh2) . I eonsider it more plausible that the root is *h2eidh- 'kindle', in whieh ease we may reeonstruet *h2eidh- tr-, cf. -+iesmė.

aiškus

LITH aiškus 3 [1/3] 'clear'; VAR eiškus l

BSL *ai(�k-( n)-PSL *Jsn'b adj. o (a) 'clear' SL OCS jasn'b; Ru. jasny; Cz. jasny; Slk. jasny; Pl. jasny; SCr. jasan; Sln. jas;m;

Bulg. jasen

The root of this adjeetive ean be identified with * hieidh- 'kindle' if we assume that the aeute originates from the suffix *-Hsk- << * -sk-, ef. OWNord. eiskra 'rage with heated exeitement'. Here the laryngeal of the suffix must have arisen through reanalysis of sta-presents eontaining a root of the strueture *CRH (Derksen 1996: 291-294, 337, 2011b ) . This development ean easily be pointed out in East Baltie, where it spread to roots of other struetures. The Proto-Balto-Slavic evidenee is less abundant.

See also: aikšt�; aikštis l; aikštis II; aistra; iesm�; yščias; yškus; ists

aiža

aiža

LITH aiža ( dial.) l [l/ 4] 'crack, chink, splinter' LATV aiza [ai, ai, ai, ai2] 'crack, chink' OPR eyswo (EV) 'wound'

BSL *oi?žwa? PSL * Jzva f. a (a) 'wound' SL OCS jazva 'wound'; Ru. jazva 'ulcer, sore, (dial.) damage, injury'; Cz. jizva

'scar, scratch'; OCz. jiezva 'scar, scratch'; Slk. jazva 'scar, scratch'; Bulg. jazva 'ulcer'

There seem to be no reliable cognates outside Balto-Slavic. The reconstruction of the root is not as straightforward as it may seem, cf. ->iežti, --Latv. iezis and the Latvian variant aiza. In an earlier publication (1996: 233-234) , I suggested that a second, circumflex root may be involved because alongside the meaning 'crack in ice or stone' we also find forms referring to the ice or stone itself, cf. the nouns mentioned below. See also: aižy-ti; iežti; ižas; yž�; ižti

aižyti

LITH aižyti [ai, ai] 'pod, shell', 3 pres. aižo, 3 pret. aižė

See ->aiža.

aka

LITH aka ( dial.) 4 'ice-hole'; VAR iikas 'ice-hole (Ness.) , hole ( dial.)' LATV aka 'well' OPR accodis (EV) 'rochloch, hole in the wall for the elimination of smoke'

The root ak- may be identified with the root of ->akis 'eye' ( cf. Kazlauskas 1968: 285, Schmalstieg 2002). The connection with Lat. aqua strikes me as unlikely.

akėčios

LITH aki!čios Npl. l [1/3 ] 'harrow'; VAR eki!čios Npl. 1/3 LATV ecešas Npl. (e, e2] 'harrow'; VAR ecekšas Npl. [e, e2] OPR aketes (EV) 'harrow'

BSL *es-et-i-PSL *esetb f. i 'rack for drying grain' SL Ru. oset"granary, rack for drying grain'; Bel. (v)6see (W.); asec (W.) 'granary,

drying shed'; osetka ( dial.) granary', asetka ( dial.) 'spot in granary for drying sheafs'; Ukr. 6sit' ( dial.) 'granary'; Pl. jesiee ( dial.) 'grain sieve'; osiee (E. dial.) 'granary'; jesi6tka (dial.) 'grain sieve'; osi6tka (W. dial.) 'granary'

PIE *h2ok-et-IE Gk. 6Ęlva (Hes.) f. 'an agricultural implement with iron teeth, drawn by

oxen'; Lat. occa f. 'harrow'; OW ocet f. 'harrow'; OHG egida f. 'harrow'; OE eg(e)pe f. 'harrow' (cf. Fi. iies 'harrow')

akmuo 47

The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- ( see the LKŽe, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecešas. This is one of those cases where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corre­sponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European ( "Rozwadowski's change'', cf. Andersen i996, Derksen 2002) . Toporov (PJ I: 67) regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing. Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option. See also: akmuo; akstinas; akstis; ašmenys; aštrus

akėti

LITH aketi 'harrow', 3 pres. akeja, 3 pret. akejo; VAR eketi LATV ecet 'harrow', isg. pres. eceju, isg. pret. eceju

See --+akečios.

akis

LITH akis f.(i) 4 'eye' LATV acs f.(i) 'eye' OPR agins (EV) 'eye'; ackis (UI) Npl. 'eyes', Apl. ackins

BSL *ok-PSL *oko n. o 'eye' SL OCS oko n.(s) , Gsg. očese, Ndu. oči; Ru. 6ko (arch., poet.) , Npl. 6či; Cz. oko,

Npl. oči; Pl. oko, Npl. oczy; SCr. oko, Npl. oči; Sln. ok(i, Npl. očf

PIE *h3ekw-j_ IE Skt. tik?i- n. 'eye'; Gk. oooe NAdu. n. 'eyes'; Lat. oculus m. 'eye' See also: aka; ekete

akmuo

LITH akmuo m.(n) 3b [ 1/3b) 'stone' (akmuo i is attested in DP and Ds.) LATV akmens m.(n) 'stone', Gsg. akmens, akmel'}a; VAR akmins, Gsg. akmins,

akmil'}a

BSL *(?)akmen-PSL *kamy m. n 'stone' SL OCS kamy m.( n ), Gsg. kamene; Ru. kamen' m.(jo ), Gsg. kamnja; Cz. kamen

m.( o); Slk. kamen m.( jo); Pl. kamiefl m.( jo) ; SCr. kamen m.( o) 'stone, millstone'; Sln. kamen m.(o)

PIE *h2ek-men-IE Skt. asman- m. 'stone, rock'; Gk. liKµwv m. 'anvil, meteor, heaven'

The root-final palatovelar was depalatalized before the resonant of the suffix. In ->ašmenys the palatovelar was restored after --+aštrus 'sharp'. The apparent metathesis

akstinas

in the Slavie noun is irregular and seems to indicate that the initial laryngeal was still present at the time.

akstinas

LITH akstinas 3b 'thorn, awn, pointed stiek for driving eattle' LATV akstins 'priekle'

BSL *akstinas ( *aštinos?) PSL *ostbnb m. o (b) 'sharp point, somth. with a sharp point' SL OCS ostbnb 'sharp point'; Ru. osten (dial.) 'thorn, spike'; Cz. osten 'spike,

quill'; Pl. ošcien 'harpoon, (areh.) fishbone'; SCr. ostan 'pointed stiek for driving eattle'; Sln. pstan 'spike, thorn'; Bulg. osten 'pointed stiek for driving eattle'

A derivative in * -no- of -akstis.

aks tis

LITH akstis (Žem.) f.(i) 4 'spit, thorn, prick'; VAR akštis f.(i) 4 LATV aksts m.( o) 'p riekle, sharp point'

BSL *aks tis ( *aš tis?) PSL *ostb f. i ( e(b?)) 'sharp point, smth. with a sharp point' SL Ru. ost' 'awn'; Cz. osf (dial.) 'awn'; Slk. osf 'fishbone, awn, thorn'; Pl. ošc

'fishbone, awn, thorn'; SCr. osti Npl. 'harpoon'; ostve Npl. 'harpoon'; Čak. osti (Vrg.) Npl. 'harpoon'; Sln. pst 'sharp point, fishbone, (pl.) harpoon', Gsg. ostf

Skardžius (1941: 330) has akstis, - ies, whieh "mixed paradigm" Illič-Svityč regards as evidenee for an original barytone AP (1963: 57) . For Slavie, the latter author assumes an original paradigm (b) on the basis of Sln. pst. As to the etymology, it is plausible that the root is PIE *h2ek- 'sharp' (-aštrus). The question is whether or not the *k is intrusive. If it is (thus, for instanee, Smoezynski 2007: 8, ALEW: s.v.), we must reeonstruet BSL *aš-tis > aštis and assume that the s of akstis is seeondary ( ef. also -akstinas) . The alternative is BSL *ak-stis, with depalatalization of *k as in -akmuo. The depalatalization ean hardly be regular here, ef. -ašis, PSI. *6sb 'rude, axis' <

*h2eks-i-. The s of the suffix may originate from an old s-stem, cf. Lat. acus n. 'husks, ehaff', Go. ahs n. 'ear: A completely different analysis applies if we eonneet akstis and PSL *ostb with Skt. asthi, Gsg. asthnal:z, and Gk. 6CHfov 'bone' from PIE *h3esthr (e.g. Maehek 1971: 419-420, Karaliūnas 1974: 201-203). Sinee akstis ean hardly be separated from sueh forms as -akuotas and -OPr. ackons, l do not find this etymology attraetive.

akuotas

LITH akuotas i [1/3/3b] 'awn, (Ds.) fishbone, (Lz.) eyelash, ( dial.) blade' LATV akuots [uo, UO, uo2] 'awn'; VAR akuota; akuote

This may be a substantivized adjeetive, cf. akuotas ( dial., SD) 'priekly, sharp', Latv. akuots (BW) 'the priekly one ( epithet of barley)'. The adjeetive may derive from a

alkas 49

noun * akas 'prickly, sharp object' ( cf. Skardžius 1941: 349 ). In any case, the root is *h2ek- 'sharp' (-+aštrus) .

ald.ra

LITH aldra ( dial.) l 'heavy storm, noise, racket'; VAR aldras l 'storm'

Drawing attention to the fact that the hydronyms Aldra and Audra occur side by side, Fraenkel (LEW: 6) contends that aldra is a "Hypernormalismus" for -+audra 'heavy storm, usually accompanied by rain or storm'. l tend to agree with Būga (RR III: 391) that etymologically we are dealing with two different roots, even though a distinction on semantic grounds is hardly possible, cf. Latv. aldaris 'restless person, fool', alderis 'fool', audrums 'exuberant, uncontrollable child'.

alga

LITH alga 4 'salary'; VAR eiga LATV alga [ai, al2) 'salary' OPR algas Gsg. 'salary'

PIE *h2elgwhehr IE Skt. argha- m. 'worth, value, price'; Gk. <lAcM f. 'gain, profit'

The variant eiga cannot simply be disposed of as an instance of dialectal a- > e-. More evidence for e- is provided by -+elgeta 'beggar', elgtis 'act, ( lih e.) beg' unless we consider these forms unrelated, in which case contamination seems possible ( cf. Būga RR l: 121, III: 250-251) . l am inclined to assurne secondary ablaut, however.

alkanas

LITH alkanas 3• [1/3•] 'sober' LATV aikans 'hungry, avid, tasteless, flat'; VAR ęlkans (Mane.) OPR alkins 'sober'

BSL * olrkino-PSL *Olčbn'b adj. o (a) 'hungry' SL OCS alcen'b (Supr.); CS alčbn'b (Christ.) 'hungry'; lačna (Freis.) Asg. m. 'one

who is hungry' ; Ru. alčnyj 'greedy, grasping, (obs.) hungry'; alošnoj (dial.) 'greedy'; alašnyj (dial.) 'greedy'; ORu. al('b)čbn'b 'hungry, greedy'; alčen'b 'hungry, greedy'; lačbn'b 'hungry, greedy'; Cz. lačny 'hungry, greedy'; Slk. lačny 'hungry, greedy'; OPI. laczny 'hungry, thirsty (for)' ; SCr. liičan 'hungry'; Čak. liičan (Orb.) 'hungry'; Sln. lač;m 'hungry', f. lačna; Bulg. alčen 'greedy'

For the reconstruction of the root, see -+alkti. The anlaut of the Slavic forms is discussed in Derksen 2008c.

alkas

LITH alkas 2 [2/4] '(holy) grove on a hill, idol' (Illič-Svityč (1963 : 36) notes that the dialects show variation between AP 2 (E. Aukšt.) and AP 4 (NW. Žem.));

50 alksna

VAR elkas 'id:; alka ( Jušk., dial.) 'place on a hill where sacrifices are performed, sacrifice'

LATV ęlks [ęl, ęž] 'idol' ( cf. ęlka dievs 'idol', ęlka kalns 'holy mountain where pagan rites are performed, temple hill' )

IE Go. alhs f. 'temple'

This noun, which is limited to Baltic and Germanic ( cf. Stang 1972: 13), may very well have a substratum origin. The generally accepted etymology, however, is *h2elk-eh2, cf. Gk. a.\K� 'strength, defence', from *h2elk- 'ward off, defend:

alks na

LITH alksna l [1/ 4] 'alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale'; VAR elksna l

LATV alksna [ai, al2] 'alder thicket, swampy place'; VAR ęlksna (E. dial.); alksne; aluksna

PSL * olbsa f. a; * olbs'b m. o SL Ru. Ol'sa (Upper Dniepr) top. f. ; ales (Smol., Dniepr basin) m. 'alder thicket,

swampy place' ; Bel. al'sa (Upper Dniepr) f., ales (dial.) m. 'alder thicket, swampy place'; Ukr. ol'os (dial.), oles (dial.) m. 'alder thicket, swampy place'; Pl. olesie n. 'swampy place in forest'

See ->aŽksnis.

alksnis

LITH alksnis 2 [2/ 4] 'alder'; VAR elksnis 2; aliksnis (E. dial.) 2 LATV alksnis [ai, aŽ2, al2] 'alder'; VAR e/ksnis [e[, ei, ež2, e/2] (the variant with ef

(Aahof, see FBR 4: 43) appears to be isolated)

BSL *a!elisa(; *a/el(i)snio-PSL *olbxa f. a; *elbxa f. a; *olbša f. ja; *elbša f. ja 'alder' SL Ru. ol'xa; elxa ( dial.) 'alder, spruce'; elxa ( dial.) 'alder, spruce' (in Russian

dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. el6xa (Kostr.), alex (Voron.), olex (Rjaz.) 'alder', cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39 ); Cz. olše; jelše ( dial.) ; Slk. jelcha ( dial.) ; Pl. olcha; olsza ( dial.); USrb. w6lša; SCr. jelha ( dial.) ; jelša; Sln. plša ( dial.); Sln. jęlša; Bulg. elha

IE Lat. alnus m. 'alder' ; Span. aliso m.; OHG elira f.; erila f.; OE alor m.; Olc. plr m.; jplstr f.; Mac. CiAi<a 'white poplar'

As Schrijver (1991: 40) observes, this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for 'spruce' : je- also occurs in West Slavic, where 'spruce' is jedl-, not jei- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver o.e: 41). The a-: e- variation in other branches of Indo-European suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone ( cf. Andersen 1996: 130 ). For the distribution of a- and e- in East Baltic, l refer to ALEW s.v. aliksnis. The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the

alkūnė 51

*i ( and *u, cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.e.), but the fact that we find *i in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above­mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area.

alkti

LITH alkti 'be hungry', 3 pres. alksta, 3 pret. alko LATV alkt 'be hungry', 1sg. pres. alkstu, 1sg. pret. alku

BSL *olrk-PSL *Olkati v. (a) 'be hungry' SL OCS al'bkati 'be hungry, fast', 1sg. al'bč9; lakati 'id.', 1sg. lač9; Ru. alkcit'

'hunger (for) , crave (for), (obs.) be hungry', 1sg. alču, 3sg. alčet; ORu. al('b)kati 'hunger (for), crave (for)', 1sg. al'bču; lakati 'hunger (for) , crave (for)', 1sg. laču; OCz. lakati 'crave (for)', 1sg. lakaju, 1sg. laču; Sln. lakati 'be hungry, be greedy, starve', 1sg. lakam

In my view, the reconstruction *olk- < *h1 eh1 olk- (Rasmussen 1999: 199) cannot ac­count for the acute tone of the root. For this reason, I reconstruct *h1 olHk-. The colour of the laryngeal is based on Olc. illr 'bad, evil' < *elhila-. The connection with the latter adjective is not beyond doubt, however, so that we might reconstruct *h2 or *h3 after all. The verbal root is limited to Balto-Slavic.

See also: alkanas

alkūnė

LITH alku nė 1 'elbow'; VAR elkunė ( arch., dial.) 1 LATV ęlkuonis [el, el2] 'elbow, bend'; VAR ęlks; ęlkuons; ęlkuone [ ęl, ęl, el2] (ęlkuone

in Rutzau, according to Abele 1927: 116); ęlkūne2 OPR alkunis (EV) 'elbow'

BSL *olk-PSL *olk'btb m. i/jo; *olk'bt'b; m. o (e) 'elbow, ell' SL OCS lak'btb m.(i) 'elbow' (in some case forms inflected as a consonant

stem); Ru. l6kot' m.(jo) 'elbow', Gsg. l6ktja; Cz. loket 'elbow, ell'; Slk. lakof 'elbow, ell'; Pl. lokiee 'elbow, ell' ; USrb. lochc 'elbow'; l6chc (dial.) 'elbow'; SCr. lakat 'elbow, ell', Gsg. lakta; Čak. lakat (Vrg., Novi) 'elbow, ell', Gsg. lahta; lakat (Orb.) 'elbow, armlength, yard (measure)', Gsg. lahta; Sln. lakat, Gsg. lakta, laktū, lahta, lahtū; lakat f.(i) , Gsg. lakti, lahti; Bulg. lakat

PIE *Hh3elk-? IE Gk. 6;\rKpčtvoc; m. 'point of the elbow'; Lat. ulna f. 'elbow'; Olr. uilen f.

'elbow'; OHG elina f. 'ell'; Arm. oln 'spine, shoulder'

The LKŽ has elkunė instead of elkunė even though one of the sources mentioned - F.

Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. The form is corrected by Vitkauskas (2006: 85) and does not reappear in the LKŽe. The e- of the East Baltic forms may be

52 almė

another instance of "Rozwadowski's change': The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- ( *Hh3el-) is required by the acute intonation of -+ Lith. uolektis, Latv. u6lekts 'ell' < *HoHl- ( *Heh3l-) , cf. OPr. woltis (EV) 'forearm', woaltis (EV) 'ell', Gk. WAEVTJ 'elbow, forearm' (Schrijver 1991: 78-79 ). If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ol- is the obvious reconstruction.

almė

LITH alme 4 [1/4) 'fluid from the mouth or nose of a dying person or corpse, phlegm' (Usually plural. The DLKŽ has aimės 4 'fluid from the mouth of a corpse'.); VAR eŽmės (K.) Npl. 4

PIE *h2e!ol-m-IE Skt. cirma- m. 'spring, well'; Skt. armaka- m. 'id.'; Toch. B alme* n. 'spring [of

water] '

Apart from these nouns, we find a number of probably related hydronyms, e.g. Aimė, Almuonė, Almenas, Eimė, or Lat. Almo (Hilmarsson 1986: 31) . The connection with the Sanskrit forms, whose meaning is uncertain, must be considered rather speculative. See also: almeti; almuo

almėti

LITH almeti 'ooze, exude, trickle, flow gently', 3 pres. aima, 3 pret. almejo; VAR almeti, 3 pres. aimi, 3 pret. almejo; elmėti, 3 pres. elma, 3 pret. elmėjo

A denominative verb derived from -+a/me.

almuo

LITH almuo m.(n) 3b 'pus'

See -+alme.

alpti

LITH aipti 'faint, crave', 3 pres. aipsta, 3 pret. aipo

The e-grade of the root is probably present in elpeti (Žem.) 'long for, crave for'. Likely Latvian cognates are ėlpt2 'breathe, breathe beavily', elpet 'breatlie, recover', ęipa, eipe 'breath'. The meaning of alpa2 'time, moment, while' may have developed from 'a moment's breath'. Endzelins (EH I: 68) claims that aipt 'crave, gasp for breath' is a borrowing from Lithuanian.

The etymology is unclear. The connection with Skt. alpa- 'small, little' and Lat. lepidus 'delicate' is extremely uncertain, while Hitt. alpu- may very well mean 'pointed' instead of 'blunt' ( cf. Giiterbock 1988: 170 ), which would render an etymo­logical relationship between alpu- and Lith. alpus 'weak', as advocated by Puhvel (1975: 61) and Rieken (1999: 373), utterly unattractive. Obviously, both Puhvel and Rieken start from the meaning 'blunt' ( as does Tremblay apud Smoczynski 2007: 12 ) . In my opinion, the etymology is doubtful anyhow.

alvas 53

alsas

LITH aisas 4 'fatigue, weariness'; VAR alsa 'fatigue, weariness, heavy breathing'

See -+alsuoti.

alsuoti

LITH alsuoti 'breathe heavily, pant', 3 pres. alsuoja, 3 pret. alsavo; VAR elsuoti 'breathe heavily, pant', 3 pres. elsuoja, 3 pret. elsavo

LATV ęisuOt 'sob, cough, pant'; VAR ęisat 'sob, cough, pant'; eišat 'breathe heavily, gasp'

Etymology unclear. Skt. ilayati 'be still, calm down', which has been connected with the etymon under discussion (cf. LEW: 184) , probably continues *Hrhi , cf. Av. raman- n. 'rest', OHG rawa f. 'rest, peace' ( cf. Narten 1968) . In Latvian, we also find ėlst [ėl, ė/2] 'breathe heavily, pant'.

See also: alsas; ilseti; ilsti

alus

LITH alus m. 4 'beer' LATV alus m. 'beer' OPR alu (EV) 'beer'

BSL *alu PSL *6111 m. u (e) 'fermented liquor, beer' SL RuCS 0111 'fermented liquor, strong drink' ; ORu. 0111 ' id: ; Sln. {Jl 'beer', Gsg.

{ila, Gsg. olu

PIE *h2el-u-IE Ok. 91 n. 'beer, drinking-bout'

The Baltic and Slavic forms may be borrowings from Germanic.

alvas

LITH alvas (DK, Bretk.) l 'tin' LATV afva [ai, ai2, al2] 'tin' ; VAR afvs OPR alwis (EV) 'lead'

PSL * olovo n. o (e) 'lead' SL OCS olovo 'lead'; MBulg. jelovo 'lead' ; Ru. 6lovo 'tin'; ORu. olovb f. (i) 'tin' ;

Cz. alavo 'tin'; OPI. ol6w f.(i) 'lead'; SCr. Olavo lead'; Sln. olŲv f.(i) 'lead'; Bulg. elavo ( dial.) 'lead'

It is unclear to me on what grounds the LKZ assigns AP I to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is alwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP I or 3 . The Modern Lithuanian form alavas is a borrowing from Slavic. In Russian dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvb. The fact that we do not have *lavb < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for 'tin, lead'

54 amalas

from *al(a)- 'white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was 'tin' (plumbum album) rather than 'lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belongs it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.

amalas

LITH amalas 3b 'mistletoe'; VAR emalas 3b LATV amulis 'mistletoe, clover'; VAR amuolis2 (Klp.); amuols; ęmuols (BW); amuls;

amals; amuls OPR emelno (EV) 'mistletoe'

BSL *emel- ; *omel-PSL *emela f. a; *emelo n. o; *jbmela f. a; *jbmelo n. o SL Ru. omela f. 'mistletoe'; ORu. omela f. 'lure (for birds)'; imela f. 'lure (for

birds)' ; Cz. jmeli n.(io); meli (dial.) n.(io) ; omela (dial.) f.; omelo (dial.) n.; OCz. jmele n.(io ) ; Sllc jemelo ( dial.), hemelo ( dial.) n.; imelo, jmelo ( dial.) n.; Pl. jemiola f.; jamiola ( dial.) f.; imiola ( dial.) f.; OPI. jemiola f.; jemiol m.( o); jemiolo n.; USrb. jemjel m.( o) ; LSrb. jemjol, hemjol m.( o); SCr. imela f.; mela f. ; amela ( dial.) f.; Sln. omęla f.; imęla f.; męla f.; melję n.(jo)

This plant name is probably a borrowing from a non-Indo-European substratum language. The association of the Slavic forms with *jbm- 'take' (the mistletoe's sap is used to produce bird-lime) must be regarded as an instance of popular etymology (cf. Hamp 1985: 51). OPr. emelno, by the way, must reflect a zero grade as well, as the regular reflex of *e- is a- in Old Prussian ( cf. Kortlandt 20oob: 125) . An etymological connection with PIE *h1 m- 'take' is doubtful, as is the connection with *h3eHm- 'raw'. The Latvian forms with a- were influenced by abuols 'apple, clover'.

anas

LITH anas 'that'; VAR anas (Sirv., dial.) 'he', f. ana; afis (OLith., dial.) 'he, that'

BSL *anos PSL *on11 prn. 'he, she, it' SL OCS on11, f. ona, n. ono; Ru. on, f. ona, n. on6; SCr. on, f. ana, n. ano; on, f.

ana, n. ano; Čak. on (Vrg.), f. onii, n. ono; Sln. an, f. 6na, n. on9 n., 6n9

PIE *h2en-o-IE Gk. liv modal ptcl.; Lat. an 'whether, or'

anga

LITH anga 4 [2/4] 'opening, entrance'

The traditional connection with such forms as PSI. *(Jg1'11' (e) 'corner', e.g. Ru. ugol, Sln. ()gal, and Lat. angulus 'corner, angle' < *h2eng- is semantically not obvious and presents difficulties regarding the circumflex tone of the root. An alternative seems to be lacking.

angis

LITH angis f. (i) 4 'snake'

anyta

LATV uodze [uo, ui5( ?), uo2, uo2] 'adder'; VAR uodzs2 f.(i) ; uodzis2; uocs2 f. (i)

BSL *angi(o)s PSL *pŽb m. jo (b) 'snake'

55

SL Ru. už, Gsg. uža; ORu. užb; Pl. wąž, Gsg. węža; SCr. Čak. lfiJš (Orb.) 'kind of black snake', Gsg. !!ožii; Sln. pž 'grass snake'; v{iž 'snake'

PIE * h2engwh_ j_ IE Lat. anguis m. 'snake'; Mlr. escung m. 'eel'; OHG unc m. 'snake'; Arm. awj

'snake'

See also: ankštlras; inkštiras; ungurys

anglis

LITH anglis f.(i) 4 [2/4] 'coal' ; VAR afiglis m.(io) 2 [1/2] LATV uogle [ uo, uo2, uo2] 'coal'; VAR uogls2 f. (i) ; uoglis2 [uo2, uo2]

BSL *on(glis PSL *pglb m. i (a) 'coal' SL OCS pglb m.(i) ; Ru. ugol' m.(jo ), Gsg. uglja, Gsg. uglja; Cz. uhel m.(jo ); Slk.

uhol' m.(jo ); Pl. węgiel m.( jo); SCr. ugalj m.(jo ), Gsg. uglja; ugljen m.( o), Gsg. ugljena; Čak. ugfen (Vrg.) m.( o), Gsg. ugfena; Sln. {ig<Jl m.( o) , Gsg. {igla; v{ig<Jl m.( o) , Gsg. v{igla

PIE *h1 ongw- [_ IE Skt. angara- m. 'coal'

Probably a hysterodynamic 1-stem. The Sanskrit form may point to *-oi-.

angus

LITH angus (Žem.) 4 'lazy, hard to thresh, hard to kili, tough'

Būga (RR III : 462) draws attention to the fact that the Žemaitian forms which Jaunius interpreted as angus may also reflect the more widely spread adjective vangils 4. It seems to me that the existence of a variant ingas 3 points to a root that is cognate with -+ingti and -+engti.

anyta

LITH anyta l 'mother- in-law (husband's mother) ' OPR ane (EV) 'grandmother'

PIE *h2enH-IE Hitt. banna- e. 'grandmother'; Gk. avv(c; (Hsch.) f. 'mother- in-law'; Lat. anus

f. 'old woman'

The laryngeal is required by the Hittite form ( cf. Kloekhorst 2008: 285) .

56 anka

anka

LITH anka (K., Ness. , dial.) l 'loop, ring' LATV anka 'rope used to fasten a sail to the mast'

BSL *onk-PSL * pkott> f. i SL SerbCS pkot1:> f. (i) 'hook'; ORu. ukott> f.(i) 'claw, anchor'

IE Skt. anka- m. 'hook, clamp'; Gk. oyKo<; m. 'barb of an arrow'; Lat. uncus 'hook m.

In spite of the unexpected acute tone, the root is probably *h2onk-, cf. also Lat. ancus (Paui. ex Fest.) m. 'with crooked arms' < *h2enk-, Skt. anc- 'bend'. We may be dealing with an instance of metatony comparable to -+danga 'cover', Latv. danga 'corner' <

*dhongl'- .

anksti

LITH anksti 'early, prematurely'; VAR ankstie 'early'

Etymology unclear. The connection with Skt. anjasa 'straight on, truly, quickly, instantly', which may derive from anakti 'smear, anoint' seems doubtful to me. The Žemaitian adverbs ankstainais, anksttiiniais, anksteinai(s) correspond with OPr. angstainai (III), angsteina (III) 'in the morning'.

ankštas

LITH ankštas 4 'narrow'

BSL *anž-(u)-PSL *pzoko adj. o 'narrow' SL OCS pzoko; Ru. uzkij; Cz. uzkf; Slk. uzky; PI. wqski; SCr. uzak; Sln. i;Jzak

PIE *h2emgh-u-IE Skt. arrzhu-; Lat. angustus; Go. aggwus

For the *m, cf. Hitt. [Jamank-; l [Jame/ink- 'tie , betroth'.

ankštiras

LITH ankštiras 2 [2/3•] 'blackhead, larva in the skin of an animal'; VAR ankštara i;

ankštaras I; ankštera I; ankšteras (Sirv.) LATV anksteri Npl. 'maggots, larvae' OPR anxdris (EV) 'adder'

See -+angis and -+ungurys. For the semantics, cf. Ru. ugor' 'eel, blackhead', Slk. uhor 'pork tapeworm, blackhead'. See also: inkštiras

ankštis

LITH ankštis f.(i) i 'pod'; VAR ankštis (C) m.(io)

antras 57

Fraenkel (LEW: u) derives this noun from a root *ang- 'bend' (-+anga), but it is clear that it cannot be separated from -+engti 'peel' ( cf. Smoczynski 2007: 16-17) .

ant

LITH ant prep. 'on, upon, towards'; VAR anta (OLith.) ; anta ( dial.)

PIE *h2ent IE Hitt. bant- 'forehead, front' ; banza ' in front'; Skt. anti 'before, near, facing' ;

Gk. avT[ 'opposed, facing'; čivrn 'face to face' See also: antis II

antis l

LITH antis f.(i) l 'duck' OPR antis (EV) 'duck'

BSL *an(t-PSL *9ty f. ū 'duck' SL CS 9ty; Ru. utka; ORu. uty, Gsg. ut'bve; SCr. utva; Sln. Ųtva

PIE *h2enh2+ IE Skt. ati- f. 'aquatic bird'; Lat. anas f. 'duck'; OE ened f. 'duck', OHG anut f.

'duck'

antis 11

LITH antis 2 'bosom'; VAR užuntis (E. Lith.) 2 LATV azuOts f.(i) [ uo, iw2] 'bosom'; VAR azuote [uo, uo] ; azuots m.( o); azauts f.(i) ;

azaute

A derivative of -+ant.

antras

LITH antras 4 [ 2/ 4) 'second'; VAR antaras ( dial., OLith.) l/3b LATV uotrs [uo, uo, uo2, uo2] 'second'; VAR uotars (BW) 'second, other'; uotęrs

(BW) 'second, other' OPR antars (III) 'second, other', Nsg. f. antra, Asg. m. antran; anters (I, II, III)

'second, other'

PIE *h2en-tero-IE Skt. antara- 'other'; Go. anpars 'other'

We find evidence for AP 2 in Daukša (cf. Skardžius 1935: 183-184), which is not mentioned in the LKŽ. OPr. antars, anters [ant;irs] results from apocope (cf. Stang 1966: 27) . Stang (o.e.: 282) compares the coexistence of antras and antaras to katras alongside E. Lith. kataras. He is inclined to assume that the variation is apophonic. Smoczyiiski ( 2007: 18) assumes syncope.

anūkas

anūkas

LITH anukas 2 'grandchild, grandson'; anukė 2 'granddaughter'; VAR unukas 2 'grandchild, grandson'; unukė 2 'granddaughter'

SL Ru. vnuk 'grandchild, grandson', Gsg. vnuka; Ru. unuk ( dial.) 'grandchild, grandson'; Bel. unuk 'grandchild'; Ukr. onuk 'grandson'

A borrowing from Slavic, cf. Būga i911a, Skardžius i931: 29.

apačia

LITH apačia 3b 'bottom' LATV apakša 'bottom'; apakša 'below, beneath'; VAR apakšan (obs.) 'below,

beneath'; apakš 'id:; apu( k )š 'id:

PIE *h2ep-etio-IE Skt. apatya- 'offspring, descendant'; Hitt. appezzi(ja)- 'backmost, hindmost'.

Latv. apakša is the Lsg. of apakša (Lith. apačioje) , while apakšan is the illative.

apyaušris

LITH apfaušris l 'early dawn, time just before daybreak'; VAR apyauštris (Vrn.) 1; apyaušra 1

A compound of apy- (-+apie) and the word for 'dawn' (-+aušra).

apie

LITH apie prep. 'around, about'; ap(i)- pref. 'round, around, about'; apy- pref. 'partly, around, about'; VAR apei prep. 'around, about' ; apė, apl, apė prep. 'around, about'; api prep. 'around, about'

LATV ap prep. 'around, about'; ap- pref. 'round, around, about' OPR ep-, eb-, ab- pref. Corresponds with MoHG be- and occasionally occurs as a

marker of perfective aspect.

PIE *h1 epi; *h1 opi IE Skt. api adv., prev., prep. 'also, further, even'; Gk. em, trri adv., prep. 'on it, at

it; on, at, by, at the same time, because' with gen., dat. and acc. (Il.), Myc. e-pi prep.

A variant with o-grade is apparently found in Gk. om0ev, omcr0ev 'behind, at the back', Myc. o-pi.

apyūšris

LITH apyūšris ( dial.) 1 'early dawn, time just before daybreak'

See -+apyaušris. The attestations in the LKZe suggest that this is a Zemaitian form.

apvalus

LITH apvalus 4 'round'; VAR apalus 3b; apvalas 3b; apalas 3b LATV apa/š 'round'

IE Ok. valr 'round'

ardas 59

Compound of ap (-+apie) and valUs, which may be cognate with -+velti II 'felt, full, tousle'. The zero grade is found in PSl. *obbl'b 'round', e.g. Ru. 6blyj 'rounded', Cz. oblj 'round, rounded, oval', SCr. obao 'round, oval'; Sln. pbal 'round, oval'.

apvaras

LITH apvaras 3b 'cord, string, lace'; VAR aparas (Žem.) 1; apvara 3b [ 1/3b] ; apara (Žem.) 1; apivaras 1; apyvaras 1; apivara 1; apyvara 1

PSL *obora f. a 'string, twine' SL CS obora 'buckle'; Ru. ob6ra ( dial.) 'string for tying up bast shoes' ; ob6r, 6bor

(dial.) m. 'string, kind of fishing-net'; ORu. obora 'strap, string for tying up bast shoes'; Bel. ob6ra 'string, twine'; Ukr. ob6ra 'string, twine'; Pl. obora ( dial.) 'string for tying up bast shoes'

A quite common specific meaning of the above-mentioned Lithuanian words is 'string for tying up bast shoes'. Apart from the fact that the prefixes probably have different etymologies, the Slavic forms mentioned are completely parallel. For the etymology of the root, see -+verti 'pierce, string'.

ar

LITH ar 'in terrogative ptcl. , whether, if, (OLith., dial.) and'; VAR er (DP, Sirv. , Bretk.) interrogative ptcl.

LATV ar ( obs., dial.) ' interrogative p tel., whether, if'; ar prep. 'with'

PIE *h2er-IE Gk. lipa, pa 'then'; apa interrogative ptcl. See also: ir

ardamas

LITH ardamas (Pruss. Lith.) 1 'crossbar to which the sails of a ship are attached'

According to Smoczynski ( 2007: 22 ), this is a lexicalized present passive participle of -+ardyti. I stiek to the traditional opinion that ardamas is a derivative of -+ardas, even though this type of suffixation is rare (see Skardžius 1941: 207).

ardas

LITH ardas 4 [2/4] 'pole in a barn for drying sheafs, layer (of plants)' (according to Illič-Svityč (1963: 32), the card files of the Lithuanian dialect atlas contain evidence for AP 2 in Žemaitian and the neighbouring Aukštaitian dialects)

LATV ardi Npl. [ar, ar, ar2, &r2] 'die Dorrbalken in der Heizriege, dicke Stangen, die iiber oder nebem dem Ofen im Zimmer zum Trocknen der Pergel, Kleider u.s.w. angebracht sind' (the singular is rare)

SL Ru. arda (Olon.) 'rack consisting of poles for hanging a sweep-net out to dry'; Ru. ardy Npl. 'rack for drying flax (Novg.), device for drying fishing­nets (Arkh.)'

60 ardyti

The Baltic and Slavic forms can obviously not go back to the Balto-Slavic stage. According to Fraenkel (LEW: 15, see also Smoczynski 2007: 22), the Baltic forms were borrowed from Russian, which in turn borrowed the etymon from Karelian, but this seems unlikely to me (cf. Anikin 2005: 90). Anikin ( l.e.) states that from a geographical point of view the Russian forms are best regarded as borrowings from Baltic-Finnic ( cf. Karel. ardo 'pole for hanging nets and laundry out to dry, rack', Liv. ardo 'pole for hanging a sweep-net out to dry', Veps. ard 'long pole for drying laundry under the open sky'), but does not rule out a Baltic origin for Novg. ardy. I adhere to the view that the Baltic-Finnic forms are borrowings from Baltic (cf. Zinkevičius LKI I: 168), in which case the Baltic etymon may be cognate with Arm. ardn 'spear'. See also: ardamas

ardyti

LITH ardyti 'pull down, destroy', 3 pres. ardo, 3 pret. ardė LATV ardit [ar, ar, ar2] 'destroy, scatter', lsg. pres. ardu, lsg. pret. ardiju

BSL *or-ei/i-PSL *oriti v. SL OCS oriti 'tempt' ( lit. 'drag down'); razoriti 'throw away, cast out'; Ru.

razorit' 'destroy'; Cz. obofiti 'collapse'; SCr. razoriti 'destroy'; Bulg. 6rja 'bring down'

PIE *Hor-eie-

The d of the Baltic causative suffix originates from the root * dhhr ( -+det1) . Reanalysis gave rise to a stem ard-!erd-, cf. -+erdvas. See also: irti II; erdus; ettas; Latv. hst

arklas

LITH arklas 3 [ 1/3] 'plough' (AP l is mentioned by Illič-Svityč (1963: 82 fn.), but not by the LKZe)

LATV arkis [ar, ar] 'plough'; VAR arklis (Tam.)

ssL *arrdlo; *arrtlo PSL *ordlo n. o (a) 'plough' SL OCS ralo; Ru. ralo; Cz. radlo; Slk. radlo; Pl. radlo; SCr. riilo; Sln. ral9 'small

plough'; Bulg. ralo

PIE *h2rhrdhlom IE Gk. lipoTpov n. 'plough'; Arm. arawr 'plough'

In Balto-Slavic ( or in Baltic and Slavic independently), zero grade of the root ( cf. irklas 'plough' (Dauk., ŠI.) and -+irklas 'oar') was apparently replaced by full grade after the verb 'plough' (-+arti) . I assume that the Balto-Slavic noun had fixed stress on the root in accordance with Hirt's law.

arklys

LITH arklys 3 'horse'

arti II 61

A derivative of -+arklas 'plough'.

aršus

LITH aršUs 4 'violent, furious, ( dial.) bad'

Fraenkel (LEW: 17), who does not mention the meaning 'bad', regards this adjective as a borrowing from Bel. horšy 'worse' (thus also Smoczyriski 2007: 23) , cf. garšus (Ruh., Mielcke) 'angry' from Pl. gorszy 'worse'. Urbutis (1989: 44ff. = 2009: 189-197) argues that only aršus 'bad' is a borrowing. He points out that aršytis 'be feverish, rage' (3 pres. aršosi, 3 pret. aršėsi) must be inherited in view of the fact that its flexion is not - ijasi, - ijosi. Other Lithuanian cognates, according to Urbutis, are erštas (erštas) 'angry man', erštas 'anger', and -+irsti 'be angry'. Possible Latvian cognates, already suggested in ME, are aršaki 'more' and arsala 'angry woman, raging cow'.

Kroonen (2013: 119) reconstructs aršus as *h1 ors-u- from PIE *h1 ers- 'boil, rage', cf. Hitt. aršane-'; l aršan- 'be envious, be angry', Arm. efam 'boil, be restless'. According to Kloekhorst (2008: 211), the root of the Hittite verb must be reconstructed as *h113ershr or *hwreshr. He is unaware of any cognates in other IE languages. It seems to me that the connection with the Baltic root is a remote possibility. Since Skt. irasyati 'be angry' derives from *HrHs-, where the -s- probably points to denomina­tive origin, this verb is best kept apart on accentological grounds, though the Baltic evidence for an original circumflex is not very strong.

arti l

LITH arti 'plough', 3 pres. aria, 3 pret. arė LATV art [ar, ar] 'plough', 1sg. pres. aru, 1sg. pret. aru

BSL *ar?-PSL * orati v. 'plough' SL OCS orati, lsg. orj9; Ru. orat' ( dial.) , lsg. orju, 3sg. oret; Cz. orati; Slk. orat';

Pl. orati, lsg. orzę; SCr. arati, 1sg. orem; Čak. orati (Vrg.) , 2sg. oreš; Sln. orati, 1sg. oram, lsg. 6rjem; 6rati; Bulg. orei

PIE *h2erhrie-IE Gk. čtp6w 'plough'; Lat. arare 'plough'

See also: arklas; arklys; artojas; 6ras

arti 11

LITH arti adv.!prep. 'near, close' ; VAR artie

PIE *h2er- t-IE Gk. apn adv. 'just, just now, recently' ; Arm. ard 'just now'

Originally we are dealing with the Lsg. of a derivative of the root of Gk. čtpap[axw 'fit join, together', etc.

See also: artimas

62 artimas

artimas

LITH artimas 3b [3•/3b] 'near, close, neighbouring, not long'; VAR af"tymas 3b; artymas 3•

An adjective to -+arti.

artojas

LITH artojas i 'ploughman, farmer' LATV ariijs 'ploughman, farmer'; VAR arejs OPR artays (EV) 'farmer'

BSL * ar(tarjas PSL *ortajb m. jo (a) 'ploughman, farmer' SL Ru. rataj (folk poet.) ; OCz. rataj; OPI. rataj; SCr. ratiir; Sln. rataj

An agent noun derived from -+arti. The Latvian suffix - tiijs is now limited to verbal stems with a vocalic suffix e cf. Endzelins I922a: 282-283), the primary suffix being -ejs or -iijs. The form ariijs is possibly a contamination of * artiijs and arejs and may have been the origin of the suffix -iijs e o.e.: 206, cf. Ambrazas i993: 116) .

aržus

LITH aržus ( dial.) 4 'ardent, voluptuous, stubborn'; VAR eržus 4

PIE *h 1 arg"-IE Gk. opxw; Npl. m. 'testicles'; Av. arazi 'testicles' Ndu. m.; Olc. argr 'indecent,

bad, libidinous' See also: eržilas

ąsa

LITH ąsa 4 'ear ( of a jug), eye ( of a needle ), button-hole' LATV uasa [ua, uo2, ua2] 'handle, ear, eyelet'; VAR uase [ua, uo2] ; uose2; uass f.(i)

[ua, u62] OPR ansis (EV) 'hook'

PIE *h2ens-ehr IE Lat. iinsa f. 'handle ( of a cup, jar or similar vessel), handle of a door, loop,

clamp, fish-hook'; Olc. a:s f. 'hole for shoe-laces' See also: ąsotas

asilas

LITH iisi[as 3b 'donkey' OPR asilis (EV) 'donkey'

BSL *asilas PSL * asih m. o (b) 'donkey' SL ocs asbl'b; Ru. asei, Gsg. asla; Cz. asei; Slk. asai; Pl. asial; SCr. osaa, Gsg. asla;

Sln. 6sal, Gsg. 6sla

ašmas

Ultimately a borrowing from Germanic, cf. Go. asilus.

ąsotas

LITH qs6tas l 'with ears'

See ->qsa. The derivative qsotis 'jug' is a well-known example of metatonie douce in a suffix.

aš

LITH aš 'I'; VAR eš (OLith.) LATV es 'I' OPR as (I, III), es (II) T

BSL *e?ž-um; * (es?) PSL * az11 prn. T SL OCS az11; Ru. ja; ORu. (j)az11; Cz. ja; OCz. jaz; Pl. ja; OPL jaz; jaz; SCr. ja;

jiiz ( dial.); Čak. jd (Vrg.); jii (Novi); ja (Orb.) 'I, me'; Sln. jaz; Bulg. az; ja ( dial.)

PIE *h1 eg-H-om IE Skt. aham; Gk. tyw; Lat. ego; Go. ik

ašara

LITH ašara l 'tear' (I have not encountered any attestations of Pokorny's variant ašara (IEW: 23, 279))

LATV asara 'tear'

PIE *h2ekru-IE Skt. a5ru- n. 'tear'; Toch. A akiir 'tear'

The original neuter u-stem was reshaped, the result being that the Baltic forms now seemingly contain the suffix -ara. Forms such as Gk. cSaKpu, Go. tagr 'tear' may reflect *drk-h2( e )kru- (Kortlandt i985b ) .

ašis

LITH ašis f.(i) 4 'axle, axis' LATV ass f.(i) 'axle, axis' OPR assis (EV) 'axle'

BSL *asis PSL * OSb f. i (e) 'axle, axis' SL CS osv; Ru. os'; OCz. os; Slk. os; Pl. os; SCr. 6s; Sln. 9s, Gsg. asi; Bulg. os

PIE * h2eks-(i-) IE Skt. <ik$a- m.; Gk. a�wv m.; Lat. axis m.; OHG ahsa f.

The PIE date of the i-stam is not beyond doubt.

ašmas

LITH ašmas ( obs.) 4 'eighth'

64 ašmenys

OPR asmus (I, II, III) 'eighth', Asg. asman (III)

BSL *ošmos PSL *osm'b num. o (b) 'eighth' SL OCS osm'b; Ru. vos'm6j; Cz. osmy; Slk. osmy; Pl. 6smy; SCr. osmi; Čak. osmi

(Vrg.); 6smi (Novi); Y{jsmi (Orb.); Sln. psmi; Bulg. 6smi

PIE *h3ekthrUO-IE Lat. octiivus 'eighth'

The suffix * -mo-, cf. Skt. a$tama-, must have been adopted from 'seventh'.

ašmenys

LITH iišmenys Npl. m. 3b 'cutting-edge, blade'; VAR iišmens Npl. m. 3b; iišmenes Npl. m. 1

LATV asmens m.(n) 'cutting-edge, blade', Gsg. asmens, asme1;1a; VAR asmins m.(n), Gsg. asmins, asmi1;1a; asmins m.( o)

See -+akmuo.

aštrus

LITH aštrus 4 'sharp'; VAR aštras (OLith., dial.) 4; ašrus 4; ašras LATV ass 'sharp'; VAR asrs (Rutzau, Dunika)

BSL *ašros PSL *astro adj. o (b/c) 'sharp' SL OCS ostr'b; Ru. 6stryj; Cz. ostry; Slk. ostry; Pl. ostryj; SCr. oštar, f. oštra; SCr.

oštar, f. oštra; Čak. oštar (Vrg.), f. oštra, n. oštro; Sln. 6star

PIE *h2ek-ro-IE Gk. čiKpo<; 'pointed'; Lat. iicer 'sharp'

The accentuation of the adverb asstrey in Ruhig's dictionary points to AP 2 (Illič­Svityč 1963: 58). See also: akečios; aketi; akmuo; akstinas; akstis; akuotas; ašutas; eršketas; ešerys; OPr. ackons

aštuntas

LITH aštuntas 4 'eighth'; VAR aštuoiitas 4 [1/4] [i.e. aštuontas 1] LATV astu6tais 'eighth'; VAR astCttais; astantęs; astitais

A recent formation in *-to- based on the cardinal (see -+aštuoni and -+iišmas) . Lith. -unt- and Latv. -ūt- go back to * -uont-. In Lith. astuoiitas ( aštuontas) and Latv. astuotais, the vocalism uo was restored ( cf. Endzelins 1922a: 368-369, Stang 1966: 283) . The original form is -+iišmas.

aštuoni

LITH aštuoni 3 'eight' LATV astu61;1i 'eight'; VAR astu1;1i; asti1;1(i) (Tam., High Latv.)

BSL *ošto(

PSL *osm1> num. (b) 'eight'

at

SL OCS osm1>; Ru. v6sem'; vosem' ( dial.); Cz. osm; Slk. osem; Pl. osiem; OPI. osm; Slnc. vuęsem; USrb. w6som; LSrb. wosym; wosom ( dial.) ; SCr. osam; Čak. osan (Vrg., Orb.); osam (Novi); Sln. psam

PIE *h3ekteh3 IE Skt. a?ttiu; Lat. acto

While the Baltic forms have apparently been enlarged, the Proto-Slavic form has been reshaped after the ordinai on the analogy of other numerals. See also: iišmas

ašutas

LITH ašutas 3h 'hair of a horse's tail or manes'

BSL *a.Sutos PSL *os'btb m. o 'thistle' SL OCS osot'b (PsDim.) 'thistle, sow thistle'; Ru. os6t; Cz. oset; Pl. oset; USrb.

w6st; LSrb. woset; Sln. osat; 6sat

Derivative of the root found in -+aštrus.

aš va

LITH ašva (obs.) 2 'mare'; VAR ešva (Bretk.) 'mare'; Ašva 2 'name of a river' LATV Asva 'place-name, name of a lake' OPR aswinan (EV) 'mare's milk'

PIE *h1 ekuehr IE Skt. asva- f. 'mare'

The form ašva has no AP in the LKŽe. Skardžius (1941: 13) gives AP 2 for the river­name. The oldest attestations of the etymon occur in Bretke's Bible translation and the first edition of Sirvydas's dictionary. Other Lithuanian river-names containing this root are Ašvija and Ašvinė, cf. the Old Prussian hydronyms Asswene and Asswaylen In Latvian, there is also a place-name Asvenieks.

We are dealing with a derivative of a noun *ašvas 'horse' < *h1 ekuos, cf. Skt. asva-, Lat. equus, Olr. ech, OE eoh. The variant with a- < e- seems to have ousted the original form ešva. According to Kloekhorst (2008: 237ff.), there is Anatolian evi­dence for an original u-stem, e.g. HLuw. asu- e. 'horse'. See also: ašvienis

ašvienis

LITH ašvienis (Žem.) 1 [ 1/3h] 'workhorse'

See -+ašva.

at

LITH at- pref. 'back' LATV at- pref. 'back'

66 atkarus

OPR at-, et- pref. 'back, away'

BSL *ot PSL * ot( 'b) prep. 'from' SL OCS ot'b; Ru. ot(o) ; Cz. od(e) ; Slk. od(o) ; Pl. od(e) ; SCr. od(a) ; Sln. od

PIE *h1 eti IE Skt. eiti prep. 'beyond, over'; Gk. fn adv. 'yet, still, besides'; Lat. et conj. 'and';

Go. ip conj. 'but, if'

Beekes (1990: 264) reconstructs *h1oti alongside *h1eti, but the latter is predominant. Perhaps the first element of Go. appan 'but, however' may be compared directly with the Balto-Slavic forms.

atkarus

LITH atkarus 4 [3b/4] (AP 4 is not mentioned in the LKZe) 'turned back (of a scythe), obstinate'; VAR atkaras 3b

See -+kairinti.

atkusti

LITH atkusti 'come off ( crust, rind), recover, become more prosperous again', 3 pres. atkunta, 3 pret. atkilto

LATV atkust 'grow, increase, get better'

See -+kusti

atlaikas

LITH atlaikas 3b 'remainder, remnant'; VAR atlaika 3b 'remainder, remnant, spare time'

BSL * otloiko(s) ( otloikum ?) PSL *ot'blek'b m. o SL OCS ot'blek'b 'remainder, remnant'

See -+at and -+laikas. Cf. atlikti 'remain'.

atolas

LITH atolas l [1/3] 'after-grass, aftermath'; VAR atolis (Donel.) m. l

LATV atals [a, a, a2, a2] 'after-grass, aftermath'; VAR attais; atals; attais OPR attolis (EV) 'after-grass, aftermath'

Gaters (1954: 113ff) suggests that atolas continues *atvolas, cf. volai Npl. 'wall-like rows of hay that has been raked together', Latv. vals [a, a, a2, a2] 'swath'. I consider this unlikely because the loss of the v would be irregular and because the tonal distributions of the Latvian forms do not match. Endzelins (ME I: 149) claims that for semantical reasons Latv. ataleties 'revive, recover' cannot be a derivative of atals and connects the verb with Lat. alere 'feed < *h2el-. This does not account for the vocalism of the root, however. I consider the etymology of atolas unknown.

atverti

atsailė

LITH iitsa ilė I 'cross-bar between beam and axle' LATV saiklis 'string, band'

PSL *sfdlo n. o (b) 'noose, snare' SL OCS silo; Ru. sil6 ( dial.) ; Ru. si/o ( dial.) ; ORu. silo; Pl. sidlo 'snare, trap'

IE OHG seil n. 'rope, snare, fetter'

I have grouped these forms together because they are semantically similar derivatives of the same root. The formations are actually quite different. PSI. *sfdlo may reflect *sh2i-dhl6m (with *i resulting from loss of the laryngeal in pretonic position) or a form with a secondary e-grade *sei- (cf. Derksen 2008a: 448) . For the reconstruction of the root, see -+sieti.

atsala

LITH atsala I 'sand-bank, shallow, creek, backwater'

Possibly cognate with -+salti 'trickle, flow'. See also -+sala.

atšankė

LITH atšanke ( dial.) 3h 'barb, funnel- shaped part of a fishing-net', iitšankė (Būga) I 'branch, bough'; VAR atšanka (Ness.) 'barb'

BSL *fonk-

PSL * s(Jk'b m. o (e) 'bough, knot (in wood), splinter' SL OCS s9h 'splinter'; Ru. suk 'bough, knot (in wood)', Gsg. sukti; Ru. suk

(arch.) , Gsg. suka; Bel. suk, Gsg. sukti; Bel. suk, Gsg. suka; Ukr. suk 'knot (in wood)', Gsg. sukti; Cz. suk 'knot (in wood)'; Slk. suk; Pl. sęk; Slnc. siįk; Kajk. souk (Bednja) 'knot (in wood)', Gsg. souka; Sln. s(Jk

PIE *konk-u-s IE Skt. 5anku- m. 'peg, wooden nail'; Oic. htir m. 'thole pin'

atverti

LITH atverti 'open', 3 pres. atveria, 3 pret. atvi!rė LATV atvert 'open' OPR etwerreis 2sg. imper. 'open! '

BSL *otwer?-PSL * ot( 1' )verti v. 'open' SL Cz. otevfiti 'open', isg, otevfu, isg. otevru; Sln. odvręti 'remove an

obstruction, open', ISg. odvrem

The root-final laryngeal seems to be a Balto-Slavic enlargement ( cf. Derksen i996: 81-82 ) . Synonymous prefixed verbs of the same root are Skt. apavnwti and Lat. aperire 'open'. According to Lubotsky (2oooa) , the Sanskrit evidence points to an inital laryngeal.

68

au-

LITH au- 'away' LATV au- 'away' OPR au- 'away'

BSL *au-

au-

PSL *u prep./pref. 'from, by, at, (pref.) away' SL OCS u 'from, at'; u- 'away'; Ru. u 'by, at'; u- 'away'; Pl. u 'by, at'; u- 'away'; SCr.

u 'by, at'; u- 'away'; Sln. u- 'away'; Bulg. u 'by, at'; u- 'away'

PIE *h2eu IE Skt. ava prvrb./prep. 'off, away'; Lat. au- pref. 'away'; Olr. 6 (ua) prep. 'from'

Examples of this prefix are Lith. auliflk 'in due course', Latv. auma/iim 'in streams, in abundance', O Pr. aumūsnan Asg. 'ablution', aulaūt 'die'

audra

LITH audra 1 [1/4] 'heavy storm (usually. accompanied by rain or snow)'; VAR audras (Pruss. Lith.) 1

Etymology unclear. From a purely formai point of view, the root could be *h2euhr against *h2uehr in -+vetra. There is a variant-+aldra 'heavy storm, racket', however.

auginti

LITH auginti 'raise, bring up', 3 pres. augina, 3 pret. augino LATV audziniit 'raise, bring up, educate' OPR auginnons ptc. pf. act. 'raised'; poaugints ptc. pf. pass. 'raised'; poauginneiti

2pl. imper. 'raise' !

Causative to -+augti.

augmuo

LITH augmuo m.(n) 3• [3•/3b] 'plant, sprout'

PIE "h2eug-men-IE Skt. ojman- m. 'strength, power'; Lat. augmentum n. 'increase, growth'

See -+augti.

augti

LITH augti 'grow', 3 pres. auga, 3 pret. augo LATV augt 'grow', 1sg. pres. augu, 1sg. pret. augu

PIE "h2eug-IE Lat. augere 'increase, augment (tr.)'; Go. aukan 'increase'

The acute tone of the root results from Winter's law. See also: augmuo; auginti; aukštas; ugis

auksas

auka

LITH auka 4 'saerifiee, vietim, offering'

Aeeording to Girdenis (2006a) , auka arose from *aųika 'sheep', cf. OCS ovbca 'sheep', Skt. avik&- 'ewe' (see -+avis, avikiena). He draws a eomparison between the alleged syneope in this form and -+ožka 'goat', whieh form he assumes to have been in eompetition with *ožika, cf. Žem. ošika (aetually, the LKŽ also has an entry ožika, but the attestations are rather unspeeifie), but whieh Mažiulis (2008: 92 fn.) derives from *ožuka, ef. OPr. wosux (EV). Semantieally, the transition from 'sheep' to 'saerifieial sheep' to 'saerifiee' seems plausible (pace Mažiulis o.e. : 92), even more so beeause the syneopated form auka was less likely to be assoeiated with avis.

It has been assumed that auka is a neologism that was introdueed into the literary language by Daukantas (1793-1864) (cf. LEW: 25-26, Smoezynski 2007: 33) , but the word is apparently attested in a text from the early i8th eentury and a North Žemaitian manuseript from the mid-19th eentury (Palionis 1989) . Būga (RR l: 355-357) suggests that Daukantas interpreted aūka kalns, whieh in his native dialeet eould refleet alko kalnas 'saered hill' e -+alkas), as analogous to apieras kalns 'saerifieial hill' (apiera 'saerifiee' <- OPL ofiera) . Though it appears that Daukantas did not ereate auka, it is still possible that we are in faet dealing with the word alka, but at least for the North Žemaitian evidenee Girdenis (2006a: 375 fn.) argues against this. Mažiulis (o.e.: 92-93), on the other hand, suggests that alka and alkas were transformed into auka and aūkas for reasons of taboo. The advantage of Girdenis's proposal is that it aeeounts for the fate of a form that onee must have existed in Lithuanian.

auklė

LITH aūklė 2 (2/4] 'shoe-laee (of sandals or bast-shoes), cord, foot-cloth'; VAR auklis 'string, eord'

LATV aukla (au, aū, au2] 'string, cord'; VAR auklis; aukle OPR auclo (EV) 'halter

IE Lat. subūcula f. 'woolen undertunie'

A derivative of -+aūti.

aukoti

LITH auk6ti 'grow', 3 pres. aukoja, 3 pret. aukojo

Denominative verb. See -+auka.

auksas

LITH auksas 3 ( 1/3] 'gold'; VAR ausas l OPR ausis (EV), Asg. ausin (III) gold'

PIE *h2e-h2US-O-IE Toeh. A wiis m. 'gold'; Toeh. B yasa n. 'gold'; Lat. aurum n. 'gold'

The daring reeonstruction *h2e-h2us-o- (Driessen 2003) offers a straightforward ex­planation for the Lithuanian aeute. The eorresponding form in Latvian was appar-

70 auksinas

ently lost. Its one time existence can be inferred from the line sijiijuot auzas bira, niekajuot sidrabii;iš (BW 8202) , where auzas 'oats' seems to be a transformation of *aus(a)s 'gold', sidrabii;iš (dim.) meaning 'silver' (ME l: 231, cf. 1990: 45-46). There is actually a variant with ..... Latv. zęlts 'gold' replacing auzas. See also: auksinas; aušra; aūšti

auksinas

LITH auksinas l 'golden, (m.) monetary unit'

Adjective to ->auksas. The variant ausinas, which just like auskalis 'goldsmith' is limited to Bretke's writings, is probably a Prussianism.

aukštas

LITH aukštas 3 'high' LATV augsts 'high'

PIE *h2eug-IE Lat. augustus 'exalted, lofty'

In Old Prussian, we find auckstimiskan Asg. f. 'authority'. The root is the same as in

->augti.

aulas

LITH aūlas 4 [2/4) 'leg of a boot, pipe in a mill for pouring grain to the mill-stones'

LATV aūls (aū, au2] 'leg of a boot'; VAR aūle OPR aulis (EV) 'shin'

BSL *aul-PSL * ulica f. ja (a) 'street' SL Ru. ulica; ORu. ulica 'square, street, passage'; Cz. ulice; Slk. ulica; Pl. ulica;

SCr. Ulica 'yard, street'; Sln. ulica 'alley, street'; Bulg. ulica 'street'

PIE *h2eul-IE Gk. auA6c; m. 'pipe, flute'; UUAWV m. 'hollow, channel, strait'; Olc. hvannj6li

m. 'stalk of angelica' (with secondary e-grade, cf. Kroonen 2013 : 42) . See also: aulys

aulys

LITH aulys (Zem.) 4 '(bee)hive'; VAR avilys 3b LATV aūlis ' (bee )hive'

BSL *aulio-PSL *ulbjb m. io ' (bee)hive' SL RuCS ulii; Ru. ulej, Gsg. ul'ja; Cz. ul; Slk. ul; Pl. ul; Čak. ūlj (Orb.), Gsg. ūljii;

Sln. ūlj 'hollow tree, (bee )hive'; Bulg. ulej 'pipe, opening'

For the etymology, see ->aūlas.

aumuo

LITH aumuo m.(n) 3h 'mind'

BSL *aum(en)-PSL *umo m. o (b) 'mind'

austi 71

SL OCS umo; Ru. um, Gsg. urna; Cz. um ( lit.) ; Slk. um; Pl. um; SCr. um, Gsg. urna; Sln. um 'mind, wrath'; um 'mind', Gsg. urna

A derivative of the root *h2eu-, which underlies such forms as Skt. avi? 'evidently' <

*h2ouis and Gk. aia9avoµm 'perceive' < *h2euis-dh-. In view of its accent paradigm the Slavic form must reflect an old neuter.

aure

LITH aure ptcl. 'there, over there'; aure adv. 'there, then, approximately'

According to Fraenkel (LEW: 26), the root is the demonstrative pronoun *h2eu-, cf. OCS ovo. With respect to the suffix, he draws a comparison with Gk. 6evpo (*de-u­ro?) 'here'.

ausčioti

LITH ausčioti 'gossip, talk nonsense', 3 pres. ausčioja, 3 pret. ausčiojo LATV aušat [aū, au2] 'chatter, talk nonsense'

BSL *OU?t- ( au?t- ?) PSL *ustiti v. SL OCS ustiti 'incite, persuade'; Sln. ustiti 'say, talk, agitate'

A derivative of a word for 'mouth', for which see -+uostas.

ausis

LITH ausis f.(i) 4 'ear' LATV auss f.(i) [au, au2] 'ear' OPR iiusins Apl. 'ears'

BSL *au�-PSL *uxo n. o (e) 'ear' SL OCS uxo n.(s/o), Gsg. ušese, Gsg. uxa, Ndu. uši; Ru. uxo, Npl. uši; Cz. ucho;

Slk. ucho; Pl. ucho; SCr. uho, Npl. f. uši; uvo, Npl. f. uši; Čak. uho (Vrg„ Hvar), Gsg. uha, Npl. m. uši; uho (Novi), Npl. ūši; uho (Orb.), Gsg. aha, Npl. f. uši; Sln. uh{) n.(s), Gsg. ušęsa; Bulg. ux6, Npl. uši

PIE *h2eus-IE Lat. auris f.; Olr. au n.; Go. auso f.

austi

LITH austi 'weave', 3 pres. audžia, 3 pret. audė LATV aust 'weave', isg. pres. aužu, isg. pret. audu

72 aušra

The Baltic root * aud- seems to be an enlarged variant of the root *Heu-, cf. Skt. vciyati 'weave' < *Hu-eie (LIV: 224). In view of the acute tone of the root, the enlargement must be *-d (Winter's law). If Beekes (1969: 67), basing himself on Myc. e-we-pe-se-so-me-na, is correct in claiming that Gk. ucpa[vw continues *h1ubh-, one might assume that this root, too, contains an enlargement, in which case * aud- would have to reflect *h1 oud-.

aušra

LITH aušra 4 [2/4] 'dawn'; VAR auštra (S. dial.) 4 LATV austra [au, aū] 'dawn'

BSL *au?(t)ro PSL *utro n. o (a) 'morning, dawn' SL OCS (j)utro 'dawn, morning, tomorrow'; zaustra (Ps. Sin.) 'in the morning'

( cf. Bulg. zcistra, Mcd. dzastra); Ru. utro 'morning'; Cz. jitro 'morning'; Cz. jutro (dial.) 'tomorrow'; Pl. jutro 'morning' (in Old Polish we find such forms as justrzejszy 'tomorrow's', justrzenka 'dawn') ; SCr. jutro 'morning'; Sln. jutro 'morning, east'

PIE *h2eus-rom IE Gk. auptov adv. 'tomorrow'; Lat. auster m. 'south wind'; Olc. austr m. 'East'

The loss of s in PSl. *justro is irregular. According to Nieminen (1956), the s was lost as a result of dissimilation in syntagms such as *za ustra and *s'b ustra. The main problem of the etymology *h2eus-ro-, however, is the PSl. acute intonation of the root, which might be linked to the Latvian variant aūstra. It is possible that we are dealing with an instance of contamination here, but for the time being a proper candidate seems to be lacking. Here Kortlandt's hypothesis (1977b) that stressed *(H)u- yielded *u(- comes to mind. In Derksen 2007 (511), l noted that the zero grade from which the acute may have spread seems to be lacking, without mentioning the rare Lithuanian form --+Ctšra. The latter form may be traced to the original hysterodynamic paradigm of this s-stem, but this still does not provide a convincing explanation for the fact that the root is acute. See also: apYūšra; auksas; aūšti; iišra; ūšti

aušti

LITH aūšti 'dawn, break ( day)', 3 pres. aūšta, 3 pret. aūšo LATV aust [au, au2] 'dawn, break (day)', 3 pres. aust, 3 pret. ausa

In view of the full grade, this verb must be of nominal origin (-+aušra), cf. Skt. ucchciti 'dawn, break (day)' < *h2us-ske!o-. The verb --+ūšti may be denominative as well.

autas

LITH aūtas 2 'foot-cloth, rag' LATV auts [au, au2] 'cloth, bandage'; VAR aute

A derivative in *-to- of --+aūti.

avinas

auti

LITH aūti 'put on footwear', 3 pres. aūna, 3 pret. iivė LATV aut [au, au2] 'put on footwear', isg. pres. aunu, aitju, isg. pret. avu, avu

BSL *ou-PSL *obuti v. 'put on footwear'

73

SL OCS obuti; Ru. obUt"put on someone's boots or shoes for him, provide with boots or shoes'; Cz. obouti; Slk. obuf; PI. obuc; SCr. obuti; Sln. obUti

PIE *h3eU-IE Hitt. unu-zi 'adom, decorate, lay (the table)'; Lat. induere 'put on'

LIV (275) reconstructs the root as *h2euH-. In view of the plausible connection with Hitt. unu-zi (see Kloekhorst 2008: s.v.), I have opted for a reconstruction with *h3• The root-finai laryngeal reconstructed by LIV is clearly in conflict with the Balto­Slavic evidence. See also: aūklė; aūtas; aveti

avėti

LITH avi!ti 'wear ( shoes )', 3 pres. iivi, 3 pret. avifjo; avifti, 3 pres. avifja, 3 pret. avifjo

A stative verb in -eti belonging to _.aūti.

avikiena

LITH avikiena (Jušk., Šlap.) l 'mutton'; VAR avikifna (Žem.)

BSL *owikeii'nai' PSL *ovvčina f. a (a) SL CS ovvčina 'sheepskin'; Ru. ovčina 'sheepskin'; Cz. ovčina 'mutton'; Sln.

ovčina 'mutton'

A derivative of a noun corresponding to OCS ovbca 'sheep' < *h3euikehr (_.avis), cf. Skt. avika- 'ewe', W ewig 'hind', which Girdenis (2006) identifies with Lith. _.auka 'sacrifice'. In the Lithuanian standard language, substantives in - ikas!-ikė are for the greater part agent nouns. The diminutive suffix - ikas is rare, but - ikė is still productive in Žemaitian and the neighbouring West Aukštaitian dialects (Ambrazas i993: i37) . In Zietela, we find a variant -yka, e.g. avyka. For the suffix - ienė, cf. aviene 'mutton', kiaulienė 'pork'.

avinas

LITH iivinas 3b 'ram' LATV auns 'ram'; VAR avins; avęns OPR awins (EV) 'rarn'

BSL *owinos PSL *ovbn'b m. o (b) 'rarn' SL ocs OVbn'b; Ru. oven 'Aries, (obs.) ram'; OCz. oven; OPI. owien; SCr. ovan,

Gsg. 6vna; SCr. 6van, Gsg. 6vna; Sln. 6van

74 a vynas

A derivative of -+avis. For the suffix, cf. Lith. antinas 'drake', stirninas 'roebuck', gervinas 'male crane'. Metatonie douce is common in this formation ( cf. Derksen 1996: 151-152, 157).

a vynas

LITH avjnas 1 'uncle on mother's side' OPR awis (EV) 'uncle'

BSL * aur(i)o-PSL *ujb m. jo 'uncle on mother's side' SL Ru. uj, Gsg. uja; vuj ( dial.); Cz. ujec; Pl. wuj; SCr. ujak; ujac, Gsg. ujca; Sln.

ujac, Gsg. ujca

PIE *h2euhr IE Hitt. bubba- e. 'grandfather'; CLuw. buba- 'grandfather'; Lat. avus m. 'grand­

father'; Olr. aue m. 'grandson'; Go. awo f. 'grandmother'; Arm. haw 'grand­father'

For the reconstruction of the root-final *h2, see Kloekhorst 2008: 352f., where a root noun *h2euhrl*h2uhr is advocated. For the semantics, cf. Beekes 1976a.

avis

LITH avis f.(i) 4 'sheep' LATV avs f.(i) 'sheep'

BSL *owis; *owikar PSL *ovbctH. ja (c) 'sheep' SL ocs OVbCa; Ru. ovca, Asg. ovcu (In Old Russian we find indications for AP's

(b) en (e) . According to Illič-Svityč (1963: 85) , ovca has mobile accentuation in 181h and 19th century poetry as well as in dialects.); Cz. ovce; Slk. ovca; Pl. owca; SCr. 6vca, Npl. 6vce; Sln. 6vca; Bulg. ovca

PIE *h3eu-i-IE Skt. avi- m.ff. 'sheep, ram'; avikd- 'ewe'; Gk. ore; m./f 'sheep'; Lat. avis f.

'sheep'; Toch. B awi Npl. f. 'female sheep'

Evidence for AP 2 is limited to the Gpl. awių (2x) in Daukša. Latv. avs was ousted by aita, which is a back-formation based on the diminutive aiti1}a < aviti1}a. See also: auka; aukoti; avikiena; avinas

aviža

LITH aviža 3b 'oats' LATV auzas Npl. [au, au2] 'oats' OPR wyse (EV) 'oats'

PSL * ov1's11 m. o (b) 'oats' SL Ru. oves; ORu. OVbS1'; Cz. oves; Slk. ovos; Pl. owies; SCr. ovas, Gsg. 6vsa; Sln.

6vas; Bulg. oves

PIE *h2eu-if'(s)-

IE Lat. avena f.

badyti 75

According to Schrijver (1991: 46-47) , the Balto-Slavic and Latin forms can be derived from *h2eu-ig"- (with a suffix *-snehr in Latin) , except for the fact that Slavic has a voiceless sibilant. A substratum origin seems more probable. The Old Prussian form may have been influenced by the name of a similar plant, cf. OPr. wisge (GrG), wyszge (GrF) 'oats' vs. Lith. vizgė, visgė 'oatgrass, false oats: Daukantas uses vizgė in the meaning 'oats'.

ąžuolas

LITH qžuolas 3• (1/3•] 'oak'; VAR aižuolas ( dial.) 3•; a užuolas (Ness. , dial.) 3•; qržuolas ( dial.) 3•

LATV u6zuols [u6, u62] 'oak, thunder-cloud'; VAR u6zals; u6zuls OPR ansonis (EV) 'oak'

BSL *on (ž-( 6)1-PSL pzl'b m. o (a) 'knot' SL SerbCS 9zl'b; v9z/'b; Ru. uzel, Gsg. uzla; Cz. uzel; Slk. uzol; Pl. węzel; SCr.

uzao, Gsg. uzla; Sln. v6ul, Gsg. v6zla; 6z<Jl, Gsg. 6zla; Bulg. v&zel

Rather than positing an l!n-stem, l am inclined to assume that OPr. ansonis has replaced * ansolis. The connection with PSL *vęzati (b) 'tie', e.g., Ru. vjazat', Cz. vazati, is problematic for accentological reasons.

ba

LITH ba conj. 'for'; VAR be

BSL *bo PSL *bo conj. 'for'

B

SL OCS bo; Ru. bo (dial.) 'if, for, because'; Cz. bo (arch.); SCr. bo (dial.)

PIE *bho IE Go. ba 'that not, if not'

badas

LITH badas 4 'hunger, starvation, famine, shortage' LATV bads 'hunger, starvation, famine, shortage'

It seems plausible to me that this noun is derived from -+badyti, in which case it is cognate with OPr. boadis 'stab'. The connection with Skt. b&dhate 'oppress' (Būga RR I: 346) is impossible because the latter verb reflects *bheh1dh- (LIV: 68). See also -+bėda and -+bosti.

badyti

LITH badyti 'butt, prick, poke', 3 pres. bado, 3 pret. badė

76 baidyti

LATV badit 'butt, gore, poke', 1sg. pres. badu, 1sg. pret. badiju

BSL *bod-PSL *bodati v. 'stab, sting' SL Ru. bodat' 'butt', 1sg. bodaju; Cz. bodati 'stab, pierce'; Slk. bodaf 'stab'; Sln.

b(Jdati 'sting, stitch', 1sg. b(Jdam; Bulg. boda 'stab, feel a sharp pain'

Iterative forrnation with o-grade of the root ( see -+besti). The Slavic verb is probably a recent forrnation ( older is *badati, e.g. ORu. badati 'butt, prick, investigate').

baidyti

LITH baidyti 'frighten, scare', 3 pres. baido, 3 pret. baidė; VAR baidinti LATV baidit [ai, ai] 'frighten, scare', 1sg. pres. baidu, 1sg. pret. baidiju; VAR baidinat;

baldet; biedet; baldat OPR pobaiint 'punish'

Causative in -dyti with the productive elernent -d- < * -dhhr ( cf. -+det1). The original forrnation was apparently preserved in O Pr. pobaiint ( cf. Kortlandt 1989: 198) <

*bhoiH-, though one rnight argue that there is evidence for Balto-Slavic *boi(d­(-+baisus). Mažiulis (PKEŽ III: 300) cornpares the sernantic developrnent in Old Prussian with Lith. pabaūsti 'punish, scare'. See also: bailė; bailus; baimė; baisa; baisinti; baisioti; bajus; bijoti; Latv. bitiės

baigti

LITH baigti 'end, finish, stop', 3 pres. baigia, 3 pret. baigė

See -+befgti and, for a discussion of the root, -+befigti.

bailė

LITH bailė 1 [ 1/3] 'fear'; VAR baila 4

LATV baile 'fear'

Abstract noun in -lė. See -+baidyti. The root rnay be East Baltic *bal- or *bald- .

bailus

LITH bailus 4 'cowardly, faint-hearted' LATV balfš [ai, a12] 'tirnid, shy'; VAR baUs

Adjective containing an 1-suffix, cf. the previous etyrnon. See -+baisus and bajus for other forrnations.

baimė

LITH baimė 1 'fear' LATV baime 'fear'

Abstract noun in -mė, cf. -+bailė. See -+baidyti.

baisa

LITH baisa 4 'fear'

balanda

See -+baisus.

baisinti

LITH baisinti [ai, ai, ai] 'frighten, scare', 3 pres. baisina, 3 pret. baisino

Denominative verb. See -+baisus.

baisioti

LITH baisioti 'make dirty, soil, scare', 3 pres. baisioja, 3 pret. baisiojo

Denominative verb. See -+baisus.

baisus

LITH baisus 4 'terrible'; VAR baisus 4 LATV baiss2 [ai, ai2, ai2] 'terrible'

BSL *boirs6s PSL *bįs'b m. o (e) 'demon'

77

SL OCS bes'b; Ru. bes; Cz. bes; Slk. bes; Pl. bies; SCr. bi'jes; Čak. bis (Vrg.), Gsg. blsa; Sln. bęs; Bulg. bjas 'rabies, demon'

Since both Baltic and Slavic point to BSl. *s instead of *�, it has been suggested that the root of this etymon was *bhoiHdk-, cf. Lat. foedus 'repulsive, terrible, disgraceful' ( cf. Pedersen 1895). According to Nussbaum (1999: 39off.), however,foedus is likely to contain the suffix * - idus. An extension of the root is seemingly found in Lith. -+baidyti, Latv. baidit 'scare', but it is uncertain if this *d, which may be identified with *dhhr 'put' and is part of a productive suffix (cf. OPr. pobaiint 'punish') , is the same element. Forms such as Lith. baidus 'fearful, easily frightened' may be based on baidyti.

bajus

LITH bajus 4 'frightening, terrible'

This adjective, which is mainly attested in 18th and 19th century texts, is derived directly from the root bai- < *bhoiH- (-+baidyti) .

bala

LITH bala 2 [2/4] 'swamp' LATV bala 'loamy valley without trees, swamp, depression', Npl. balas 'bad, humid

ground'

PSL *belb m. jo SL Bel. bel"swampy meadow'; Pl. biel ( dial.) 'swampy meadow'; bielaw ( dial.)

A derivative of -+biilas 'white', cf. Ru. baloto 'swamp' vs. Lith. -+baltas 'white' .

balanda

LITH balanda l [1/3b] 'goosefoot' (also balanda l); VAR balaftdė 2 [2/3b ] ; balandra; balandrė; balandris

78 balandis

LATV baluoda [uo] 'goosefoot'; VAR baluode; baluodene [uo, uo2) ; baluodine; baluodne; baluotne; balanda [an, an2] ; balanta; balande [an, an2]

It is likely that this plant-name derives from *bholH- 'white' (-+biilas), eonsidering the faet that a eommon species is baltoji balanda (Chenopodium album).

balandis

LITH balandis 2 'pigeon, dove, April'; VAR balandis (Ruh.) f.(i) 'forest pigeon'; balandė 2 'pigeon, dove'; balanda 'id:

LATV baluodis 'pigeon, dove'; VAR baluode [uo2]

IE Osset. brelon 'domestie pigeon'

Sinee whiteness is not a natural eolouring in pigeons, cf. Ru. golub' 'pigeon, dove' -goluboj 'pale blue', the link of this etymon with *bholH-'white' (-+biilas, -+baltas) is in need of additional explanation. Levin (1992: 86-87) reeonstruets a syntagm *balandis galambis (or galumbis) 'white-marked pigeon', whieh beeame *balandis 'white­marked one'. This epithet then simply eame to mean 'dove, pigeon'. The meaning 'A.pril' (aeeording to Levin, 'Mareh' is attested in Old Lithuanian and 'February' in Latvian) Levin derives from a meaning 'having a white or bare pateh'. It is unclear if balandis, -ė 2 'hornless eattle' strengthens Levin's hypothesis, as this form may be an unwarranted transposition of bulundis ( dial.) 2 'hornless', cf. bulungis ( dial.) 2 'id:, bulundas ( dial.) 4 'hornless, bald' (Vitkauskas 2006: 60 ) .

Diseussing the distribution of balandis and karvelis (map 76 of the first volume of the Lietuvių kalbos atlasas), Zinkevičius ( 1978: 151 = RS l: 408-409) argues that the former originally designated the feral pigeon, while the latter designated the domestieated pigeon. Levin (o.e. : 86) states that balandis is clearly older and East Baltic, while the newer karvelis is speeifieally Aukštaitian. The designation karvelis, i.e. 'little eow', must be eonneeted with the faet that pigeons are unique among birds in feeding milk to their young (Levin o.e.: 87-88) .

balas

LITH biilas 4 'white' LATV bals [ &, ii, ,j 2J 'pale'

PSL *bll'b adj. (b) 'white' SL OCS bei'b; Ru. belyj; Cz. bilj; Slk. biely; Pl. bialy; Slne. bjayli'; SCr. bijel, bi'o, f.

bijela, n. bijelo; čak. bi( l ) (Vrg.), f. bfla, n. bilo; biel (Orb.), f. biela, n. bielo; Sln. bęl; Bulg. bjal

The root is *bholH-, as is apparent from forms where the root is followed by a eonsonant, e.g. -+baltas. The Slavie adjective refleets *bhelH-o-, with regular loss of the root-finai laryngeal, while in Latvian we find both regular eireumflex and analog­ieal aeute, as is often the ease in sequenees of the type CV'R. Note that, unlike Latvian and Slavie, Lithuanian has a historieally short root vowel. See also: bala; balandis; balnas; balnis

balnis

baldyti

LITH baldyti 'knock, make noise', 3 pres. baldo, 3 pret. baldė

PIE *bhold-

79

The analysis bal-dyti, cf. bilti 'speak' < *bhl(H)-, is in principle possible, but in view of ..... bėlsti 'knock', it is preferable to regard the d as part of the root. One might posit *bheld- alongside *bhel(H)- , cf. the Germanic forms mentioned under ..... bildi!ti. See also: balsas; byla; byloti; bllti

balnas l

LITH balnas 4 'saddle'; VAR balgnas (BB) OPR balgnan (EV) 'saddle'

PIE *bholg"-no-IE Skt. barhi?- n. 'straw, sacrificial straw'; Av. baraziš- n. 'pillow, cushion'; Molr.

bolg m. 'bag'; OHG balg m. 'bag, bellows, sheath'

The form balgnas - note that Bretke also has balnas - is probably a borrowing from Prussian. We may reconstruct *bholg"-no-, cf. Skt. barhi?- n. 'straw, sacrificial straw', Av. baraziš- n. 'pillow, cushion', with depalatalization of *g"- before n and subsequent loss of g in the sequence lgn. Other cognates are OHG balg m. 'bag, bellows, sheath' Molr. bolg m. 'bag'. Formally closest is the n-stem reflected by OE bealca, OS balko 'beam', with k from *kk < *ghn- (Kluge's law). See also: balžienas

balnas 11

LITH balnas 3 (3/ 4] 'white, having a white back ( cattle ) '

BSL *boU-n-PSL *balna f. a (a) SL RuCS blana 'placenta'; Ru. balana 'sickly outgrowth on trees, sap-wood,

(dial.) lump'; ORu. balana 'placenta'; bol6na 'membrane, window-pane'; Cz. blana 'film, membrane, web (of water-fowl, sap-wood'; Slk. blana 'membrane, film'; Pl. blona 'membrane, film'; OPI. blona 'placenta, eyeweb, peritoneum, entrails'; Sln. bliina 'membrane, thin skin, parchment'; Bulg. balna 'manure (used as fuel), turf'

PIE *bholH-n-

The various meanings of PSl. *balna can be linked to a meaning 'white' ( cf. ESSJa II: 175-1n, Slawski SP I: 307-309; Urbutis 1982: 163-164) . The root is the same as in ..... balas and ..... baltas.

balnis

LITH balnis ( dial.) l 'peeled tree-trunk'

BSL *boUni-PSL *bolnb f. i; *bolr;za f. ja

80 balsas

SL Ru. bol6n' ( dial.) 'peritoneum, membrane, upper layers of a tree, cambium, bull's belly' f.(i) ; Ru. b6lon' ( dial.) f.(i) 'timber'; ORu. bolonb f.(i) 'low-lying meadow near a river'; Ukr. bolon' f.(i) 'meadow, pasture'; Cz. blana (dial.) 'film, skin (on milk etc.)' ; OCz. blane 'pasture'; Slk. blana 'membrane, fil.m'; Pl. blona 'membrane, film'; Slnc. bloųn m.(o) 'cloud', Gsg. bloųna; LSrb. blon m.(i) 'meadow, clearing'; Plb. blan 'meadow'; bldna 'meadow'; Sln. bltinja f.(ja) 'stump, log'

See ->balnas 11.

balsas

LITH baisas 4 [2/4] 'voice' LATV balss [al, af2, al2] 'voice'; VAR balss f.(i) [al, af2, al2] ; balse

The circumflex of this noun, which has a suffix * -so-, is an argument in favour of a root *bhol- (seel also ->bilt1).

baltas

LITH baltas 3 [ 1/3] 'white' LATV baits [ai, al2] 'white' OPR Namuynbalt top.

BSL *bol?to PSL *balto n. o (a) 'swamp' SL OCS blato; Ru. bol6to; Cz. bltito 'mud'; Pl. bloto 'mud'; Slnc. blwęte 'swamp';

USrb. bl6to 'mud'; SCr. blato 'mud, lake'; Sln. bltito 'mud, swamp'

PIE *bholfl-to-IE Alb. balte f. 'mud, swamp'; MoGk. �aho<; f. 'swamp'; Rom. balta f. 'mud,

swamp'

For the semantics, see -+bala 'swamp'. PSL *balto is sometimes considered an "Illyrian" substratum word. In this connection not only the above-mentioned forms from the Balkan peninsula are adduced, but also Romance forms such as Lomb. palta, Piem. pauta ( cf. Demiraj 1997: 87-88). In Old Prussian, we additionally find the Rythabalt meadow and the placename Peusebalten ( cf. Toporov PJ I: 189 ). The place­name Namuynbalt has a variant Namoyumpelk, where the second element also means 'swamp' (see -+pelkė)

balžienas

LITH balžienas l [ 1/3] 'cross-beam (harrow, waggon, sledge)' ; VAR balžiena l;

balžiena 3 LATV balziens [al, af2, al2] 'cross-beam (sledge, plough)' ; VAR balzienis2 OPR balsinis (EV) 'cushion'; pobalso (EV) 'bolster'

BSL *bolžeirna(; *bolžeirnos PSL *bolzina f. a 'beam'

barti 81

SL SCr. blazina 'pillow, bolster'; Sln. blazina 'roof-beam, cross-beam, pillow, mattress, bolster'

PIE *bho[g"-IE Ok. bjalki m. 'beam' (*bhelg"-); OE bealca m.; OS balko m.

It seems plausible that we are dealing with two, formally indistinguishable roots ( cf. IEW: 122-123, 125-126). The meaning 'pillow, bolster' belongs to the same root that underlies Lith. bažnas, OHG balg, etc. Stang (1972: 14) attempts to separate 'beam' from 'pillow, bellows' on formai grounds (*g vs. g", respectively), but this does not seem to work, as the Balto-Slavic forms that would contain *g do not show the effects of Winter's law. It is much more likely that the Germanic forms with *k result from Kluge's law (see -+bažnas) .

O Pr. balsinis corresponds more exactly to PSL *bolzbno, e.g. Ru. b6lozno ( dial.) 'thick plank'.

banga

LITH banga 4 'wave, (dial.) multitude'; VAR bangas (Dz.) 4 'heavy rain accompanied by a stormy wind, downpour, ( dial.) wave, multitude'

LATV banga 'wave, downpour, multitude, cloud'; VAR buoga 'wooded spot in a field, circular group of trees, multitude, crowd'; bu6gs2 'id:

This etymon is sometimes equated with Skt. bhariga- m. 'breaking, splitting, breach, wave' < *bhong-o-, a derivative of bhanakti 'break, shatter', but in my opinion it is a parallel formation at best. See -+bengti for a discussion of the root.

barnis

LITH barnis m.(io) 2 [2/4] 'abuse, quarrel'; VAR barnis f.(i) 4

BSL *borrnis PSL *bornb f. i (e) SL OCS branb f.(i) 'war, battle, fight' ; Ru. b6ron' ( dial.) f.(i) 'prohibition, order';

ORu. boronb f.(i) 'battle, obstacle, guard'; OCz. braii f.(i) 'arms, fortification, defence'; OCz. bran f.(i) 'arms, fortification, defence'; Pl. bron f.(i) 'weapon, military division'; USrb. br6n f.(i) 'arms, equipment'; LSrb. bron f.(i) 'arms'; SCr. bran f.(i) 'fight, battle, war'; SCr. bran m.(o) 'fight, battle, war'; Sln. bran f.(i) 'defence, kind of weir, (wicket-)gate' ; Bulg. bran f. 'war'

A noun in -nis to the root *bor( < *bhorH- (see -+barti) . The Lithuanian io-stem belongs to a productive type of nomina actionis with fixed stress and metatonie douce.

barti

LITH barti 'scold, accuse, forbid', 3 pres. bara, 3 pret. barė; bartis 'quarrel', 3 pres. barasi, 3 pret. barėsi; VAR barti, 3 pres. baria, 3 pret. barė; bartis, 3 pres. bariasi, 3 pret. barėsi

LATV bart [ar, ar2] 'scold, blame, (-ties) quarrel', lsg. pres. baru, lsg. pret. baru

82 barzda

BSL *bari'-PSL *barti v. (b) SL OCS brati (sę) 'fight', lsg. barj9; Ru. bar6t' 'overpower, throw to the ground',

lsg. barju, 3sg. b6ret; Ru. bar6t'sja 'fight', lsg. barjus', 3sg. b6retsja; Ukr. bar6ty 'overpower'; Pl. br6c się (dial.) 'fight, contend'; Bulg. b6rja 'torment, conquer, (se) fight'

PIE *bharH-IE Lat. ferire 'hit'; Olc. berja 'beat, hit'; OHG berjan 'hit, pound, knead' (PGmc.

*barjan)

For semantic reasons it is uncertain whether Lat. farare 'perforate', Olc. bara 'id:, etc., belong here as well ( cf. Schrijver 1991: 216, De Vaan 2008: 213, 235-236). This issue is relevant to the question whether _.burna and _.burtas belong here. See also: barnis

barzda

LITH barzda 4 'beard'; VAR barza 4

LATV barda [ar, ar2, Jr2] 'beard'; VAR barzda2 [ar2, Jr2] OPR bardus (EV) 'beard'

BSL * bardtii' PSL * barda f. a (e) 'beard' SL OCS brada 'beard'; Ru. barada 'beard, (dial.) chin', Asg. b6radu; Bel. barada

'beard'; Ukr. barada 'beard, chin'; Cz. brada 'chin, beard'; Slk. brada 'chin, beard'; Pl. brada 'beard, chin'; Slnc. bruęda 'beard'; USrb. brada 'beard, chin'; LSrb. brada 'beard, moustache, chin'; Plb. broda 'chin, throat'; SCr. brada 'beard, chin', Asg. bradu; Sln. brada 'beard, (beardless) chin'; Bulg. brada 'chin, beard'; Mcd. brada 'chin, beard'

IE Lat. barba f. ; OHG bart m.; OE beard m.

Possibly a North Indo-European substratum word. In PIE terms - albeit with "European a" - the reconstruction is *bhardh-eh2. For the distribution of the East Baltic variants with -zd- and an overview of the various theories regarding its origin l refer to Kregždys 2003. See also: barzdotas

barzdotas

LITH barzdotas l 'bearded'

BSL *bardai'-ta-PSL *bordat'b adj. 'bearded' SL OCS bradatyi; Ru. baradatyj; Bel. baradaty; Ukr. baradatyj; Cz. bradatf; Slk.

bradatf; Pl. bradaty; Slnc. bredciti'; USrb. bradaty; LSrb. bradaty; SCr. bradat; Sln. bradat; Bulg. bradat

IE Lat. barbatus 'bearded'

See -+barzda.

basas

LITH basas 4 'barefooted' LATV bass 'barefooted'

BSL *bosas PSL * b6s'b (e) 'barefooted, unshod'

baugus

SL OCS bos'b; Ru. basoj; Ukr. b6syj; Cz. bosy; Slk. bosy; Pl. bosy; USrb. bosy 'barefooted, tasteless'; LSrb. bosy; SCr. b6s; Sln. bos; Bulg. bos

PIE *bhos-6-IE Ok. berr 'naked, bare'; OHG bar 'id.' ; OE bxr 'id.'

bandyti

LITH baudyti ' incite, instigate', 3 pres. bauda, 3 pret. baudė; VAR baudinti [au, au, au]

LATV baudit [au, au] 'incite, instigate', 1sg. pres. baudu, 1sg. pret. baudiju OPR etbaudinnons ptc. pf. act. 'awakened'; etbaudints ptc. pf. pass. 'awakened'

BSL *boud-ei!i-PSL *buditi v. (e) 'awaken, arouse' SL OCS ubuditi 'awaken'; V'bzbuditi 'awaken'; CS buditi 'arouse'; Ru. budit', 1sg.

bužu, 3sg. budit; Cz. buditi; Slk. budit; Pl. budzic; SCr. buditi; Sln. buditi; Bulg. budja

PIE *bhoudh-eie-IE Skt. bodhayati 'awaken, draw attention'

The East Baltic forms with an acute root are examples of metatonie rude ( cf. Derksen 1996: 311, 345-353).

See also: baūsti; budeti; budinti; budrus; busti

bauginti

LITH bauginti 'frighten, scare', 3 pres. baugina, 3 pret. baugino

Causative in - inti. See -+baugus.

baugštus

LITH baugštus 4 'easily frightened, fearful, shy'; VAR baugštas

Adjective in *-stus, cf. rugštus 3 'sour'. There is a synonymous form -+bugštus with zero grade.

baugus

LITH baugus 4 'easily frightened, fearful, terrible' (Nsg. baugus in Daukša)

All in all, the evidence points to a circumflex root *baug- < *bhough- . The connection with Gk. cpeuyw 'flee' is therefore formally impossible. Within an Indo-European framework this Baltic root cannot be connected with Ru. pugat' 'scare'. The fact that

baukti

the g of the latter verb may be secondary (cf. Vasmer-Trubačev: III: 399), cf. pudft' (pudit'), pužat' ( dial.) 'scare' make this option even less attractive. See also: bauginti; baugštus; būgti; bugštus

baukti

LITH baūkti 'roar', 3 pres. baūkia, 3 pret. baūkė

BSL *bouk-PSL * bučClti v. (e) 'roar' SL Ru. bučat' ( dial.) 'low, weep loudly'; Cz. bučeti 'roar, low'; Sllc. bučaf'low'; Pl.

buczee 'hum, cry'; USrb. bučee 'roar, low, cry'; SCr. bučati 'make a loud noise'; Sln. bučati 'make a loud noise, roar'; Bulg. buča 'make a deafening noise'

bausti

LITH baūsti 'incite, force, punish', 3 pres. baūdžia, 3 pret. baūdė

See -+baudyti.

baužas l

LITH baūžas 4 'hornless, bald' LATV baūža 'hornless cow'; baūzis 'hornless ox'

This etymon may be cognate with -+baūžas 'bogeyman', būžys 'id:, etc., but the semantic relationship is unclear.

baužas 11

LITH baūžas 4 'bogeyman'; VAR babaūžis (Žem.) 2; babaūže 2 (also 'louse') ; babaūšis 2

LATV baūzis 'bogeyman'

See -+būžys.

be

LITH be 'without' LATV bez 'without' OPR bhe 'without'

BSL *be(z) PSL * bez( 'b) prep. 'without' SL OCS bez; Ru. bez; ORu. bez'b; Cz. bez; SCr. bez

PIE *bhe-(,gi')

bebras

LITH bebras 2 'beaver'; VAR blbras 2; bebras 2; bebrus m. 4; blbrus m. 2 (2/4] ; biibras 4; babrus; debras 4; debrus m. 4; vebras 2/ 4; vebrus m. 2 [ 2/ 4]

LATV bębrs 'beaver'; VAR bebris

OPR bebrus (EV) 'beaver'

BSL *bebrus

bėgti

PSL * bebT"b; * bobT"b; * bbbT"b m. o (b) 'beaver'

85

SL CS bebn1; bobT"b; Ru. bobr, Gsg. bobrci; bober, Gsg. bobrci; ORu. bebr11; bobT"b; bbbn; Ukr. bibr, Gsg. bobrci; Cz. bobr; Pl. b6br, Gsg. bobra; SCr. diibar; Sln. b6bar; bėbar; Bulg. b6bar

PIE *bhebhrH-u-IE Skt. babhru- 'reddish brown'; Lat. fiber m. 'beaver'; OHG bibar m. 'beaver';

OE beofor m. 'beaver'

Possibly a derivative of the word for 'brown' with reduplication of the root. The reconstruction of a laryngeal is based on Lith. -+beras 'brown'. The fact that in Slavic the etymon was not affected by the generalization of accentual mobility in the masculine o-stems ("Illič-Svityč's law") may be accounted for by positing a u-stem.

bėda

LITH bėda 4 'misfortune, trouble, guilt' LATV będa [e, e, e2, e2] 'care, sorrow, grief' (Often pl. The variant będas (Schm.

apud Būga 1923/24) does not occur in ME.)

BSL *beda( PSL *b�da f. a (b) 'need, poverty, misery' SL OCS beda 'distress, necessity'; Ru. bedei 'misfortune, trouble'; Cz. bida

'poverty, misery'; Slk. bieda 'poverty, calamity'; OPL biada 'distress, necessity' (the vocalism of Modern Polish bieda 'id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada 'woe! ') ; SCr. bijeda 'grief, misfortune'; Sln. będa 'poverty'

PIE *bhedh-ehr

According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėda 4 'misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie ( cf. biednas 'poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėda and Latv. będa 'sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with badas 'hunger' (Būga: l.e., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic *bėditi 'force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan 'force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *bėd- <

*bhoidh- and *bed- < *bhedh- were contaminated ( cf. Anikin 1998: 37-39 ). In the latter case OCS bėda 'distress' and 'necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidyti 'scare' <

*bhiH- 'fear' is cognate with *btda and *bėditi ( cf. ESSJa II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on forma! grounds. See also: badas

bėgti

LITH bi!gti 'run, flee', 3 pres. bi!ga, 3 pret. bi!go ( athematic flexion is attested in OLith.)

86 beigti

LATV begt 'run, flee', lsg. pres. bęgu, lsg. pret. bęgu, begu, bedzu; VAR begt, lsg. pres. bęgu, lsg. pret. begu; begt, lsg. pres. bęgu, lsg. pret. bedzu

BSL *berg-PSL * b�gati v. (a) 'run, flee' SL OCS begati 'run, flee', lsg. begajų; Ru. begat' 'run', lsg. begaju; Cz. behati 'run';

Slk. behaf 'run'; Pl. biegac 'run'; Slnc. bjięgac 'run'; SCr. bjegati 'flee', lsg. bjegam; Sln. bęgati 'walk to and fro, rout', lsg. bęgam; Bulg. bjagam 'run, flee'

PIE *bhegw-IE Gk. cj>e�oµm 'flee'

An example ofWinter's law. The athematic flexion attested in Old Lithuanian may be analogical after ->eiti (Stang 1966: 310, 312).

beigti

LITH beigti (K., MT, dial.) 'end, finish, stop', 3 pres. beigia, 3 pret. beigė LATV beigt 'end, finish, stop, kill', lsg. pres. beidzu, lsg. pret. beidzu

See -+beiigti. In my view, the root beig- is an East Baltic formation.

belsti

LITH belsti 'knock, make a noise, ( coll.) speak with animation', 3 pres. beldžia, 3 pret. beldė

LATV belzt [el, el, el2] 'strike', lsg. pres. belžu, lsg. pret. belzu

See -+baldyti. The z of the Latvian verb is analogical (in the present tense ž may continue *zj or *dl). Endzelins (ME l: 278) suggests that the verb telzt 'beat' may have played a role. This is possible, but not required. In ME, telzt is recorded with the meanings 'beat severely' and 'chatter', by the way.

bengti

LITH beiigti (OLith., Žem.) 'end, finish, stop', 3 pres. beiigia, 3 pret. beiigė

On the basis of Irish and Armenian forms without a nasal, LIV (66-67) reconstructs PIE *bheg-. The root *bheng- attested in Sanskrit, e.g. bhanakti 'break, shatter' (Vbhaiij-), and Baltic is thought to have originated from the nasal present. The main problem with this etymology is the fact that there is no trace of the effects of Winter's law. The circumflex is regular in the sta-present of -+biiigti ( cf. Derksen 1996: 166-168, 2011b, Dybo: 2002: 492-496), but it is not very plausible that this is the origin of what is to all appearences a circumflex root, not to mention the fact that with a root of this structure the sta-present must be recent. Smoczynski (2007: 40-41) starts from a secondary zero grade *big- (created alongside *beg- on the analogy of roots with * iR < *JJ.. : *eR), which gave rise to both the verb -+baigti and a nasal present *bi-n-g-, which in turn provided the basis for the root beng- . In this scenario the absence of the effects of Winter's law is even more conspicuous.

l agree with Smoczynski that the vocalism of baigti is secondary. l assume that the East Baltic root *beng- was inherited, however, cf. Skt. bhaiij- and OPr.

bergždžias

pobanginnons 'moved', and that *baig-, *beig-, and *big- ( cf. Lith. bigas 'short, small') are based on the zero grade *bing-. ln this way the absence of forms reflecting *bheg­or *bhog- is accounted for. The circumflex tone of the root remains to be explained. See also: banga; baigti; beigti

bėras

LITH beras 3 [1/3] 'bay, reddish brown' LATV bęrs 'bay ( usu. said about horses )'

PIE *bherH-o-IE Oic. bjprn m. 'bear'; OHG bero m. 'bear'; OE bera m. 'bear'

l assume that the long root vowel is secondary. The structure CVR-V- is not uncommon and the acute tone may have been adopted from the position before consonant. See also: bebras

bergždė

LITH bergžde ( dial.) 4 ( 2/ 4) 'barren cow or sheep'

See ..... bergždžias.

bergždžias

LITH bergždžias 4 'barren (of animals, trees)'; VAR berždžias (SD, dial.) 4; berždus ( KN) 'barren ( of trees )'

BSL *berrdios PSL *berdjb adj. (a) 'with young, pregnant' SL CS brežda f. 'pregnant'; RuCS brež(d)a f. 'pregnant'; Ru. berežaja (dial.) f. 'in

foal'; berežaja ( dial.) f. 'mare in foal'; Ukr. bereža f. 'with young'; Cz. bfezi f. 'with young, pregnant'; SCr. breda (W. dial.) f. 'pregnant, (Cr.) in calf'; Čak. breja (Orb.) f. 'pregnant (of a cow), with young'; Sln. bręja f. 'with young'

PIE *bher-d-iehr IE Lat. forda f. ' in calf'

Both *bh( o )rdhiehr and *bh( o )rHdhiehr would have yielded **forba in Latin ( see Nussbaum 1999 for the development of *rdh originating from syncope). Nussbaum, who considers the connection with OCS brežda possible, suggests that an original noun *bhori- > *Jori 'birther' was expanded to *Jori-d- and then hypercharacterized as a feminine (1999: 406). For the Balto-Slavic forms, the *-d- suffices to provide an explanation for the acute tone of the root, which must be identified with *bher- 'carry, bear' ( ..... berti). There are, however, instances of an enlarged root *bherH-, such as PSL *bermę (a), e.g. Ru. beremja (dial.) 'armful, bundle, burden', SCr. breme 'weight, load, pregnant woman'. See also: bergždė

88 bernas

bernas

LITH bernas 3 ' (coli.) fellow, lad, ( arch.) hired worker, (OLith.) child, boy' LATV brrns [rr, rr2J 'child'

PIE *bher-no-IE Go. barn n. 'child'; Olc. barn n. 'id:; OHG barn n. 'id:

See -+berti.

berti

LITH berti [ei'; er] 'scatter', 3 pres. beria, 3 pret. berė LATV b�rt [�r, er, ei', �r2] 'scatter', isg. pres. beru, ISg. pret. beru

BSL *ber-PSL *bbrati v. 'take' SL OCS bbrati 'gather, select', isg. ber9; Ru. brat' 'take', ISg. beru, 3sg. beret; Ukr.

braty 'take', ISg. beru; Cz. brati 'take'; Slk. braf'take'; Pl. brac 'take'; USrb. brac 'take, steal'; LSrb. bras 'take'; SCr. briiti 'gather', ISg. berem; Sln. brati 'gather, take', ISg. berem

PIE *bher-e/o-IE Gk. <j>epw 'bear, carry' ; Skt. bharati 'bear'; Lat. ferre 'bear, carry', ISg. fero; Go.

bairan 'bear, carry'

The acute tone of E. Lith. berti (beria, bere) and Latv. bert ( or bert) probably originates from the intransitive Lith. birti, Latv. birt, cf. Derksen 1996: 285. See also: bernas; birti

beržas

LITH beržas 3 [1/3] 'birch' LATV bęrzs [ęr, ęr2, rr2J 'birch'; VAR bęrza; berze OPR berse (EV) 'birch'

BSL *berrž-o-; *berrž-ar PSL *berza f. a (a) 'birch' SL CS breza; Ru. bereza; Bel. bjar6za; Ukr. bereza; Cz. bfiza; Slk. breza; Pl.

brzoza; Slnc. bfilęza; USrb. braza; LSrb. breza; SCr. breza f.(a) ; brez m.( o) ; Sln. bręza f.(a); bręz m.( o); Bulg. breza; Mcd. breza

PIE *bherHg-o-IE Skt. bhūrja- m. 'kind of birch' (*bhrHg-o-)

Since the Sanskrit form has zero grade, one may be inclined to start from a root noun ( cf. Schrijver 1991: i86ff.) . See also: biržis; biržlis; biržtva

besti

LITH besti 'stiek, drive (into ), <lig', 3 pres. beda, 3 pret. bedė LATV best '<lig, bury', isg. pres. będu, isg. pret. bedu; VAR best (Biel.) , ISg. pres. bežu

byla

OPR embaddusisi Npl. ptc. pf. act. '(they) stiek'

BSL *bed-; *bod-PSL *bosti v. (e) 'stab, sting' SL OCS bosti 'stab', isg. bod9, isg. aor. bas'b; Ru. bost' (Smolensk) 'butt', isg.

bodu; Ru. bosti (Kalin. obl.) 'butt' ; Cz. busti (poet.) 'stab', isg. bodu; OCz. bosti 'stab', isg. bodu; Pl. bose 'stab, butt', isg. bodę; SCr. bosti 'sting, prick, stab', isg. bodem; Čak. bosti (Vrg.) 'sting, prick, stab', 2sg. bodeš; bOs (Orb.) 'sting, prick, stab', isg. boden; Sln. bosti 'stab, butt', isg. bodem

PIE *bhedh-; *bhodh-IE Lat. fodere 'dig', isg. fodio See also: badas; bad)lti

bezdėti

LITH bezdeti 'break wind', 3 pres. bezda, 3 pret. bezdejo LATV bezdet 'break wind', isg. pres. bezdu, isg. pret. bezdeju

BSL *p(e)sde?-PSL *pbzdeti v. 'break wind' SL Ru. bzdet'; Ukr. bzdity; Ukr. pezdity; Cz. bzditi; Pl. bzdziee; SCr. bazdjeti

'stink'; Sln. pazdęti, isg. pazdim

PIE *pezd-IE Gk. �cSew 'break wind'; Lat. pedere 'break wind' See also: bizdas

bijoti

LITH bijoti 'fear, be afraid', 3 pres. bijo, 3 pret. bijojo LATV bijat 'fear, honour, ( refl.) fear', isg. pres. bijiiju; bities OPR biiitwei 'fear, be afraid'

BSL *b(o) i(?)a(-PSL *bojati sę v. 'fear, be afraid' SL OCS bojati sę; Ru. bojat'sja, isg. bojus', 3sg. boitsja; Ukr. bojaty sja; Cz. bati

se; Slk. baf sa; Pl. bac się; Slnc. buęjec sq; USrb. bojee sa; LSrb. bojas se; SCr. bojati se; Čak. bOjati se (Vrg.); Sln. bojtiti se, isg. bojim se; bati se, isg. bojim se; Bulg. boja se

PIE *bh(o)iH-IE Skt. bhay- 'fear, be afraid'

See -+baidyti.

byla

LITH byla 4 'case, file, (coli.) speech'

A deverbative a-stem belonging to -+bilti.

90 bildėti

bildėti

LITH bildeti 'knock, make noise', 3 pres. bilda, 3 pret. bildejo; VAR beldeti 'knock' LATV bildet [ i[, il2] 'speak, say, address, answer', isg. pres. bildu, isg. pret. bildeju

PIE *bhld-IE Sw. bulta 'knock'; Nw. balta ( dial.) 'knock, charge'

See -+baldyti. PSl. *hl,Jtati, e.g. Ru. boltat"chatter', Pl. beltac 'stir, chatter', is similar but has a t.

byloti

LITH byloti [y, y] 'speak', 3 pres. byloja , 3 pret. bylojo; VAR byloti, 3 pres. bjilo, 3 pret. bylojo

OPR billitwei 'speak'

The root has lengthened zero grade. Cf. -+bilti.

bilti

LITH bi lti 'speak', 3 pres. bilsta, 3 pret. bilo; bilti, 3 pres. bjila, 3 pret. bilo (in Standard Lithuanian only prabilti 'begin to speak', 3 pres. prabyla)

LATV bilst 'say, speak', isg. pres. bifstu, isg. pret. bildu

One could argue that in Latvian *bilt was transformed under the influence of the root bild-, but it might just as well be a new formation. The acute tone of the Lithuanian verb may originate from the present. It is therefore uncertain if we must reconstruct *bhlH- or *bhl(H)- (see also -+baldyti). LIV (74), which mentions Germanic cognates such as OHG bellan 'bark' and Ok. belja 'roar', has *bhelH-.

bingti

LITH biflgti 'strengthen, take root, become chronic', 3 pres. bingsta, 3 pret. bifzgo

See -+befzgti.

birginti

LITH birginti 'save, stint', 3 pres. birgina, 3 pret. birgino

BSL *birg-; *berg-PSL *bergti v. ( c?) 'take care of' SI. OCS nebrešti 'neglect', isg. nebreg9; Ru. bereč' 'take care of, spare', isg. beregu,

3sg. berežet; Bel. beragčy 'take care of, spare'; Ukr. berehtf 'take care of, spare, preserve'; SCr. brijeii (arch.) 'take care of, spare, guard, preserve'

PIE *bhrgh-!*bhergh-IE Go. bairgan 'keep, preserve, hide'; Ok. bjarga 'id:

birti

LITH birti 'fall (small objects), pour out', 3 pres. bjira, 3 pret. biro; VAR birti, 3 pres. birsta, 3 pret. biro; birti, 3 pres. bjirna, 3 pret. biro

LATV birt 'pour out, fall ( leaves )', isg. pres. bi'fstu, isg. pret. biru

bitė 91

Intransitive to -+berti.

biržė

LITH biržė 2 [1/2/4] 'sign (made out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of sowed land, furrow'; VAR biržis m.(io) 2; biržis f.(i) 3/4; biržis f.(i) l; biržis f.(i) 2

LATV birze [ ir, ir, ir, ir2, ir2] 'furrow'; VAR birzs f.(i) [ ir, ir, ir2] ; birza PSL *barzda f. a (b) 'furrow' SL OCS brazda; Ru. barazda 'furrow, (dial.) harrow, canal' ; Cz. brazda; Slk.

brazda; Pl. bruzda; Slnc. blifda; USrb. brazda; LSrb. brazda; SCr. brazda 'furrow, (dial.) canal'; Čak. brazda (Vrg.); brazda (Orb.) 'furrow, row (of potatoes etc. planted in one furrow)'; Sln. brazda 'furrow, wrinkle'; Bulg. brazda; brezda; Mcd. brazda 'furrow, irrigation canal, wrinkle'

The original accentuation of this word cannot be established on the basis of the Baltic forms alone. In Lithuanian, we find biržė 1/2/ 4 and biržis 1/2/3/ 4. In Latvian, birze, bifze, and birze are attested. The accentuation of Slavic *barzda makes it likely that the circumflex is old. The acute may be analogical after -+berzas. The recon­struction *bhrs-d(h)-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhnti- f. 'point, top, spike, tooth' (if not � < *f), cannot account for the Baltic forms.

biržis

LITH biržis ( dial.) f.(i) l (1/3] 'birch grove'; VAR biržė l LATV bifzs f.(i) 'birch grove, grove'; VAR bii"ze2 [ ir, ir2] ; birzis

See -+ berzas.

biržlis

LITH biržlis 2 'birch switch'

See -+berzas.

biržtva

LITH biržtva (Zem.) l 'birch grove'

See -+berzas.

bitė

LITH bitė 2 [ 2/ 4] 'bee'; VAR bitis f.(i) 2 [2/ 4] LATV bite 'bee' OPR bitte (EV) 'bee'

BSL *bi- t-; bi-kel-ar PSL *bbčela f. a (b) 'bee' SL OCS b1Jčela (Ps. Sin.); OCS b'bčela (Mar., Ass.) ; Ru. pčela; Ru. bčela ( dial.) ;

bžela ( dial.); Ukr. bdžala; pčala; Cz. včela; Slk. včela; Pl. pszczala; pczola (dial., arch.); pczela (arch.); USrb. pčala; wčala; LSrb. cala; pcala (arch.) ; Plb.

92 bizdas

cela; SCr. pčela; čela; Čak. čela (Vrg.); čela (Novi) ; Sln. bxęla; bčęla; čabęla; čbęla; Bulg. pčela

PIE *bhi-IE Olr. bech m. 'bee'; Ok. bf n.; MoDu. bij; OHG bini n.; OHG bia f.; OE beo f.

This North European root occurs with various suffixes. The *-k- of the Slavic forms is also found in Oir. bech < *bi-ko-.

biZ<las

LITH bizdas (dial.) 4 'arse, running about madly (of cattle stung by insects), whim'

See -+bezdeti.

blaivas

LITH blaivas 4 'whitish, blue, sober'

BSL *bloird-( w)6-PSL *bUd'b adj. o (e) 'pale' SL OCS blėd'b; Ru. bled6j ( dial.); bli!dyj ( dial.); Ukr. blidfj; Cz. bledf; Slk. bledf;

Pl. blady; Slnc. bladf; USrb. blėdy 'pale, bright'; LSrb. blėdy; SCr. blijed, f. blijeda; Čak. blid (Vrg.), f. blida, n. blido; bliet (Orb.), f. blieda; Sln. blęd; Bulg. bled

PIE *bhloid-( u )o-IE OE blat 'pale'; OHG bleizza f. 'pallor'

In view of Winter's law, we would expect to find traces of a glottalic element in Balto­Slavic. The accentuation of Lith. blaivas - the Proto-Slavic form is mobile and therefore inconclusive - offers no evidence for an original acute, however. Pokorny's reconstruction *bhfaidos is to my mind impossible and *bhleh2idos is incompatible with the mobile accentuation of the adjective in Balto-Slavic. For blaivas the simple *bhloi-uo- may be an alternative, cf. OE bleo n. 'colour'.

blaižyti

LITH blaižyti 'tear off, shell', 3 pres. blaižo, 3 pret. blaižė LATV blaizit [ai, ai] 'squeeze, squash, hit, beat, rub', isg. pret. blaizu

Iterative to -+bliežti.

blanda

LITH blanda 4 'fog'

See -+blandyti.

blandas

LITH blandas ( dial.) 4 'cloudiness, obscuration of mind or eyesight, drowsiness' LATV bluods 'someone who walks about avoiding eye-contact, ( ito2) evil spiri t that

leads travellers astray, wood-goblin'; VAR blu6da2 'someone who walks about avoiding eye-contact'

BSL *blandos PSL *blŲd'b m. o (e) 'delusion'

blęsti 93

SL OCS blpd'b 'debauchery, depravity, adultery'; Ru. blud 'lechery, fornication, (dial.) evil spirit that leads the drunk astray'; Cz. blud 'mistake, delusion, insanity'; bloud 'fool'; Slk. blud 'mistake, delusion, insanity'; Pl. blqd 'mis­take, delusion', Gsg. blędu; SCr. blud 'mistake, delusion, lechery, adultery'; Sln. blod 'mistake, delusion, voluptuousness'; Bulg. blud 'fornication, adul­tery, time of unrest'

IE Ok. blundr m. 'slumber'

Deverbative o-stem with o-grade of the root *bhlendh- (-+blęsti). The Latvian agent nouns derive from bluodities (-+blandytis) .

blandytis

LITH blandytis 'clear up, become cloudy, recover, roam', 3 pres. blandosi, 3 pret. blandėsi

LATV bluodities2 'roam, be ashamed, behave shamelessly'; VAR blandities2 [an, an, an� 'roam'

BSL *blond-ei/i-PSL *bl(Jdi ti v. (b) 'err' SL OCS bl9diti 'err, indulge in debauchery'; Ru. bludit' 'wander, roam', 3sg.

bludit; Ru. bludit"fornicate', 3sg. bludit; Cz. blouditi 'lose one's way, roam, be mistaken'; Slk. blUdif 'lose one's way, roam, be mistaken'; Pl. blqdzic 'be mistaken, roam, lose one's way'; Slnc. bliį3ec 'be mistaken, roam, talk non­sense'; USrb. bludzic 'delude, lose one's way, be mistaken, roam'; LSrb. bluiis 'confuse, roam, be mistaken'; SCr. bluditi 'spoil, caress'; Sln. bl9diti 'roam, be mistaken, talk nonsense, delude'

PIE *bhlondh-eie-IE Go. blandan sik 'mix'; Ok. blanda 'mix, blend'; OE blandan 'mix' ; OE

blendan 'darken, blend'; Ok. blunda 'close one's eyes'; ME blundren 'stir, confuse'; MoE blunder

The root *bhlendh- (-+blęsti) seems to be limited to Balto-Slavic and Germanic ( cf. Stang 1972: 15) .

blandus

LITH blandus 4 'dim, cloudy, thick ( soup )' LATV bluožs 'thick, dense'

See -+blandytis, -+blęsti. We also find blindus ( dial.) 4 'gloomy', Latv. bližs 'thick and strong', with zero grade.

blęsti

LITH blęsti 'sleep, stir flour into soup, talk nonsense, become cloudy', 3 pres. blendžia, 3 pret. blendė

94 bliauti

LATV bliezt 'talk nonsense', isg. pres. bliežu, 1sg. pret. bliezu; VAR blenst [ėn2, en2] 'talk nonsense'; blėnst [ėn, eii, en2] 'have poor eyesight, be short-sighted'

BSL *blend-PSL *blęsti v. 'talk nonsense, err' SL OCS blęsti 'chatter, talk nonsense', 1sg. blęd9; RuCS blęsti 'lose one's way, talk

nonsense' ; ORu. bljasti 'id.', 1sg. bljadu; OCz. blesti 'id:, 1sg. bledu; SCr. blesti (arch.) 'talk nonsense, blaspheme'; Sln. blesti 'rave, talk nonsense', 1sg. bledem

In ME, blenst 'talk nonsense' is accented blėnst2 (blėnzt2) or blenst2 (blenzt2). Blenst 'have poor eye-sight, be short-sighted' occurs with the unambiguous accentuations blėnst and bleiist. In some dialects, the latter verb has also preserved the root-final d. It seems possible to me that the accentuation of bliezt was influenced by bliezt 'beat, hew' (-bliežt1). See also: blanda; blandas; blandus; blandjtis; blįsti

bliauti

LITH bliauti 'bleat, sob, weep', 3 pres. bliauna, 3 pret. bliovė LATV b/aut 'bleat, bellow', 1sg. pres. b/auju, isg. pret. b/avu; VAR b/aut, 1sg. pres.

b/aunu, isg. pret. b/avu

BSL *bljoui'-PSL *b/wiiti v. 'vomit' SL OCS bl'wati, 1sg. bljuj9; Ru. blevat' (vulg.), 1sg. bljuju, 3sg. bljujet; ORu.

blwati, 1sg. bljuju; Cz. bliti; blut ( dial.) ; OCz. blvati, 1sg. bl'uju; OCz. blivati; Slk. bl'uvaf; Pl. blwac; Pl. bluc; SCr. bljitvati, 1sg. bljujem; Čak. bljuvat (Orb.), 3sg. bljuje, 3sg. bljuva; Sln. blj;wati, 1sg. bljujem; bljuvati, 1sg. bljuvam, bljujem; bljuti, 1sg. bljujem; Bulg. b&lvam; bljuja ( dial., arch.); bljuvam ( dial., arch.)

PIE * bhleuH-IE Gk. cpA.ew 'flow over, abound'; Lat. fluere 'flow', 1sg. fluo

bliežti

LITH bliežti ( dial.) 'throw hard', 3 pres. bliežia, 3 pret. bliežė LATV bliezt 'beat, hew', 1sg. pres. bliežu, 1sg. pret. bliedu; VAR bliezt, 1sg. pres.

bliežu, isg. pret. bliezu

It is possible that the root contains a laryngeal, but the reconstruction with *g suffices to account for the acute tone. A Slavic cognate is *bliz'b or *bliz'bk'b 'near, close', e.g. SCr. bliz, bllzak, Ru. blizkij. See also: blaižyti

blįsti

LITH bljsti 'become dark, (Žem.) become worn out', 3 pres. bljsta, 3 pret. blindo

blyžė 95

LATV blist 'augment quickly, swell, thicken', isg. pres. blistu, isg. pret. blidu; VAR blist (Ulm.), isg. pres. bližu, isg. pret. blidu; blizt, isg. pres. blistu, isg. pret. blizu

See -+blęsti.

blyškėti

LITH blyšketi 'shine', 3 pres. blyški, 3 pret. blyškejo

See -+blizgeti. I assume that the long vowel in the root is secondary.

blizgas

LITH blizgas ( dial.) 2 'shine, glimmer'

BSL * blisko-PSL *blbsko m. o SL CS blbsko 'splendour'; OCz. blesk 'lightning, brightness', Gsg. blsku; LSrb.

blysk 'lightning, brightness'; Bulg. bl&sok 'blow, stab'

PIE *bhlig-sko-

See -+blizgeti.

blizgėti

LITH blizgeti 'shine, sparkle', 3 pres. blizga, 3 pret. blizgejo; VAR blisketi, 3 pres. bliska, 3 pret. bliskejo

BSL * bliske?-PSL *blbščati v. 'shine' SL OCS blbštati sę 'sparkle, shine'; Ukr. blyščati; Cz. blyšteti; Pl. blyszczee; SCr.

blijėštati (se) 'shine, glisten' ; Čak. blišd'ti se (Vrg.) 'shine, glisten'; Sln. blęščati 'shine, sparkle, gawk'; bolščati 'gawk'; Bulg. bleštja 'open one's eyes wide, gawk'; blešti ( dial.) 3sg. 'shines'

PIE *bh/ig-sk-

l have not reconstructed a root-final consonant in the Proto-Balto-Slavic form because an early loss of the glottalized velar may explain the absence of Winter's law in this etymon ( cf. Derksen i996 : 285-294) . Alternatively, one may simply assume that Winter's law did not operate before *s (Dybo 2002: 490, cf. Derksen 2007: 43, 2011b: 36-37) .

See also: blyšketi; blizgas; Latv. blaiskums

blyžė

LITH blyže 4 'rip in fabric' LATV bliznis2 'pile of broken trees in a forest'

BSL *bli?ž-n-PSL *blizna f. a; *blizno n. o

blusa

SL Ru. blizna (dial.) f.(a) 'missing thread in fabric, flaw in home-spun material'; blizna f.(a) 'knot in linen resulting from an incorrect arrangement of the warp'; blizn6 n.(o) 'flaw in fabric, absence of one or two threads'; bljuzna f.(a) 'flaw in fabric'; ORu. blizna 'scar'; Bel. bljuzna f.(a) 'flaw in fabric'; Ukr. blyzna f.(a) 'wound, scar'; blyzna f.(a) 'defect in linen'; Cz. blizna f.(a) 'stigma (bot.)' ; Pl. blizna f.(a) 'scar, gash, seam, cicatrice, trace left by a fallen leaf'; OPI. bluzna f.(a) 'cicatrice, stigma, stamp'; Kash. blizna f.(a) 'cicatrice'; USrb. bluzna f.(a) 'scar, birth-mark'; LSrb. bluzna f.(a) 'scar, bruise'; SCr. bll'zna f.(a) 'two threads put into a reed (instead of one) ; ruptured thread in weft or warp', Npl. blfznf; blfzna f.(a) 'scar'; bll'zno n.(o) 'gap'; blizna f.(a) 'place in fabric where a thread is torn or missing'

A formation with an n-suffix derived from *bhlig- 'beat', cf. Lat. jl.fgere 'hit'. Latv. blizas Npl., blizes 'small fragments, ruins', show a short vowel, which is in conflict with Winter's law, assuming that these forms are cognate. The Slavic forms that seemingly reflect *bfuzna must be secondary unless they are cognate with Lith. bluzgana 'scurf', Latv. blaugznas Npl. 'scurf, husk', which in my opinion is not very likely.

blusa

LITH blusa 2 'flea' LATV blusa 'flea'

BSL *blU$a( PSL * bfoxa f. a ( b) 'flea' SL RuCS bl-bxa; Ru. bloxa, Asg. bloxu; bloxa ( dial.) , Asg. bl6xu; Ukr. bloxa; Cz.

blecha; Slk. blcha; Pl. pchla; Slnc. pxlJ; USrb. tcha; LSrb. pcha; Plb. blaxa; SCr. buha, Asg. buhu, Npl. buhe; Čak. buhii (Vrg.), Npl. buhe; Sln. b6lha; Bulg. balxa

PIE *plus-IE Gk. \j!UAA.a f. 'flea'; Skt. pluąi- m.; Lat. pūlex m.; OHG floh m.; Arm. low

boba

LITH boba 1 'old woman' LATV baba [a, a2] 'old woman'

BSL *barba( PSL *bilba f. a (a) 'old woman' SL OCS baba 'nurse'; Ru. bciba 'grandmother, married peasant woman'; Cz.

bciba 'grandmother, midwife, old woman'; baba (pej.) 'old woman'; Slk. baba 'grandmother, midwife, old woman'; Pl. baba 'grandmother, midwife, old woman, mother-in-law'; Slnc. baba 'old woman, grannie, female (of an animal)'; SCr. baba 'grandmother, midwife, nurse, mother-in-law'; Sln. baba 'grandmother, midwife'; Bulg. bciba 'grandmother, old woman, mother-in­law'

IE MHG babe f. 'old woman'; bobe f. 'old woman'

brandus 97

The Middle High German word is assumed to be a borrowing from Slavic (Slawski SP l: 171) .

bosti

LITH bosti 'bother, bore, be repugnant' (in the standard language only with a prefix, e.g. atsibosti, nubosti, pabosti)

l separate this verb from -+besti and -+badyti, which have a circumflex root. It is possible to seek a connection with Skt. b&dhate 'oppress' and reconstruct *bhoh1dh­(* bheh3dh-?).

bradas

LITH bradas (dial.) 4 'muddy spot or road, ford, fishing net'; VAR brada 4 'muddy spot or road, ford'

LATV brads 'ford'

BSL *brados PSL *brad-b (e) 'ford' SL RuCS brod'b; Ru. brod, Gsg. brada, Gpl. br6dov; Ukr. brid, Gsg. br6du; Cz.

brod; Slk. brod; Pl. br6d, Gsg. brodu; USrb. br6d, Gsg. brada; LSrb. brod; SCr. brod 'ford, ship', Gsg. brada; Čak. brod (Vrg., Novi) 'ship', Gsg. brada; Sln. br(Jd 'ford, harbour, ferry'; Bulg. brod 'ford'

PIE *bhrodh-o-

Deverbative o-stem. See -+bristi.

braidyti

LITH braidyti 'wade', 3 pres. braido, 3 pret. braidė; VAR bradyti (SD) LATV bradit (Lange, Fiir.) 'wade'; VAR bradat (the form bradat (ME) is a

misprint), isg. pres. bradaju

BSL *brod-ei/i-PSL *broditi v. (b?) 'wade' SL RuCS broditi 'go across'; Ru. brodit' 'wander, roam, stroll', isg. brožu, 3sg.

br6dit; Cz. broditi 'bathe (horses), (rarely) wander, roam'; broditi se 'wade'; Slk. brodit' (sa) 'wade, squeeze through'; Pl. brodzic 'wade'; USrb. brodžic 'wade'; LSrb. broziS 'wade'; SCr. broditi 'wade', isg. brodim; Sln. br6diti 'wade, bathe', isg. br9dim; Bulg. br6dja 'wander, roam, stroll'

PIE *bhrodh-eie-

lterative of -+bristi << *birsti < *bhrdh-. The i is analogical after verbs with PIE *i in the root, as is apparent from bradži6ti (OLith., dial.), Latv. bražat. Another iterative formation is braidžioti, which has a metatonical acute characteristic of verbs in - ioti ( cf. Derksen 1996: 339-341).

brandus

LITH brandus 4 [3/ 4] 'ripe, mature, ( coll.) fat'

98 branka

LATV bruožs 'thick, strong'

Adjective containing the o-grade of the root of -+bręsti.

branka

LITH branka 4 'swelling'

PIE *bhronk-ehr IE Ok. bringa f. 'chest'; branga f. 'clamp'

Illič-Svityč (1963: 28) compares the accentuation of branka with Ok. branga <

*brany6n, which he considers to be a Germanic formation from an old a-stem *bhronka. In my opinion, the direct comparison of the accentuation of these forms is hardly warranted. The Lithuanian form could easily be a recent deverbative (-+brinkti).

braškėti

LITH brašketi 'crack', 3 pres. braška, 3 pret. braškejo

Possibly to -+br6žti 'scratch' < *bhrog-, which is an example of Winter's law. Dybo (2002: 397, 491) has argued that the short vocalism is due to the fact that Winter's did not operate before the *s of the suffix * -ske/o-.

braukyti

LITH braukyti 'cross out, underline, wipe, pluck', 3 pres. braūko, 3 pret. braūkė; VAR braūkinti [aū, au] 'wipe, scutch (flax)'

LATV braūcit [aū, au2] 'stroke repeatedly, massage'; VAR braūcinat [aū, au2]

BSL *brouk/s-ei/i-PSL * brūsiti v. (b) SL Ru. brusit' ( dial.) 'gather leaves as fodder for livestock'; Ukr. brusjty"whet';

Cz. brousiti 'whet'; Slk. brusif 'whet, smoothen'; Pl. brusic 'whet' ; SCr. brusiti 'whet', isg. brusim; Sln. brusiti 'whet', isg. brusim; Bulg. brusja 'tear off, pick, stem (fruit)'

lterative of -+braūkti. The root is *bhrouk-, with depalatalization in Baltic. Depala­talization is also found in Slavic, for instance in *brbknųti alongside *brbsnųti (-+brukti) or in *brbsati alongside *brbkati, e.g. Ru. brosat"throw, ( dial.) scutch flax', brokat' ( dial.) 'throw'. See also: braūktas; brukis; bruknė

brauktas

LITH braūktas ( dial.) 2 'wooden knife for cleaning flax' LATV braukts 'scraper for cleaning flax'; VAR brauktuve [au, aū, au2, au2]

BSL *brouk-to-PSL *bruto m. o 'nail' SL Serbes bruto; SCr. brut ( dial.); Bulg. brut

Derivative of -+braūkti.

bręsti

braukti

LITH braūkti 'erase, scutch (flax)', 3 pres. braūkia, 3 pret. braūkė

99

LATV braukt [au, aū, au2] 'stroke, go, drive', 1sg. pres. braucu (the sustained tone is attested in Rutzau (Rucava, W. Latv.))

See -+braukyti.

brauti

LITH brauti 'push, press, (refl.) squeeze oneself into', 3 pres. brauna, 3 pret. brovė; VAR brauti, 3 pres. brauja, 3 pret. brovė; briauti, 3 pres. briauna, 3 pret. briovė; briauti, 3 pres. briauja, 3 pret. briovė

OPR brewinnimai 1pl. 'help'

PIE *bhreuH-IE Olc. brjota 'break'; OE breotan 'break, crush'

brėkšti

LITH brekšti 'dawn', 3 pres. brekšta, 3 pret. breško

BSL *bre?i-(s)k-PSL * brėzg'b m. o 'dawn' SL OCS probrezg'b; Ru. brezg ( coll., dial.) ; Cz. rozbfesk; OCz. bfezk; Pl. brzask;

OPL brzazg; Sln. bręsk

IE Skt. bhrajate 'shine, beam'

For Balto-Slavic we may reconstruct a verba! stem *bhreh1g-sk-.

brengzti

LITH brefigzti 'jingle', 3 pres. bręzgia

BSL * brenzg-PSL *bręždžati v. 'jingle' SL Ru. brjazžcit' ( dial.) 'talk nonsense, j ingle, strum'; O Ukr. brjazčaty 'jingle,

tinkle'; brjažčaty 'id.'

bręsti

LITH bręsti 'ripen, mature', 3 pres. bręsta, 3 pret. brendo; VAR bręsti, 3 pres. brėndžia, 3 pret. brendė

LATV briest 'swell, ripen, mature', 1sg. pres. briestu, 1sg. pret. briedu; VAR briest, 1sg. pres. briežu, 1sg. pret. briedu

OPR pobrendints ptc. pf. pass. 'made more difficult'

PIE *bhrend-IE Olr. do·e-prinn 'flow, trickle' (the vocalism of do·bruinn 'flow, trickle' must

be secondary (LIV: 95))

100 brėžti

According to LIV (95), this root only occurs in Balto-Slavic and Celtic. The question whether the root-final consonant must be reconstructed as *d or as *dh is decided by Winter's law unless one wishes to reconstruct a laryngeal. See also: brandus; brįsti

brėžti

LITH brežti 'draw, scratch', 3 pres. brežia, 3 pret. brežė

See --+brožti.

briauna

LITH briauna 4 'edge, comice, crust of bread, haft'; VAR briaunė 'edge'; briaunas 'edge'

LATV brauna [au, au2] 'scab, membrane, caul'; VAR brau1;1a

IE Olr. bru f. 'edge, bank'; Olc. brun f. 'edge, side'

If this etymon is cognate with bruvis 'eyebrow', we may reconstruct *hJb"reuH-nehr. Fraenkel (LEW: 57) prefers to separate the Lithuanian and Latvian forms. See also: brilnė

brydė

LITH bryde 4 [2/ 4] 'track, trail (in high grass or com)'; VAR brydis f.(i) 4; brydis m.(io) 2 'track, trail (in high grass or com), ford, time, moment'

LATV bridis [ i , i] 'little while, moment' (the unexpected sustained tone is attested in Zabeln)

Deverbative noun with secondary lengthening of the root vowel. See --+bristi.

briedis

LITH briedis l [1/3] 'elk, deer' LATV briedis 'elk' OPR braydis (EV) 'elk'

There seems to be an obscure relationship between the Baltic word for 'elk', Sw. brind ( dial.) m. 'male elk', and Mess. �pev<Sov· e>.mj>ov as well as �pfrrov· ą <ii� tAcicj>ou Kecpa>..ą. Gliwa's suggestion (apud Smoczynski 2007: 72) that we are dealing with a deverbative formation belonging to -+braidyti 'wade' falls short on forma! grounds. In the first place, the Latvian broken tone cannot be reconciled with the circumflex root of braidyti nor with the metatonical acute of braidžioti. In the second place, the i of the verba! stem braid- is secondary. Even if the i occurred in Latvian formations meaning 'wade', which is not the case, the vocalism of OPr. braydis could not be explained.

brinkti

LITH brinkti [ in, ifi] 'swell, bloat, grow dry', 3 pres. brinksta, 3 pret. brinko

BSL *brin (k-

PSL *bręknpti v. ( a) 'swell'

brolis 101

SL Ru. brjaknut' ( dial.) 'swell, expand as a result of dryness or moisture'; Bel. brjaknuc' 'get soaked'; Ukr. brjaknuty 'swell'; SCr. breknuti 'swell'; Bulg. brekna (dial.) 'get angry, swell'; Mcd. brekna 'swell'

ln Derksen 2008a (63) , l suggested that PSL *bręknpti (a) has a secondary acute, as is frequently the case in this formation. The acute of Lith. brinkti l attributed to the sta­present. At closer inspection ( see Derksen 2011b ) , it turns out that metatonie rude has not spread to Lithuanian sta-presents with a root of the structure Ci!uRC, where it is in fact metatonie douce that is relatively common. Thus, in spite of brankyti ( dial.) 'soak peas', 3 pres. branka, the best solution now seems to be to reconstruct a Balto­Slavic acute root. This root may reflect *bhrnHk-, but perhaps it is possible to ascribe the acute to influence of BSL *brinrd- (-+bręsti) . See also: branka

bristi

LITH bristi 'wade', 3 pres. brenda, 3 pret. brido LATV brist 'wade', isg. pres. briedu, isg. pret. bridu; VAR brist, isg. pres. brienu, isg.

pret. bridu

BSL *bird-; *bred-PSL *bresti v. (e?) 'wade' SL RuCS bresti 'wade'; Ru. bresti 'drag oneself along, stroll pensively', isg. bredu,

3sg. bredet; Ukr. bresty 'drag oneself along, wade', isg. bredu, 3sg. bredet; OCz. bfisti, isg. brdu, isg. bf( e )du; Slk. bfsf, isg. brdie, isg. brdu; Slnc. br&sc; Sln. bresti, isg. bredem

PIE *b„rdh-; *bhredh-

Proto-East Baltic *bristi must have ousted *birsti < *bhrdh- on the analogy of forms with full grade. The same development must be assumed for PSL *brbdnpti, e.g. Cz. bfednouti 'melt, ( obs.) wade', Pl. brnqc 'wade'. See also: bradas; braid)'ti; brydė

brįsti

LITH brfsti 'swell, bloat', 3 pres. brfsta, 3 pret. brindo LATV brist (Nerft) 'swell, ripen, mature'

See --+bręsti.

brolis

LITH brolis 1 [1/3] 'brother'; VAR br6tis 1 LATV bralis 'brother' OPR brote (EV); brati (III) 'brother'

BSL *brar-t( e )r-PSL *bratrb; *brato (a) m. o 'brother'

102 broterėlis

SL OCS bratT"b; brat'b; Ru. brat, Gsg. brata; Ukr. brat; Cz. bratr; brat ( dial., poet.) ; OCz. bratr; brat; Slk. brat( e )r ( dial.); brat; Pl. brat; OPI. bratr (Bibl. Zof.); Slnc. briit; USrb. bratr; LSrb. bratr (arch.); bratš; Plb. brot; SCr. briit; Čak. briit (Vrg., Orb.) ; Sln. brat; bratCJT; Bulg. brat; Mcd. brat

PIE *bhreh2- tr-IE Gk. cj>pirrrip m. 'member of a brotherhood'; Lat. friiter m. 'brother'; Go.

bropar m. 'brother'

The noun br6tis is mainly attested in dainos. Additional evidence for East Baltic forms with - t(r) - are the diminutive -+broterelis and the verbs broterauti, brotauti 'fraternize'.

broterėlis

LITH broterelis 2 'brother ( dim.)' LATV brataritis 'brother ( dim.)' OPR bratrikai Npl. 'brother ( dim.)'

See -+brolis.

brožti

LITH br6žti 'wipe, scrape, scratch', 3 pres. br6žia, 3 pret. br6žė LATV brazt [a, ii, a2] 'rage, make noise, rush', 1sg. pres. bražu, 1sg. pret. brazu

PIE *bhrog-

Possibly cognate with Lat. frangere, Go. brikan 'break'. The acute vocalism of the root must be due to Winter's law. See also: brašketi; brežti

brūkis

LITH brukis 2 'tug, stroke, line, (Žem.) while, period' LATV britce [it, u] 'scratch, wound'; VAR bruce (Lange) OPR brokis (EV) 'stroke'

A derivative of -+brukti. The long vowel of brukis and Latv. britce must be connected with the metatonie douce in East Baltic nomina actionis, which ultimately originates from a retraction of the ictus from prevocalic *i. The vocalism of OPr. brokis points to *u.

bruknė

LITH britknė 2 'mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry (Vaccinium vitis­idaea)' ; VAR bruknis f.(i) 4

LATV brūklene [it, u, it2, u2] 'mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry (Vaccinium vitis- idaea), (u2) reddish brown cow'; VAR brūkne; britkline2; britkliene2; brukline2 e cf. britklęniijs, britkleniijs 'red whortleberry bush')

BSL *br(o)us!k-PSL *brusbnica f. ja 'mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry'

bruvis 103

SL Ru. brusnika; Cz. brusnice; Slk. brusnica; Pl. brusznica; brusnica ( dial.); SCr. brusnica 'mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry (Vaccinium vitis­idaea), bilberry, whortleberry (Vaccinium myrtillus)'; Sln. brusnica 'mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry (Vaccinium vitis- idaea)'; Bulg. brusnica 'measles, mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry (Vaccinium vitis- idaea)'

See -+braukyti.

brukti

LITH brukti 'poke, thrust, press, scutch (flax)', 3 pres. bruka, 3 pret. bruko LATV brukt 'crumble, fall down, collapse, slide down'

BSL *brus/k-PSL *bT"bsn9ti; *brbkn9ti SL RuCS bT"bsnuti 'shave'; Ru. brosnut' (dial.) 'squeeze, pick berries'; SCr.

bfknuti 'throw'; Sln. bfsniti 'kiek, poke, rush'; bfkniti; bfcniti; Bulg. br&sna 'shave'

See -+braukyti.

brunė

LITH brunė (Žem.) 2 'eyebrow, back of a knife or razor'; VAR brunys (Ness.) 4

'eyebrow'; brunas (Ness.) 'eyebrow'; brunis (dial.) f. (i) 4 'dull edge of a scythe'

PIE *h3bhruH-? IE Olr. bru f. 'edge, bank'; Olc. brun f. 'edge, side'

Possibly cognate with bruvė or bruvis 'eyebrow', where *uH is reflected as a short vowel ( cf. buvo 'was') . This may ultimately be the origin of the short vowel of brunė (-vė >> -nė) . On the other hand, brunė and briauna 'edge' seem to have Germanic and Celtic cognates with -n- . See also: briauna

bruvis

LITH bruvis (OLith., dial.) f. (i) 4 'eyebrow'; VAR bruvė ( dial.) 2; bruvis (C.) m.(io)

BSL *bru(s PSL *bry f. ū 'eyebrow' SL OCS brbVbmi (Supr.) Ipl. 'eyebrows(?), eyelids?'; Ru. brov' f.(i) 'eyebrow'; Cz.

brva f.(a) 'eyelash, (pl.) eyebrows'; OCz. brev f.(i) 'eyebrow', Gsg. brve; Slk. brva f.(a) 'eyebrow, eyelid'; Pl. brew f.(i) 'eyebrow', Gsg. brwi; SCr. bfv (13th e.) f.(i) 'eyelid'

PIE *h3bhruH-s IE Skt. bhrd- f. 'eyebrow'; Gk. o<j>pūc; f. 'id:; Olr. bra f. 'id:; OE brū f. 'id:

104 bruzduklis

bruzduklis

LITH brilzduklis ( dial.) i (1/2) 'bridle'; VAR bruzdiklis 2; bruzdukulis l

BSL *bruzd-PSL *brbzda f. a 'bit' SL OCS brbzdami (Ps. Sin.) Ipl. 'bit' ; Cz. brzda 'brake'; Slk. brzda 'brake'; Sln.

bfzda 'bridle' ; brazda; bruzda (161h-181h e.)

PIE *bhrus-dh-IE Olc. broddr m. 'spike, shaft'; OHG brart m. 'edge'

bruzdus

LITH bruzdus 4 'agile, busy'; VAR burzdus 4; bruzgils 4; burzgils 4

BSL *burzd-PSL *bwzd'b adj. o 'fast' SL RuCS borzdo adv.; ORu. borzdo adv.; Bel. borzdyj (OBel.) adj.

Since the regular Slavic form is *b'brZ'b, e.g. SCr. bfz, one may suspect that the sequence * -zd- is due to Baltic influence. On the other hand, we find a form brzdica (Vuk) 'rapid, strong current' in Serbo-Croatian.

budėti

LITH budi!ti 'be awake, keep watch', 3 pres. budi, 3 pret. budi!jo OPR bude 3pl. 'watch over'

BSL *bude?-PSL *b'bdeti v. (e?) 'be awake' SL OCS b'bdeti 'be awake, keep watch', isg. b'bžd9, 2sg. b'bdiši; Ru. bdet' ( arch.)

'keep watch, keep vigil', 2sg. bdiš'; Cz. bditi 'awake, keep watch'; Slk. bdief 'awake, keep watch, follow'; LSrb. bžes (Jakub.) 'awake, keep watch'; SCr. bdjeti (arch.) 'be awake, keep watch'; Sln. badęti 'be awake, keep watch', isg. badi m; bdęti 'be awake, keep watch', isg. bdim; Bulg. bdja 'awake, keep watch'

PIE *bhudh-ehr

See -baudyti.

budinti

LITH budinti 'awaken (tr.)', 3 pres. budina, 3 pret. budino LATV budinat 'awaken (tr.), incite, excite'; VAR budit, isg. pres. budu, isg. pret.

budiju; budzit

Causative to -+busti ( cf. Skardžius 1941: 542). See also -+baudyti.

budrus

LITH budrus 4 'vigilant'

BSL *budros PSL *b1'drb adj. o; *b1'dfb adj. jo (b) 'alert, cheerful'

buožė 105

SL OCS b'bdT'b 'eheerful'; bbždrejų (Supr.) Isg. f. 'eheerful'; Ru. b6dryj 'eheerful'; bodr 'eheerful', f. bodra, n. b6dro (AP (b) in Old Russian); SCr. badar 'eheerful, alert'; bodar 'eheerful, alert'; bodar 'eheerful, alert'; Sln. bod<Jr 'eheerful, lively'; Bulg. b6dar 'fresh, eheerful, awake'

PIE *bhudh-ro-

See -+btiudyti.

bugšnus

LITH bugšnus 4 'easily frightened, fearful, terrible, shy, sensitive' LATV būgns (H. Latv.) 'easily frightened, fearful'

See -+baugštus.

bugštus

LITH bugštus 4 'easily frightened, fearful, terrible' ; VAR būgštus 4

See -+baugštus.

būgti

LITH biigti 'fear, be frightened', 3 pres. bdgsta, 3 pret. bdgo

The long aeute root vowel must be related to the sta-present. See -+baugUs for the etymology of the root.

būklas

LITH būklas 'abode, den' (no aeeentuation in the LKže); VAR bdkla 1 'residenee, existenee'; briklė 1 [1/3/4] 'state, situation'

BSL *b?utl6 PSL * bydlo n. o SL Ru. bfdlo 'eattle'; ORu. bydlo 'animal'; Bel. bfdlo 'eattle'; Ukr. bfdlo 'eattle';

Cz. bydlo 'existenee, abode'; Slk. bydlo 'abode, residenee'; Pl. bydlo 'eattle'; OPI. bydlo 'existenee, abode, possessions'; Slne. bfdlo 'steer, young bull, bulloek'

PIE *bhh2u-tlom

The formation is eomparable to Gk. qr(rr;\ov 'raee', OE boti n. 'dwelling, house'. The East Slavie forms are borrowings from Polish. For the etymology of the root, see bdti.

buožė

LITH bUožė 1 [1/4) 'knob, knot, upper part of a flail, (dial.) nuddle'; VAR bUnžė I

'knob, knot' LATV buoze 'stiek, club, head (in ehildren's speeeh)'; VAR bauze 'stiek, club, upper

part of a flail, ( aū) head'

106 būrys

The root may be reconstructed as *bhoug-, but it is difficult to link it to non-Baltic forms. The Zemaitian form bimžė (bCt·fidŽę) must be interpreted as buonžė, with a secondary nasal (Vitkauskas 2006: 71).

būrys

LITH būrys 4 'crowd, flock, pack, platoon, (dial.) shower (rain, snow)'; VAR buras 2 'small rain cloud'

LATV bū ris 'lot, mass, heap'; VAR būra

It does not seem implausible that this etymon is cognate with Skt. bhdri- 'much, many, abundant' ( cf. LEW: 66) . The root may be *bhh2u- (-bdtt) .

burna

LITH burna 3 [1/3] 'mouth, face'; VAR purnis 'snout' (Only mentioned in Miežinis's dictionary. The word may be a Letticism.)

LATV purns 'snout'; VAR purnis; purna2

BSL *bur(na? PSL *b'brna f. a 'snout'(?) SL Sln. bfna (Steiermark) 'carnival mask depicting an animal'; Bulg. b&rna

( dial.) 'lip' ; Bulg. b&rna ( dial.) 'lip'; Mcd. brna 'nose-ring ( of animals)'

IE Arm. beran 'mouth'

The root can be reconstructed as a zero grade *bhrH-, wich may be identical with the root of Lat. foriire, OHG boron 'perforate' ( cf. -+barti and -+burti) . The initial p of the Latvian form is often attributed to the presence of a Finnic substratum ( cf. Kiparsky 1968: 74), but that does not account for Slk. perna 'lip' (Machek 1957: 362-363), which occurs alongside pera. The ESSJa (111: 130) reconstructs *bwna and *p'brna, while suggesting an etymological relationship between the two etyma. If the Slovak form really belongs here, the reconstruction *bhrH- is in doubt. One may compare -+gulbis 'swan', PSl. *g'blbb 'swan' vs. *k'blpb 'swan, spoonbill', for which l assume a substratum origin.

burtas

LITH burtas l 'lot, superstition, (pl.) sorcery' (the DLKZ has only the plural burtai 'lots, sorcery') ; VAR burta i 'superstition, sawn off, usu. quadrangular piece of wood'

LATV burts [ ui"] 'sign of a sorcerer, (with ui" in Klp.) letter' (the meaning 'letter, character' was coined in the i9th century); VAR burta2 [ur2, ur] 'register, notch'

BSL *bur?tos PSL *b'brtb f. i; *b'brt'b m. o 'hive of wild bees' SL Ru. bart' f. 'wild beehive'; ORu. b'brtb f. 'log for bees, tree with a beehive';

bortb f. 'log for bees, tree with a beehive'; Bel. bore f. 'wild beehive'; Ukr. bart m. 'wild beehive'; bart' m.(jo) 'wild beehive'; bart' (dial.) f. 'natural or artificial beehive in a tree, opening in a hive for viewing bees, wild family of

būti 107

bees living in a hollow tree-trunk'; Cz. brf f. 'wild beehive, (dial.) opening in or section of a beehive'; OCz. brt f. 'beehive (also of wild bees)'; Slk. brt m. 'opening in a beehive'; Pl. bare f. 'wild beehive'; Sln. brt m. 'hollow tree with bees' (possibly of Czech origin)

According to Fraenkel (LEW: 67), burtas is cognate with the above-mentioned Slavic etymon, the motivation being that there is a connection between constructing beehives and carving signs into a tree ( cf. Endzelins 1911: 13ff, ESSJa III: 132-133) . In Derksen 2008a (69-70), I made no attempt to advocate this etymology (the Slavic etymon seems to denote primarily natural beehives), but it now seems possible to me that both the Baltic and the Slavic etyma derive from the root *bhrH- whose meaning LIV (80) describes as 'mit scharfem Werkzeug bearbeiten' and to which Lith. -+beirti may belong as well. The word for 'hive of wild bees' may be compared with forms such as Lat.foramen n. 'opening' and possibly Lith. -+burna. See also: bllrti

burti

LITH burti 'throw or draw lots, practise witchcraft, tell fortunes', 3 pres. buria, 3 pret. bdrė

LATV burt [ uf, ur2] 'practise witchcraft, linger', 1sg. pres. buru, 1sg. pret. būru

See -+burtas.

busti

LITH busti 'awake, wake up', 3 pres. bunda, 3 pret. budo LATV bust 'awake, wake up', isg. pres. budu (also būstu?), isg. pret. budu

Inchoative to -+budeti. See also -+bciudyti.

butas

LITH bu tas 2 'flat, apartment, (dial.) house, cottage, (Žem.) building, house'; VAR buta (OLith., dial.) 2 'building, house, room, farm'

OPR buttan (EV); buttan (IU) 'house', Asg. buttan (l, IU), butten (II)

PIE *bhh2u-t-IE Olr. both f. 'but'; Ok. bUo f. 'house, residence'

The short vowel of Olr. both < *bhh2u- teh2 can be viewed as the regular reflex of *-Hu- in pretonic position (Schrijver i991: 527), but this explanation cannot be extended to Balto-Slavic. The short vowel of this etymon, cf. the partciple britas of -+bftti, is therefore problematic.

būti

LITH bdti 'be', 3 pres. esti, 3 pres. yra, 3 pret. buvo LATV bUt 'be', lsg. pres. ęsmu , 3 pres. ir, lsg. pret. biju OPR būton (boūton baūton boūt) 'be', 3 pres. ast

BSL *b(u-

108 buvinti

PSL *byti v. (a) 'be' (AP (a) refers to the (perfective) present *b9d9) SL OCS byti, 1sg. bpd9; Ru. byt', 1sg. budu; Cz. bjti, 1sg. budu; Slk. byf, 1sg.

budem; Pl. byc, 1sg. będę; SCr. bl'ti; Čak. bl'ti (Vrg., Orb.); Sln. biti

PIE *bhh2u-IE Skt. bhavati 'be, become'; Gk. cpfoµm 'grow, become'; OLat. fūi 1sg. pf. 'was';

Olr. buith f. 'being'

For a justification of the reconstruction of the root as *bhh2u-, see Kortlandt 1975 (3, 81) and Schrijver 1991 (228, 512, 526). The present forms that derive from PIE *h1 es­are discussed separately e -+esmi etc.) . See also: būklas; butas; buvinti; buvoti

buvinti

LITH buvinti [u, u] 'sojourn', 3 pres. buvina, 3 pret. buvino OPR buwinanti [buwinaiti] 2pl. imper. 'live! '

BSL *boru-eie-PSL *baviti v. (a) 'be, linger' SL Ru. bavit' ( dial.) 'linger'; OUkr. baviti 'remain, linger, delay'; Cz. baviti

'amuse, take time'; Pl. bawic 'amuse, be, abide'; SCr. bavit (dial.); baviti se ( dial.) 'be Iate, linger' ; Sln. baviti se 'occupy oneself with, linger'

PIE *bhoh2u-eie-IE Skt. bhavayati 'cause to be, cherish, refresh'

I have grouped buvinti together with PSl. *baviti because the possibility exists tliat the full grade of bd- ( -+bdt1), which is not attested in Litliuanian, was replaced by the zero grade. As verbs in - inti often occur alongside verbs in -yti, the different suffix does not seem to be an essential problem.

buvoti

LITH buvoti 'be', 3 pres. buvoja, 3 pret. buvojo

PSL *byvati v. 'be, happen' SL OCS byvati 'become, be', 1sg. byvajp; Ru. byvat' 'happen, be'; Cz. byvati

'happen, be'; Pl. bywac 'be often, frequent, happen'; SCr. bivati 'happen, be'; Čak. bivat (Orb.) 'be, dwell, live (somewhere)', 1sg. bivan; Sln. bivati 'be, exist, happen, live', 1sg. bivam; Bulg. bivam 'be, exist, happen'

See ->bdti.

bužė

LITH bužė 2 [2/4] 'louse (usu. in children's speech), woman with lice or fleas, hairy worm'; VAR būžė

LATV buža 'bogeyman, louse (in children's speech)' ; VAR būža

See -+būžjis.

čiutnas

būžys

LITH būžys 4 'bogeyman, (Dz.) insect, beetle, (pine) cone' ; VAR bužys 4

LATV būzis 'bogeyman'; VAR buzis; būznis; buzulis; būzelis

PIE *bhuf'-

109

IE ME bugge m. 'snot, bug, beetle, bugbear'; MoE bugaboo m. 'hobgoblin, bogeyman'; MoE bugbear m. 'hobgoblin, bogeyman, imaginary terror'; OFri. Bugibus m. 'name of demon'

See Derksen 1996: 273-274 for a discussion of the etymology. Both in Lithuanian and Latvian there are forms with secondary length. It is unclear if there is a relationship between this root and the root of -+baugUs. See also: baūžas; bužė

čia

LITH čia adv. 'here'

č

Apparently, this adverb reflects *tja, cf. čion (čion), čionai (čionai, čionai, čionai) 'here, hither'. For the root, cf. -+tas.

čiūtys

LITH čidtys (Plv.) pl. 'large number'

The root is possibly the zero grade of *teuhr 'be strong', cf. SCr. ti'ti 'become fat' < tyti (a) < *tuhr, with palatalization of the initial consonant after forms with e-grade (see Petit 2oooa: 123-127) . See also -+Latv. tūte 'power, energY:

čiutnas

LITH čiutnas ( dial.) 4 'neat, tidy, lively, agile'; VAR čiutnus 4

This adjective can hardly be separated from Ru. čutkij 'keen, quick, sensitive'. It is therefore likely that we are dealing with a borrowing, cf. Lith. čiufnas, čiuinus 'neat, tidy, lovely, diligent' from Pl. czujny 'alert' (see LEW: 78) . Petit (20ooa: 137) distinguishes čiutnas 'soigneux, ordonne' from čiutnas 'vif, actif' and claims that only the latter is a borrowing, thus rendering this a case of etymologie croisee. In view of čiufnas, semantic arguments alone are insufficient to warrant this hypothesis. It must be admitted, however, that the connection with -+taūsti 'long for, feel nostalgic', tutenti 'take care of', tUtinti 'spoil, pamper', Latv. tutinat 'swathe, pamper' is not implausible. In that case the intial /č'/ must have been adopted from a full grade *čiaut- < *teut-. Karaliūnas's attempt (1976) to connect all forms mentioned above with tauta 'people', which he derives from *teuhr, must be rejected.

110 daba

D

daba

LITH daba 4 'nature, habit, character, adornment'; VAR doba (Dauk.) LATV daba 'manner, habit, character'

BSL *dabar PSL *doba f. a 'time' SL CS doba 'use, advantage'; Ru. d6ba (dial.) 'time, measure'; Ukr. dobei 'twenty­

four hours'; Cz. doba 'time'; Pl. doba 'twenty-four hours, time'; SCr. doba 'time'; Čak. doba (Vrg.) 'time'; doba (Orb.) 'time, season, point of time', Asg. dobo; Sln. d6ba 'time, period'; d(Jb f.(i) 'time'; Bulg. d6ba 'time'

The root is best reconstructed as * dhabh-, with "European a'; cf. Lat. faber 'craftsman, artisan'. See also: dabar; dabnus

dabar

LITH dabar 'now'

This adverb contains the same root as -+daba, cf. SCr. doba 'time'. The relationship between these words, OCS dobrb 'good, beautiful', and Go. gadaban 'happen, be suitable' runs parallel to the one between OCS god'b 'time, suitable time, holiday, year', Go. gops adj. 'good', and SCr. goditi 'please', Sln. goditi se 'succeed, take place', -+Latv. gadities 'happen'.

dabnus

LITH dabnus 4 'smart, well-dressed, elegant'

Adjective to -+daba.

daga

LITH daga 4 'heat (of the sun), (dial.) time of sprouting, harvest'; VAR dagas 4

'burning, fire, heat ( of the sun), (OLith., dial.) harvest' LATV daga 'burn, blacking' OPR dagis (EV) 'summer'

PIE *dhogwh_ehr IE Skt. nidagha- m. 'heat, the hot season, summer'

See -+degti.

dagys

LITH dagys 4 [2/4] 'thistle, (dial.) burdock' LATV dadzis 'burdock, goldfinch'

A nomen agentis in *- i-os, cf. -+gaidys 'cock'. See -+degti.

dailyti

daiginti

LITH daiginti 'grow, cultivate', 3 pres. daigina, 3 pret. daigino

Causative to -+dygti. See also -+diegti.

daigyti

LITH daigyti 'sting', 3 pres. daigo, 3 pret. daigė; daigyti, 3 pres. daigo, 3 pret. daigė LATV daidzit 'baste, tack'

Iterative to -+diegti 'sting'.

daiktas

LITH daiktas 3 (1/3/ 4] 'thing, object, matter (coli.) place' LATV daikts2 'object, thing, tool'; VAR daiks [ai, ai2, ai2]

111

OPR deickton Asg. 'place, something', deicktan Asg. 'place'; deicktas Gsg. 'something'

I regard it as a certainty that this noun contains the root of -+diegti, cf. MLat. punctum 'stab, stab-wound, state, article, condition' (Niermeyer 1976: 872, cf. Toporov PJ I: 215-217, Derksen 1996: 91). The Latvian variant daiks, showing metatony, was provided by Peter Schmidt from Ronneburg (apud Būga 1923/24: 115), but does not occur in ME and EH.

dailė

LITH daill 4 'art, fine arts, ( dial.) work' LATV daile 'beautiful girl, (neol.) art, fine arts'

See -+dailus.

dailinti

LITH dailinti [ai, ai] 'refine, smoothen', 3 pres. dailina, 3 pret. dailino; VAR dailyti, 3 pres. dailija, 3 pret. dailijo; dailyti, 3 pres. dailo, 3 pret. dailė

LATV dailinat 'refine, embellish'

A derivative of -+dailus. Lithuanian forms with an acute are metatonical. The sustained tone of Latv. dailinat is inconclusive because in Nigranden, where it is attested, the adjective is dai/š (Derksen 1996: 326).

dailyti

LITH dailyti (Zt.) 'divide', 3 pres. dailo, 3 pret. dailė

BSL * doil- (* dail-?) PSL * deliti v. 'divide' SL OCS delit11 (Supr.) 3sg. ; Ru. delit', 1sg. deiju, 3sg. delit; Cz. deliti; Slk. delif; PI.

dzielic; SCr. dijėliti, 1sg. dijeljim; Čak. dili'ti (Vrg.), 2sg. diliš; diell't (Orb.), 1sg. dielin; Sln. dęliti, 1sg. dęlim; Bulg. delja 'divide, share', 1sg. dęlim

IE Go. dailjan 'divide'

112 dailus

BSL *doil- (*dail- ?) has Germanic counterparts reflecting *dhoil- (or *dhail-) , which with its two root-final resonants is an unsual root structure from a PIE point of view. The aspirated stop precludes a connection with Gk. <Saioµm 'distribute' < *dehz-i­unless we assume that the Germanic forms are borrowings from Slavic, which is not particularly plausible. Furthermore, the accentuation of PSL * dll'b (b) would be in conflict with a reconstruction *deh2i-l- . Alongside dail:yti we find -+dalyti.

dailus

LITH dailus 4 [2/4] 'refined, elegant, smooth' (for dailus 2, see Skardžius 1935: 145) LATV dai{š [ai, ai, ai, ai2] 'refined, elegant'; VAR dails [ai, ai, ai2, ai2]

If we assume that the Latvian variants with an acute are old, we may connect this adjective with Skt. diddya 3sg. pf. 'shine', Gk. <Staw (Hom.) 3sg. impf. 'appeared, seemed' and reconstruct *doihz-1-. The main alternative is to seek a connection with PSL *d�lo (a) 'work, deed', e.g. OCS delo, SCr. djelo, which would also require that the acute is original. In Derksen 2008a (103) , l derived *d�lo from *dhehr 'put, make' e -+dett), which is a fairly straightforward etymology, but it must be admitted that there are interesting parallels between PSL * d�l- and our root dail-, for instance Lith. ratadtiila, ratadaylis (SD) 'wheelwright' vs. OCS drevodelja (Supr.) 'carpenter' and the semantic similarity between daill 'work' and *d�lo ( cf. Būga RR 11: 487-488). A proto­Baltic reconstruction *da!o?i-l- or *da!oi?-1- seems possible. In any case, the root of dailus can hardly be cognate with -+dailyti. See also: dail�; dailinti

daina

LITH daina 4 [ 1/3/ 4] 'song'; VAR dainl 4 [1/4] LATV dair;ia 'song'

The root is apparently acute and must be connected with ..... Latv. diet 'hop, dance, sing'. We may reconstruct *doihrn-. See also: dainuoti; deja

dainuoti

LITH dainuoti 'sing', 3 pres. dainuoja, 3 pret. dainavo; VAR dainiuoti 'sing', 3 pres. dainiuoja, 3 pret. dainiavo

LATV dainu6t2 [ai2, ai] 'sing, (refl.) dance'; VAR dair;iu6t 'sing, (?) dance, (Biel.) scream, be merry'

Denominative verb to -+daina.

dairytis

LITH dairytis ' look round', 3 pres. dairosi, 3 pret. dairėsi LATV dairities [ai, ai2, ai2] 'gape, gawk, be on one's guard, flee, loaf'

The i of these forms may either be original or secondary, i.e. based on a zero grade *dir- < *dr. In my view, it is more likely that it is old ( -+dyrett) .

dalia

dalba

LITH dalba l 'lever, ( dial.) lazy-bones'

113

LATV dalba (a/, al2] 'tree-trunk, pole, long handle, two-pronged fork, tree-hollow ( originating from rotting of the core)'; VAR dalbs [al, al2] ; dalbis; dalbe

BSL *dalba?; *dalba-PSL *dalba f. a; * dalb'b m. o SL Ru. dalobti (dial.) 'narrow path'; Cz. dlab 'groove, opening, (dial.) tree­

hollow made with a chisel'; Slk. dlap, Gsg. dlaba 'opening made with a chisel'; dlaba 'opening made with a chisel'; Bulg. dlab 'groove, ( dial.) tree­hollow made with a chisel'

The original meaning of the root was 'excavate' ( see -+delbti) . The meaning 'tree­hollow' is attested in both Latvian and Slavic and must be old. As for the other meanings, we may start from 'stiek used for digging'. The metatanie rude of the above-mentioned nouns is not unusual in deverbative agent nouns in *-a ( cf. Derksen 1996: 235-236, where an original acute root is not entirely ruled out, by the way).

dalgis

LITH dalgis 2 'scythe'; VAR dalgė 2 [2/4] ; dalgis f.(i) 2 LATV dalgs (Lange, Ulm.) 'scythe' (a Lithuanianism?) OPR daalgis (EV) 'scythe'

PIE *da/gh-i-IE Olc. telgja 'cut, carve'

This seems to be a "North European" etymon.

dalia

LITH dalia 4 'fate, destiny, fortune' LATV da/a 'part, share'

BSL *dalja? PSL * do/a f. ja (b) 'share, fate' SL RuCS dalja 'part, fate'; Ru. d6lja 'part, share, fate, (bot., anat.) lobe'; ORu.

dalja 'part, fate'; Bel. d6lja 'share, fate'; Ukr. d6lja 'fate, destiny'; OCz. s dali <zdoly> 'succesfully'; Pl. dala 'fate, destiny, ( coll.) share'

According to Bari.kowski (20ooa: 282), the Slavic noun spread from Belorussian, where it originated from a Lithuanian substratum, to Ukrainian, Russian and Polish. The secondary meaning 'fate' is assumed to have arisen in Belorussian. Though this is not an implausible scenario, it should be noticed that the ESSJa (V: 62-63) mentions Iate 14th century attestations of dalja in Old Russian l Russian Church Slavic, in the meaning 'fate' as well as in the meaning 'part'. Furthermore, there is an Old Czech attestation from around 1400. For the etymology of the root, see -+dalyti.

114

dalis

LITH dalis f.(i) 4 'part, share, fate' LATV dalis 'part, share'

See ->dalia.

dalyti

dalis

LITH dalyti 'divide, distribute', 3 pres. dalija, 3 pret. dalijo LATV dali t 'divide, distribute', isg. pres. dalu, isg. pret. daliju OPR dellieis 2sg. imper. 'share! '

BSL *dol-PSL *odolJti 'overeome, defeat' SL OCS odoleti 'defeat', isg. odolejų; Ru. odolet' 'overeome, eonquer'; Cz.

odoleti (Kott) 'resist, withstand'; Slk. odolief ( dial.) 'resist, defend oneself; SCr. odOljeti 'overeome, withstand'; Čak. odoli'ti (Vrg.) 'overeome, with­stand'; Sln. odolęti 'overeome, defeat'

PIE *dolhr IE Lat. doliire 'fashion, work (wood)'

LIV (114) gives the root as *delhr 'behauen, spalten', which ean easily be linked to 'divide, share'. The meaning of the Slavie (prefixed) verb arose from 'get one's share' (Vasmer-Trubačev III: i23). See also: dalia; dalis; dilti

danga

LITH danga 4 [1/4] 'cover, (dial.) 'Deekel <les Baektroges' LATV danga [an, an2, an2] 'rut, eorner, pieee of land that is surrounded by water or

marshlands on three sides, bay'; VAR dangs2 'rim (of a wheel)' OPR danga (EV) 'refe'

BSL *danga? PSL *dŲga f. a 'are, areh' SL CS dųga 'rainbow'; Ru. duga 'are, areh', Asg. dugu; Cz. duha 'are, areh, stave,

lag, rainbow'; Slk. duha 'rainbow, stave, lag'; Pl. dęga ( dial.) 'serateh, rainbow, stave, lag'; OPI. dęga 'serateh, are, areh'; SCr. duga 'rainbow', Asg. dugu; duga; Čak. duga (Vrg.) 'stave, lag'; daga (Orb.) 'stave (of a barrel)'; Sln. dŲga 'stave, lag, rainbow'; Bulg. daga 'are, areh, rainbow'

See ->dengti l. Traditionally the gloss of the Old Prussian form is interpreted as 'wooden tray' (ef. Toporov PJ l: 361-362). Mažiulis (PKEZ l: 216-217), on the other hand, makes a ease for the meaning 'hoop'. Anyhow, there seem to be no eompelling reasons to regard the word as a borrowing from Polish. l have provisionally separated -->Latv. danga 'dirty pool, marshy land, silt' from the etymon under diseussion.

dargana 115

danginti

LITH danginti [an, an] 'move, transport', 3 pres. dangina, 3 pret. dangino; VAR dangyti, 3 pres. danga, 3 pret. dangė; dangyti, 3 pres. dangija, 3 pret. dangija

l am inclined to regard this verb as a causative to -+dingti. Pl. dqžyc 'rush, make for, aspire' may also belong here. Fraenkel's enthusiasm (LEW: 89) about the corre­spondence between -+dengti and dqžyc l cannot share, as prosodically the forms do not match.

dangus

LITH dangus m. 4 [ 1/4] 'sky, heaven' OPR dangus (EV 3) 'sky, heaven', (EV 95) 'palate'; dangon (l, Il, III) Asg., damgon

(II) Asg., dengon (III) Asg., dengan (II) Asg., dangan (III) Asg.

The original meaning and the etymology of the root are discussed s.v. -+dengti l.

dantis

LITH dantis m.(i) 4 'tooth', Gpl. dantŲ; VAR dantis f. (i) 4; dantis m.(io) 2 [2/ 4] OPR dantis (EV) 'tooth'

PIE *h3d-( o )nt-IE Skt. dant- m. 'tooth'; Gk. Mwv m. 'tooth'; Arm. atamn 'tooth'; Lat. dens m.

'tooth'; OHG zan(d) m. 'tooth'

On the basis of Gk. f<')ovn:� (Aeol.) Npl. 'teeth', this noun is sometimes reconstructed as *h1d-(o)nt-, from the root 'eat' of -+esti (e.g. Smoczynski 2007: 92). l prefer to reconstruct the root as *h3d- 'bite', which also occurs in -+uodas 'mosquito' ( cf. De Vaan 2008: 206-207, Beekes 2010: 1049 ).

darbas

LITH darbas 3 'work' LATV darbs 'work, deed'

See -+dirbti.

darga

LITH darga 4 [1/ 4] 'bad, rainy weather, ( dial.) retting'

BSL *dor(ga( PSL *padarga f. a SL ORu. padoroga 'bad weather'

Cf. also Sln. s(idraga f. , s(idrag m., s(idrga f. 'fine hail, frozen grains of snow' < PSL *s9dorga. The root may be *dherg- (-+dargus), but there is also evidence for *dhreg­(-+dregnas) and a nasalized variant * dhreng- (-+drengti). See also: dargana; dargti; dergna; dergti; dirgti l; drangus; drėgna; drekti; drognė

dargana

LITH dargana 1 [ 1/3] 'bad, rainy weather'

116 dargti

See -+darga.

dargti

LITH dargti 'get wet, soak, become bad (weather), become spoiled', 3 pres. dargsta, 3 pret. dargo; VAR dargti, 3 pres. dargsta, 3 pret. dargė

A recent denominative verb based on -+dargus. Metatonie douce is common in this formation.

dargus

LITH dargus 4 [1/4] 'rainy, bad, nasty, ugly'

See -+darga. OE deorc 'dark' and Olr. derg 'red' < *dhorg-o- agree formally, but semantically these forms are closer to -+derkti 'make dirty, soil' and -+dergti 'make dirty, soil, slander, defile, spoil'.

daryti

LITH daryti 'do', 3 pres. diiro, 3 pret. diirė LATV darit 'do', isg. pres. daru, isg. pret. dariju

PIE *dhor-eie-IE Skt. dhiirayati 'hold' See also: dereti

darkyti

LITH darkyti 'make dirty, soil, defame', 3 pres. darko, 3 pret. darkė

See -+derkti.

darkus

LITH darkus 4 [1/4] 'dirty, nasty, bad (weather)' LATV darks2 'spotted, variegated'

See -+derkti. Apparently, Lith. darkus has been influenced by -+dargits.

dauba

LITH dauba 4 'ravine, hole, burrow' LATV daūba 'ravine, hole, burrow'; VAR daube OPR padaubis (EV) 'valley'

BSL *doub!p-PSL * dupa f. a; *d upę n. nt 'hole' SL Ru. dupa (dial.) 'buttocks'; Ukr. dupa 'arse' ; Cz. doupa (arch.) 'hollow,

burrow'; doupe 'hollow, burrow'; dupa (dial.) 'hind quarters'; Slk. dupa 'hollow, burrow'; dupa 'burrow, den'; dupa (dial.) 'hind quarters'; Pl. dupa 'arse, vagina'; SCr. dupe 'arse'; Sln. dupa 'hole, burrow'; Bulg. dupe 'arse'

See -+dubus, where l discuss the vacillation between *bh and *p.

dausos

dauburys

LITH dauburys ( dial.) 3 h 'hollow, pit'; VAR daubura

See -+dubits.

daug

LITH daūg 'much, many'; VAR daugi (OLith.) ; daūgia (dial.) LATV daūdz [aū, au2] 'much, many'; VAR daūdzi [aū, au2]

BSL *doug-jo-PSL *duŽb adj . jo 'strong'

117

SL Ru. djužij 'sturdy, hefty, robust, healthy'; dužij (dial.) 'strong, healthy'; ORu. djužij 'strong'; Bel. dužy 'strong, vigorous' ; Ukr. dužyj 'strong, healthy'; Cz. duži (rare) 'firm, strong'; Slk. duži 'strong, big, healthy'; Pl. dužy 'big, (16•h_ 18th e. , dial.) strong'; dužo adv. 'much, many, (161h- 181h e.) very'

If the Polish forms are "Ruthenianisms" (Bailkowski 2oooa: 312 ), there is no objection against positing a PSI. root with \J, cf. OCS nedpgb 'disease' , Ru. djaglyj 'healthy, strong' < *dęgl'b. On the other hand, the parallellism between Pl. dužo and Lith. daūgia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots * dpg- and *dug- were confused ( cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect *dhough-, cf. Go. daug 'is useful'. According to Stang (1966 : 320), daugi is the Nsg. of an i-stem.

See also: duksas; džiaūgtis

dausios

LITH daūsios Npl. 4 'air'

BSL *dou�ja? PSL *dūša f. ja (e) 'soul' SL OCS duša 'breath, soul'; Ru. dušd 'soul, spirit', Asg. dušu; Cz. duše 'soul,

spirit' ; Slk. duša; Pl. dusza; SCr. duša 'soul, spirit', Asg. dušu; Čak. dūša (Vrg. , Novi); dūša (Orb.) , Asg. dušo; Sln. duša 'soul'; Bulg. duša 'soul, character, breath', Npl. duši, Npl. duši

PIE *dhous- i-ehr IE Go. dius n. 'wild animal'

The root shape *dhous- is rare outside Balto-Slavic. Full grades of this root are usually of the type *dhues-/*dhuos-, which we find in Balto-Slavic as well, for example in -+dvasas.

See also: daūsos; dusas; dūseti; dusti; dūsuoti; dvasas; dvasia; dvesti

dausos

LITH daūsos Npl. 4 'air, breath'

BSL *dou�os PSL *duxb m. o (e) 'breath, spirit'

118 debesis

SL OCS duxb 'breath, spirit'; Ru. dux 'spirit, breath, smell'; Cz. duch 'spirit'; Slk. duch 'spirit'; Pl. duch 'spirit, breath'; SCr. duh, Gsg. duha; duh (Vuk) 'spirit, breath, smell', Gsg. duha; Čak. duh (Vrg.) , Gsg. duha; duh (Novi) 'spirit'; duh (Orb.) 'ghost'; Sln. duh 'spirit, breath, smell'; Bulg. dux 'spirit'

See -+daūsios.

debesis

LITH debesis m.(i) 3b 'cloud'; VAR debesis f.(i) 3b; debesys 3b LATV debess f.(i) 'cloud', Gpl. dębęsu, debešu; VAR debesis

BSL *nebo, *nebes-PSL *nebo n. s (e) 'sky, heaven' SL OCS nebo n.(s) 'heaven', Gsg. nebese; Ru. nėbo n.(o/s) 'sky, heaven', Npl.

nebesa; nebo n.(o) 'palate'; Cz. nebe n.(jo/s) 'sky, heaven', Npl. nebesa; Slk. nebo n.(o) 'sky, heaven'; Pl. niebo n.(o) 'sky, heaven'; USrb. njebjo n.(jo) 'sky, heaven'; SCr. nebo n.(s) 'sky, heaven, (dial.) ceiling, palate', Npl. nebesa; Čak. nebo (Vrg.) n.( o) 'sky, heaven', Npl. nebesil; Sln. neb(J n.( o) 'sky, heaven, ( dial.) ceiling, palate'; Bulg. nebe n.(s) 'sky, heaven', Npl. nebesa

PIE *nebh-es-IE Skt. nabhas- n. 'fog, mass of clouds, sky'; Gk. vecj>o<; 'cloud, mass of clouds';

Hitt. nepiš- n. 'sky'

Apparently, the initial n of the etymon was replaced by d in East Baltic. This is reminiscent of -+niimas vs. PSL * dom'b, where the n is secondary, however. AP l

(debesis, Gsg. debesies) seems to occur in Iate 1ih century texts from Prussian Lithuania (Illič-Svityč 1963: 61).

dėdė

LITH didė 2 [2/4] 'uncle'; VAR dedis 2 LATV drds2 'old man, married man'; dęds [e, e2] 'bogey'

BSL *dėfdos PSL *dJd'b m. o (a) SL OCS ded'b 'forefather'; Ru. ded 'grandfather'; Cz. dėd 'grandfather, forefather,

old man'; Pl. dziad 'grandfather, forefather, old man'; SCr. djed 'grandfather'; Čak. di'd (Vrg.) 'grandfather'; Sln. dęd 'grandfather, old man', Gsg. dęda

PIE *dheh1dh-o-IE Gk. T�S'l f. 'grandmother'

degis

LITH degis 2 '(Jušk.) burn, burnt spot, (neol.) oxygen'; VAR degis (Žem.) 2 'burn, burnt spot'

Nomen actionis of -+degti.

deivė

deglas l

LITH deglas 4 'torch, (dial.) wick' ; VAR dėgla (Žem.) 'false tinder fungus' LATV dęgla 'tinder fungus, false tinder fungus, tinder' ; VAR dagia; dęglis; daglis

Substantive in *-Ia- derived from -+degti.

deglas 11

LITH deglas 4 'variegated (pigs)'; VAR dagias 4

119

LATV dęgls 'spotted' (more precisely 'brandfleckig, feuerfarbig' (ME)) ; VAR dagls 'with black or white spots (pigs)' ; daglains

Adjective in *-Ia- derived from -+degti.

degti

LITH degti 'burn, light', 3 pres. dega, 3 pret. degė; VAR degti 'burn', 3 pres. deflga, 3 pret. degė

LATV degt 'burn, light', isg. pres. dęgu, isg. pret. dęgu; VAR degt, isg. pres. dęgu, isg. pret. dędzu

BSL *deg-PSL *žegti v. (e) 'burn' SL OCS žešti, isg. žeg9, (Supr.) fag9; Ru. žeč', isg. žgu, 3sg. žžet; Cz. žeci, isg.

žehu; Pl. žec, isg. žgę; SCr. žeCi, isg. žežem

PIE *dhegwh_e/a-IE Skt. dahati 'burn'; Av. dažaiti 'burn'; Lat. favere 'warm, cherish'

PSI. *žeg- probably continues *geg- < *dhegwh_ as a result of assimilation. See also: daga; dagys; degis; deglas!; deglas II; degutas

degutas

LITH degutas 2 'tar'; VAR dagutas (Ness„ K„ Donei.) 2 LATV dęguts '(birch) tar'; VAR dęguta; dęguats

BSL *degut(i)as PSL * degbtb m. jo 'tar' SL Ru. degat'; Ukr. dihat'; dehat'; Cz. dehet; Slk. decht; Pl. dziegiee; Sln. degat

In view of the presumed connection between PSI. *žegti 'burn' and Lith. -+degti 'id.', PSI. *deg-btb is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Baltic. I find it more likely that it is a relic of the original root *deg- < * dhegwh_ ( cf. Slawski SP III: 34-35), cf. Sln. dęgniti 'radiate', OCz. dehna 'devil'.

deivė

LITH deivė 2 [2/4] 'goddess'; VAR dievė 2 [2/4] LATV dieve 'goddess'

PIE *dei-u-iH IE Skt. devi- 'goddess'; Lat. dea 'goddess'

120 deja

See -+dievas.

deja

LITH deja 4 'misfortune, sorrow, lamentation' LATV deja 'dance'

The root is dej- < *deihr, cf. -+Latv. diet. I assume that the original meaning of Lith. deja is 'lamentation', cf. -daina 'song'.

dėl

LITH dll 'because of' LATV deJ [ e, e, e2] 'because of'; VAR de[ [ei, elJ ; deJ

PSL * de/a; * de/bma; * db/a prep. 'because of' SL OCS delja postp. 'because of'; del'bma postp. 'because of'; Ukr. dilja (dial.)

prep. 'for, because of, therefore'; Pl. dziela (arch.) prep. 'for'; SCr. dijel (arch.) prep. 'because of'; Sln. delj prep. 'because of'

Possibly a borrowing from Slavic. The Slavic etymon cannot be separated from *d�lo 'work, deed' (with the root of -+deti), cf. Lat. causa 'because of. The form *defa seems to be a petrified Isg., while * delbma is an Idu. The presence of an element * -j­is unexpected, however. Furthermore, the explanation of *dbfa as a shortened variant is not particularly convincing. The ESSJa (V: 5-8) suggests a contamination of the root of * d�lo and the root found in * dbliti 'last'.

delba

LITH delba ( dial.) i 'lever, sullen person' LATV delbis 'two-pronged fork'; VAR dęlbs 'forearm'; dęlbs 'upper arm'; dęlbi Npl.

'bars for carrying hay'

See -+delbti and cf. -+dalba.

delbti

LITH delbti [ei, el] 'lower, cast down ( one's eyes ), bea t, ( dial.) chop', 3 pres. delbia, 3 pret. delbė

PIE *dhelbh-IE OE delfan 'dig, bury'

In Slavic, the e-grade is Hmited to Čak. dlisti 'hollow, chisel' < *delbti and the noun *delta (< *delbto) 'chisel', e.g. SCr. dlijeto, which occurs alongside *dolto (-+OPr. dalptan). See also: dalba; delba; dilba; dubti

dėlė

LITH dėll 4 'leech, ( dial.) horse-leech, intestinal roundworm, snail'; VAR diell (dial.) 4

LATV dele 'Ieech'; VAR delene2

PIE *dhehi -1-IE Gk. 8�,\11 f. 'breast, teat'

dengti I 121

The suffix *-1- is also present in Lat. felare 'suck (milk)' and must be denominative ( cf. De Vaan 2008: 210 ). According to Vitkauskas ( 2006: 78), the dialect form diele (Švnc.) 'intestinal round worm' reflects dėle. That does not detract from the fact that there are instances of diele that seem to reflect the extended root *dheh1 i-, which is also found in -+dieni and ---+ Latv. dile 'suckling calf', ---+ Latv. dili t 'suckle'. The unextended root *dhehr occurs in -+Latv. det 'suck'.

See also: pirmadėlė; pirmadėlys; Latv. dęls

dėlioti

LITH dėlioti 'put down, away', 3 pres. deli6ja, 3 pret. deli6jo OPR dilants 'worker'

BSL *de?l-PSL *delati v. 'do' SL OCS delati 'do, work', 1sg. delaj9; Ru. delat' 'do', 1sg. delaju; Cz. delati 'do,

work'; Pl. dzialac 'act, be active, operate' ; SCr. djelati 'do', 1sg. djelam; Čak. dl'lati (Vrg.) 'do', 2sg. dl'laš; delat (Orb.) 'do, make, work', 1sg. delan; Sln. dęlati 'do, work', 1sg. dęlam

PIE *dhehrl-

The suffix -1- must be of nominal origin, cf. OCS delo 'work, matter', cf. -+deti.

delnas

LITH delnas 3 'palm of the hand'; VAR delna 1; daina (Jušk.) LATV dęlna 'palm of the hand'; VAR dęlla [el, el2]

BSL *dol?n-; *delrn-PSL * dolnb f. i (a) 'palm of the hand' SL OCS dlanb; Ru. lad6n'; dol6n' ( dial.) ; Cz. dlan; Slk. dlan; Pl. dlon; SCr. dliin

m.( o) ; Čak. dlan (Vrg.) m.( o) , Gsg. dliina; dlan (Novi) m.( o) , Gsg. dliina; dlan (Orb.) 'palm ( of the hand)', Gsg. dlani; Sln. dlan, Gsg. dlani; Bulg. dlan

We are apparently dealing with a Balto-Slavic root *del?, the origin of which is unclear. Pokorny (IEW: 194-196) suggests that there is a connection with Lith. -+dilti 'rub off, wear out' ( 'flatten' ---+ 'flat of the hand') .

dengti I

LITH dengti 'cover, thatch, clothe, shelter, conceal', 3 pres. dengia, 3 pret. dengė

PIE *dhengh-IE OHG tungen 'oppress, manure'; MHG tungen 'manure, cover, oppress, scare'

( *dhngh-)

According to Mažiulis (PKEŽ I: 177-179), the meaning of BSL *deng- is 'bend', cf. -+dangits and PSI. *d9ga 'are, arch' (-+danga) . Toporov (PJ I: 208) prefers 'cover', cf.

122 dengti II

Ukr. odjahtf 'dress' (ESSJa 26: 157). It seems to me that both meanings can easily be reconciled ( cf. 'span a roof, an arch') . See also: dingti; Latv. danga

dengti 11

LITH dengti [en, efi] 'rush, hurry', 3 pres. dengia, 3 pret. dengė LATV diegt 'walk briskly, run', 1sg. pres. diėdzu

In my view ( cf. Derksen forthc. b ), this etymon is to be separated from dengti L The prosodic difference cannot be accounted for by simply labelling the acute of dengti as metatonical (pace Mažiulis PKEZ I: 178). OE tengan 'press, hasten, hurry, proceed with haste and violence' is best derived from *denk- (cf. IEW: 201, LIV: 117) . See also: Latv. dęiikts

derėti

LITH dereti 'bargain, bet, agree upon, be suited, be fit', 3 pres. dera, 3 pret. derejo LATV derėt 'bargain, bet, agree upon, become engaged, be suited, be fit', 1sg. pres.

deru, 1sg. pret. dereju; VAR derėt, 1sg. pres. dereju, 1sg. pret. dereju

See -+daryti.

dergėti

LITH dėrgėti (OLith„ dial.) 'spoil, waste, scorn, scold', 3 pres. dėrgėja, 3 pret. dergėjo; dergeti, 3 pres. dergeja, 3 pret. dergejo

LATV derdzėtiės 'quarrel, fight', 1sg. pres. defdzejuos OPR dergė 3Pl. 'bate'; dergeuns ptc. pret. act. 'gehasset'

PIE *dherg-IE MHG terken, derken 'make dark, soil, defile'

See -+dergti. The root *der(g- (*drdg-) 'soil, spoil, scorn' bate', though formally indis­tinguishable from *der(g- (*drdg-) in -+dėrgna 'bad, rainy weather', dregnas 'damp, moist, wet', etc„ probably has a different origin. There is a variant with *k, cf. -+derkti 'make dirty, soil, slander, spoil' and -+drlkti 'soil', which also tends to get confused with the root of -+darga.

derglioti

LITH derglioti [er, ef', ėr] 'make dirty, soil, slander, defile', 3 pres. derglioja, 3 pret. dergliojo

LATV derglit [ef'] 'soil, defile, (refl.) scorn'

See -+dergti.

dergna

LITH dėrgna ( dial.) 1 [ 1/ 4] 'bad, rainy weather'

See -+darga.

derva 123

dergti

LITH dergti [er, er] 'sleet, make dirty, soil, slander, defile, spoil', 3 pres. dergia, 3 pret. dergė

LATV dergties 'disgust', 1sg. pres. dr:rdzuos

PIE *dherg-IE MHG terken, derken 'make dark, soil, defile'

LIV (154) assigns dergti to the root*dhreh2gh- 'aufgewilhlt werden, in Aufruhr geraten', cf. Gk. 8paaaw, rnpaaaw 'stir up', OCS razdražiti 'incite (against), provoke: The relationship between the Greek and the Baltic verb is problema tie ( see Derksen 2008a: 115) and l doubt that dergti is cognate with either of them. See also: dergėti; derglioti; dirgti II; drekti I

derkti

LITH derkti 'make dirty, soil, slander, spoil', 3 pres. derkia, 3 pret. derkė

l consider *derk- (*drek-) a variant of *derrg- (*dre<g-), for which see -+dergėti. l therefore reconstruct *dherk- (*dhrek-) See also: dari<yti; darkus; dirkti; dr�kti I

derti

LITH dėrti (Zem.) 'tear, peel', 1sg. deru

BSL *der(?)-PSL * derti v. ( b ) 'tear' SL Cz. dfiti 'tear'; Slk. drief 'tear'; Pl. drzee 'tear'; SCr. drijėti 'tear, pull out'; Sln.

drėti 'tear, pull out'

PIE *der-IE Skt. dart 3sg. aor. inj. 'scatter, split'; Gk. 8epw 'flay'; Go. distairan 'tear apart'

See -+dirti.

derva

LITH derva 4 [1/3/4] 'chip of kindling wood, log from which tar is produced, resin, tar'; VAR darva 'log, tar'

LATV darva 'tar, pitch'; VAR dr:rva2

BSL *der(()wom PSL *derva n. o (e) 'tree, wood' SL OCS drėvo n.(o/s) ; Ru. dėrevo; Cz. dfevo; Slk. drevo; Pl. drzewo; SCr. drljevo;

Sln. drev6 n.( s ), Gsg. drevesa

PIE *deru-o-IE Skt. daru- n. 'wood'; Gk. Mpu n. 'tree-trunk, wood, spear'; Go. triu n. 'wood,

tree'; Olc. tyr( v)i n. 'coniferous wood'; OE teoru n. 'tar'

124 dešimt

The Baltic evidence clearly reflects a laryngeal, which in view of Skt. daru, where a laryngeal would have blocked the operation of Brugmann's law, must be an innovation. The Latvian form with e-grade was possibly borrowed from Lithuanian. See also: sudrus

dešimt

LITH dešimt 'ten'; VAR dešimtis m.(i) l/3h LATV desmit 'ten' OPR dessempts (l), dessimpts (11), dessimton (III) 'ten'

BSL *dešimt(is ) PSL * desętv num. i 'ten' SL OCS desętv; Ru. desjat', Gsg. desjati; Cz. deset; Slk. desat'; Pl. dziesięc; SCr.

deset; Sln. deset

PIE *dekm-t-IE Skt. daša; Gk. MKa; Lat. decem; Go. taihun

AP l occurs in texts from Prussian Lithuania (Illič-Svityč 1963 : 59). See also: dešimtas; šimtas

dešimtas

LITH dešimtas 4 'tenth' OPR dessimts 'tenth'

BSL *dešimtos PSL *desęto num. o 'tenth' SL OCS desęto; Ru. desjatyj; Cz. descity; Slk. desiaty; Pl. dziesiqty; SCr. deseti;

Sln. deseti

PIE *dekmto-IE Gk. MKaTo<; 'tenth'; Go. taihunda 'tenth' See also: dešimt

dešinas

LITH dešinas 3b 'right'

BSL *deš(i)nos PSL *desno adj. 'right' SL OCS desno; RuCS desnyj; SCr. desni; Sln. desan; Bulg. desen

PIE *deks-(i)no-IE Skt. dcik?iria- 'right, southern'; Av. dašina- 'right'; Gk. 6e�m:p6<; 'right'; Lat.

dexter 'right'; Go. taihswa 'right'

According to Illič-Svityč (1963: 57), the accentuation of dešinė 'right hand' in older texts from Prussian Lithuania constitutes evidence for a barytone AP. See Beekes 1994 for an account of the word for 'right' in Indo-European.

dėvėti 125

dėti

LITH deti 'lay, put', 3 pres. deda, 3 pret. deja; VAR deti (OLith.) , lsg. pres. demi, 3 pres. desti, 3 pret. deja (Klein gives a first person singular demmi, which points to finai stress)

LATV dėt [ė, ė, e2] 'lay ( eggs) (ė), construct (ė) , make (ė, ė, e2) , breastfeed, ( refl.) find refuge, happen', lsg. pres. dėju

BSL *de?-PSL *dėti v. 'do, say' SL OCS dėjati 'do, say', lsg. dėj9; dėti sę 'get to, disappear', lsg. dežd9 sę; -dėti 'do,

say', lsg. -dėj9, lsg. -dežd9, lsg. -dėn9; Ru. det' 'put, place', lsg. denu; dejat' ( dial.) 'do, make', lsg. deju; Cz. diti ( obs.) 'speak'; OCz. dieti 'do', lsg. dėju, 2sg. dėjėš; dieti 'speak, say', lsg. diem, 2Sg. dieš; Pl. dziac 'weave, knit (arch.) , do'; SCr. djeti 'do, say', lsg. djedėm, lsg. dji!nėm; djesti (Vuk) 'do, say', lsg. djedėm, lsg. djenėm; Sln. dęjciti 'do, say', lsg. dęjem; dęjciti 'place, put, do, say', lsg. dęm; dęjati 'place, put', lsg. dęnem, lsg. dęnem; dęti 'place, put, do, say', lsg. dęm

PIE *dhehr IE Skt. dadhati 'put, place, make' ; Gk. TL811µ1 'put down, to ground, to create';

Lat.fėci lsg. pf. 'made'; OHG tuan 'do'

The Lithuanian present stem ded- reflects *dhe-dhhr. In the Latvian infinitive, the expected sustained tone is well attested. As to the reflexive, ME (I: 464) remarks that deties is found in Kurland. For dėties ME provides attestations from Centrai Latvian.

See also: d�!; dėlioti; detis; dėveti; padas; priedas; samda

dėtis

LITH detis f. (i) l 'egg laying'

BSL *de?tis PSL * dėtb f. i 'doing, deed' SL OCS blagadėtb 'benefaction, charity, generosity'

PIE *dhehrti-IE Oic. dao f. 'id.' ; OE cbi:d f. 'id.'

See ->deti.

dėvėti

LITH dėveti 'wear', 3 pres. devi, 3 pret. deveja; VAR dėveti, 3 pres. dėveja, 3 pret. dėveja; dėveti, 3 pres. devia, 3 pret. dėveja

LATV dėvet 'call, consider to be, claim to be', lsg. pres. dėvėju; VAR davet; davat2

According to Kortlandt (1989: m, cf. Derksen 1996: 177), the i-present devi continues *dhh1 -ėu- (for the root, see ->deti) , with the suffix of Skt. dadhau 'put'. In Latvian, where the i-present has only been preserved in part of the dialects (Endzelins 1922a: 610-611), we find no traces of metatanie dauce in this formation. We may assume that

126 devyni

here the acute was restored after forms with full grade. The Latvian forms with dav­are possibly analogical after davat 'offer, present'.

devyni

LITH devyni 3 'nine' LATV devii;ii 'nine'; VAR devli;ii

BSL *newin-PSL *devętb num. i (e) 'nine' SL OCS devętb; Ru. devjat', Gsg. devjati; Cz. devet; Slk. deviif; Pl. dziewięc; Slnc.

3ięvjinc; SCr. devet; Čak. devet (Vrg., Orb.); Sln. devęt; Bulg. devet

PIE *h1 neun IE Skt. nava; Gk. evvfo; Lat. novem; Go. niun

For Balto-Slavic one would expect *dowin, with *eu > *ou before a vowel. The e vocalism may have been reintroduced on the basis of the ordinal * deuno- prior to the development *eu > *iou before consonant (Hamp 1976, Kortlandt 1979a: 57) . The ordinal was later reshaped into *dewino-. Though German influence cannot be ruled out completely, OPr. newfnts 'ninth' seems to show that the substitution of d- for n­in the words for 'nine' and 'ninth' was a dialectal Balto-Slavic development. This is reminiscent of the fact that W est Baltic, which shared * eu > * ow l_ V with East Baltic and Slavic, apparently did not take part in the later development *eu > *iou /_C (Derksen 2010 ) .

See also: devintas

devintas

LITH devin tas 4 [2/ 4] 'ninth' LATV devitais, devits 'ninth' OPR newints (l), newyntz (11), newfnts (III) 'ninth'

BSL *newin(t)os PSL *devęt'b num. o 'ninth' SL OCS devęt'b; Ru. devjatyj; Cz. devatj; Slk. deviaty; Pl. dziewiąty; SCr. devetf;

Čak. devetf (Vrg.) ; devieti (Orb.) ; Sln. devęti; Bulg. deveti

PIE *h1 n( e )un-o-IE Gk. evarnc;; Lat. nonus; Go. niunda

See --devyni. The introduction of *-to- may date from the Balto-Slavic period.

diegas

LITH diegas 3 [3/4] 'sprout, offshoot, cutting'; VAR daigas 3; daigas 4 LATV diegs 'thread, germ'; VAR daigs 'long, thin rod, a kind of fly, (pl.) thread,

yarn'; daiga

See --diegti. A possible cognate is OE dlc m./f, 'ditch, embankment', MDu. dijc 'dam, pool', which is usually derived from *dhei(H)gw-. Franck-Van Wijk (117) , too, favour

dieni 127

this etymology, but the offered alternative *dlka < *dlkka- < dhei{;"-n6- (which I sub­stitute for Franck-Van Wijk's *lJika < *lJikka- < dhigh-n6-), cf. Gk. -reixoc; 'wall', seems excellent to me.

diegti

LITH diegti [ ie, ie] 'plant, cultivate, sting', 3 pres. diegia, 3 pret. diegė LATV diėgt 'thread (in compounds) , beat, sew, baste, stiek (to)', 1sg. pres. diėdzu.

PIE *dhei(H)gw-IE OLat. flvere 'insert, pierce, fix, attach'; Lat. ffgere 'id:

The reconstruction of a laryngeal is only required if Toch. B tsiik- 'pierce, bite ( of a snake)' reflects *dhiHgw- (cf. LIV: 142). There are alternative etymologies, however (see Adams 1999: 731) .

See also: daiginti; daiktas; diegas; dyglė; dyglys; dygsnis; dygti

diena

LITH diena 4 'day' LATV diena [ ie, ie2] 'day' OPR deinan (l, III), deynan (11) Asg. 'day'

BSL *dein-; *din-PSL * d6nb m. n (e) 'day' SL OCS dbnb m.(n/jo) , Gsg. dbne; Ru. den' m.(jo) , Gsg. dnja; Cz. den m.(jo) ,

Gsg. dne; Slk. den m.(jo ) , Gsg. dna; Pl. dzien m.(jo ) , Gsg. dnia; USrb. dien m.(jo ), Gsg. dnja; SCr. diln m.( o), Gsg. dilna; Čak. d&n (Vrg.) m.( o) , Gsg. d&na; dan (Novi) m.(o) ; dan (Orb.) m.(o) , Gsg. dana; Sln. dan m., Gsg. dnę, Gsg. dnęva; Bulg. den m.( o)

PIE *d( e )i-n-IE Skt. madhyarrz-dina- m. 'midday, noon'; Lat. dies m./f. 'day'

Originally a hysterodynamic n-stem. The Balto-Slavic paradigm must still have shown ablaut.

See also: deivė; dievas; diev6tis

dieni

LITH dieni (Žem.) Nsg. f. 4 'with young'; VAR diene Nsg. f. 4; diena (Ness.) Nsg. f. 4 (Būga (RR 11 : 252) labels the form diena as doubtful)

LATV atdiene Nsg. f. [ ie, ie2] 'a cow that calves already in its second year, (Bers.) calf that has not yet produced milk'; VAR a{t]dienfte Nsg. f. [ ie, ie2] ; a[t]daine Nsg. f.

PIE *dheh1 i-n- ( *dhoh1 i-n - ?) IE Skt. dhenu- 'cow'; Av. daenu- f. 'female, suckling'

Smoczynski ( 2007: 110) seeks a connection with -+diena 'day', possibly following Būga (1922: 227 = RR 11: 252, but cf. 1912a: 22 = RR l : 358). Both mention the expression moteris dienose, where dienose (dienos) means 'pregnant'. The association with diena

128 dievas

may be secondary, however, which is how l view moteris dieninga, t.y. jijė nėščia paskutiniose dienose (Jušk.) 'is near the end of her term' (MoDu. 'loopt op alle dagen') . Unlike ME (l : 154), l find it difficult to separate dieni from the above­mentioned Latvian forms, which ME compares to atzidite 'a calf that no longer suckles, weaner', cf. zist 'suckle'. The broken tone of a[t]daine is reminiscent of the broken tone of dilit or dilinat 'suckle' and could serve as an indication that the proto­form contained a laryngeal, which would render the connection with diena impossible.

dievas

LITH dievas 4 'god' LATV dievs [ ie, ie2] 'god' OPR deywis (EV); deiws (III) , deiwas (ix III) 'god'

PIE *dei-u-o-IE Skt. deva- 'heavenly, god'; Lat. deus m. 'god'; Olr. dia m. 'god'; Ok. tivar Npl.

m. 'gods' See also: deivė; diena; diev6tis

dieveris

LITH dieveris m.(i) l 'husband's brother'; dieveris m.(i) 3• [1/3•] (Gen. sg. dievers in Kurschat's dictionary); VAR dieverys 3b

LATV dieveris [ ie, ie2] 'husband's brother'

BSL *dariwer-PSL *dJveT'b m. jo (a( e)) 'husband's brother' SL Ru. dever', Npl. dever'ja (AP (a) in Old Russian); OCz. devef; OPI. dziewierz;

SCr. djever 'husband's brother, best man'; Čak. dl'ver (Vrg.) 'husband's brother, best man'; dever (Orb.) 'marriage witness'; Sln. dęvęr 'husband's brother', Gsg. dęvęrja; dęver 'husband's brother, best man', Gsg. dęvera; Bulg. dever 'husband's brother, best man'

PIE *deh2i-uer-IE Skt. devar- m. 'husband's brother'; Gk. cSa�p m. 'husband's brother'

dievo tis

LITH diev6tis ( dial.) 'say goodbye', 3 pres. diev6jasi, 3 pret. diev6josi LATV dievaties (Ulm.) 'use God's name idly'

A verb derived from -+dievas.

diežti

LITH diežti 'beat, flog', 3 pres. diežia, 3 pret. diežė

See -+dyžti.

dyglė

LITH dyglė 2 [2/4] 'stickleback'

dilbti

See ->diegti.

dyglys

LITH dyglys 4 [2/ 4] 'prickle, spine, ( dial.) sting, pain' LATV diglis 'shoot, sprout'

129

See ->diegti. In the meaning 'sting, pain' we also find dieglys 3 [3/4] . Latv. diėglis is synonymous with diglis.

dygsnis

LITH dygsnis 2 [ 1/2/ 4] 'prickle, spine, ( dial.) sting, pain'

See -diegti.

dygti

LITH dygti [y, y] 'sprout, shoot', 3 pres. dygsta, 3 pret. dygo LATV digt 'germinate, sprout', lsg. pres. digstu, lsg. pret. digu

Intransitive verb belonging to -diegti.

dykas

LITH dykas 4 'empty, idle, for free, vacant' LATV dfks [ i2, i 2] 'empty, idle, inactive'

PSL *dikb adj . o 'wild' SL RuCS dikyi 'wild, rude'; Ru. dikij, f. dika, n. diko; ORu. dikyi; Slk. diky (Kott) ;

Pl. dziki; USrb. diiki

In view of the evidence for circumflex long i, the East Baltic forms may be bor­rowings from Slavic, but the semantic difference ( cf. MoDu. woest 'desolate' .... 'uncultivated, rough, wild') is conspicuous. Note that East Latv. dieks2, provided that this is indeed the correct interpretation of the form dfks in that area, may reflect *deik-. A connection with Skt. dayi- 'fly (of birds, chariots, horses, gods) ' seems unlikely.

dilba

LITH dilba l 'sullen person, tall, clumsy person'; VAR dllba l 'forearm, ( dial.) tali, clumsy person'

LATV dilba 'upper arm, shin'

A derivative of -dilbti. Cf. -dalba and -delba.

dilbti

LITH dilbti 'lower, cast down, loaf, wear thin, soak', 3 pres. dilbsta, 3 pret. dilba; dilbti 'lower, cast down', 3 pres. dilbia, 3 pret. dilbė

A variant dilbti 'wear off, be slow, lazy' occurs in KŽ. The accentuation was taken from Juškevič's dictionary, which is not completely reliable. A Slavic verb with zero grade is * dblbiti 'hollow, chisel', e.g. Ru. dolbit; SCr. dubiti.

130 dilgė

See also: dalba; dėlba; delbti; dilba

dilgė

LITH dilgė l [1/3(?)] 'nettle'; VAR dilga l; dilgėll 3• [3•, 2] .

IE Olr. delg n. 'thorn, pin' ; Ok. dalkr m. 'pin, spine, dagger, knife'; OE dalc m. 'bracelet'.

See -+dilgti.

dilginti

LITH dilginti 'sting (nettles), irritate', 3 pres. dilgina, 3 pret. dilgino; VAR dilgyti 'sting (neules) , irritate', 3 pres. dilgo, 3 pret. dilgė

See -+dilgti.

dilgti

LITH dilgti 'sting (intr.), itch, sting (tr.)', 3 pres. dilgsta, 3 pret. dilgo

It seems that this acute root must be separated from -+dalgis- < *dolg1'- . The root dilg­may continue *dhlg-, cf. the forms mentioned. See also: dilgė; dilginti; dilgus

dilgus

LITH dilgus 4 'stingy'

See -+dilgti.

dilti

LITH dilti 'rub off, wear out, diminish, vanish, (coli.) live in poverty, linger, ( dial.) become weak', 3 pres. djla, 3 pret. dilo; VAR dilti, 3 pres. dilsta, 3 pret. dilo (3 pres. also dilna); dilti, 3 pres. dela, 3 pret. dilo (3 pres. also djlna, dilsta, dilna, 3 pret. also dilė)

LATV dilt [ il, il, il, if2, il2] 'rub off, wear out, emaciate, diminish, become blunt', isg. pres. dilstu, dęlu, isg. pret. dilu

The root is probably *dhlhr, cf. -+dalyti. I wonder if dilti 'linger' may be cognate with Ru. dlit'sja 'last' < *dbliti < *dlhr 'long'. Note that if this is correct, the initial d, unlike in -+ilgas 'long', has apparently been preserved.

ditnstis

LITH dimstis ' (Brod., Ness.) village, farmstead, estate, (BB) forecourt'

There is a possibility that the element dim continues the zero grade * dm- of the word for 'house' (-+namas) , cf. Gk. Mm:cSov n. 'ground'.

dingti

LITH dingti 'disappear, vanish', 3 pres. dingsta, 3 pret. dingo LATV dingt 'be quiet, control oneself', isg. pres. dingstu, isg. pret. dingu

See --+dengti.

dirbti

dirginti 131

LITH dirbti 'work', 3 pres. dirba, 3 pret. dirbo; VAR dirbti 'work', 3 pres. dirbia, 3 pret. dirbė

LATV dirbt 'walk fast, walk by taking small steps without proceeding much, (Warkl.) work'

PIE *dhrHbh-IE OE deorfan 'work, perish'

See also: darbas

dyrėti

LITH dyreti (coli.) 'look out (for) , watch (for) , stare, gape, be in hiding', 3 pres. dyri, 3 pret. dyrejo

OPR endyrltwei, endeirit 'look at' ; dereis 2sg. imper. 'look!'

PSL *diriti v. 'look for' SL Bulg. dirja 'seek, strive for'

IE Nw. tira ( dial.) 'look, shine, beam'

According to the ESSJa (V: 31) , the Slavic and Baltic verbs are possibly cognate with OCS dbrati 'tear, flay', Lith. -+dirti 'flay, peel' . l find the connection with Germanic, as advocated by Stang (1972: 18-19), more attractive, however. One might reconstruct *dei(H)r- or *deihrr-, cf. Skt. dayi- 'shine, radiate'.

See also: dairytis; dyroti

dirginti

LITH dirginti ' irritate, spoil (a child)', 3 pres. dirgina, 3 pret. dirgino; VAR dirgyti 'irritate', 3 pres. dirgo, 3 pret. dirgė

BSL *diri'g-PSL *dbrgati v. SL Ru. dergat' 'pull, tug' ; Ukr. derhaty 'pull, tug'; Cz. drhati (rare) 'tear, pluck';

Pl. dziergac 'stitch, make bobbin lace, comb (flax)'; dzierzgac ( obs„ dial.) 'stitch, make bobbin lace, comb (flax) ' ; Sln. dfgati 'rub, whet, sweep, strangle', lsg. dfgam; dfzati 'scrape, scratch, comb (flax), graze', lsg. dfzam, lsg. dfžem

PIE *drHgh-IE OE tiergan ' irritate, annoy'; MLG tergen 'tear, provoke'; MoHG zergen (dial.)

'tear'; MoDu. tergen 'provoke'

The original meaning of the root appears to have been 'pull' ( cf. LIV: 121). In the meaning 'spoil', dirginti may belong to -+dirgti 11 .

132 dirgti l

dirgti l

LITH dirgti [ ir, ir] 'get wet, become bad (weather), be retted', 3 pres. dirgsta, 3 pret. dirgo

PIE *dhrg-

lt is plausible that we are dealing with a confusion between two roots, viz. * dherk­(* dhrek-), which is not a PIE root structure, and * dherg- (* dhreg-). The original difference can be observed in drekti ( dial.) 'spoil, soil' vs. drekti = dregti 'become moist'. See also: darga; dargana; dargti; dargus; dergna; dergti; drėgna; dregnas; drekti; drengti

dirgti 11

LITH dirgti [ ir, ir] 'become weak, thin, infertile, spoiled', 3 pres. dirgsta, 3 pret. dirgo

lntransitive verb belonging to -dergėti, -dergti. A Latvian cognate is diigavuOt 'be ill, be bored'.

dirkti

LITH dirkti [ ir, ir] 'deteriorate, go down', 3 pres. dirksta, 3 pret. dirko

See -derkti.

dyroti

LITH dyroti 'look out (for), watch (for), stare, gape, be in hiding', 3 pres. dyro, 3 pret. dyrojo

See -dyreti.

dirti

LITH dirti 'flay, peel, flog', 3 pres. diria, 3 pret. dyrė; VAR dirti (Žem.) , 3 pres. dera, 3 pret. dyrė

LATV dirat [ i, i 2] 'flay', 1sg. pres. diraju (actually dirat, with either r or r, and dirat2); VAR dirat [ i, i2] , 1sg. pres. diraju

BSL *dir(f)-: *der(f)-PSL *dbrati v. 'tear, flay' SL OCS dbrati 'flay', 1sg. der9; Ru. drat' 'tear', 1sg. deru, 3sg. deret; Cz. drati

'tear', 1sg. deru; Slk. draf 'tear' ; OPl. drac 'tear', 1sg. dziorę; SCr. drati 'flay', 1sg. derem; Čak. deriiti (Vrg.) 'flay', 2sg. dereš; deriit (Orb.) 'flay', 3Pl. dera; Sln. dęrati 'flay', isg. dęram; Bulg. dera 'flay'

PIE *d(e)r-IE Gk. Mpw 'flay'; Go. distairan 'tear apart'

In Slavic, we also have * derti (b) 'tear', 1sg. dbr9, e.g. Cz. dfiti 'rub, flay', 1sg. dfu, SCr. drijėti 'tear, pull out', 1sg. derem. It is uncertain if the root * der- secondarily acquired a root-final laryngeal in Balto-Slavic times.

diržti

See also: derti; dirva; dirvonas

dirva

LITH dirva 2 [2/4] '(arable) land, field' LATV dlrva2 '(arable) land, field'

BSL *dir(?)w-PSL *dbrVbl',la f. ja 'field'

133

SL Ru. derevnja 'village, (dial.) field, wasteland, ploughed field'; ORu. derevnja 'village'

PIE *dr(H)-u-IE Skt. ddrva- f. 'spelt'

Noun containing the root of -+dirti. The reconstruction of a Balto-Slavic zero grade implies that the sequence ere in the Russian forms originates from the so-called vtoroe polnoglasie. The connection with Skt. ddrva- is discussed by Lubotsky (1997: 148 fn.).

dirvonas

LITH dirvonas l [1/2/3] 'fallow land, wasteland' (i.e. dirvonas 1/3, dirvonas (K) 2) LATV dirvans 'fallow land, wasteland'; VAR dirvans2 (Klp.) ; difvęns

Cf. -+dirva. Vitkauskas (2006: 78) corrects dirvonas to dirvonas, but it is unclear to me on whose authority.

diržas

LITH diržas 4 [2/4] 'belt, strap' LATV difža 'leather girdle'

In Latvian, we also find derža 'whip, apron-string'. Av. darJZ- f. 'fetter' belongs to the root *de/gh- (cf. LIV: 113) and therefore cannot be cognate (pace LEW: 97). Further­more, the Latvian broken tone indicates that we may very well be dealing with an acute root. l consider the etymology unclear. See also: diržnas; diržti

diržnas

LITH diržnas (lit.) 'firm, strong'

An Old Prussian cognate is probably dirstlan Asg. 'stately' ( cf. Mažiulis PKEŽ l: 207-209 ) . See -+diržas.

diržti

LITH diržti 'becom e hard, become stiff, ( dial.) becom e sour', 3 pres. diržta, 3 pret. diržo

See -+diržas.

134 dyžti

dyžti

LITH dyžti 'flay, bark, wear, beat, flog, eat greedily, walk fast', 3 pres. dyžia, 3 pret. dyžė; VAR dyžti, 3 pres. dyžia, 3 pret. dyžo

The meaning 'flay, bark' (BZ, Jušk.) is not mentioned in the DLKŽ, which qualifies dyžti as colloquial. As far as the meaning 'beat, flog' is concerned, a connection with *dheigir- 'smear, knead' is semantically possible ( cf. Ru. mazat' 'smear, grease', smazat' 'strike a blow') , but must be rejected for formal reasons (pace Pokorny IEW: 244-245, LEW: 98), as the root is apparently acute. Besides, the meaning 'flay, bark' is hard to explain if we start from *dheigir-. A Latvian cognate of dyžti is dižat or dižu6t 'stomp one's feet'. See also: <liežti

dobti

LITH dobti ( coll.) [o, 6] 'strike, beat, kill, ( dial.) torment, exhaust', 3 pres. dobia, 3 pret. dobė

LATV dabt 'strike, beat', 1sg. pres. dabju, 1sg. pret. dabu

Etymology unclear. Starting from a PIE root structure, one might reconstruct *d(hleh2bh-. Smoczynski (2007: 117) proposes a connection with Gk. Mmw 'devour' <

*deh2p-. l do not believe that there is a connection with -+dubus (pace LEW: 99 ).

dovana

LITH dovana 3• [ 1/3•] 'gift'; VAR dovena 3•; dovanas LATV davana [a, a, a2] 'gift'; VAR davana

A derivative of -+duoti. Note that *eh3 is reflected here as *a, due to the merger of *a and *o in unstressed syllables (Kortlandt 1977: 323). Stang's suggestion (1966: 42) that * dav- may be based on the stem dav-, cf. Lith. davė 'gave', is unconvincing. The acute tone of the root, in particular Latvian dav-, can hardly be ascribed to secondary lengthening. Smoczynski (2007: 119) takes the *a at face value and reconstructs *dehr. This seems unnecessary, cf. datas 'gift', dosnus 'liberal', etc., where the appurtenance to duoti is beyond doubt.

drabanas

LITH drabanas ( dial.) 3b 'rags'

See -+drabUžis. There is a variant with p (-+drapanas).

drabna

LITH drabna ( dial.) 4 'sleet, dough, mud'; VAR draba 4 'sleet, phlegm' LATV drabenes Npl. 'sediment of malt after brewing process'; VAR drabii;zas Npl.;

drabii;zi Npl.

BSL *drob- (*drab-?) PSL * droba f. a

dranga I 135

SL Ru. drobei ( dial.) 'sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs'; drobina ( dial.); dreba ( dial.); SCr. dr6ba (RSA) 'entrails'; drobina (Vuk) 'entrails, tripe'

IE Ok. draf n. 'lees, yeast'; Nw. drav n. 'sediment of malt after brewing process'; OHG trebir Npl. m. 'pig's swill'; MoDu. draf m. 'pig's swill'; Molr. draoib f. 'mud, mire'

According to ME, the Latvian forms are borrowings from Low German, cf. MLG draf 'sediment after brewing process', MoLG drabbe 'sediment'. In Derksen 2008a (117-118) I separated PSI. *droba II 'sediment, dregs, entrails' from *droba I 'crumb, small fry, small livestock', etc. (-+dreblznos) . It can be argued that the meanings 'dregs' and 'crumbs' may be covered by the designation 'remnants', but for the root of * droba I the notion 'small, fine' seems essential, while *droba II is about thick, weak masses. I then proposed to reconstruct the latter as European *dhrabh-. This implies, however, that the vocalism of forms with different apophonic grades, such as -+dribti I, is secondary. This is not impossible, but if -+drebeti 'quiver, tremble' also belongs here, the number of e-grades becomes somewhat conspicuous. See also: drebti l; dribti

drabužis

LITH drabužis 2 'dothes, dothing, (dial.) doth'; VAR drabužis 2; drabužis 2; drabužis 2; drebitžis 2

A Slavic cognate is USrb. draby Npl. 'dothes, dress, rags' (from a noun *drab'b), the root of which corresponds with Lith. drob-. The root variant with p, as in -+drapanas, may be cognate with Gk. 6pbtw 'pluck' < *drep-, cf. also Ru. drapat' (dial.) 'scratch, tear', SCr. drapati 'scratch', dfpati 'tear'. See also: drabanas; drobė

dragės

LITH dragės (Bretk. , dial.) Npl. 2 'dregs, sediment' LATV dradži Npl. 'sediment ( of melted fat) ' OPR dragios (EV) 'dregs'

BSL *dro(z)gi(?)ar PSL * droždža f. ja; * droždŽbje n. io 'yeast, dregs' SL OCS droždiję Npl. f. (ja) 'dregs'; Ru. dr6žži n.(io) 'yeast, leaven'; Cz. droždi

n.(io) 'yeast, leaven'; Slk. droždie n.(io) 'yeast, leaven'; Pl. dro:id:ie Npl. f.( ja) 'yeast, leaven'; OPI. dro:id:ia f.(ja) 'sediment, dregs'; SCr. drožda 'sediment' ; Sln. drožje n.(io) 'yeast, leaves'

Cognate with Ok. dregg 'dregs, yeast' < *dragjo and, in spite of the differing velar, probably also with Lat.fracės 'dregs of olive-oil'. Since the word is possibly non-Indo­European, we might just as well reconstruct *dhragh-i-, with *a.

dranga l

LITH dranga ( dial.) I 'pole (used as a lever) , edge ( of a cart)'

dranga ll

Like -+drangas, this word is sometimes considered a borrowing from Polish (e.g. Smoczyri.ski 2007: 119 ), but I see no compelling arguments for this. Ru. droga 'wooden bar or metal strip uniting the front and the rear axis of a cart, centre pole, ( dial.) cart for transporting wood' lacks the nasal found in * drpgTJ and * drph, for which see -+drangas.

dranga ll

LITH dranga 4 'long period of rainfall, sleet, bad, rainy weather'

See -+darga.

drangas

LITH drangas ( dial.) 4 'pole (used as a lever)'

BSL *drangos PSL * drpgTJ m. o (b) 'bar, pole' SL OCS drpgy (Euch.) Ipl. 'sticks' ; Cz. drouh (obs., dial.) 'bar, club'; Slk. druh

(dial.) 'bar, club'; Pl. drqg 'bar', Gsg. drqga; Slnc. dro_ųg 'bar, pole', Gsg. dro_ųga; SCr. drug 'rail'; Sln. dr(ig 'bar, latticed side of a cart'

IE Oic. drengr m. 'heavy stiek, pillar'

On the basis of the Balto-Slavic and Germanic evidence, we may reconstruct *dhrongh-. The limited distribution of the etymon and the fact that we find variants without a nasal (see -+dranga) or with root-finai *k, e.g. Ru. druk 'pole, stake, club, beam', Cz. drouk ' iron bar, rod', leads us to consider non-Indo-European origin.

drangus

LITH drangus 4 'rainy, bad (weather)'

See -+darga.

drapana

LITH drapana (coli.) i 'clothes, clothing'; VAR drapanos (K, Ruh., Sirv., dial.) Npl. i/3b

See -+drabužis.

drąsus

LITH drqsus 4 [ 2/4] 'courageous' (AP 2 is attested in Daukša's writings) LATV drnošs 'courageous'; VAR druoss (uo, uo2] OPR dyrsos (GrA, GrF), dirsos (GrG) 'good, stout'

BSL *dir$-PSL *dbrZ'b adj. o 'daring, bold' SL OCS drbZ'b 'daring, bold'; Ru. derzyj (dial.) 'daring, bold, impudent, rude';

Cz. drzy 'daring, bold, impudent'; Slk. drzy 'daring, bold, impudent'; Slnc. 3frzi' 'daring, bold'; Sln. dfz 'bold, impudent'

PIE *dhrs-u-

drebėznos 137

IE Skt. dh[$1JU- 'bold, courageous, strong'; Gk. 8pacruc; 'bold'; Go. ga-daursan 'venture'

This etymology implies that the *z of the Proto-Slavic form is secondary. The nasal of the East Baltic forms may stem from the suffix, cf. Skt. dh[$1JU-. See also: drĮsti

draugas

LITH draūgas 4 'friend' LATV draugs [au, au2] 'friend'

BSL *draugas PSL *drūga m. o (e) 'companion, friend' SL OCS druga 'friend'; Ru. drug 'friend'; Cz. druh 'friend'; Slk. druh 'friend';

OPI. drug 'companion, comrade' ; SCr. drūg 'friend'; Sln. drūg 'companion, best man'

IE Go. gadrauhts m. 'warrior' ; Oic. dr6ttinn m. 'prince, lord'; OHG truhtin m. 'lord'

The noun *dhroughos seems to be limited to Balto-Slavic and Germanic, cf. also Go. driugan 'be up in arms'. l consider the connection with *dhreugh- 'deceive' dubious.

drebėti

LITH drebčti 'quiver, tremble', 3 pres. dreba, 3 pret. drebčjo LATV drebet 'quiver, tremble', lsg. pres. drebu, lsg. pret. drebeju

Possibly cognate with -+drebeznos. Machek (1934: 33) compares Czech zima mne drobi (Mor.) 'the cold makes me shiver', cf. drobiti 'crumble, chop, crush: Unlike LIV (153, with respect to OCS drobiti) , l reconstruct *dhrebh- not *dhreb- (see -+dribti II, -+Latv. dirbinat, and Derksen 2008a: 118). See also: drebinti; dribinis; drignė; OPr. dribinsnan

drebėznos

LITH drebeznos (Jušk.) Npl. 2 'remnants'; VAR drebezos Npl.; dreblzgai Npl.; drebezgai Npl.

BSL *dreb-PSL * drebezga m. o SL Ru. drebezg 'sound of breaking glass, falling metai objects, etc:; Ru. drebezgi

Npl. m. 'splinters, remnants'

With o-grade we find Latv. drabažas Npl. 'bark that has fallen off', drapsnas Npl. 'crumbs, remnants', Ru. drobezga 'small fry', Cz. drobesk 'crumbs'. l reconstruct a root *dhrebh-, cf. Go. gadraban 'cut out' (unless this is a mistake for gagraban). The Latvian forms have variants with u-vocalism, e.g. -+Latv. drubazas Npl., drubažas Npl., drubazgas Npl. , which ME connects with Gk. 8pumw (aor. E-rpucpriv) 'break into pieces' < *dhrubh-.

drebinti

drebinti

LITH drebinti 'cause to tremble, shake', 3 pres. drebina, 3 pret. drebino LATV drebinat 'cause to tremble, tremble'

Causative to -+drebeti.

drėbti l

LITH drlbti 'throw a thick mass, fling, build of clay, fall heavily ( snow), retort', 3 pres. dreba, 3 pret. drlbl

LATV drebt2 'throw a thick mass', 1sg. pres. drebju, drebu; VAR drebt [e, e2] 'fall heavily (rain mixed with snow, snow, rain), fall', 1sg. pres. drebju, drfbu; drebt (Klp.) 'rush, fall heavily (snow, rain)', 1sg. pres. drebu, 1sg. pret. drebu

The Latvian broken tone may have been adopted from drebt 'beat' ( see the next etymon). For the etymology, see -+drabna. The connection with Gk. Tpe<j>w 'thicken, cause to grow, feed, rear' is doubtful for semantic reasons.

drėbti 11

LITH drlbti ( coll.) 'strike, beat', 3 pres. dreba, 3 pret. drlbl LATV drebt (Warkh., Merdzine) 'bea t', 1sg. pres. drebju, 1sg. pret. drebu

PIE *dhreb-IE Olc. drepa 'strike, kill'; OHG treffan 'strike, hit'

If this etymology is correct, the Latvian broken tone must be old. The Lithuanian circumflex may be analogical after -+drlbti l 'throw a thick mass, fling, fall heavily (snow)', which is usually identified with drlbti II 'strike, beat'. Thus, l attribute the fact that for both meanings of drėbti the Lithuanian and Latvian tones do not match is due to different generalizations. LIV (413), while noting the semantic difference between the above-mentioned Germanic forms and OCS drobiti 'crush' assigns both to *dhreb-. In view of Winter's law I separate PSI. *drobiti from the Germanic verbs and seek a connection with -+drebeti.

drėgna

LITH drėgna ( dial.) 3 'humidity, humid weather' LATV dręgzna [e, e2] ' (e) cool, rainy weather, (e, e2) a moist place'; VAR dręgs

'Tauwetter, Schlackwetter'

See -+darga and -+dregnas.

drėgnas

LITH dregnas 3 [1/3/4] 'damp, moist, wet'; VAR drėgnus 4 [ 1/4] LATV drfgns [f, ę, ę, ę2, f2] 'damp, moist'; VAR dręgns (Biel.) ; driegns2 [ ię2, ie] ;

dręgzns; dręzns

PIE *dhreg-no-

For the Latvian variant with ie (presumably < *en), cf. -+drengti. Latv. dregnet 'disgust, displease, become damp' seems to be a derivative of drfgns, but the meaning

drežėti 139

'disgust, displease' is reminiscent of dergtiės (-+dergti) , where the Lithuanian form shows a similar semantic variety.

dreižti

LITH dreižti 'linger, drag out', 3 pres. dreižia, 3 pret. dreižė LATV drėzt2 'kindle', lsg. pres. drėžu2, lsg. pret. drėzu2

See --+dręžti. The vocalism is due to secondary ablaut.

drėkti l

LITH drekti ( dial.) 'spoil, soil, drizzle, snow', 3 pres. drekia, 3 pret. drekė

See --+derkti and cf. --+drekti II.

drėkti 11

LITH drekti 'become damp, moist', 3 pres. dreksta, 3 pret. dreko; VAR dregti, 3 pres. dregsta, 3 pret. drego

l assume that the variant with k is secondary, as it is in the case of drekti ( dial.) 'drizzle, snow'. See -+darga.

drengti l

LITH drengti 'sleet', 3 pres. drengia, 3 pret. drengė

A nasalized variant of the root of --+dregnas and dregti (--+drekti II). Cf. also --+dranga.

drengti 11

LITH drengti [en, en] 'tear (while wearing), spoil, rub, rush', 3 pres. drengia, 3 pret. drengė

At first glance we are dealing here with the root of --+dręžti, albeit with *t' instead of *f!'. There are more possibilities, however. Būga (1922: 168) compares nudrengti 'wear out' with Ru. drjagat' 'kiek', Sln. dręgati 'poke' < * dręgati. Since Ru. drjagat' ( drjagat) (dial.) is also attested with the meanings 'pull, twitch, shake' (SRNG 8: 226-227) , one might consider a nasalized form of the root of --+dirginti 'irritate', Ru. dergat' 'pull, tug', cf. --+drengti 'sleet' alongside -+dirgti 'get wet, become bad (weather)'. The ESSJa (V: 112) rejects the connection with PSL *dbrgati for semantic reasons and correctly points out that there is a link with PSl. *drpg'b '(--+drangas), e.g. Sln. drpg 'bar'. In my opinion, this only applies to the Slovene form, however.

drežėti

LITH drežeti 'give reluctantly, be stingy', 3 pres. dreža, 3 pret. drežejo

PIE *dregh-IE Olc. tregr 'reluctant'; OHG tragi 'lazy, dull' See also: drižti

140 dręžti

dręžti

LITH dręžti [ę, ę] 'wear, tear', 3 pres. dręžia, 3 pret. dręžė; VAR drežti (Jušk.), 3 pres. drežia, 3 pret. drežė

LATV drezt2 'kindle'

Fraenkel (LEW: 106) connects dręžti with -+drežeti The fact that the variant drežti and the Latvian form do not reflect a nasal favours this assumption, but the semantics are unclear. See also: dreižti; dryžti; druožti

dribinis

LITH dribinis ( dial.) l 'henbane'

A derivative of -+drebeti 'quiver, tremble'. The toxic praperties of henbane may cause a delirium, whence the name (cf. Derksen forthc. e) The root shows metathesis of the zero grade *ir ( cf. Latv. dirbinat 'quiver, shiver' alongside dribinat (Fiir. , Ulm.) 'cause to tremble, tremble' and -+OPr. dirbinsnan 'trembling') after forms with full grade. See also -+drignė.

dribti

LITH dribti 'drop, fall down, lie down, become flaccid', 3 pres. drimba, 3 pret. dribo

See -+drebti L

drignė

LITH drignė 2 [2/4] 'henbane, restless person'; VAR drignis f.(i) 4 'henbane'; drignjis 4 'henbane'; drignius 2 'henbane, devil'

LATV drigene (usu. pl.) 'henbane (męlnas drigenes), thorn apple (baltas drigenes)'; VAR drigele 'henbane'

Fraenkel (LEW: 105), following Petersson (1922: 44ff.), connects drignė with Lith. drugys, Latv. drudzis 'fever'. This makes sense semantically, but is formally problematic. Pokorny (IEW: 258) seeks a connection with Olr. draigen 'sloe' etc. l propose to derive drignė from *dribnė, cf. -+dribinis 'henbane' and -+dugnas 'bottom' < *dub-nas. Thus, l reconstruct *d(h)rbh-n-, with metathesis of the zero grade *ir ( cf. Latv. dirbinat 'quiver, shiver') after forms with full grade of the root. The Latvian noun does not contradict my hypothesis because the irregular g must be explained from drignene (ME l: 498). See also: drebeti; drebinti; dribinis

drįsti

LITH drįsti 'dare', 3 pres. drįsta, 3 pret. drįso; VAR drįsti, 3 pres. dręsa, 3 pret. drįso

Verb derived from -+drąsus. The original zero grade ( albeit with secondary z) has been preserved in OCS drbzn9ti, Ru. derznut', SCr. dfznuti 'dare' < *dbrzn9ti, cf. Skt. dhr?i:ioti 'dare, be brave'. The zero grade drįs-, cf. Latv. drikstet, dristet 'dare' (*drins-)

drugys 141

must have been created after the metathesis of *ir to *ri on the analogy of the full grade.

drižti

LITH drižti 'become weak, fear, be shy', 3 pres. dryžta, 3 pret. drižo

Cf. Olc. trega 'sadden' < *dregh-. See -+drežeti.

dryžti

LITH dryžti ( dial.) 'tear, rub, wear', 3 pres. dryžta, 3 pret. dryžo; VAR dryžti, 3 pres. dryžia, 3 pret. dryžė

The root vocalism may originate from the analogical metathesis of the zero grade *dirž- ( cf. -+dręžti) followed by lengthening of the i or infixation of a nasal. It may also have been created on the basis of the full grade dręž-.

drobė

LITH drobė l [1/2) 'linen, linen cloth' LATV drebe [e, e2] 'cloth, (pl.) laundry, piece of clothing, clothes'

Cf. also drobulė 2 (drobull 3h) 'sheet, linen cloth', Latv. drabule 'sheet'. In view of forms with a short vowel such as -+drabanas, the acute tone of drobė and Latv. drebe is unexpected.

See also: drabužis; drapanas

drognė

LITH drognė ( dial.) 2 'bad, rainy weather, snowstorm'

See -+drėgna.

drožlė

LITH drožll 4 [2/ 4) 'shaving, fibre' ; VAR drožlas 4; drožlis LATV drazlis 'shaving'

See -+drožti.

drožti

LITH drožti 'carve, sharpen, bea t, speak frankly, rush, ( coll.) eat or drink greedily', 3 pres. drožia, 3 pret. drožė

LATV drazt [a, a, a2, a2] 'carve, beat, sling, dart, rush' (Cirulis and Schmidt have drazt 'carve' opposed to drazt 'beat, rush' ) , 1sg. pres. dražu, 1sg. pret. drazu

Etymology unclear. In view of the apophony o : uo in this verb, the root may have contained *eh2. See also: drožl�; druožlė

drugys

LITH drugys 4 'fever, malaria, butterfly, moth'

142 d rūktas

LATV drudzis 'fever'; drudzi Npl. 'moths' OPR drogis (EV) 'reed'

BSL * drugios PSL *dT"bžb 'shivering, tremor' SL Ru. drož' f.(i) 'shivering, tremor'; drošč (Psk.) m.(jo) 'shivering, tremor'; Pl.

dreszcz m.( jo) 'shivering, tremor, shudder'; dreszcz e dial.) f.(i) 'id:

BSL * drug- may in principle reflect * drug"- or * dhrug"-, but to my knowledge there are no cognates outside Balto-Slavic that could decide the matter.

drūktas

LITH drdktas (:Žem.) 3 'thick, deep (voice)'; VAR driūktas 'thick' LATV drūkts [u2] 'thick, (u2) sturdy'; VAR drukts 'sturdy, plump'; drukns 'sturdy,

heavyset' OPR drūktai, drūcktai adv. 'tight' IE Ok. drjugr 'substantial, lasting, ample'; OSw. drygher 'considerable, strong,

big'; WFri. dreech 'strong, enduring'

The variants with ū may have been influenced by *drū- (see drdtas) . If the ū is old, the Latvian variants could result from dialectal shortening, but this assumption is not supported by the distribution of the forms. It is theoretically possible to consider the k intrusive, as is done by Fraenkel, which would mean that the connection with the Germanic forms must be abandoned.

druožlė

LITH druožll 4 'shaving, sawdust' LATV druoztala 'shaving, crumb'; VAR driiztele

See -+drožti.

druožti

LITH druožti ( dial.) 'tear, wear, rub', 3 pres. druožia, 3 pret. druožė

See -+dręžti.

druska

LITH druska 2 'salt' LATV druska 'crumb, scrap, bit' OPR dmskins [druskins] (EV) 'earwax'

PIE *dhrus-k-ehr IE Go. drauhsos Npl. f. 'crumbs, lumps'; W dryll m. ( *dhrus-lo-) 'piece, lump' See also: druzgai

drūtas

LITH drdtas 3 'thick, strong, deep (voice), sound (sleep), considerable'; VAR dridtas 3 'thick, strong, sound (sleep)'

duburys 143

l assume that this adjective is cognate with -+derva and -+sudrus, which must be connected with PIE *doru 'wood', cf. Olr. daur, dair f. 'oak' vs. derb 'sure, certain, fixed'. The laryngeal of the root *druH- reflected here must be an innovation. Note that derva 1/3/4 and Latv. darva also point to a laryngeal. For the relationship of this etymon with druktas etc., see the latter.

druzgai

LITH druzgai Npl. 4 [2/4] 'fragments, splinters, chips' (the singular is only sparsely attested) ; VAR drūzgai Npl. 4 [ 2/4]

The root druzg- is a variant of drusk- (-+druska).

du

LITH du, f. dvi 'two' LATV divi, f. divi, divas 'two' OPR dwai A. 'two'

BSL *duo( PSL *d(11)va num. 'two' SL OCS d11va, f. d11ve, n. d11ve; Ru. dva, f. dve, n. dva; Cz. dva, f. dve, n. dve; Pl.

dwa, f. dwie, n. dwa 'two'; Slnc. dva, f. dvjie, n. dvjię; SCr. dvd, f. dvlje, n. dva 'two'; Čak. dv& (Vrg.) , f. dvi, n. dvJ; dva (Orb.); Sln. dvd; Bulg. dva 'two'

PIE *duo-h1; *duo-ih1 (*duo-i?) IE Skt. dva 'two'; Gk. ovw 'two'

See also: dveji; dvigubas

dubti

LITH dubti 'become hollow', 3 pres. dumba, 3 pret. dubo LATV dubt 'fall in, collapse, become hollow', 1sg. pres. dubu, 1sg. pret. dubu

See -+dubus.

dubuo

LITH dubuo m.(n) 3h 'tureen, bowl, pelvis' LATV dibęns 'bottom'; VAR dubęns (W. Cour.) m.( o); dubens (W. Cour.) m.(i)

See -+dubus.

duburys

LITH duburys 3h 'hollow, hole in the bed of a river or lake, pond'; VAR dūburys 3h; dumburys 3h; duburas 3h; duburas 3h

LATV duburs 'fairly deep and wide spot in a river, tree-hollow'

IE Nw. dobbe f. 'swampy land'; MoE dump m. 'a deep hole in the bed of a river or pond'

See -+dubUs.

144 dubus

dubus

LITH dubus 4 'hollow, deep, spacious'

PIE *dhubh-IE Go. diups 'deep'; Olr. domain 'deep'

The Slavic vacillation between root-final b and p, e.g. OCS dvbrv 'valley, gorge' vs. dupin9 (Supr.) Asg. 'opening', does not have a Baltic counterpart. We are confronted, however, with the problem that we find full grades with acute tone, e.g. -+ Latv. duobjš 'deep'. If we reconstruct *dhoub-, the acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, (note that PGmc. *deupa- 'deep' may originate from *dheubh-n6- by Kluge's law), in which case we would have to find an explanation for the forms where Winter's law apparently did not operate. This is the course taken by Dybo (2002: 424, 496) . Since, among other things, I do not accept Dybo's hypothesis that Winter's law was blocked by a following resonant, I do not find his solution completely satisfactory. The many formal problems connected with this root - there is also a variant with a nasal - have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language ( cf. Kuiper 1995) and this is perhaps the framework within which the root must be considered (but cf. Kroonen 2011a: 128). See also: dauba; dauburys; duburys; dubti; dubuo; dugnas; dumblas; duoba; duob�; duobti

dugnas

LITH dugnas 4 'bottom'

BSL *dubno PSL * dbno n. o (b) 'bottom' SL OCS d'bno; Ru. dno; Cz. dno; Pl. dno; SCr. dno; Čak. dno (Vrg., Orb.); Sln.

dn<); Bulg. d&no 'bottom, floor'

PIE *dhubh-no-IE Gaul. dubnos m. 'underworld'; Olr. domun m. 'world'

See -+dubus.

duja

LITH duja 4 '(Žem.) drizzle, mist, (Dz.) loose, ashy earth'; dujos Npl. 2 [2/4] 'gas'

Illič-Svityč (1963 : 23) compares this noun directly with Gk. Ova f. (Thphr.) 'African thuja, wood burnt for incense', Oua Npl. n., 0\>11 Npl. n. 'burnt-offerings, incense' and reconstructs PIE *dhuja < *dhuHa, which is questionable. Of course, we may be dealing with independent formations. In any case, the root is *dhuH- (-+duma1).

duksas

LITH duksas (Ness.) 4 'corpulent, plump' LATV duksns 'corpulent, plump'

Adjective in *-sa- derived from the zero grade of -+daūg.

duktė

LITH dukte f.(r) 3b 'daughter' OPR duckti (EV) 'daughter'

BSL *duktė PSL *dvkti f. r (e) 'daughter'

dumti 145

SL OCS dvšti, Gsg. dvštere; Ru. doč', Gsg. d6čeri; OCz. dci, Gsg. dcefe; SCr. kči, Gsg. kčeri; šči, Gsg. ščera; Čak. cer (Vrg.) f.(i) , Gsg. ceri, Gsg. čerė; hči (Novi) , Gsg. hčeri, Gsg. hčere; hči (Orb.) , Gsg. hčerl', Gsg. hčeri; Sln. hči, Gsg. hčęre; hčęr f.(i) , Gsg. hčerf

PIE *dhughrter-IE Skt. duhitar- f.; Gk. 8uycmlP f. ; Go. dauhtar f.

dūmai

LITH damai Npl. i 'smoke' LATV dūmi Npl. [ū, u2] 'smoke'

BSL *durmos PSL *dymo m. o (a) 'smoke' SL OCS dymo; Ru. dym; Cz. dym; Slk. dym; Pl. dym; Slnc. dfm, Gsg. darnu; SCr.

dl'm; Čak. dim (Vrg. , Orb.) , Gsg. dl'ma; dim (Novi), Gsg. dl'ma; Sln. dim, Gsg. dima; Bulg. dim

PIE *dhuH-m6-IE Skt. dhūma- m. 'smoke, vapour'; Gk. 8ūµ6c; m. 'heart, passion, courage' ; Lat.

įūmus m. 'smoke, vapour'

See also: duja

dumblas

LITH dumblas 2 [2/4] 'silt'; VAR dumbli! 4 LATV dumbla 'mud'

IE Nw. dump m. 'hollow'

See -+dubus.

dumti

LITH dumti 'blow', 3 pres. dumia, 3 pret. ddmė LATV dun1t2 'become overcast, cloud over', isg. pres. dun1stu2, isg. pret. dumu

BSL *dom(-; *dum(-PSL * dr)ti v. (a) 'blow' SL OCS dpti, isg. dvm9; Ru. dut', isg. duju; ORu. duti, isg. domu; Cz. douti, isg.

dmu; Pl. dqč; SCr. duti 'blow, inflate', isg. dmėm, isg. dujėm

PIE *dh(o)mH-IE Skt. dhamati 'blows'

duoba

duoba

LITH duoba l [1/2/ 4) 'hollow, (Žern.) threshing bam, ( obs.) farrnstead'

See -+duobė.

duobė

LITH duobe 4 [3/ 4) 'pit, hollow, flower-bed, grave, ( dial.) deep spot in a river' LATV duobe [uo uo2, uo2] 'pit, hoJlow, flower-bed, grave, deep spot in a river'; VAR

duobs2 f.(i) 'pit, hollow'

Deverbative noun. See -+duobti. Latvian nouns with a root duob-, such as duobulis 'hollow, pit', duobums, derive frorn the adjective -+Latv. duobjš.

duobti

LITH duobti [uo, uo] 'hollow out', 3 pres. duobia, 3 pret. duobė LATV duobt [uo, uo2] 'hollow out, be rnade deeper', lsg. pres. duobju, lsg. pret.

duobu

See -+dubus.

duona

LITH duona l 'bread, com, grain' LATV duona 'slice of bread, esp. at the end of a loaf'

PIE *dhoH-nehr ( *dhehrnehi ?) IE Skt. dhand/:z Npl. f. 'roasted grains'; MoP dana f. 'seed, com'; Toch. B tano f.

'grain, seed'

The fixed stress on the root originates frorn Hirt's law.

duonis

LITH duonis (1ih/181h e.) f./rn.(i) 'tribute'

BSL *do?nis PSL * diinb f. i (e) 'tribute, tax' SL OCS danb 'tax, tribute'; Ru. dan' 'tribute, debt' ; Cz. dan 'tax, duty'; Slk. dan

'tax, duty'; Pl. dan 'tax, tribute, duty'; SCr. dan (13th-16th e.) 'tribute'; Sln. diin 'tribute, tax', Gsg. dani; diinj 'tribute, tax'

l have reconstructed a Proto-Balto-Slavic forrn here, but the Lithuanian word is alrnost certainly a transforrnation of the borrowing donis 'tribute, gift' (Skardžius 1931: 65, 67, Anikin 1994: 191) . See -+duoti.

duoti

LITH duoti 'give', 3 pres. duoda, 3 pret. davė; VAR duoti (OLith.), lsg. pres. duomi, 3 pres. duosti, 3 pret. davė

LATV duOt [uo, uo] 'give', lsg. pres. duomu, duodu, duonu, lsg. pret. devu OPR diit, dat, daton, diitunsi, diitwei, datwei 'give', 3 pres. diist, dast

BSL *do?-; *do?d-mi PSL *dilti v. 'give'

dusas 147

SL OCS dati, 1sg. damb, 2sg. dasi, 3sg. dast'b, 1pl. dam'b, 2pl. daste, 3pl. dadęt'b; Ru. dat', 1sg. dam, 2sg. daš', 3sg. dast, 1pl. dadim, 2pl. dadite, 3pl. dadut; Cz. dciti; OCz. dciti, 1sg. dcim, 2sg. dciš, 3PL dcidie; OSlk. dciti; dat'; Pl. dac, 1sg. dam, 3pl. dadzq; SCr. dati, 1sg. dam, 1pl. dcimo; Čak. dati (Vrg.) , 2sg. ddš, 2sg. dddčš; dilt (Orb.) , 1sg. dan, 1pl. damo; Sln. dciti, 1sg. dcim; Bulg. dam

PIE *dehr; *didhr IE Gk. 818wµt 'give'; Skt. dcidati 'give'; Lat. dare 'give'

In the reduplicated present the first vocalic element became acute as a result of Winter's law ( cf. -+dčti < * dhehr, 1sg. dedu, where this is not the case ). The sustained tone of Latv. duot, for which ME and EH combined give five attestations, must be an archaism. Interestingly, ME (I : 535) states that duot is found alongside a present duodu (see also Endzelins 1922a: 26). This points to*d6?- < *dehr, with root stress in accordance with Hirt's law in the infinitive alongside unstressed *do?d- in the present *do?d-mi < *dodhrmi << *dedehrmi.

See also: dovana; duonis; priedas

durys

LITH durys 'door' Npl. f(i) 2, Gpl. durų; VAR dures Npl. f(i) LATV durvis 'door' Npl. f(i); VAR duris Npl. f(i), Gsg. duru

BSL *dwir- ; *dur-PSL * dvbrb f. i (b) 'door' SL OCS dvbrb; dvbri Npl.; Ru. dver'; Cz. dvefe Npl.; dvere Npl.; OCz. dfvi Npl.;

Pl. drzwi Npl.; USrb. dwerja Npl.; SCr. dvari (161h/lih e.) Npl. 'gate' ; dveri Npl. 'doors of the altar'; Sln. duri Npl. 'door, gate'; dvęri Npl. 'door, gate'; davri (161h e.) Npl. 'door, gate'

PIE *dhur-IE Gk. 9upm Npl. f. 'door'; Lat. fores Npl. f. 'folding doors'; OHG turi Npl. f.

'door'

durti

LITH durti 'stab, prick, ache', 3 pres. duria, 3 pret. darė LATV durt [ur, ur2] 'stab, prick', 1sg. pres. duru, 1sg. pret. duru

This root dur- is usually regarded as an alternative zero grade of the root *der(?)- , cf. -+dirti 'flay, peel, flog'. I prefer an agnostic stance and provisionally separate *dur?­from *der(?)-!*dir(?)- . In Slavic, u-vocalism occurs in *dyra, e.g. Ru. dyrei 'hole, gap', and *dura, e.g. OPI. dura 'hole'.

dusas

LITH dusas 4 'short breath, asthma'

BSL *du�os

148 dūsėti

PSL * d'bxb m. o 'breathing, breath' SL OCS d'bx'b 'breathing, breath, smell'; Ru. dox (dial.) 'rest'; Cz. dech

'breathing, breath'; Slk. dech (dial.) 'breath'; Pl. dech 'breath'; SCr. dah 'breathing, breath'; čak. ddh (Vrg.), Gsg. ddha; dah (Orb.), Gsg. daha; Sln. dah; dah; Bulg. dax

See -->daūsios.

dūsėti

LITH dūseti 'breathe heavily', 3 pres. dusi, 3 pret. dūsejo LATV duset 'breathe, slumber', lsg. pres. dusu, lsg. pret. duseju

The Lithuanian verb has lengthened zero grade, which is not uncommon in verbs in -ėti ( cf. Derksen 1996: 173-175).

dusti

LITH dusti 'suffocate', 3 pres. dusta, 3 pret. duso; VAR dusti 'suffocate', 3 pres. dijsa, 3 pret. duso

LATV dust 'gasp', lsg. pres. dušu, lsg. pret. dusu

BSL *du�-PSL * d'bxnpti v. 'breathe, blow' SL OCS d'bxnpti; Ru. doxnut'; Cz. d(e)chnouti; tchnouti; Slk. dochnuf; Pl.

tchnqc; SCr. dahnuti; Čak. dahnuti (Vrg.); Sln. dahnfti, lsg. dahnem; dahniti, lsg. dahnem

See -->dausios

dūsuoti

LITH dūsuoti 'breathe heavily', 3 pres. dūsuoja, 3 pret. dūsavo LATV dusu6t 'sigh, suffer from asthma'

PSL * dyxati v. 'breathe' SL OCS dyxati 'breathe, blow'; Ru. dfchat' (dial.) 'rest, breathe'; Cz. dfchati

'breathe'; Slk. dfchaf 'breathe' ; Pl. dychac ( arch. , coli.) 'breathe'; SCr. dfhati 'breathe, blow', lsg. dlšem, lsg. dlham; Čak. dl'hati (Vrg.) 'breathe, blow', 2sg. dl'šeš; di'hat (Orb.) 'breathe', lsg. dlšen; Sln. dfhati 'breathe, blow', lsg. diham; Bulg. dfšam 'breathe'

Intensive verb with lengthened zero grade of the root in Lithuanian.

dvaras

LITH dvaras 4 [ 2/ 4] 'estate, ( arch.) village' LATV dvars 'a type of gate' OPR dauris (EV) 'big gate'

BSL *dw6rum PSL *dvor'b m. o (b) 'court, courtyard'

dvėsti 149

SL OCS dvaro; Ru. dvar, Gsg. dvara; dvor (dial.), Gsg. dvara; Cz. dvur, Gsg. dvara, Gsg. dvaru; Slk. dvar; Pl. dw6r, Gsg. dwaru; Slnc. dviir, Gsg. dvitQru; USrb. dw6r, Gsg. dwara; SCr. dvor, Gsg. dv6ra; Čak. dvor (Vrg.); dvor (Novi), Gsg. dvora; d"or (Orb.) 'stable('s complex)', Gsg. dvara; Sln. dvor, Gsg. dv6ra; Bulg. dvor

PIE *dhuor-IE Lat.forum n. 'market-place'

The accentuation of the Slavic form points to an old neuter ( Illič-Svityč's law).

dvasas

LITH dviisas 4 ' (SD 1, SD, SP) breath, soul, ( dial.) sickly person'

PIE *dhuos-IE MHG getwiis m. 'ghost'

This a-stem shows the original full grade of the root. See --+dausas.

dvasia

LITH dvasia 2 'breath, spirit, soul'; VAR dviisė 2 LATV dvaša 'breath, spirit, soul, vapour'

See --+dausas.

dveji

LITH dveji 4 'two', f. dvejos, n. dveja

BSL *duoj6s PSL *d(o)vojb num. SL OCS dovoi 'two, double, twofold'; Ru. dv6e 'two, two pairs'; Cz. dvoji 'double,

twofold'; Pl. dwaje 'two, double, twofold'; SCr. dvoji 'two, double, twofold'; Sln. dv(Jj 'two, double, twofold'

PIE *duo-i6-IE Skt. dvaya- 'double' ; Gk. 8mo[ 'both, two'; 8m6c; 'double'

The e of the Lithuanian form must be secondary.

dvėselė

LITH dvėselė 'soul (Dauk.) , strength (Sml.) ' LATV dvese[e [e, e2] 'breath, soul'

Cf. -+dvėsti.

dvėsti

LITH dvesti 'breathe, blow', 3 pres. dvesia, 3 pret. dvesė LATV dvest 'breathe, breathe heavily, cough', isg. pres. dvešu, isg pret. dvesu; dvest,

isg. pres. dvešu, isg. pret. dvesu

Verb containing the root *dhues-l*dhues-. See --+dausos.

150 dvigubas

dvigubas

LITH dvigubas 1 [1/3b] 'double, twofold, bipartite' OPR dwigubbus 'double, twofold'

BSL *duo-goubos; *dui-gubosPSL *d( 11 )vogub11; *d( 11 )vogub11n11 adj. o 'double, twofold'SL OCS d( 11 )vogub11n11; RuCS dvogubyj; ORu. dvogubyj; SCr. dvogub; Sln.

dvogitb

The first element of this compound is 'two' (-+du). For the second element, cf. -+gaūbti 'cover, bend', -+gubti 'bend (intr.)', OCS S'bg'bn9ti 'bend, fold'.

džiaugtis

LITH džiaūgtis 'be glad, rejoice', 3 pres. džiaugiasi, 3 pret. džiaūgėsi

As argued convincingly by Kazlauskas (1970 = RR II: 171-174, see also Pedersen 1935: 154) , this verb must be connected with -+daūg, which implies that džiaūg- continues * dheugi'-. The transitive džiaūgti ( dial.) 'gladden' must originally have meant 'makestrong, make content', cf. Latv. padūgt 'be able'.

džiauti

LITH džiauti 'hang out to dry, (coli.) strike, steal', 3 pres. džiauna, 3 pret. džiovė; VAR džiauti, 3 pres. džiauja, 3 pret. džiovė

LATV žaut [au, au2] 'hang out to dry, strike, pierce', 1sg. pres. žauju, 1sg. pret. žavu; VAR žaut [au, au2] , 1sg. pres. žaunu, 1sg. pret. žavu

Possibly cognate with Olc. deyja, OHG touwen 'die' < *dhou-eie-, which LIV (147-148) connects with Gk. Otw 'run: The Baltic verb requires the addition of a laryngeal, however. See also: džiati

džiūti

LITH džiuti 'become dry, wither, waste away', 3 pres. džiusta, 3 pret. džiuvo; džiuti, 3 pres. džiuva, 3 pret. džiuvo; VAR džiuti (Rdm.) , 3 pres. džiusta, 3 pret. džiuvo; džiuti ( dial.) , 3 pres. džiuva, džiuna 3 pret. džiuvo

LATV žut 'becom e dry', 1sg. pres. žustu, 1sg. pret. žuvu

Intransitive to -+džiauti.

ėdis

LITH ldis 2 'food, fodder'

E, Ė, Ę

OPR idis (III) 'food', Asg. eden (I), ydi (II), idin, idin (III)

BSL *ddi(o)sPSL * id11 f. i (e) 'food'

eiti 151

SL OCS jadb 'food'; CS jadb 'food'; Ru. jad' (dial.) 'food, dish' ; ed' ( dial.) 'meal, dinner-time'; USrb. jedi 'food'; LSrb. jei 'food, meal, dish' ; SCr. jiid (arch. , lit.) 'food'; Sln. jęd 'food, meal'

PIE *h1 ed- i-

See -+esti.

eglė

LITH eglė 2 [2/4] 'spruce, fir' LATV egle 'spruce, fir' OPR addle (EV) 'spruce, fir'

BSL *edli-PSL *edlb f. i; * edla f. a (e) 'spruce, fir' SL Ru. el' f.(i) 'spruce, fir', Gsg. ėli ( alongside elka, dial. egla ) ; Cz. jedle f.(ja) 'fir';

OCz. jedl f.(i) 'spruce, fir'; Slk. jedl'a f. ( ja) 'fir'; Pl. jodla f.(a) 'fir'; jedla f.(a) 'fir' (in dialects also jegla, jagla); OPl. jedl f.(i) 'spruce, fir'; jedla f. (a); SCr. jėla f.(a) 'fir'; jela f.(a) 'fir'; čak. jela (Vrg.) f.(a) 'tree-trunk'; Sln. jęl f.(i) 'spruce, fir', Gsg. jeli; jęla f.(a) 'spruce, fir'; Bulg. jela f.(a) 'fir'

PIE *h1 edh-[_ IE Lat. ebulum n. 'dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)', ebulus f. 'id.' ;

Gaul. odocos ' id.' ; OHG attuh, attah 'id.'

Connecting the name of the 'spruce' or 'fir-tree' with Lith. adata 'needle' and adyti 'darn', as advocated by Fraenkel (LEW: 117-118) and Pokorny, is semantically attrac­tive but does not make much sense in relation to Lat. ebulum ( cf. Andersen 1996: 119) .

eiti

LITH eiti 'go', 3 pres. eina, 3 pret. ejo; VAR eiti, 3 pres. eiti, 3 pret. ejo LATV iėt 'go' [ iė, iė, iė2] , lsg. pres. iėmu, eimu, eju, lsg. pret. giiju OPR ėisei 2sg. pres. 'go', ėit 3 pres. 'goes' ( 'gehe') ; ieis 2sg. imper. 'go! ', ieiti 2pl.

imper. 'go ! '

BSL *ei-PSL *jbti v. 'go' SL OCS iti, lsg. id9, 2sg. imper. idi; Ru. idti, lsg. idu, 3sg. idet, 2sg. imper. idi;

Ukr. iti, lsg. idu; Cz. jiti, lsg. jdu, 2sg. imper. jdi; Slk. isf; Pl. isc; ic ( arch.) ; Slnc. jie, lsg. jfdą; Plb. ait, 3sg. aide, 2sg. imper. aid; SCr. Jei, lsg. l'dėm; i ti ( dial.) ; isti; Sln. iti, lsg. gręm, lsg. grędem, lsg. idem; Bulg. ida 'go, come'

PIE *h1 ei-IE Skt. ėti; Gk. dµ1; Lat. ire

According to ME, Latvian has iėt (C, E) vs. iėt (W). From EH it appears that in the West we also find iė2• Stang (1966: 58) draws attention to the fact that certain Latvian dialects show an alternation between ei and ie (this actually holds true for the standard language as well), reflecting unstressed and stressed *ei, respectively. In

152 eketė

VarakĮani, we also find a puzzling alternation between conflated fallen tone and broken tone. The origin of the Latvian acute in this verb remains unclear.

The stem form *jvd- in Slavic results from a reanalysis of the 2sg. imperative *jvdi < *h1 i-dh-aih1s.

eketė

LITH ekete 3b 'ice-hole'; VAR akete 3b

LATV akete 'puddle in a swamp, small ice-hole, deep spot in a lake'; VAR aketa; akecis

See -+aka.

eldija

LITH eldija 3b 'hollowed out tree trunk, canoe'; VAR aldija 3b

BSL *ald-i(-a( PSL *aidi f. i 'boat' SL OCS al('b)dii (Zogr., Supr.) f.(ia) 'ship, boat'; ladii (Zogr. , Mar.) f.(ia) 'ship,

boat'; Ru. lad'ja f. (ia) 'rook, (arch., dial.) boat'; 16d'ja (dial.) f.(ia) 'boat, trough'; ORu. lodvja f.(ia) 'boat'; Ukr. l6dja f.(ia) 'boat, (dial.) 'trough'; Cz. lod' f.(i/ja); OCz. lodi f.(ia) ; Pl. l6di f. (i); OPL lodzia f.(ia) ; SCr. lada f.(ja); Čak. ldda (Vrg.) f.(ja) ; Sln. ladja f.(ja) ; Bulg. ladija f.(ja) 'canoe, boat'

PIE *Haldh-eh2; *h2eldh-ehr IE OE ealdaht f., aldaht f. 'trough, vessel'; Nw. aida (dial.) f. 'large trough, often

made from a hollowed out tree trunk'; Sw. alla (dial.) f. 'elongated deepened spot, container'; MoHG alden (dial.) 'furrow'

This is one of those etyma that have been mentioned in connection with "Rozwadowski's rule" (cf. Derksen 2002a). According to Zinkevičius (1966: 124), the forms with a- exclusively occur in those dialects where *e- > a-. The Lithuanian e- is puzzling.

elenis

LITH elenis (Bretk.) 'deer'

BSL * elenias PSL *elenv m. jo; *elen'b m. o 'deer' SL OCS jelenv (Ps. Sin., Supr.) 'deer'; Ru. alen' 'deer, stag-beetle'; elėn' ( dial.);

Ukr. 6len"deer' ; jėlen' (dial.) ; Cz. jelen 'deer, stag-beetle'; Slk. jeleii 'deer, stag­beetle'; Pl. jelen 'deer'; SCr. jelen 'deer, stag-beetle'; Čak. jelen 'deer, stag­beetle'; Sln. jėlen 'deer, stag-beetle', Gsg. jelęna; Bulg. jelėn 'deer'

PIE *h1 el-h1 en(-i)-IE Gk. iiveA.o<; (Hes.) m. 'young of the deer, fawn' (if a metathesized form of

iiA.evo<; < *h1 elh1 ena-)

See -+elnė.

engti 153

elgeta

LITH elgeta m./f. l 'beggar'; VAR elgėta m.ff.; elgetas

An agent noun belonging to -+elgtis. There is a Prussian place-name Algetos (Endzelins 1943: 52).

elgtis

LITH elgtis 'behave, act, ( 17'h e.) beg', 3 pres. elgiasi, 3 pret. elgėsi LATV elgt 'impose oneself, (also refl.) ask obtrusively, (refl.) control oneself'

In spite of the e-vocalism, this verb may be cognate with -+alga < *h2elgwh_ and there­fore with Skt. arhati 'earns, deserves'.

elnė

LITH elnė l 'doe'; VAR alnė l

OPR alne (EV) 'wild animal( ?)'

BSL *ol- ?n-PSL *oln i f. i (a) 'doe' SL OCS alonii (Supr.) Gpl. f.(ia) 'does' (provided that this is the correct reading

of mbnii); Ru. lan ' f.(i) 'fallow deer, doe'; Cz. lan f. (i/ja) 'doe' ; OCz. lani f.(ia) 'doe' ; Slk. lan f.(i/ja) 'doe'; OPI. lan i f.(ia) 'doe'; lan ia f. ( ja) 'doe'; SCr. lane f.( ja) 'doe' ; Bulg. alne ( dial.) f. ( ja) 'young chamais'

PIE *h1 ol-Hn- iH-IE Gk. ĖAA6� (Hom.) m. 'young of the deer, fawn'; Gk. E\.mpo� m. 'deer'

(probably < *h1 el-n-bho-) ; Arm. eln m. 'deer'; Mlr. ailit f. 'doe, hind', Gsg. ailte; Mlr. elit f. 'doe, hind', Gsg. eilte; MW elein f.!m. 'young deer, doe, hind­calf', Npl. alanet 'young deer, doe, hind-calf'

According to Schrijver ( 1995: 79 ), the Irish forms reflect *el-( H)n + t- iH or *el-en + t­iH. MW elein, MoW elain may reflect PIE *(h1)el-Hn- or *(h1 )el-1}-j (ibid.) .

See also: elenis; elnias

elnias

LITH elnias 1/3 'deer'; VAR elnis ( arch.) l; alnis ( dial.) l

LATV alnis [a{, al2] 'elk'

See -+elnė.

engti

LITH engti 'peel, skin, scrape, tear, beat, oppress, torment', 3 pres. engia, 3 pret. engė (the LKŽe mentions a variant engti, which in the many illustrative sentences occurs only o nee)

In my Slavic dictionary ( 2008a: 157) , I connected engti 'oppress, torment' with PSL * ędza, *ęga, e.g. OCS jędza 'disease', Ru. jaga 'Baba-Yaga', Pl. jędza 'witch', which etymon may be cognate with Ok. ekki m. 'pain, anguish', OE inca f. 'pain, suspicion, fight'. The question is if engti 'peel, skin, scrape, tear, beat' is etymologically the same

154 epušė

verb. If so, one might consider abandoning the connection with PSI. *ędza, *ęga, as lupti 'peel, skin, beat' is also attested with the meaning 'exploit, oppress'. This does not necessarily hold for engti 'etwas miihsam und schwerfallig thun' (Kurschat 1883: 107), which is clearly cognate with ->angils 'lazy'. See also: anglis; ankštis; ingti

epušė

LITH epušė 1, epušl 3b 'aspen'; VAR iipušė l [1/3b] ; epušis f.(i) 1; iipušis f.(i) l [1/3b] ; Apšė top.

LATV apse 'aspen'; VAR epse; epss f.(i)

BSL *aps-OPR abse (EV) 'aspen'

PSL *osa; *osina; *esika f. a 'aspen' SL Ru. osina; Ukr. osyna; Cz. osa ( dial.); Pl. osa ( obs.) ; osina; USrb. wosa; LSrb.

w6sa; SCr. jesika; jasika; Sln. jesika; jasika; Bulg. jesika; jasika

PIE *aps-ehr IE OHG aspa f. 'aspen'; Olc. psp f. 'aspen'

This tree-name may be classified as a (North) European etymon. It is also found in Finnic and Turkic. The forms with *e- may be attributed to "Rozwadowski's change" (see ->akiičios), though their distribution over the Balto-Slavic territory (South Slavic + Lithuanian) is remarkable.

ėras

LITH eras 3 'lamb'; VARjeras 3; geras; veras LATV jiįrs [ ę, ę] 'lamb'; VAR jere 'one-year-old sheep, half-year-old sheep, mother

lamb' OPR eristian (EV) 'lamb'

BSL *je?ro-PSL * Črbka f. a SL Cz. jarka 'spring wheat, sheep bom in spring'; jarka ( dial.) 'spring rye, ewe

that had young in spring'; Slk. jarka 'one year old sheep'; Pl. jarka 'increase or harvest of this or last year's spring, barren sheep'; SCr. jiirka 'spring com, hen that has laid eggs for the first time'; jarka 'spring maize'; Čak. jiirka (Orb.) 'species of grain'; Sln. jarka 'summer fruit (e.g. of spring rye or wheat), young hen'; Bulg. jarka 'young chicken'

PIE *Hieh1 -r-IE Skt. paryarit:ii- f. 'cow which has its first calf after a year'; Gk. wpa f. 'time,

season'; Av. yar- n. 'year'; Go. jer n. 'year'; OHG jiir n. 'year'

Cf. also PSI. * čro (*era, Črb ) , e.g. RuCS jara f. 'spring', Cz. jaro n. 'spring'; Pl. jar ( dial.) m., OPI. jaro 'spring, spring com', SCr. jiira f. 'great heat, mirage, spiri t', jar m. 'spring'.

ernis

erdus

LITH erdus (dial.) 'fragile, loose (earth)' ; VAR ardus 4 LATV ęrds 'spaeious, eomfortable, fluent'; VAR ards

155

See -+erdvas. Fraenkel ineorreetly provides both Latvian forms with a sustained tone.

erdvas

LITH erdvas 4 'spaeious, loose, wide' ; erdvus; VAR ardvas (OLith. , dial.) 4 LATV drdavs2 'agile, fluent, spaeious, eomfortable'; VAR ęrdavs

This adjeetive is based on a stem that was abstraeted from forms sueh as -+ardyti, cf. erdeti 'disintegrate', --+ Latv. erst 'separate'. The adjeetive --+ertas derives from the orig­inal root.

erelis

LITH erelis 2 'eagle' (the forms aras and eras (Pokorny IEW: 326) are neologisms) LATV erglis [ er, er2] 'eagle' OPR arelie [arelis] (EV) 'eagle'

BSL *or- il-o-; *er-el-io-PSL * orbl'b m. o ( b) 'eagle' SL OCS orbi'b; Ru. orei, Gsg. oria; Cz. orei; Slk. orai; orei; Pl. orzel, Gsg. orla;

USrb. worjol, Gsg. w6rla; LSrb. jerjol; jerjel; herjol ( dial.) ; herjel ( dial.); horal (areh.) ; SCr. orao; Sln. ardi, Gsg. oria; Bulg. orei

PIE *h_,er-IE Gk. opv1� m. 'bird'; Go. ara m. 'eagle'; Ok. 9rn m. 'eagle'; Olr. irar m. 'eagle' ;

Hitt. bara(n)- e. 'eagle'

The variant arelis is limited to the area where e- beeomes a- (Būga RR II: 508). Thus. all East Baltie forms seem to refleet initial *e-. Sinee this is unexpeeted, these forms may be labelled as examples of "Rozwadowski's ehange" (see --+aki!čios). It does not seem very plausible that within Slavie only the Low Sorbian forms would show the effeet of this phenomenon.

erkė

LITH erkė l 'tiek' LATV erce 'tiek' ; VAR ercis2 (Klp.)

BSL *6r?k- ; *er?k-PSL *ork'b m. o (a) 'erayfish' SL Ru. rak; Cz. rak; Slk. rak; Pl. rak; Slne. rak; SCr. rak; Čak. rak (Vrg., Orb.) ;

Sln. rak, Gsg. raka; Bulg. rak

O Pr. rakis (EV) 'erayfish' and Lith. rakis ( dial.), rakis ( dial.) 'id: must be borrowings from Slavie (pace Mažiulis PKEŽ IV: 31) .

ernis

LITH ern is 2 'wolverine'

* . er-n-1-*ernb f. i

eršketas

BSL PSL SL ORu. renb f.(i) 'hatred, malice, spite'

Young (2001: 163-164) links Lith. ernis 'wolverine' to ORu. renb 'hatred, malice, spite' and derives these words from Pokorny's root *er- 'sich in Bewegung setzen, erregen (auch seelisch argern, reizen)' (IEW 326-327) . LIV distinguishes between *h1er­'wohin gelangen, geraten' (238, 303) and *h3er- (299) 'sich in (Fort-)bewegung setzen', cf. Kilmmel 2000. Formally *ernb may only belong to the former root, which is semantically less attractive, but it should be noted that the distinction between the roots is not always clear.

eršketas

LITH eršketas 2 'sturgeon'; VAR eršketras 1 (ešketras (Bretk.) 'whale' is probably a Prussianism)

OPR esketres (EV) 'sturgeon'

BSL * esetros PSL * esetro m. o; esetra f. a (b) 'sturgeon' SL Ru. osetr m„ Gsg. osetra; oseter ( dial.) m.; ORu. jesetro m.; osetro m.; Cz.

jeseter m.; Slk. jeseter m.; Pl. jesiotr m.; OPI. jesiotr m.; jasiotr m.; USrb. jesetr ( arch.) m.; jasotr ( arch.) m.; LSrb. jesotr m.; SCr. jesetra f. ; Sln. jeset"7' m.; Bulg. esetra f.

It seems highly plausible that eršketas is cognate with -+ešerys 'perch' and that in spite of the initial *e- both etyma belong to PIE *h2ek- 'sharp', cf. Lat. acipenser 'sturgeon' <

*hzeku-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like eršketas and eršketras were probably influenced by -+eršketis 'thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development eršketas < ešketras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov PJ II: 89 ), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerys. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to start from a Baltic proto-form *eksetras.

erškėtis

LITH erškltis 2 [1/2/3•/3b] (i.e. erškėtis 1, erškėtys 3•/3b) 'thorn-bush'; VAR eršketis 2 [1/2/3•/3b] (i.e. eršketis l, eršketys 3•/3b)

LATV erš�is [er, er2] 'thorn-bush, thorn, prickle'; VAR erkšis; erkš�is

BSL *er?k$-PSL * erx'bk'b m. o SL Sln. ręšak 'sow thistle' ( *erš-bcb < *erx-iko- ?, cf. Andersen 1996: 140, Derksen

2008a: 143)

The etymological connection with Skt. anrk?ara- 'thornless (path)' - if reliable - is attractive, but the fact that the Baltic forms seem to require a laryngeal (* HerHks-) is problematic.

ėsti

ertas

LITH ertas (Žem., WP) 4 'spacious, wide'; VAR ertus (dial.) 4 LATV ęrts [ėr, er, er2] 'spacious, comfortable, fluent'

See -+erdvas.

eržilas

LITH eržilas 3b 'stallion'; VAR aržilas 3b LATV ęrzelis 'stallion'

See -+aržus.

esmi

LITH esmi (OLith.) isg. 'am' LATV ęsmu isg. 'am' OPR asmai isg. , asmu isg., asmau isg. 'am'

BSL *esmi PSL *esmb isg. 'am'

SL OCS jesmb; Cz. jsem; OPL je5m; SCr. jesam; sam.; Sln. sJm

PIE *h1 es-mi IE Skt. asmi isg. 'am'; Gk. dµ[ isg.

See -+ėsti.

esti

LITH ėsti 'is' OPR ast (l, Il, Ill), ;est (Il) , est (Il) ' is'

BSL *esti PSL * estb 3sg. 'is' SL OCS jest'b; Ru. est'; Cz. jest; je; Pl. jest; SCr. jest; je; Sln. je; Bulg. e

PIE *h1 es- ti IE Skt. asti ' is' ; Gk. ten:[ ' is'

See also: esmi

ėsti

157

LITH čsti 'eat ( of animals ) , ( dial. , OLith.) eat', 3 pres. čda, 3 pret. čdė; VAR ėsti (OLith.) , isg. pres. ėmi, 3 pres. ėsti, 3 pret. ėdė

LATV ėst 'eat', isg. pres. ędu, isg. pret. ėdu; VAR ėst, isg. pres. ęmu, isg. pret. ėdu OPR istwei (III) , lst (III) , ist (III) 'eat' , 2pl. imper. edeitte (l) , ydieti (II) , ldeiti

(III), idaiti (III) 'eat ! '

BSL *ei'sti; *ei'd-PSL * �sti v. 'eat' SL OCS jasti, isg. jamb, 3sg. jast'b; Ru. est', isg. em, 3sg. est; Cz. jisti; Slk. jesf; Pl.

ješC; Slnc. jięsc; SCr. jesti, isg. jedem; Sln. jfsti, isg. jfm

158 ešerys

PIE *h1 ed-mi etc. IE Skt. atti 'eat'; Hitt. ed-zi l ad-; Gk. e<'lµevm; Lat. edere, 1sg. edo; Go. itan

The Balto-Slavic root for 'eat' is one of the seminal examples of Winter's law. See also: ėdis; irmėdė

ešerys

LITH ešerys 3b 'perch (perca fluvialis) , fin'; VAR ašerys 3b LATV asaris 'perch (perca fluvialis) ' ; VAR aseris

BSL *ešera( PSL *esera f. a 'fishbone, awn' SL Pl. jesiory (OPI., dial.) Npl. 'fishbone'; osiory (NE. dial.) Npl. 'awn, beard (on

ears of grain ), hulls'; Slnc. jięzora 'fishbone'; Plb. jeserai 'awn, beard ( on ears of grain)'

PIE *h2ek-er-

It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah­iz- 'ear', cf. Go. ahs n., Olc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil 'Ahrenspitze', MoE ail (arch.) 'beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge-Seebold 1999: 21, Falk-Torp: 1326) . A nice parallel for the meaning 'perch' is Olc. ųgr 'bass' < *agura- <

h2ek- . Since the root is probably *h2ek- 'sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of "Rozwadowski's change" (cf. -+akečios) . Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but also in Lith. ašaka 'fishbone' and -+aš( t) rus 'sharp'.

ežeras

LITH ežeras 3 b 'lake' LATV ęzęrs 'lake'; VAR ęzars OPR assaran (EV) 'lake'

BSL *ežero PSL * ezero n.o; * ezerb m. o (e) 'lake' SL OCS jezero n.; jezerb (Zogr. , Ass.) Asg. m.; Ru. 6zero n.; Cz. jezero n.; Slk.

jazero n.; jeier (E. dial.); Pl. jezioro n.; USrb. jezer n.; SCr. jezero n., Npl. jezėra; Čak. jezero (Vrg.) n., Npl. jezerd; jezer m.; Sln. jęzer9 n.; jęzer m.; jezer f.(i) ; Bulg. ezero n.

PIE *h1 eg1'-(e)ro-IE Arm. ezr 'edge, border, bank'

In my opinion, the etymon under discussion belongs to -+ežia 'boundary(-strip )', PSL *frb 'balk, weir'. A cognate from outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr 'bank, border, limit' < *h1 (e)g1'- (see -+ežia for the semantic aspects of the etymology). Note that in view of Winter's law the short initial vowel requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar. The connection with the Greek mythological river Axtpwv is dubious. See also: ežia

ežys

ežgys

LITH ežgys (dial.) 4 'ruff'; VAR egžlys (arch.) 4; ežegys (Pruss.) 3b; ežgl 4 OPR assegis (EV) 'perch'

BSL *egž-io-; *fžg-io-

159

PSL *ėždži, m. jo; *ėždžiko m. o; *ezgarb m. o; *ėzgarb m. jo; *ėskarb m. jo 'ruff' SL Bel. jadžgar; Ukr. jazgar (dial.); Cz. ježdik; Pl. jaždž (arch.) m.Qo); jaszcz

(arch.); jazgar (dial.) ; jazgier (dial.); jazgarz; jazgierz (arch.); OPI. ježdžyk; Kash. jwžj; jwšč

It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with -+ežys 'hedgehog'. (thus Būga RR II: 217). Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins ( cf. MoHG Barsch 'perch', Borste 'bristle', as well as Lith. ešerys 'perch', which presumably derives from *h2ek- 'sharp' ). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlys would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.

ežia

LITH ežia 2 [ 2/ 4] 'boundary(-strip )' LATV eža 'boundary(-strip )' OPR asy (EV) 'boundary(-strip)'

BSL *ei-i?!ja?- ; *ei-(j)o-; ei-o-PSL *ėz11 m. o; *ėži, m. jo; *ėža f. a; *ez11 m. o 'weir' SL RuCS ez11 m., (j)ez11 m. 'fish weir'; Ru. iž (dial.) m.( jo) 'fishing tackle made

of willow-twigs or a net'; ez m. 'fish weir' ; ORu. ėz11 m. 'fish weir'; (j)ez11 m. 'fish weir'; Bel. jaz m. 'fishing tackle; ez ( dial.) m. 'fish weir' ; Ukr. jiz m. 'fish weir'; jaz m. 'fish weir'; Cz. jez m. 'mill-pond, dam, weir, dike'; Pl. jaz m. 'mill-pond, fish weir'; SCr. jaz m. 'drain (at a dam or weir), mill-pond, dike'; jez m. 'mill-pond, dam, weir' ; jaž (dial.) m.(jo) 'canal'; jaža (dial.) f. (ja) 'brook streaming from a spring'; Sln. jęz m. 'dike, dam, weir', Gsg. jęza, Gsg. jęzu; jęža f.(ja) 'dike, dam, weir, mill-pond'; Bulg. jaz m. 'dam, weir, dike'

Meanings such as 'mill-pond', 'drain, canal' and 'brook' form a semantic link between *jež-ljež- 'dam, weir' and -+ežeras, PSl. *ezero 'lake', cf. MoE dike 'thick bank or wall built to control water' vs. MoHG Teich 'pond'. The original meaning in Balto-Slavic is best covered by the word balk, meaning both 'boundary-strip, dividing ridge', 'wooden beam' and ( dial.) 'fishing-weir'. Arm. ezr, which basically means 'edge', agrees semantically very well with the Balto-Slavic etymon under discussion. We may reconstruct *h1 ef'-i(e)hr, *h1 ef'-(i)o-, with an obscure lengthened grade, alongside *h1ef'-o-.

ežys

LITH ežys 4 [2/ 4] 'hedgehog'; VAR ėžys 4 LATV ezis 'hedgehog'

i6o gabana

BSL *ežios PSL * ežb m. jo 'hedgehog' SL Ru. čž, Gsg. ežd; ož ( dial.); ORu. eŽb; oŽb; Ukr. již ( dial.) ; ož ( dial.); Cz. jež

( dial.); Slk. jež; Pl. jež; USrb. jež; SCr. jež, Gsg. ježa; jež, Gsg. ježa; Čak. jež (Vrg.) 'sea-urchin, kind of plant', Gsg. ježa; ieš (Orb.) 'hedgehog, sea-urchin', Gsg. ieža; Sln. jęž 'hedgehog, jimsonweed (datura stramonium), prickly husk'; Bulg. ež

PIE *h1 eg"- io-IE Gk. txivo<; m. 'hedgehog'; OHG igil, igil m.; OE igel, igel m. 'hedgehog'; Arm.

ozni 'hedgehog' See also: ežgys

G

gabana

LITH giibana ( dial.) i [1/3b) 'armful ( of hay)' LATV gabana 'armful ( of hay), haycock'; VAR gabane 'sheaf'; gabair;ia 'armful, heap'

See -+gobti.

gabus

LITH gabus 4 'gifted, clever, skilful, ( dial.) greedy'

See -+gobti.

gadinti

LITH gadinti 'spoil, corrupt, (OLith.) kili, execute', 3 pres. gadina, 3 pret. gadino OPR pagadint 'spoil'

This verb is a causative to --+gėsti.

gaidra

LITH gaidra (Jušk.) 4 'clear'

See -+giedra.

gaidrus

LITH gaidrus 4 'clear'

See --+giedras.

gaidys

LITH gaidjis 4 'cock, rooster' LATV gailis 'cock, rooster'

See --+giedoti.

gaisus

gailėti

LITH gailiiti 'pity, grudge', 3 pres. gaili, 3 pret. gailejo LATV gailet [ai, ai, ai2, ai2] 'shine, glow', 1sg. pres. gailu, gaileju, 1sg. pret. gafleju

161

The meaning of the Latvian verb may be older (-+gailus, where the eymology is discussed) , cf. also gailuot(ies ) 'glow, shine', gailinet2 'glow, flame'. A falling tone is attested in the noun gaile 'shine, glow'.

gailus

LITH gailus 4 [ 1/ 4] 'sharp, bitter, cold, lamentable, cold, angry'; VAR gailas 4 'sharp, angry'

LATV gails 'voluptuous, slender, without branches, [ai2] glowing' OPR gaylis (EV) 'white'

BSL *goilos PSL *dzel'b adj . o 'vehement' ; *dzelo adv. 'very' SL OCS dzel'b; dzelo; Ru. zel6 (arch.) ; OCz. zielo; Sln. zel6

PIE *ghoi-lo-? IE OHG geil 'reckless, frolic, strong'

Mažiulis (PKEŽ IV: 312-316) starts from a meaning 'shining brightly, blazing', cf. Latv. gailet (--+gaileti), gailubt(ies ) 'shine, glow' and gails 'glowing' (Lettg.) .

gaisas

LITH gaisas 4 [1/4] 'glow, light, atmosphere' LATV gaiss [ai, ai2] 'air, atmosphere, sky'

The connection with Gk. <j>moc; 'grey, dark grey, blackish' is highly uncertain. Beekes (2010: 1547) regards the etymology of the Greek form as basically unknown, but seems willing to consider the reconstruction *gwheh2 i-so- with a view to gaisas. In an earlier publication (1996: 222- 223) l preferred *gwhh2ei-so-, but in the end considered it more likely that the Greek and the Baltic forms are not cognates. l am now inclined to accept the traditional hypothesis that gaisas continues *gaid-sas (thus Fraenkel) and identify the root with gied- in -+giedras. If we reconstruct *gwhh2eid-, the tonal difference between gal- and gied- ( < *gaid-) can be attributed to the fact that before s or the glottalized stop was lost or, perhaps more neatly formulated, that before *s Winter's law was blocked ( cf. Dybo 2002: 432, 486, 497) .

See also: gaisras; gaisus

gaisras

LITH gaisras 4 [ 1/4] 'big fire, glow'; VAR galzdras 4 'glow'

See -+gaisas

gaisus

LITH gaisus 4 'clear, fine (weather)' LATV gaišs [ai, ai2] 'clear, bright'; VAR gaiss2

See -+gaisas

gajus

LITH gajus 4 'vigorous'

BSL *gaj-a-PSL *gojv m. jo ( c)

gajus

SL ORu. gai 'peace, friendship'; OCz. haj 'abundance'; Slk. haj (poet.) 'abundance'; SCr. goj 'peace', Gsg. goja; Sln. goj m.(jo) 'care, cultivation', Gsg. g6ja; g9ja f.( ja) 'care, cultivation'

PIE *gwh3e/ai-a- ? IE Skt. gaya- m. 'house, household, family, property'

The Lithuanian u-stem may well be secondary. For the root see -+gyvas.

galas

LITH galas 4 'end, butt, tip, finish, distance, death' LATV gals 'end, tip, top, room, misery, death' OPR galis (EV) 'death'; Asg. gallan (III)

Stang (1972: 71) is sceptical about the connection between OPr. gallan 'death' and ---+OPr. gulsennin 'pain', which is clearly cognate with Lith. -+gelti 'sting', but cf. OE cwelan 'die', cwellan 'kill' vs. Ok. kvelia 'torment'.

galėti

LITH galeti 'be able', 3 pres. giili, 3 pret. gali!ja LATV galet 'finish, master', lsg. pres. galeju

This etymon must be cognate with W gallu 'be able'. The root is best reconstructed als *gal(H)- with "European" a. In Slavic, there is an adjective *galem'b 'big', e.g. Ru. galjamyj 'tall and thin', OCz. halemf 'big', SCr. golem 'big, huge', which contains the same root.

galva

LITH galva 3 'head' LATV gaiva 'head' OPR galwa (EV); gallū (III) 'head'

BSL *galrwar PSL *galva f. a (c) 'head' SL OCS glava 'head, chapter'; Ru. galova, Asg. g6lovu; Cz. hlava; Pl. glowa;

USrb. hlowa; SCr. glava, Asg. gliivu; Čak. gliivil (Orb.), Asg. gliiva; Sln. glava; Bulg. glava

PIE *galH-uehr

An etymological connection with Lat. calva 'skull' is formally impossible. Never­theless, it is tempting to seek a link with these forms, as the same irregular *k : *g

ganėti

correspondence is observed in words for 'bald', where we have Lat. calvus 'bald' and Skt. kulva- 'bald, thin-haired' vs. OCS galo, OHG kala 'bald'.

gamalas

LITH gamalas (dial.) 3b 'lump, chunk'; VAR gamulas 3b

BSL *gomolos; *gomulos PSL *gomola f. a; *gomofa f. ja; *gomula f. a 'lump' SL RuCS gomola; RuCS gomula; ORu. gomola; gomula; Cz. homole 'cone' ; Pl.

gom6la 'lump'; SCr. gomolja 'pile (of cheese)' ; Sln. gom6la 'barren ground, waste ground'

Etymology unknown.

gamas

LITH gamas 'nature, character, birthmark, article' (no accentual paradigm in the LKŽe)

A derivative of -+gimti.

gaminti

LITH gaminti 'manufacture, produce, prepare (food)', 3 pres. gamina, 3 pret. gamino

This verb is a causative to -+gimti.

gana

LITH gana 'enough, rather, fairly' ; VAR gan LATV gana 'enough, rather, fairly'; VAR gan

The root may be *gwhon- (-+ginti I) , cf. Skt. ahanas- 'thriving, full' < *gwhen-es-. Gk. EU8Ev�c; 'in abundance' may not belong here (Beekes 2010: 479 ) .

g anas

LITH ganas ( dial.) 4 'herdsman' LATV gans 'herdsman'

This is an agent noun based on the root of -+ganyti 'graze, pasture' and ginti 'drive' (-+ginti I) . Smoczynski notes that PSL *gon'b is an action noun. A direct comparison with Skt. ghana- m. 'destroyer, cudgel' (IEW: 492) does not seem particularly useful.

ganėti

LITH ganeti 'suffice', 3 pres. ganeja, 3 pret. ganejo

BSL *gond-PSL *goneti v. 'suffice' SL OCS goneti, isg. gonej9; RuCS goneti

See -+gana.

ganyti

ganyti

LITH ganyti 'graze, pasture', 3 pres. giina, 3 pret. giinė LATV ganit 'herd, graze, pasture', isg. pres. ganu, isg. pret. ganiju

BSL *gan-ei/i-PSL *ganiti v. (b) chase, persecute' SL OCS ganiti, isg. ganj9; Ru. gani t' ( dial.) 'persecute'; Cz. haniti; Slk. hanif; Pl.

ganic; SCr. goniti, isg. gon im; Čak. ganl'ti (Vrg.) , 2sg. goniš; Sln. g6niti 'drive repeatedly', isg. gpnim; Bulg. g6nja

PIE *gwhan-IE Skt. hanti 'strike, slay'; Gk. 8elvw 'kill'

See -+ginti L

garas

LITH . giiras 4 'steani, vapour' LATV gars 'steam, vapour, spirit, soul, smell'

A derivative of --+gareti. Cf. also OPr. garo (EV) 'fire-place'. An m-suffix occurs in --+ Latv. garme 'warmth', O Pr. garme 'heat'.

garbė

LITH garbe 4 [3/4] 'honour' LATV garbe (Latg.) 'cautious treatment'

See -+gerbti.

gardas

LITH gardas 4 [2/4] 'fence, enclosure, stall' (according to Illič-Svityč (1963: 118), AP 2 occurs in Daukša (once) and in Dovilai (Zem.))

LATV giirds [iir, ar2] 'pen (for pigs)' ; VAR giirda [iir, ar2]

BSL *gardas PSL *gardo m. o (e) 'fortification, town' SL OCS grado 'wall, town, city, garden'; Ru. g6rod 'town, city', Gsg. g6roda; Bel.

h6rad 'town, city', Gsg. h6rada; Ukr. h6rad 'town, city', Gsg. h6roda; Cz. hrad 'fortress, castle'; Slk. hrad 'castle'; Pl. gr6d 'fortress, castle, (arch.) city', Gsg. grodu; USrb. hr6d 'castle', Gsg. hrodu, Gsg. hroda; SCr. griid 'city, fortress, castle', Gsg. griida; Čak. grcid (Vrg.) 'city', Gsg. grdda; Sln. griid 'city, fortress, castle', Gsg. grdda, Gsg. gradu; Bulg. grad 'city, fortress'

PIE *ghardh-a-IE Skt. grha- ( <grdha-) m. 'house, residence' ; Go. gards m. 'house'

The *gh may originate from a depalatalization in a zero grade *g1'rdh-. Note, however, that in Derksen 2008a (548) I rejected the etymological connection with Ru. zor6d 'hay-stack, enclosure for a hay-stack' (-+žardas) for accentual reasons. According to

gaubti

EH (l 383-384) , the form gards (with short a), if correct, must be a borrowing from Lithuanian, but cf. garda2 (Dunika ) .

garėti

LITH garčti 'evaporate, breathe out', 3 pres. giiri, 3 pret. gareja; garčti, 3 pres. gareja, 3 pret. garčja

LATV gareties 'zu Ende brennen (voru Ofen)' (usually with the prefix iz-)

BSL *gar-ei/i-PSL *gareti v. 'burn' SL OCS garėti, 1sg. garjp, 2sg. gariši; Ru. garet', 1sg. garju, 3sg. garit; Cz. hareti;

Slk. hariet'; Pl. garzee; SCr. gorjeti, 1sg. garim; Sln. garęti, 1sg. garim; Bulg. garja

PIE *gwhar-IE Skt. ghp;a- m. 'heat, glow'; Gk. 0epµ6i; 'warm'

The a-grade originates from the perfect.

See also: garas, Latv. garme

gargždas

LITH gargždas 2 'gravel' LATV gargzda 'grey, gravelly earth'

The second velar in this etymon is intrusive. We are dealing with the a-grade of the forms mentioned s.v. -+žvirgždas.

garnys

LITH garnys 4 [3/4] 'heron, (dial.) stork' LATV giirnis [iir, ar] 'heron, stork' ; VAR kiirnis 'heron'

The acute root of this etymon may be identical with the root of -+gervė. The other option is to derive garnys from *gwerhr 'devour', cf. -+gerti 'drink' (see also -+gersė) . Urbutis (1981: 18 fn.) mentions in this connection pragarnas (E. Lith.) 'voracious', garnyti 'gobble, devour', and Latv. garnis (Salis) 'glutton'. For information on the attestations of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian forms, see Urbutis 1966: 171ff. =

1981: 17-20.

garsas

LITH garsas 4 'sound, rumour, glory'

This noun may contain a root gard- ( -+girdeti) .

gaubti

LITH gaūbti 'cover, bend', 3 pres. gaūbia, 3 pret. gaūbė

See -+gubti.

166

gauja

LITH gauja 4 'pack, band' LATV gauja 'a lot of, multitude'

gauja

The root of this noon is often identified with the root of -gauti 'receive: The acute may have been preserved in the Latvian river-name Gaūja. In a letter to Endzelins from 1911, Būga (RR III: 852) considers the possibility that Gaūja is cognate with the word for 'cow' (-Latv. gitovs). This is not necessarily in conflict with the etymology mentioned above (see also -guotas). It should be mentioned that in a later publi­cation (RR III: 524) Būga claims that Gaūja has a Finnic origin, cf. Fi. koivu, Liv. kow 'birch'.

gausti

LITH gaūsti 'make a sound, hum', 3 pres. gaūdžia, 3 pret. gaūdė LATV gaūst ( aū, au] 'wail, lament', lsg. pres. gaūžu, lSg. pret. gaūdu

PSL *g9sti v. SL CS gpsti 'play an instrument', lsg. gpd9; Ru. gust' ( dial.) 'howl, weep, sing'; Rli.

gusti (dial.) 'hum, make a sound, howl, weep, sing'; Ukr. husti (dial.) 'hum'; Cz. housti (arch.) 'play (the violin)'; Slk. hust' 'play an instrument, chatter incessantly'; Pl. gqsc ( arch.) 'play, jingle, strum'; SCr. gUSti ( arch.) 'play, hum'; Sln. g9sti 'play the violin, grumble'

The discrepancy between Baltic and Slavic is reminiscent of the *p : *u variation that is often encountered within Slavic.

gausus

LITH gausus 4 [1/4] 'abundant, copious' LATV gaūss [aū, au2] 'slow'; VAR gaūšs

For the etymology of the root, see -gauti.

gauti

LITH gauti 'receive, obtain', 3 pres. gauna, 3 pret. gavo LATV gaut [au2] 'catch, try to obtain, receive', lsg. pres. gaunu, gauju, lsg. pret.

gavu, gavu OPR pogaūt 'receive'

The root gau- may be an enlargement in * -u- of the root *gwehr that is found in Gk. poaxw 'herd, feed, (med.) feed oneself' (see also -guotas and -Latv. guovs). In Latvian, an acute is found in the zero grade gūt 'grab, obtain, receive'.

gebėti

LITH gebeti 'be able, be capable', 3 pres. geba, 3 pret. gebi!jo

See -gobti.

gėla

gebsnus

LITH gebsnus 'gifted'; VAR gėbsnus 'gifted'; gebšnus 4 'diligent, active'

PIE *ghebh-IE Olr. gaibid 'take, seize'; Go. giban 'give'

Fraenkel's gebus 'flei6ig, begabt, fahig, tauglich' does not occur in the LKŽe.

See also: gabana; gabenti; gabus; gebeti; gobus

gėda

LITH geda l [ 1/3] 'shame, disgrace' OPR gidan Asg. 'shame, disgrace'

PSL *gad1' m. o (a) SL OCS gad1' 'reptile, snake'; Ru. gad 'reptile, amphibian, vermin'; Cz. had

'reptile, snake'; Pl. gad 'reptile, scoundrel, (arch.) insects, livestock, poultry'; SCr. gad ' loathing, nausea'; Sln. gad 'adder'

The comparative evidence points to a root *gweh1dh-, cf. MoDu. kwaad 'angry, evil'.

gedėti

LITH gedeti 'mourn', 3 pres. gedi, 3 pret. gedejo; VAR gedeti, 3 pres. gedžia, 3 pret. gedejo

See -+pasigesti.

geisti

LITH geisti 'long for, desire', 3 pres. geidžia, 3 pret. geidė OPR geide, gieidi 3Pl. 'wait'

BSL *geid-; *gid-PSL *Žbdati v. (e) 'wait, await' SL OCS Žbdati, ISg. Žbdp; Žbdati, isg. žid9; Ru. ždat', ISg. ždu, 3sg. ždet; OCz.

ždati, ISg. ždu; Sln. ždęti, ISg. ždim

PIE *gheidh-IE OHG git m. 'greed, desire'

In Latvian, we find gaidit 'wait', ISg. gaidu, with o-grade.

gėla

LITH gėla 4 'acute pain'

BSL *gef(()-PSL *žalb f. i 'grief, regret, pity' SL OCS žalb (Zogr.) 'tomb'; Ru. žal"pity'; Cz. žal 'grief, pain' ; Slk. žial"grief'; Pl.

žal 'grief' ; SCr. žno 'grief, pain' m.( o) ; Sln. žal 'grief, pain' f.(i)

PIE *gwefH-IE OHG quala f. 'violent death'; OS quala f. 'pain, torture'

168 gėlas

The evidence points to an original root noun (cf. Kortlandt 1985b: 117) . For the etymology of the root, see -+gelti. See also: galas; gelti; gilti; giltin�; gilus

gėlas

LITH gllas 4 [1/4] 'fresh (water), unsalted, unfermented'; VAR gėlus 4 'id., sore, unpleasant'; jėlas 'abrased, sore, without skin'

LATV jęls 'abrased, sore, raw, fresh, unripe, weak'

The Lithuanian forms are sometimes regarded as borrowings from Latvian (e.g. Būga RR II: 690 ), which is not evidently correct. For gėlas alongside jėlas, we may compare ji!ras 'lamb' alongside geras (-+eras) . Latv. jęls is often connected with Ru. jalovyj, SCr. jalov 'barren' and Ru. jalaja ( dial.) 'young cow, heifer', Sln. jiil 'barren' (the variant without the suffix *-oVb is rare), which cannot be separated from -+Latv. alava 'barren cow'. As argued under alava, which is unlikely to be a borrowing, the j­of jęls cannot be reconciled with the Latvian and Slavic words meaning 'barren'. In my view, the etymology is also not very convincing from a semantic point of view. According to Endzelins (ME II: 113), the connection is possible if we assume an

original meaning 'unripe' for jęls. Its seems to me that this meaning is secondary, however, and that we must start from 'raw'. Kroonen has recently (2013: 268) suggested that jęls and Ru. jalovyj, which he derives from *ieh1 -l-, are cognate with PGmc. *idala- 'void, idle, futile' < *ihrtlo-, e.g. OE idel, OHG ital. Semantically, this etymology is attractive for PSl. *aloVb and Latv. alava, but even if we posit *iohrl-, the *i- poses a problem. For jęls the semantics are unconvincing.

gelbėti

LITH gelbėti 'help', 3 pres. gelbėja, 3 pret. gelbėjo; gelbėti, 3 pres. geibi, 3 pret. gelbėjo; gelbėti, 3 pres. gelbsti, 3 pret. gelbėjo; VAR gelbėti, 3 pres. geibti, 3 pret. gelbėjo; gelbėti, 3 pres. geiba, 3 pret. gelbėjo

LATV gelbet 'help, heal, save, protect', lsg. pres. gelbeju; VAR geibt [ez2] , lsg. pres. gelbju, lsg. pret. geibu

OPR galbimai lpl. 'help'

The connection with šeŽpti 'help' and Go. hilpan, Ok. hjalpa 'id:, etc., is unclear. See also: gubti

geležis

LITH geležis f.(i) 3b 'iron'; VAR gelžis (Zem.) f.(i) LATV dzelzs f.(i) 'iron'; VAR dzelzs m.(i); dzęlzs m.(o) [ęl, ęf2] ; dzelzis [ęl, ęz2, ęf2] ;

dzelze; dzelezs (E. Latv.) f.(i) OPR gelso (EV) 'iron'

BSL *gel( e )ž-; *gelež-PSL *želJzo n.o (a) 'iron'

geltas

SL OCS želėzo; Ru. želėzo; zelėzo ( dial.) ; zjalėzo ( dial.) ; Bel. zelėzo; zalėzo; Ukr. zalizo; želizo; Cz. železo; Slk. železo; Pl. želazo; SCr. željezo; Čak. železo (Orb.) ; Sln. želljz9; Bulg. željazo

geležuonys

LITH geležuonys Npl. f.(n) 1 'submaxillary gland, strangles (adenitis equorum)'; VAR gelež{mys Npl. f. (n) 1; geležuonės Npl. 1; gelež{mės Npl. 1

BSL *gelž-PSL *želza f. a (b?) 'gland' SL CS žlėza f. (a) 'gland'; Ru. železa 'gland', Npl. žėlezy; žėlezo n. ( o) 'tumour

(neck, throat, groin)' ; zėlezy (dial.) Npl. f.(a) 'glands'; zoloza (dial.) 'gland, tumour on the neck' ; zol6za 'gland'; Bel. zal6za 'gland'; Ukr. zaloza 'gland'; Cz. žlaza; OCz. žlėza; žlaza; Slk. žl'aza; Pl. zolzy Npl. 'scrofula, strangles (adenitis equorum)'; USrb. žalza 'gland, (pl.) , glandular disease'; LSrb. zalza 'gland, (pl.) , glandular disease' ; žalza 'gland, (pl.) , glandular disease' ; SCr. žlijezda; Sln. žlljza; Bulg. žleza

PIE *ghlgh-eh2-IE Arm. geljk ' 'glands'

gelmė

LITH gelme 4 'deep spot, deep, depth' LATV dzef me [e[, el, e[2] 'deep spot, deep, cavity, deep pit'

See -+gilus L

geltas

LITH geltas 4 'yellow' LATV dzęlts (BW) 'yellow'; VAR dzęltns

BSL *gil?tos PSL *žblta adj . o 'yellow' SL Ru. želtyj; želt, f. želta, n. želto, n. želto; Cz. žluty; Slk. žlty; Pl. ž6lty; SCr. žut,

f. žuta; Čak. žut (Vrg., Hvar, Orb.) , f. žūta, n. žuto; Sln. žalt, f. ž6lta; Bulg. žalt

PIE *ghelh_, -IE Skt. hari- 'fallow, yellowish, greenish' ; Gk. x\wp6� 'pale green, greenish

yellow'; Lat. helvus 'yellowish'; OHG gelo 'yellow'

The depalatalized velar must originate from forms with a zero grade, where the palatovelar was originally followed by a syllabic resonant, cf. PSl. *žblta < *gil?- vs. *zelen'b 'green' < geU-. This suggests that the Baltic e-grade in this adjective is secondary ( cf. Kortlandt 1978a: 240 ). The regular reflex before a full grade vowel is, for instance, found in -+L atv. Zf lts 'gold'.

See also: geltonas; žalas; žalias; želtas; želti; želvas; žilas; žole

170 gelti

gelti

LITH gelti 'ache, sting, bite', 3 pres. gelia, 3 pret. gė1ė LATV dzelt [ef, el] 'sting, bite', 1sg. pres. dze/u, 1sg. pret. dzelu

PIE *gwelH-IE OHG quelan 'be in pain'; OE cwelan 'die' See also: galas; gėla; gilti; giltin�; gilus II; OPr. gulsennin

geltonas

LITH geltonas 1/3 'yellow' LATV dzęltiins 'yellow'; VAR dzęftęns [ęf, ęf2] ; dzęltęns [ęf2] ; dzęftans; dzęltains OPR gelatynan (EV) 'yellow'

In view of the Latvian variant dzęltains, the form from the Elbing Vocabulary must be emended to geltaynan. For the etymology, see -+geltas. Note that Latvian offers evidence for the original acute tone of the root.

gelumbė

LITH gelumbl 3b 'woolen cloth, wick' LATV gelumbe 'fine cloth'

Latv. gelumbe is a borrowing from Lithuanian. The meaning of the Lithuanian noun is sometimes given as 'blue cloth' (thus, regrettably, Derksen 2008a: 175), but this seems to be done with a view to the generally assumed connection with PSl. *gol9b'b(jb ), e.g. Ru. golub6j 'pale blue', OPl. golęby 'greyish, ashy, blue-grey, dove­coloured (of horses)', and OPr. golimban (EV) 'blue' (cf. Toporov PJ II: 274). The fourth edition of Sirvydas's dictionary has gelumbė mėlyna, but in the first edition we find gelumbė raudona <gelumbe raudana> 'karmazyn' (Pakalka 1997: 129 ), which suggests that gelumbė is neutral with respect to colour. Whether OPr. golimban is a borrowing from Polish, as has been argued by many, is doubtful, by the way, the vocalism - im- being unexpected at such an early stage (cf. Toporov o.e.: 273-274).

If gelumbe is cognate with PSl. *gol9b'b(jb ) , it is also cognate with PSl. *gol9bb 'dove', eg. Ru. g6lub', which in spite of the irregular correspondence can hardly be separated from Lat. columba. A substratum origin seems likely.

genėti

LITH geneti 'prune, hem', 3 pres. geni, 3 pret. genejo; geneti 'id.', 3 pres. geneja, 3 pret. geni!jo

LATV dzenet 'prune', 1sg. pres. dzeneju

BSL *genr-; *gin r-PSL *žęti v. (a) 'reap, mow' SL OCS žęti, 1sg. Žbnj9; Ru. žat', 1sg. žnu, 3sg. žnet; Cz. žfti, 1sg. žnu; Slk. žaf, 1sg.

žnem; Pl. žqc, 1sg. žnę; SCr. žeti, 1sg. žanjem; Sln. žęti, 1sg. žanjem; Bulg. ždna

IE Nw. gana ( dial.) 'prune'

gerdas 171

The Baltic forms are usually assigned to PIE *gwhen- 'strike'. LIV (215) suggests that PSI. *žęti goes back to a nasal present of *gwjehr 'live', but I prefer to seek a connection with Lith. geneti in spite of the fact that the acute root does not match PIE *gwhen-. I assume that this problem must be addressed in connection with ginti (-+ginti II).

genys

LITH genys 4 'woodpecker' LATV dzenis 'woodpecker' OPR genix (EV) 'woodpecker'; aytegenis (EV) 'small woodpecker'

This bird-name must contain the root of -+genčti.

gentis

LITH gentis f. (i) 4 'tribe, kin, genus, relative (by blood or marriage), friend' (there seem to be traces of AP l in DP, cf. Skardžius 1935 : 117, Kudzinowski 1977: I 220-221, Smoczynski 2007: 169)

PIE *g(e)nhrti-IE Lat. gens f. 'clan, tribe, nation', Gsg. gentis; natio f. 'origin, tribe'; Olc. kind f.

'kind, race'

The depalatalization of the initial consonant, cf. -+žentas, seems to originate from a zero grade *gnhr (Kortlandt 1978a: 241), but the evidence suggests that palatovelars were not depalatalized before syllabic nasal resonants (Kortlandt 2013b: 13) . The *g may have been adopted from the root *gnehrl*genhr 'know', where depalatalization was regular in forms with a full grade *gne!ohr. Apparently the roots were to a certain extent confused (Kortlandt: l.e.) . The PIE noun may have exhibited ablaut, but *genhrti- alongside *gnhrti- is also possible ( cf. De Vaan 2008: 258) .

geras

LITH geras 4 'good'

See -+girti. According to Smoczynski ( 2007: 170 ), it is equally plausible that geras belongs to PIE *gwher- 'warm' (-+garčti).

gerbti

LITH gerbti 'honour, respect', 3 pres. gerbia, 3 pret. gerbė OPR gerbt 'speak'

PIE *gwerbh-

Cf. *gwr-H- in -+girti 'praise'.

See also: garbe

gerdas

LITH gerdas (OLith.) 'rumour, prank, messenger'

See -+girdčti.

gerklė

LITH gerkll 3 [3/4] 'throat, larynx'

BSL *gerrtl6 PSL *žerdlo n. o (b) 'mouth, gorge'

gerklė

SL Ru. žerel6 (dial.) 'mouth, orifice'; ORu. žerelo 'throat, mouth, orifice'; Cz. žfidlo 'source'; Slk. žriedlo 'source'; Pl. žr6dlo 'source'; SCr. ždrijelo 'ravine, gorge'; Sln. žrlfl9 'gorge, abyss, hole'; Bulg. žrel6 'gorge, source'

The e-grade of the Balto-Slavic form, which formally derives from *gwerhrtl6m must be an innovation. The expected zero grade is attested in -+gurklys. For the etymology of the root, see -+gerti.

geršė

LITH geršė (E. Pruss.) 1 'heron, (Ruh., MZ) crane'

The root ger- of this bird name may be identical with the root of -+gervė. As in the case of -+garnys, however, there is an alternative solution involving the root *gwerhr 'devour'. Būga (RR Il: 683) directly compares geršė with Ru. žerex or žerexa 'rapacious carp (Aspius rapax)', which he derives from < *gwer-s-. The fact that this root is now commonly reconstructed as *gwerhr 'devour' only strengthens Būga's etymology.

gerti

LITH gerti 'drink', 3 pres. geria, 3 pret. gi!rė LATV dzeft [ef, er, er] 'drink' (inf. dzert vs. 1sg. pret. dzeru2 in Salis, cf. Endzelins

1922a: 26), 1sg. pres. dzeru, 1sg. pret. dzeru

BSL *ger(-PSL *žerti v. (e) 'devour, eat ( of animals)' SL OCS požreti 'swallow', 1sg. požbr9; Ru. žrat' 'eat ( of animals ) , gobble', 1sg. žru,

3sg. žret; ORu. Žbrati, 1sg. žbru; OCz. žrieti 'eat ( of animals), gobble', 1sg. žru; Pl. žree 'eat greedily', 1sg. žrę; Sln. žrlfti 'eat ( of animals ), gobble', 1sg. žrem

IE Skt. girati 'devour'; Gk. �1�pwcrKw 'eat, digest'; Lat. vorare 'devour, eat greedily'

PIE *gwerhr See also: gerkle; girtas; gurklys; pragaras

gervė

LITH gervė 1 [1/4] 'crane' LATV dzerve [er, h2] 'crane, (kuoka dz.) stork'

BSL *gerr(o)u-PSL *žeravb m. jo 'crane' SL Ru. žuravl'; ORu. žeravlb; Ukr. žuravel'; OCz. žerav; žerab; Slk. žeriav; Pl.

žuraw; SCr. žerav; Sln. žerjav; Bulg. žerav

PIE *gerh2( o)u-

gęšė

IE Gk. ytpavoc; m. 'crane' ; Lat. grūs f.; OHG kranuh m.

173

Kortlandt (1985b: 120) reconstructs *gerhrou, Gsg. grhru-os The Balto-Slavic *g (instead of *ž) must originate from case forms with zero grade of the root.

See also: garnys; geršė; gęšė

gesyti

LITH gesyti 'put out, extinguish' ; VAR gesinti LATV dzesit (Warkl.) 'cool, extinguish'; VAR dzesinat; dzeset, lsg. pres. dzeseju

PSL *gasiti v. (b/c) 'extinguish' SL OCS ugasiti, lsg. ugaš9; Ru. gasit', lsg. gašu, 3sg. geisit (AP (e) in Old

Russian); Cz. hasiti; Pl. gasic; SCr. gasiti, lsg. giišim; Sln. gasiti, lsg. gasim

IE Skt. jasayati 'extinguish, exhaust' ; Gk. optvvūµ1 'extinguish'

Causative formation to -+gesti 11. The expected o-grade gas- does not occur in Baltic, while Slavic has lengthened o-grade of the root.

gesti l

LITH gesti 'deteriorate, decay, rot', 3 pres. genda, 3 pret. gedo

In Pokorny's dictionary, gesti 'deteriorate, decay' and its causative --+gadinti 'spoil' are found under *g"'edh- 'stoBen, verletzen, storen' ( 466-467) as well as *gwhedh- 'bitten, begehren' (488), cf. Lith. --+gedeti 'mourn' and --+pasigesti 'miss'. The latter etymology seems highly implausible to me for semantic reasons. Pokorny's root *gwedh- , on the other hand, unites a number of words whose etymological connection is anything but clear, viz. Skt. gandhci- 'smell, scent' ( cf. Mayrhofer EWAia l: 461-462), Gk. 8tvvoc; 'reproach', MHG quetschen 'hit, push, squash'. According to Mažiulis (PKEŽ l : 361-362), OPr. pagadint and Lith. gadinti are cognate with OPr. gidan, Lith. --+geda 'shame'. He reconstructs a root *gwedh-, which may be a "baltų-slavų-germanų izoleksa''. l agree with Mažiulis that the connection between pagadint and MHG quetschen is more convincing than the connection with the Sanskrit and the Greek forms, but l cannot accept bis view that gesti is cognate with geda.

gesti 11

LITH gesti 'be extinguished, go out', 3 pres. gęsta, 3 pret. geso LATV dzest [e, e2, e] 'extinguish, put out', lsg. pres. dzešu, dzešu, lsg. pret. dzesu,

dzesu; VAR dzest

IE Skt. jasate 'be exhausted'; Gk. optvvūµ1 'extinguish'

The root is PIE *(s )gwes-.

See also: gesy-ti

gęšė

LITH gĮ?šė l 'grey heron'; VAR gėnšė 1; gf?žė (Žem.) 1; gėnžė (Žem.) 1

174 giedoti

The form Gemfchę in Bretke's bible translation was misread as Gerufche by Bezzenberger, which form subsequently began to appear in the scholarly literature (Urbutis 1981: 20 ). The variants genšė and genžė should have been to transposed gęsė and gęžė, respectively, in the LKŽ (Vitkauskas 2006: 90 ) , and do not have indepen­dent significance.

This bird name resembles several other Baltic bird names, but the relationship is unclear. OPr. geeyse (EV) 'heron' was emended to geerse, cf. -+geršė, by Trautmann (1923: 336), but to geense by Būga (RR I: 306). I prefer to interpret eey as /e/ and connect the word with -+Latv. dzese and -+Latv. dzesnis 'black stork, heron'. Never­theless, OPr. geeyse and Lith. gęšė may be identified if the nasal of the latter is secondary.

giedoti

LITH giedoti 'sing', 3 pres. gieda, 3 pret. giedojo LATV dziedat 'sing', lsg. pres. dziėdu, lsg. pret. dziėdaju

BSL *ga(i-PSL *gajati v. (a?) SL Ru. gtijat' ( dial.) 'yawn, talk, scream, curse'; ORu. gajati 'caw, croak'

PIE *twleHi-IE Skt. gayati 'sing'

In Lithuanian, we find many alternative present formations in Lithuanian, e.g. OLith. giemi (SD). The fact that in Latvian dialects the verb occurs with an i-present (1sg. dziėžu, l pl. dziėdim) is generally regarded as an indication that the athematic present is old ( cf. Stang 1966: 323). In Baltic, the root *twleHi- apparently received an enlargement * -d(h)_ . See also: gaidys; giesmė

giedra

LITH giedra 4 [ 1/2/ 4] 'fine weather, sunny weather' LATV dziedre2 'clear sky'; VAR dzidre

See -+giedras. The variant giedra is attested in Salantai.

giedras

LITH giedras 4 [1/4] 'clear'; VAR giedrus 4 LATV dziedrs 'azure, [ ie2] cool'; VAR dzldrs 'clear'; dzidrs 'clear'

PIE *gwhh2eid-ro-IE Gk. <j>m<')p6c; 'bright, clear, cheerful'

According to Būga (RR II: 421), giedras occurs in Salantai. The LKŽe has only AP 4. The Latvian variant dzidrs results from shorting before a consonant cluster (Derksen 2007: 44) . Beekes (2010: 1544) reconstructs a root *gwheh2id- for <j>a[<')1µoc; 'shining, noble' and <j>m<')p6c;. I prefer a root *gwhh2eid- because this reconstruction, where the acute tone originates from Winter's law rather than from a laryngeal, enables us to

gilna 175

account for the fact that *gaid- seems to be an originally acute root, whereas *gai- is circumflex (--+gaisas).

See also: gaidri!; gaidrus; giedra

giesmė

LITH giesme 3 'song' LATV dziėsma 'song' ; VAR dziėsme

See -+giedoti.

gija

LITH gija 4 'thread (in warp )' LATV dzija 'thread'

PSL *žica f. ja (a) 'thread, wire' SL Ru. žica (dial.) 'coloured woollen yarn'; SCr. žl'ca; Sln. žica; Bulg. žica

See --->gysla.

gilbti

LITH gilbti 'recover (from illness ) ', 3 pres. gilbsta, 3 pret. gilbo

The prefixed verb pagilbti occurs already in DP and Bretkūnas. This is one of the examples of metatonie douce in verbs with a sta-present ( cf. Derksen 2011b: 33) For the etymology, see -->gelbėti.

gilė

LITH gilė 2 [2/4] 'acorn'; VAR gyle 4 LATV zile [ f, l, l� 'acorn'; VAR dzile (the form with the original anlaut dz- is very

rare)

BSL *gel-; *gil-OPR gile 'acorn, oak' PSL *žel9db m. jo (e) 'acorn' SL RuCS želudb; Ru. želud' m.(jo ); Cz. žalud m.( o); Slk. žalud' m.(jo ); Pl.

:iolądi f.(i), Gsg. :iolędzi; SCr. želūd m.( o) ; željūd m.( o); Čak. že/ud (Vrg.) m.( o) , Gsg. že/uda; Sln. želod m.( o) , Gsg. žel(ida; Bulg. želiid m.( o) 'acorn, beech-nut'

PIE *gw( e ) lhr IE Gk. �a\avoc; m. 'acorn'; Lat. glans f. 'id.'

Kortlandt ( i985b : 120) reconstructs *gwelhrs, Gsg. *gwlhros.

gilna

LITH gilna (BŽ) 'black woodpecker, blackbird' LATV dzilna '(męlna dz.) black woodpecker, (za/a dz.) green woodpecker'; VAR

dzilnis [ il�

BSL *gil?na?

176 gilti

PSL *žblna f. a 'woodpecker' SL Ru. želna (dial.) 'black woodpecker'; Cz. žluna '(ž. zelena) green

woodpecker'; Slk. žlna '(ž. zelena) green woodpecker'; USrb. žolma '(čorna ž.) black woodpecker, (zelena ž.) green woodpecker'; SCr. žuna '(crna ž.) black woodpecker, (zelena ž.) green woodpecker'; žunja '(crna ž.) black woodpecker, (zelena ž.) green woodpecker'; žuja '(Srijem) oriole, (Bačka) woodpecker'; Sln. ž6lna '(črna ž.) black woodpecker, (zelena ž.) green woodpecker'

Since the connection with *žblt'b 'yellow' is semantically not particularly attractive, the best option may be to derive this bird-name from *gwe/H- 'sting' ( cf. Machek 1971 s.v. žlna), which root occurs in -+gelti.

gilti

LITH gilti 'sting, bite', 3 pres. gilia, 3 pret. gilė

See -+gelti.

giltinė

LITH giltini 3• 'goddess of death, grim reaper' LATV gi/tene 'skeleton, masked person personifying death' (a Lithuanianism); VAR

giltine 'skeleton'; giltenis 'skeleton, emaciated person'; džiltine2 (E. Latv.) 'personification of death'

The root of this noun is the root *gwe/H-that is found in -+gelti, cf. -+galas 'death'. For the suffix, we may compare forms such as OLith. mokytinis (DP) 'pupil' ( cf. Ambrazas 1993: 128-129) .

gilus l

LITH gilus 4 'deep' LATV dzi/š 'deep' OPR gillin Asg. f. 'deep'

I am unaware of a convincing etymology for this adjective. See also: gelmė

gilus 11

LITH gilus (Jušk.) 4 'painful'

This adjective clearly derives from -+gelti, -+gilti.

giminė

LITH gimini 3 b 'family, relatives, gender, ( dial.) relative'

See -+gimti.

gymis

LITH gymis 2 'birth, nature, face'

ginti 11

A derivative of ->gimti. The lengthened zero grade is typieal of aetion nouns.

gimtas

LITH gimtas 4 [3/ 4] 'native' LATV dzimts [ im, im2] 'native'

See ->gimti.

gimti

177

LITH gimti [ im, im] 'be born', 3 pres. gimsta, 3 pret. gimė; VAR gimti, 3 pres. gėma, 3 pret. gimė (3 pres. also gemsta)

LATV dzimt [ im, irii , ini2, im2] 'be born', lsg. pres. dzimstu, dzęmu, lsg. pret. dzimu (the variants dzim1 (Sehm.) and dzimt2 (Biel.) are mentioned by Būga (RR 11: 433, 435 , 481))

OPR gemton 'give birth to' ; gemmons ptc. pf. aet. 'born'

PIE *gwm-IE Skt. gacchati 'go, come'; Go. qiman 'eome'

The meaning 'be born' apparently developed from 'come into the world'.

See also: gamas; gaminti; gimin�; gymis; gimtas

ginklas

LITH ginklas 2 'weapon'

A nomen instrumenti. I consider it more likely that ginklas derives from ginti 'prateet, defend' than from ginti 'ehase, persecute'. The tone of the root offers no indi­eation as fixed stress and metatonie douce are eommon in this formation.

ginti I

LITH ginti 'ehase, drive', 3 pres. gena, 3 pret. ginė LATV dzit [ i , i, i2, i 2] 'ehase, drive, persecute', lsg. pres. dzęnu, lsg. pret. dzinu OPR guntwei 'ehase, drive', lpl. gunnimai

BSL *gun-PSL *gonati v. SL OCS gonati 'ehase, perseeute', lsg. žen9; Ru. gnat' 'ehase, drive, persecute';

Cz. hnati 'ehase, drive, eompel', lsg. ženu; Pl. gnac 'ehase, drive' ; SCr. gnati 'ehase, persecute', lsg. žčnėm; Sln. gnati 'ehase, perseeute', lsg. ženem

PIE *gwhn-IE Skt. hanti 'strike, slay'; Gk. 9dvw 'kill'

See also: gana; ganeti; ganfti; genys; giflklas; ginti

ginti 11

LITH ginti 'prateet, defend', 3 pres. gina, 3 pret. gynė

girdėti

This is probably the same root as in -+ginti. The origin of the acute is unclear. Interestingly, Latv. dzft 'chase' is well attested with sustained tone as well as with falling tone.

girdėti

LITH girdeti 'bear', 3 pres. girdi, 3 pret. girdejo LATV dzirdet [ ir, ir2] 'bear', 1sg. pres. dzirdu, dziržu, 1sg. pret. dzirdeju

LIV (187) reconstructs the root as *gwlerdh- 'tonen, schallen' and advocates a con­nection with Arm. kardam 'call'. For the semantics, LIV refers to OLith. -+gerdas 'rumour, prank, messenger' and OPr. gerdant [gerdaut] 'say'. It is possible that we are dealing with a root *gwrdh-, which occurs alongside *gwrH-(-+girti) and *gwrbh­(-+gerbt1). See also: garsas

giria

LITH giria 2 'woods' LATV dzira 'woods'; VAR dzire

BSL *gor-; *gir-PSL *gora f. a (e) 'mountain' SL OCS gora; Ru. goni, Asg. g6ru; Cz. hora; hura ( dial.) ; Slk. hora '(wooded)

mountain'; Pl. g6ra; USrb. hora; SCr. gora 'mountain, ( dial.) wood', Asg. garu; Čak. gora (Vrg.) 'mountain', Asg. garu; Sln. g6ra 'mountain, woods ( on a mountain)'; Bulg. goni 'woods'

PIE *gwrH-IE Skt. giri- m. 'mountain, hill'

The meaning 'woods' seems to derive from 'wooded mountain'.

girtas

LITH girtas 3 'drunk, intoxicated'

See -+gerti. This to-derivative characteristically has zero grade of the root.

girti

LITH girti 'praise, (-s) boast', 3 pres. giria, 3 pret. gyrė LATV dzin [ ir, if2] 'praise, (- ies) swank, boast, intend long for', 1sg. pres. dziru, 1sg.

pret. dziru e usually reflexive) OPR girtwei 'praise', 1pl. girrimai

BSL *girr-PSL *žvrti; *žerti v. 'sacrifice' SL OCS ŽT!Jti, 1sg. Žbr9; žreti, 1sg. žvr9; ORu. žereti, 1sg. žvru; žreti, 1sg. Žbru;

ŽT!Jti, 1sg. žvru

PIE *gwrH-IE Skt. gn1&ti 'greet, praise'

gyvas 179

The vocalism of the zero grade (*ir instead of the expected *ur) must be secondary. Young (2006: 372) argues that PSL *g;brdo 'proud, haughty' (see also -+gurdus) has preserved the original vocalization.

See also: garbe; geras; gerbti

gysla

LITH gysla 1 'vein' LATV dziksla [ i, i2] 'vein, sinew'; VAR dzisla; dziksle [ i2] ; dzisle OPR pettegislo (EV) 'ruckeoder [Riickenader] '

BSL *gir(s )lar PSL *žila f. a (a) 'vein, sinew, tendon' SL OCS žila 'vein, sinew, tendon' ; Ru. ž{[a 'vein, sinew, tendon'; Cz. žila 'vein' ;

Slk. žila 'vein'; Pl. žyla 'vein' ; SCr. žl'la 'tendon, vein, root' ; Sln. ž{[a 'vein, sinew'; Bulg. žila 'vein, sinew'

If gysla is cognate with Lat. ftlum n. 'thread', Arm. Jil 'sinew', we may reconstruct *gwhiH-1-(ehr). There is an alternative etymology, according to which gysla i s cognate with Skt. jiyd-, jyd- f. 'bow-string', Av. jiia- f. 'bow-string', Gk. p16<; m. 'tendon, bow­string', MW gieu Npl. 'sinews, tendons', which have a root *gwiH-. The presence of * -1-makes the former option more attractive. As this argument does not apply to -+gija, we may consider the possibility that the latter form continues *gwiH-.

gyti

LITH gyti 'recover, heal (intr.) , grow, (Chyl.) live', 3 pres. gyja, 3 pret. gijo LATV dzit 'heal (intr.)', 1sg. pres. dzistu, 1sg. pret. dziju OPR giwit 'live', 2sg. pres. giwasi, giwassi, 3 pres. giwa

BSL *gri( w)-PSL *ži ti v. (e) 'live' SL OCS žiti, 1sg. živ9; Ru. žit', 1sg. živu, 3sg. živet; Cz. žiti; Slk. žif; Pl. žyc; SCr.

živjeti, 1sg. živim; Čak. živl'ti (Vrg.) , 2sg. živeš; Sln. živęti, 1sg. živim

PIE *gwh3 i(-u)-IE Skt. jivati- 'live'; Lat. vivere 'live', 1sg. vivo

In Latvian, we find traces of a present dzivu 'live' (Endzelins 1922a: 573), cf. gyti 'live' in Chylinski's bible translation. The root *gwh3 i- may be analyzed as *gwhri-, where *-i- is a present suffix (Lubotsky 2011: 111- 112). The *-u- is due to a longlasting relationship with *gwh3 iu6s 'alive' (-+gyvas) .

gyvas

LITH gyvas 3 'alive' LATV dzivs 'alive' OPR geiwans (l) , geywans (11), gijwans, geiwans (III) Apl. 'alive'

BSL *g(iw6s PSL *žfvo adj . o (e) 'alive'

180 gyvata

SL OCS živ'b; Ru. živoj; Cz. živy; Slk. živy; Pl. žywy; SCr. živ, f. živa; Čak. živ (Vrg.), f. žfvii, n. živo; Sln. živ, f. živa; Bulg. živ

PIE *gwh3i-uo-IE Skt. ji va- 'alive'; Lat. vfvus 'alive' See also: gajus; gyti; gyvata; gyventi; OPr. geits

gyva ta

LITH gyvata 2 [1/2] 'life'; VAR gyvatas 2 OPR giwato (EV) 'life'

BSL *gfiwot-PSL *život'b m. o (b) 'life' SL OCS život'b 'life, living creature'; Ru. život 'belly, stomach, ( arch.) life, ( obs„

dial.) animal'; Cz. život 'life'; Slk. život 'life'; Pl. žywot 'life'; SCr. život 'life, scrotum', Gsg. živbta; Čak. život (Vrg.) 'body', Gsg. životii; Sln. život 'life, body', Gsg. života; Bulg. život 'life'

A derivative in * -ot- based on the BSI. root *gfiw (-+gyti, gyvas) . The meaning of Lith. gyvatė 2 and gyvatas 2 (DP, Gmž.) 'snake, adder' must have developed from 'living creature'.

gyventi

LITH gyventi 'live', 3 pres. gyvena, 3 pret. gyveno LATV dzivu6t 'live'; VAR dzivat [ i, i2] , 1sg. pres. dzivaju

The East Baltic verb *gyti, 1sg. *gyvu6 (-+gyti) was ousted by various derivatives based on the root *gyv-.

glaboti

LITH glaboti ' (žem.) guard, implore, (E. Lith.) embrace, seize', 3 pres. glaboja, 3 pret. glabojo

LATV glabat 'keep, guard, protect, bury', 1sg. pres. glabaju; VAR glabu6t OPR poglabū 3 pret. 'hertzte'

The Slavic verb *globiti ( cf. Derksen 2008a: 166, ESSJa VI 134) is attested with a plethora of meanings, which for the greater part do not reappear in Baltic. An

exception is the meaning 'ask (persistently), implore', which is attested for Lith. glaboti, OPI. globic and Cz. hlobif ( dial.) . This meaning may have developed from 'squeeze, press', cf. Pl. globic (arch.) 'press, oppress, trouble'. The same starting-point might be assumed for the meaning 'embrace, clasp to one's bosom, guard' attested in Baltic (Derksen forthc. b, similarly Mažiulis PKEŽ III: 307). The meaning 'seize', which is also attested for -+glebti arose from contamination with -+grobti. For a discussion of the formal problems connected with various verbs meaning 'embrace', see -+glebti.

glaubti

LITH glaūbti 'clasp to one's bosom', 3 pres. glaūbia, 3 pret. glaūbė

gleinė

This verb must be cognate with OE clyppan 'embrace', Oic. klypa 'clasp, pinch'. The co-existence of forms with and without *u e -+glaboti, -+glė'bt1) may be comparable to the *a : *ai alternation characteristic of substratum words.

glėbys

LITH glėbys 4 [2/4] 'embrace, armful'

IE MHG kliifter m. 'Ma6 der ausgestreckten Arme'

See -+glebti. The co-existence of glėbys and -+klėbys parallels MHG kliifter alongside liifter (Stang 1972: 22) .

glėbti

LITH glebti [e, ėl 'embrace, clasp, clench, ( dial.) take care of, seize', 3 pres. glebia, 3 pret. glebė

LATV glėbt ' [ė, ė2] guard, protect', lsg. pres. glėbju, lsg. pret. glebu

According to the LKZ (III : 407, 430 ) , glė'bti and -+globti are both also attested with a circumflex. In view of their Latvian counterparts, these verbs are likely to contain an originally acute root, however. It is unclear how this can be reconciled with the short root vowel of -+glaboti. The situation is reminiscent of -+grebti 'rake, seize, rob' alongside -+greboti 'rake, snatch' and Latv. grebt, 'scrape, excavate, seize', OCS greti 'rake'. Here Kortlandt (1988: 393) has proposed that grebti took its acute from -+grobti 'seize' and that we are dealing with two roots, viz. *gi'rebh- and *gi'reb-. ln the case of glė'bti, globti, etc., l can find no evidence suggesting a parallel solution. Perhaps we may assume that the unclear situation is due to the influence of verbs with gr-, which may be dated to an early stage, cf. Bel. glabac 'rake together, gather, rob', Pl. glabac ( dial.) 'seize, rake together, appropriate', Sln. glabiti 'rake together, gather' (ESSJa VI 114).

Apart from the prosodic variation, the root under discussion exhibits additional peculiarities. Firstly, there is a variant with *u ( -+glaūbt1) . Secondly, we find variants with kl- ( -+klėbys, -+glebti), which variation has a parallel in Germanic. Both formal characteristics may be taken as an indication that we are dealing with a root of substratum origin ( cf. Kuiper 1995, Schrijver 1997: 303-307).

See also: glaboti; glaūbti; glėbys; globti; klėbys; klebti

gleima

LITH glėima l 'slime'; VAR glėimė LATV gliema 'slimy dirt, slime'

This is a derivative containing the root *gleh1 i- (-+gleivės, -+glieti) . With o-grade we find Latv. glaimi Npl. 'flattery'.

gleinė

LITH glėinė ( dial.) l 'moist clay'

BSL *glė?inai' PSL *glina f. a (a) 'clay'

182 gleivės

SL Ru. glina 'clay'; Ukr. hliva 'bergamot (kind of pear), tree-fungus'; Cz. hlina; Slk. hlina; Pl. glina; Slnc. gl&na; SCr. gnjl'la; Sln. glina; Bulg. glina

An n-suffix is also found in Gk. y:\lvri f. 'loam' and Slavic forms with o-grade, e.g. RuCS glen'b 'moisture, juice', Sln. glęn m. 'mucus, sediment, silt, clay, waterplant'. For the root, which I reconstruct as *gleh1 i-, see -+gleivės and -+glieti.

gleivės

LITH gleivės Npl. 4 (1/4] ; VAR gleivos (dial.) Npl. LATV glive 'green slime on water, mire'

BSL *gleriwa( PSL *gliva f. a (a) 'fungus' SL Ru. gliva (dial.) 'bergamot (kind of pear)'; Ukr. hliva 'bergamot (kind of

pear) , tree-fungus'; Cz. hliva 'kind of mushroom, tumour'; Slk. hliva 'kind of mushroom, tumour'; SCr. gijl'va 'tree-fungus, gland, tonsil'; Sln. gliva 'mushroom, tree-fungus'; Bulg. gliva (dial.) 'small edible mushroom'

The suffix of this derivative may be linked to Gk. y:\016c; m. 'any glutinous substance', provided that the latter form continues *y:\mf6c;. With o-grade we also have East Slavic *gleV'b, e.g. Ru. glev (dial.) 'slime, mould, (sticky slime on) fish scales'. For glCives and PSI. *gliva, I reconstruct *gleh1 i-u-. Latv. glive has zero grade.

While forms with a root containing *i continue a PIE root, forms such as gllvės (Būga) = gleivės and Latv. glęvs2 [ę, ę, ę2, ę2] 'slimy, soft, weak' seem to be secondary e cf. -+glemės ) . See also: gleima; glėinė; glėivos; gliemežys; glieti; glirus

glemės

LITH glemės Npl. 2 'slime'; VAR glemės Npl. 2 LATV glęma 'slime'; VAR g/ęma; gleme; gleme (Kreuzb.); glęma; glęmi Npl.

Beekes (2010: 274) regards the connection with Gk. yMµwv 'blear-eyed' as doubtful. The roots *glem-, whatever its origin, and *glei- seem to have influenced one another. See also: gl�mesos

glėmesos

LITH gllmesos Npl. 'slime'; VAR glemesa LATV glemesis 'smth. slippery, slithery'; VAR gliemesis

See -+glemės.

gliemežys

LITH gliemežjis 'snail' LATV gliemezis [ ie, ie2] 'snail'; VAR gliemezis [ ie, ie2] ; gliemesis; gliemęza 'snail

without a shell'

The root of this noun may result from contamination of *glem- and *glei-, cf. -+glėmesos and -+gleivės.

glodus

glieti

LITH glieti [ ie, ie] 'putty', 3 pres. glieja, 3 pret. gliejo; VAR glieti (E. Lith.) , 3 pres. gleja, 3 pret. glejo; glieti 'putty', 3 pres. gi iena, 3 pret. glinė

PIE *g/eh1 i-IE Olr. glenaid 'stick to'; Oic. klina 'smear'; OHG klenan 'spread (over) , coat'

In view of the ample evidence for an acute root (-gleivės), I consider the circumflex of glieti secondary ( cf. Derksen 1996 : 275 -276).

glinda

LITH glinda 1 'nit' ; VAR glindas (Ness.) LATV gnfda 'nit' ; VAR gl',lfda; gnfde

BSL *gni?da( PSL *gl',l ida f. a (a) 'nit' SL Ru. gnida; Cz. hnida; Slk. hnida; PL gnida; SCr. gnjl'da; Sln. gnida; Bulg.

gnida

PIE *k/g/Hnid-IE Gk. Kov[<; f. 'nit'; OE hnitu f. 'nit'; OHG (h)n iz f. 'nit' ; Arm. anie 'louse'

The PIE form of the word for 'nit' cannot easily be reconstructed as we seem to be dealing with distortion of the anlaut for reasons of taboo.

glitus

LITH glitus 4 'sticky, slimy, slippery, smooth' ; VAR glytus (NdZ) LATV glits 'slippery, soggy'; VAR glits [ i, f, i2] 'smooth, handsome, pretty, nea t, tidy'

The zero grade gli- must be secondary ( cf. Derksen 1996: 275).

globti

LITH globti [o, o] 'embrace, wrap up, help, ( dial.) seize', 3 pres. globia, 3 pret. globė LATV glabt 'guard, protect', 1sg. pres. glabju, isg. pret. g/abu

The form globti is mentioned in Juškevič's dictionary, but otherwise the variants with a circumflex are difficult to trace. See -+glebti for a discussion of the root.

glodus

LITH glodus 4 'smooth' ; VAR glodnus 4; g/odas 4; glotnus 4; g/otas 4; g/uodus 4; gluodnus 4; gluodnas 4; g/uodas

LATV gluošs (Dond.) 'smooth'

BSL *g/ardus PSL *glad'bk-b adj . o (a) 'smooth, plain' SL OCS glad'bk-b; Ru. gladkij; Cz. hladky; Slk. hladky; Pl. gladki; SCr. gladak, f.

glatka; Sln. gltid<Jk; Bulg. gladak

PIE *gh/eh2dh-IE Lat. glaber 'smooth, hairless'; OHG glat 'shining'

gniūsas

gniūsas

LITH gniusas (K„ Jušk., dial.) 2 'parasite'

PSL *gnus'b m.o. (e) SL Ru. gnus 'vermin'; Cz. hnus 'aversion, filth'; OCz. hnus 'pus, manure, filth';

Slk. hnus 'aversion'; Pl. gnus ( obs.) 'lazy-bones' ; SCr. gnus 'aversion'; Sln. gnus 'aversion, filth'

A borrowing from Belorussian ( cf. Skardžius 1931: 76) .

gobti

LITH gobti [o, o] 'wrap, cover, seize, snatch', 3 pres. gobia, 3 pret. gobė LATV giibties 'snatch, seize'

PIE *gl'abh-IE Olr. gaibid 'take, seize'

In Daukša's Postilla, we find the present form gabias or gabias from goptis (goptis) 'seek refuge' (note that here the diacritics merely denote the place of the ictus). This is in keeping with -+giibana, gabenti 'transport, remove', etc., and supports the reconstruction of a circumflex root, possibly *gl'abh-, with "European" *a. The acute may originate from -+grobti ( cf. also -+globti). In the meaning 'wrap, cover', gobti is synonymous with -+gaubti. See also: gabana; gabus; gebeti; gebsnus; gobus

gobus

LITH gobus 4 'greedy'; VAR gobšits 4

See -+gobti.

gomurys

LITH gomurys 3• 'palate, (E. Lith.) vault of an oven'; VAR gomurl 3•; gomuras; gomerl; gomeris m.(i)

LATV giimurs (ii, a2] 'larynx, trachea'; VAR gamuris2

IE Oic. gomr m. 'gums, palate, jaw'; OHG goumo m., guomo m. 'palate'

The fact that we find East Baltic *& ( *a� vs. forms with *u in Germanic is perhaps best viewed in the context of a substratum origin. There is no reason to assume that in a constellation *g"eh2u- the u would be lost.

goti

LITH goti (NE dial.) 'rush, hurry', 3 pres. goja, 3 pret. gojo LATV 1sg. pret. giiju [ii, a2] 'went' (to iet 'go', for which see -+efti)

PIE *gwehr IE Skt. agam 'I went'; Gk. i:P11v aor. 'I went'

graužti

gožti

LITH gožti (Žem.) 'overthrow, overturn, pour out', 3 pres. gožia, 3 pret. gožė LATV giizt 'overthrow, overturn, pour ( out)', lsg. pres. gažu, lsg. pret. giizu

BSL *ga(ž-PSL *gaziti v. (a)

185

SL RuCS izgaziti 'min' ; SCr. gaziti 'trample, wade'; Sln. gaziti 'wade'; Bulg. gazja 'wade, trample'

PIE *įwleHgh-IE Skt. g&hate 'penetrate, step into the water, wade'

The Slavic forms may seem semantically distant, but cf. RuCS izgaziti.

gramėti

LITH grameti ( dial.) 'run boisterously, fall, sink, plunge', 3 pres. grama, 3 pret. gramejo

See -+grumeti. Fraenkel's translation 'mit Gepolter in die Tiefe fallen' (LEW: 163), though possibly inspired by the etymology, correctly indicates the link with the meaning 'thunder, roar', cf. MoDu. donderen 'fall, throw (noisily)' .

graudinti

LITH graudinti 'move, touch, grieve, sadden, (dial.) threaten, beat', 3 pres. graudina, 3 pret. graudino; graūdinti, 3 pres. graūdina, 3 pret. graūdino; VAR grudinti, 3 pres. grudina, 3 pret. grudino

BSL *groud-PSL *gruditi v. SL Cz. hruditi se (Kott) 'be unfriendly' ; Pl. grudzic ( dial.) 'stir, spoil, blame'; Sln.

gruditi 'torment', lsg. grudim

See -+griaūsti.

graudus

LITH graudus 4 'moving, sad, fragile, angry'

See -+griaūsti.

graužti

LITH graužti 'gnaw', 3 pres. graužia, 3 pret. graužė LATV grauzt 'gnaw', lsg. pres. graužu, lsg. pret. grauzu

BSL *gr(o)u?i-PSL *gryzti v. (e) 'gnaw' SL OCS grizeto (Sav.) 3sg.; Ru. gryzt', lsg. gryzu, 3sg. gryzet; Cz. hryzti; Slk.

hryzf; Pl. gryiC; Slnc. grdsc; SCr. grl'sti, lsg. grizem; Čak. gristi (Vrg.), 2sg. grizeš; Sln. gristi 'gnaw, bite, eat', lsg. grizem

186 greboti

greboti

LITH greboti 'rake, snatch', 3 pres. greboja, 3 pret. grebojo

See --+grebti, where the acute root vowel is secondary. A short root vowel is also found in forms such as grabineti 'grope', grabus 'quick, skilful'.

grėbti

LITH grebti 'rake, seize, rob', 3 pres. grebia, 3 pret. grebė LATV grebt 'scrape, excavate, seize', lsg. pres. grebju, lsg. pret. grebu

BSL *greb-PSL *greti v. SL OCS greti (Zogr., Mar., Ass.) 'row', lsg. grebp; Ru. gresti 'row, rake', lsg. grebu,

3sg. grebet; Cz. hfe( b )sti 'bury'; OCz. hfesti 'bury', lsg. hfebu; Slk. hriebsf'dig'; Pl. grzesc 'bury'; SCr. grepsti 'scrape, scratch', lsg. grebem; Čak. gres (Orb.) 'scratch', lsg. greben; Sln. grebsti '<lig, comb', lsg. grebem; Bulg. greba 'spoon, scoop, rake, row'

PIE *gl'rebh-IE Skt. grbhi:iati 'seize, take, hold'; Go. graban '<lig'

The acute root vowel of grebti is analogical after -+grobti, Latv. gnibt 'seize' ( cf. Derksen 1996: 321-322) . The original root has been retained in Latv. grebt, cf. also --+greboti. See also: grobti

gręsti

LITH gręsti 'scrape, scratch', 3 pres. grendžia, 3 pret. grendė; VAR gręsti, 3 pres. grenda, 3 pret. grendo

PIE *gwhrenHdh-? IE Lat. frendere 'grind one's teeth', lsg. frendo

A reconstruction *gwhrend- would allow us to attribute the Lithuanian acute to Winter's law ( cf. LIV: 204) . PGmc. *grindan, e.g. OE grindan 'grind', seems to con­tinue *gwhrendh-, which root may be viewed as a different enlargement of (un­attested) *gwhren- (cf. De Vaan 2008: 241) . Kroonen's solution (2013 : 191) is a recon­struction *gwhrenHdh-.

griausti l

LITH griaūsti 'worry, be worried, be sad, ache ( of the heart) , regret, miss', 3 pres. griaūdžia, 3 pret. griaūdė; VAR graūsti ( dial.) 'ache ( of the heart), regret', 3 pres. graūdžia, 3 pret. graūdė

Fraenkel (LEW: 173) claims that in the case of gr(i)aud- 'feel sad' we are dealing with metaphorical use of the root of --+grdsti, Latv. grust 'pound, crush'. The latter root is clearly acute, however, whereas most forms of the former root that are unlikely to show metatony have a circumflex. It seems therefore justified to separate the two roots etymologically.

grieti

See also: graudinti; graudus; grusti; grūstis

griausti 11

LITH griausti 'thunder, roar, knock', 3 pres. griaudžia, 3 pret. griaudė LATV graust2 [au2, aū, au2] 'thunder, roar', isg. pres. graužu2, isg. pret. graudu2

The East Baltic root *gr(i)aud- must be connected with the root of -+griauti.

See also: gruodas; grūdas; grūsti; Latv. grauds

griauti

LITH griauti 'destroy, demolish, bring down, thunder, roar', 3 pres. griauna, 3 pres. griauja (K., dial.) , 3 pret. griovė

LATV graut2 'destroy, demolish, thunder, roar', isg. pres. grauju2, isg. pret. gravu2

PIE *ghreh2u-IE Gk. expaov 'attack, assault'; Lat. ingruo 'make an onslaught upon, bear down

on, attack, fall on, threaten'

LIV (202) reconstructs *ghreh1 u-, but concedes that *ghreh2u- is also possible, provided that the Lithuanian palatalized r is secondary. Following Beekes (2010: 496, i645), I prefer a reconstruction with *h2 . It seems to me that it is indeed possible to assume secondary e-grade (with *eu > iau) or even secondary palatalization, but I wonder if for Baltic a reconstruction *ghreuhr might be an alternative solution. Since it is highly plausible that there is a connection between griauti and -+griausti, I find it attractive to posit *ghreuhr alongside *ghreud-, cf. -+Latv. grauds, Ok. grautr 'groats'. Note that I have grouped together griauti 'destroy' and griauti 'thunder', which in dictionaries are separate entries. ME has only one entry graut2.

See also: griūti

gridyti

LITH gridyti (Jušk.) 'go, wander'

BSL *gri(n)d-PSL *gręsti v. (e) 'go' SL OCS gręsti 'go, come', isg. gręd9; RuCS gręsti 'go, come', isg. grędu; Ru. gredut

(dial.) 3pl. 'go'; ORu. gręsti 'go, come', isg. grędu; grėsti 'go, come', isg. grėdu; Ukr. hrjasty 'run fast and noisily, ride', isg. grjadu; SCr. gresti 'go', isg. gredem; grėsti 'go', isg. grėdem

PIE *ghri-n-dh-IE Go. grid Asg. 'step' ; MHG grit 'step' ; Olr. ingreinn 'persecute'

grieti

LITH grieti 'skim, ( dial.) fish (with a net) , grab, chase away, spin', 3 pres. grieja, 3 pret. griejo ( alternative present formations are greja and griena. In the preterite, grejo, grljo. grinė and grienė are attested)

PIE *ghrei(H)-

188 grimzti

IE Gk. xplw 'smear, anoint'

The Latvian counterpart of grieti 'skim' is kriet (-+krieti) . The implications for the traditional etymology presented here are unclear to me. Smoczynski ( 2007: 200, 316-317) assumes a development kr- > gr-, which rules out a connection with the Greek verb. It should be noted, however, that there are Lithuanian variants with kr-, e.g. krytis alongside grytis 'fishing-sack', as well as Latvian variants with gr- if we assume that forms such as grins 'weak, sickly' (-+grynas) and grinis 'a poor, weak person' belong here. In any case, it does not seem impossible that there is an inherited root grei-, which is cognate with Gk. xplw. Furthermore, l do not wish to exclude the possibility that the root was actually acute, cf. -+krieti : -+krytis.

grimzti

LITH grimzti 'sink (intr.)', 3 pres. grimzta, 3 pret. grimzdo; grimzti, 3 pres. grimzta, 3 pret. grimo; VAR grimti (M., Ds.) , 3 pres. grima, 3 pret. grimo

LATV grimt [im, im, im2] 'sink (intr.)', isg. pres. grimstu, isg. pret. grimu; VAR grimst, isg. pret. grimdu

BSL *grimz-PSL *gręzti v. 'sink' SL ORu. grjazti 'sink, wallow'

While in Slavic we find *gręz- , cf. also OCS pogręznpti 'sink, submerge', Lithuanian has a root grimzd- . l assume that the variants with grim(d)- and their Latvian counterparts were created analogically on the basis of the sta-present. The lemma in ME (l : 655) is actually grimt, by the way, but the arrangement of the accentual information suggests that this is a misprint for grimt, which is confirmed by the corresponding lemma in EH (l: 406) as well as the form grimstu in Endzelins 1922a: 582.

grynas

LITH grynas 3 [3/ 4] 'pure, clean, clear, bare, poor, ( dial.) fat, rich' LATV grins 'weak, sickly'

It seems to be the case that the variant with AP 3 is Aukštaitian, while the variant with AP 4 is Žemaitian. In my dissertation (1996: 222) l argued that this distribution makes it difficult to attribute the variant with a circumflex root to the well-known spread of AP 4. In view of Latv. grfns (Vandzene), l concluded that the acute must nevertheless be original. It is unclear, however, if the comparison is warranted. In Vandzene, grfns 'firm, strong (yarn)' (grins2 elsewhere?) is distinguished from grins2 'morose, cold-hearted, unfriendly' (ME II: 657, s.v. I grins2) . Both forms are semantically quite distant from grynas. Endzelins (EH l: 406) suggests an older form *gridns for this lemma, cf. gruods [uo, uo2] 'tightly twisted'. l would limit this etymology to grins 'firm, strong' and link grins2 'morose etc: to ME's lemma II grins 'derisive' and grinet 'deride, mock', which are borrowings from Germanic, cf. MLG grinen 'grin'. Semantically closest to grynas is III grins 'weak, sickly', cf. grinis 'a poor, weak person'. The basic meaning 'pure' (-+ 'bare' -+ 'poor' -+ 'weak') allows a

gromulys

connection with -+grieti 'skim'. As to the formal aspect, it seems to me that the acute variant grynas is not a serious obstacle for this etymology ( cf. -+ krieti) .

grinda

LITH grinda ( dial.) 4 'flooring of a bridge, (pl.) wooden floor in a barn' LATV grida [ i , 12, i2] 'floor, threshing-floor'; VAR grlde2

BSL *grindar-PSL *gręda (e) 'garden bed, beam' SL Ru. grjada 'ridge, bed (of flowers)', Asg. grjadu, Npl. grjady; Ru. grjada

(Domostroj , 18th/19th e.) 'ridge, bed ( of flowers ), series, ( dial.) pole, staff', Asg. grjadu, Npl. grjady; Cz. hfada 'perch'; Slk. hrada 'perch'; Pl. grzęda 'garden bed, perch'; SCr. greda 'beam', Asg. gredu; Čak. gredii (Vrgada, Novi) 'beam', Asg. gredu; Sln. greda 'beam, garden bed'; Bulg. greda 'beam'

IE Olc. grind f. 'lattice door, gate, fence'

The Balto-Slavic and Germanic evidence points to *g"rndh-. Latv. gręda 'pile, heap, flower bed', by the way, is a borrowing from Russian.

griūti

LITH gri{iti 'fall down, collapse, crumble, flock', 3 pres. gritiva, 3 pres. gritina, 3 pres. gritista (SD, Birž.) , 3 pret. griuvo; VAR gruti (K., dial.), 3 pres. grnva, 3 pres. grtina, 3 pret. gruvo

LATV grut [ u, U� 'collapse, rush', isg. pres. grūstu, 1sg. pret. gruvu

See -+griausti.

grobti

LITH grobti 'seize', 3 pres. grobia, 3 pret. grobė LATV grabt 'seize', isg. pres. grabju, isg. pret. grabu

BSL *gro(b-PSL *grabiti v. (a) 'seize, grab' SL OCS grabiti 'rob'; Ru. grabit' 'rob, rak.e'; Pl. grabic 'rak.e, gather' ; SCr. griibiti

'seize, grab, rak.e'; Sln. grabiti 'seize, grab, rak.e'

PIE *ghreb-IE Olc. grapa 'seize'

In Balto-Slavic and Germanic, the roots *g"rebh- '<lig, rak.e' and *ghreb- 'seize, grab' were mixed up to a considerable degree (Kortlandt 1988, Derksen 1991: 321-322). Note that the Latvian iterative grabat 'seize repeatedly' occurs alongside grabat (-+greboti). See also: grėbti

gromulys

LITH gromulys 3b 'cud, rumination, digestion'; VAR gromulas 3b 'cud, rumination'

PSL *gramada f. a 'heap, pile'

i90 groti

SL OCS gramada 'heap, pile'; ORu. gramada 'pile'; SCr. gramada 'clod, pile of firewood'; gramada 'lump of earth'; Sln. gramada 'heap, pile' ; grmada 'heap, pile'; Bulg. gramada 'mass, big pile'

See -->grumulas.

groti

LITH groti 'caw, croak, howl, roar, scold', 3 pres. groja, 3 pret. grojo LATV griij (Nigr.) 2sg. imper. 'scream! '

BSL *gra(-PSL *grajati v. 'caw, croak' SL RuCS grajati 'caw, croak'; Ru. grajat' 'caw, croak, laugh loudly, quarrel'; SCr.

grajati 'caw, croak'; grajati 'talk, cry'; Sln. grajati 'scold', isg. grajam, isg. grajem

IE OHG kriien 'crow'

The root seems to be of onomatopoeic origin.

grubus

LITH grubus 4 'uneven, rough' LATV grumbulains 'uneven, rough'

PSL *gr9b'b; *grub'b adj. o 'coarse, rude' SL OCS gr9b'b (Supr.) 'ignorant, uneducated'; Ru. grubyj 'coarse, rude'; Cz.

hruby 'big, coarse, rough'; Slk. hruby 'thick, big, coarse'; Pl. gruby 'thick, big, coarse' ; gręby (dial.) 'wrinkled, sharp, tough'; Slnc. grabi 'thick'; SCr. grub 'coarse, rude, ugly'; Čak. grub (Vrg.) 'ugly'; Sln. gr(ib 'big, strong, con­spicuous, rude', f. grpba; Bulg. grub 'coarse, rude'

PIE *gru(m)bh-IE Ok. kryppa f. 'hump'; OHG kropf m. 'crop, gizzard'

In Slavic, the vocalism *9 may result from the lowering of * um before a tautosyllabic stop.

grūdas

LITH grddas 3 [1/3] 'grain, com' LATV gruds 'grain, com'

It is likely that grddas is cognate with -->grdsti 'crush, pound'. With full grade we find __. Latv. grauds.

grumėti

LITH grumeti ( dial.) 'thunder, roar, rumble, growl'', 3 pres. gruma, 3 pret. grumejo

BSL *grimer-PSL *grbmeti v. (e) 'thunder. roar'

gruodas 191

SL OCS gromę (Supr.) Nsg. m. ptc. pres. act. 'thundering'; Ru. gremet', 1sg. gremiju, 3sg. gremit; Cz. hfmeti; hfmiti; Slk. hrmief; Pl. grzmiee; SCr. grmijeti, 1sg. grmim; Sln. grmęti, 1sg. grmim; Bulg. garmja

PIE *ghrm-ehr IE Olc. gramr 'grim, hostile' ; OE grimman 'rage'

The zero grade must have been metathesized quite early - possibly in Balto-Slavic times - on the analogy of the full grade. See also: grameti; OPr. grumins

grumulas

LITH grumulas 3b [1/3b] 'lump'

PSL *gromada f. a; *grumada m. o 'heap, pile' SL RuCS gromada 'heap, pile, bonfire'; Ru. gromada 'mass, bulk, pile' ; ORu.

gromada 'heap, pile, bonfire' ; Cz. hromada 'heap, pile, multitude, gathering'; Slk. hromada 'heap, pile, multitude, gathering'; Pl. gromada 'pile, multitude, village community, gathering'; SCr. gromada; gromada; grmada 'cliff, crag, heap, pile' ; Sln. gromada; grmada 'heap, pile of firewood, bonfire'; Bulg. gromada 'heap, pile, mass, bulk'; gramada 'heap, pile, stone, hill'; garmada ( dial.) 'big pile'

PIE *h2gr-(o)m-IE Skt. grama- m. '(military) host, village, community' ; Gk. aydpw 'gather'; Lat.

gremium n. 'lap'

Lith. grumulas may contain an analogically metathesized zero grade gru. Slavic, too, seems to offer evidence for a zero grade ( omitted in Derksen 2008a: 190 ). Here we must reckon with influence from *grumu 'bush', e.g. OCS *grumu. Lengthened grade of the suffix is apparently found in -+gromulys. Full grade is attested in gramulioti (Chylinski) 'ruminate', which occurs alongside gromulioti, gromuliuoti, gromulti, grumulti (Bretke ) .

gruodas

LITH gruodas 3 (1/3] 'frozen mud or earth'

BSL *grou?d-PSL *gruda f. a; *grudo m. o (a) 'heap, lump' SL RuCS gruda 'heap, pile, breastbone, drop'; Ru. gruda 'heap, pile'; grud ( dial.)

'heap, pile'; ORu. gruda 'heap, pile, breastbone, drop'; Ukr. hruda, hruda 'lump, earth with frozen lumps, hummocks'; Cz. hrouda 'lump of earth, clay'; Slk. hruda 'lump of earth, clay'; Pl. gruda 'Iump of earth, clay'; SCr. gruda 'clod, lump'; Sln. gruda 'lump, clod, heap'; Bulg. gruda 'lump, clod'

As argued by the ESSJa (VII: 101) and Fraenkel (LEW: 173), gruodas is probably not cognate with OCS grado, Ru. grad, SCr. grad 'hail' < *ghreh3d-o-. As an altemative, one usually seeks a connection with the root of -+grddas 'grain, com', -+gridti 'crush, pound', ..... Latv. grauds 'grain, com'.

192 grusti

grusti

LITH grusti 'become sad', 3 pres. grunda, 3 pret. grudo; VAR grusti 'become sad', 3 pres. grufidžia

Alongside grusti, we find grusti (grusta, grudo), where the acute may originate from the sta-present. On the other hand, the LKZ, referring to Juškevič's dictionary, also has grusti (grudžia, grudė (?)) 'sadden' (but see ..... griausti).

grūsti

LITH grusti 'crush, pound, push, drive', 3 pres. gruda, 3 pret. grudo; grusti (K.) , 3 pres. grudžia, 3 pret. grudė; VAR griusti (K.) , 3 pres. griudžia, 3 pret. griudė

LATV grust 'crush, pound', isg. pres. gružu, isg. pret. grudu

See ..... griausti.

grūstis

LITH grustis f.(i) 4 'sadness, harm'

PSL *grCtstb f. i. (e) 'sadness' SL Ru. grust' 'sadness, melancholy'; Ukr. hrust' 'sadness, melancholy'; Sln. grust

m.( o) 'aversion'

See ..... griausti.

gubti

LITH gubti 'bend, curve (intr.)', 3 pres. gumba, 3 pret. gubo LATV gubt 'bend, curve (intr.)', isg. pres. gubstu, isg. pret. gubu; VAR gubt (Nieder-

Bartau ), isg. pres. gitbu, isg. pret. gubu

BSL *gub-PSL *gbnpti v. 'bend' SL RuCS gr>(b)nuti 'bend'; Ru. gnut' 'bend', isg. gnu, 3sg. gnet; ORu. gr>(b)nuti

'bend'; Cz. hnouti 'move'; Slk. hnUf 'move'; Pl. giqc 'bend', isg. gnę; SCr. ganuti 'move'; Sln. g<miti 'move', isg. ganem

PIE *ghubh-IE OE gėap 'crooked, sly' (with *p from Kluge's law) See also: gaūbti; Latv. gubezis

gulbis

LITH gulbis (Sirv., dial.) f. (i) 4 'swan'; VAR gulbis (Žem.) m.(io) 2; gulbė 2 [2/ 4] LATV gulbis [ul, ul2] 'swan' OPR gulbis (EV) 'swan'

BSL *gulbis; *kuipis PSL *gr>lbb; *k'blpb SL Ru. kaip' (dial.) f. (i) 'spoonbill'; ORu. kolpb f.(i) 'spoonbill'; Kash. kwlp

m.(jo) 'swan'; kėlp m.(jo) 'swan'; Slnc. ke·l:!P m.(jo) 'swan', Gsg. ke·1;Įpja; USrb. kolp m.( jo) 'swan', Gsg. kolpja; SCr. gCtb ( dial.) m.( o) 'swan, goby' (if

gulti 193

not cognate with Lat. gobius, Gk. Kw�16� 'goby, gudgeon', cf. Sln. guba 'barbel'); kup (Herc.) m.( o) 'swan'; kuf (Dubr.) m.( o) 'swan, pelican'

IE Olr. gulban m. 'beak, sting' ; W gylfin m. 'bird's bill, beak, snout, sharp­pointed nose'; W gylf m. 'bird's bill, beak, nose, mouth, sharp-pointed instrument'

In view of the variations k!g and b!p, the geographical distribution of the root, and the semantic field to which the eymon belongs, l consider this a North European substratum word of non-Indo-European origin (see Derksen 1999). Note also that in view of the Celtic forms the sequence *ui does not reflect a syllabic resonant.

See also: kllbas

gulėti

LITH guleti 'lie, be ill', 3 pres. guli, 3 pret. gulejo LATV gulet 'sleep, lie, be ill: ISg. pres. gulu, gu/u, 1sg. pret. gulėju

See -+gulti.

gulsčias

LITH gulsčias 4 'lying, recumbent, slanting' LATV guls 'lying, horizontal'; VAR gulisks

A derivative of the root gul- (-+gulti) .

gultas

LITH gultas 1 [ 1/2] 'bed, lair' ; VAR gUlta 1 [ 1/2/ 4] LATV gulta [ui, ul, u[2] 'bed' (C. Latvian gulta vs. W. Latvian gulta and gulta�

l have discussed the accentuation of this noun in detail elsewehere ( 1996: 249-250 ) . In my view, we are dealing with an originally neuter to-derivative, which was affected by the East Baltic retraction from *-a. In Lithuanian, the forms with an acute are metatonical. The Latvian situation is more complicated, as the verb gult (-+gulti) shows tonal variation as well. It seems to me that in those West Latvian places where we find gulta alongside guft2 the noun constitutes clear evidence for a retraction of the stress. Metatony is possible here but far from certain.

gulti

LITH gulti 'lie down, fall ill, hang down', 3 pres. gula, 3 pret. gulė LATV gult [ ul, ui, uf2, ul2] 'go to bed' (also refl.) , 1sg. pres. guls tu, gufu, 1sg. pret.

gulu, gūlu

Assuming that the Latvian variants pointing to an acute originate from the sta­present ( cf. Būga RR 11 : 456, Derksen 2011b: 31-32, where this verb could be added to the list) , the East Baltic root is circumflex *gul-. Since the full grade is *gval-, cf. -+gvaldyti, -+gvalis, the sequence -ui- does not originate from a syllabic resonant. We may be dealing with a PIE root *guel- , but convincing cognates seem to be lacking (see -+guolis) .

194 guobti

See also: guleti; ghltas; gulsčias

guobti

LITH guobti ( dial.) 'scoop, bend, take care of, seize, compile', 3 pres. guobia, 3 pret. guobė

See -+gaubti.

guodas

LITH guodas 'honour, worship, hospitality' LATV gitods (uo, uo2, uo2] 'honour, banquet, wedding'

BSL *godos; *godos PSL *god'b m. o 'right time' SL OCS god'b 'time, suitable time, holiday, year'; Ru. god 'year', Gsg. goda; Cz.

hod 'religious holiday'; hody Npl. 'feast'; Pl. gody Npl. 'feast'; SCr. god 'important holiday, year, right time'; Čak. god (Vrg.) 'name day, memorial day, anniversary'; Sln. gl)d 'right time, moment, maturity', Gsg. gl)da, Gsg. godu

PIE *ghodh-o-IE Go. gops 'good'; OHG guot 'good'

guolis

LITH guolis 2 (2/4] 'den, lair, (coli.) bed' LATV guo/a 'nest, den, lair, ( coll.) bed'

The root of this noun apparently continues *gųol-, cf. -+gviilis. A possible cognate is Arm. kalal 'hole, hiding-place'. The connection with Gk. ywXe6<; 'hole', which does not show ywX- < *gųol-, is doubtful. Furthermore, this noun may have been influ­enced by the synonymous cpwXe6<;.

guotas

LITH guotas 2 [ 1/2/4] 'group, flock, shoal'

In an earlier publication (1996: 92) I was sceptical of the connection between guotas and -+gauti 'receive: I preferred to link this noun to -+Latv. gitovs instead. Now it seems to me that it we may be dealing with one and the same enlarged root *gwehru-1 *gwhreu-, cf. Gk. poaKw 'herd, feed, (med.) feed oneself'. It is hard to decide if guotas contains a root with *-(e)u- or simply *gwehr (Lubotsky 2011: m) . The semantically similar gauja 'pack, band' has an enlarged root and so do g6vija, g6vėda 'crowd, multitude' (Būga RR I: 328). In both cases it is likely that the variant with an

acute tone is original. See also: gausus

gurdus

LITH gurdus 4 'weak, sluggish, uncommunicative, stiff' LATV gurds (ui", ur2] 'tired, weary, flat'

PIE *gwrd-u-

gurti

IE Gk. �paMc; 'slow, dull, sluggish'

195

PSl. *giJrd'b, e.g. OCS gT'bd'b 'proud, haughty, majestic, amazing, terrible', Ru. g6rdyj 'proud', haughty', may or may not be cognate with the Baltic adjective ( cf. Derksen 2008a: 198). Young (2006) argues that *gtJrd'b is cognate with ->girti 'praise'. Another possible cognate of gurdus is Lat. gurdus 'blockhead' (De Vaan 2008: 275). Note that the presence of two unaspirated voiced stops ( or rather glottalic stops) in the root violates the rules of PIE root structure.

See also: gursti; gurti

gurklys

LITH gurklys 3 [ 1/3/4] 'crop' LATV gurklis 'crop, (Ulm.) throat' OPR gurcle (EV) 'throat'

BSL *gur?tlo PSL *gi,rdlo n. o (a) 'throat' SL RuCS grblo; gbrlo; Ru. g6rlo; ORu. grhlo; gbrlo; Cz. hrdlo; Slk. hrdlo; Pl.

gardlo; SCr. gflo; Čak. gflo (Vrg.) ; Sln. gfl9; Bulg. g&rlo

PIE *gwrhrtl6m

For the etymology of the root, see ->gerti. The Greek form �apaElpov 'gorge' (borrowed into Latin as barathrum) , which is sometimes presented as an exact match, is most probably not cognate. First of all, a reconstruction *gw(e)rhrdhrom would violate the currently accepted sound laws. Moreover, there are variants such as �Ept::Elpov (Hom.) and (Ept::Elpov (Are.) that rather point to a substratum origin (Beekes 2010: 200 ).

gurnas

LITH gurnas 4 'ankle, ( dial.) heel, loins, hip' LATV giirns [ur, ur2, ur, ur2] 'loin, hip'

PIE *gurnas IE Arm. kufn, Gsg. kfan 'back' ; krukn, Gsg. krkan 'heel'

The root may be *geu( H)- 'bend', cf. Gk. yūpoc; 'round, curved'.

gursti

LITH gursti (E. Lith.) 'waste time, wither, weaken, disappear', 3 pres. gursta, 3 pret. gurdo

See -gurdus.

gurti

LITH gurti 'crumble, fall apart, weaken, subside', 3 pres. gura, 3 pret. guro; VAR giirti, 3 pres. gursta, 3 pret. guro

LATV gurt [ ur, ur, ur, ur2, ur2] 'wither, weaken, subside', 1sg. pres. gurs tu

gūžė

In Latvian, the most common unambiguous accentuation is gurt. Cf. -+gurdus.

gūžė

LITH gužė 2 [1/2/4] 'head of cabbage'; VAR gūžys 3/4 'gizzard, (dial.) tip of the thighbone, head of cabbage, Adam's apple'; gužis f.(i) l 'gizzard, breastbone, tip of the holy bone of birds, elbow of a wing, protuberance ( on the nose )'; gunžys (Žem.) 3 'gizzard'

LATV gūža [ū, u2] 'thigh, ham'

BSL *gunržja( PSL *gyža f. ja (a?) 'stump' SL RuCS gyža 'unripe grape'; Cz. hyže (Kott) 'tip of the shinbone' ; OPL giža 'leg

of pig or cattle, ham'; SCr. gl'(d)ža (dial.) 'stump of a vine' ; Bulg. giža 'vine, stump of a cut off vine'

The Baltic material points unambiguously to an acute root, which is in agreement with the vocalism of *gyža, whether *y reflects *un( or *u(. The reconstruction of a nasal is only based on the Žemaitian form and therefore less secure. On the other hand, it facilitates the connection with PSl. *gpzb, *g9za, e.g. OPl. gąz m. 'bump, lump', Sln. gpza f. 'buttock, behind', and Ok. kpkkr 'ball'. Another form containing a nasal is Lith. gunga 'hump, hunch', where the *g was apparently depalatalized, unless we assume that this word is not related. Still more remote is Lith. guga 'bump, knot (in wood), withers', where apart from the nasal the glottalization is absent as well, cf. Lith. gaūgaras 'mountain top', Ru. guglja ( dial.) 'bump', Pl. guga 'id.'

gvaldyti

LITH gvaldyti 'cram, pack', 3 pres. gvaldo, 3 pret. gvaldė

The meaning of this verb is 'lay close together', cf. gvaldžiai guleti 'lie close together', gvalsčias (=-+gulsčias) 'lying, recumbent, slanting' (-+gulti). The verb gvaldyti 'cram, pack' has a different origin.

gvalis

LITH gvalis (DP, SD) 'den, lair'

Alternatively, the loc. pl. gwalufę may belong to a noun gviilas (thus Kudzinowski 1977: 249 ). This word is synonymous with -+guolis

LITH į prep./pref. 'in(to ) ' OPR en prep./pref. 'in(to )'

BSL *in PSL *v11(n) prep., pref. 'in(to)'

l, Į, y

ieškoti 197

SL OCS Vb(n) ; Ru. v(o) ; vn-; Cz. v prep.; v(n)- ; Slk. v(o) ; Pl. w(e) ; wn-; SCr. u; va-; Sln. v; Bulg. v

PIE *h1 1}

I assume that both PSL *va(n) and Lith. į continue the zero grade of PIE *h1 en 'in' (-+ Latv. le-)

See also: fsčios

yda

LITH yda l 'bodily blemish, flaw, ( dial.) objection'

The root of this noun may very well continue *h2 id- 'swell'. In that case the acute y must originale from Winter's law. See also: Latv. idra

ielaktis

LITH ielaktis f. (i) l [ 1/3"] 'shaft of a (wooden) ox-plough, iron shaft of a plough'; VAR ielakštis f.(i) l 'id.'; ielakstis f. (i) l 'shaft of a (wooden) ox-plough, mouldboard'; ielektis f. (i) l 'shaft of a (wooden) ox-plough'; ielekstis f.(i) 3• [1/3•] 'iron shaft of a plough'; ielekštis f.(i) l 'shaft of a (wooden) ox-plough, iron shaft of a plough'

LATV ielukši Npl. 'shaft of a cart' ; VAR ielūkši; ielūkša; ieluksis2

The root of these nouns is ie- , which can be identified with the root of -+iena ( cf. Būga 1911b: 236-240 = RR I: 307-305).

iena

LITH iena l 'shaft'

I follow the traditional hypothesis that iena is cognate with PSL *oje 'thill', e.g. Ru. voe ( dial.), SCr. 6je, Sln. oję, Gsg. ojęsa, and Gk. o'La� 'handle of rudder, tiller, helm, rings of the yoke' < *h2oih113-es-, as well as with Hitt. išša- e. 'thill', Skt. f?a- 'pole, shaft, (du.) thill' < *h2 ihw-s- ( cf. Kloekhorst 2008: 346). We may reconstruct *h2eloih113-n-.

See also: ailis; ielaktis; iltis; ilkss

iesmė

LITH iesme ( dial.) 3 [1/3] 'amount of firewood that is thrown into the oven or stove at the same time'

The comparison with LAv. aesma- m. 'firewood' < *h2eidh-smo- is obviously very attractive, cf. -+aistra. The acute tone of the root, however, presents a problem. In view of the fact that we find s instead of š, iesme cannot be connected with -+aiškus, where I attributed the acute to the presence of the present suffix *-Hsk-.

ieškoti

LITH ieškoti [ ie, ie] 'look for', 3 pres. ieško, 3 pret. ieškojo LATV ieskat [ ie, ie2] 'look for lice', lsg. pres. ieskaju

198 iešmas

BSL *(o) irskar-PSL *jbskati v. (b) 'look for, seek' SL OCS iskati 'look for, seek', lsg. isk9, 3sg. ištet'b, 3Pl. isk9t'b (also lsg. išt9, 3sg.

išt9t'b, with analogical spread of the palatalized root form išt-); Ru. iskat' 'look for, seek', lsg. išču, 3sg. iščet; Cz. viskati 'look for lice'; iskaf ( dial.) 'bite (frost), look for lice'; OCz. jiskati 'look for, seek'; Slk. iskaf 'look for lice'; Pl. iskac 'look for lice' ; SCr. iskati 'wish'; Sln. iskati 'look for, seek'; Bulg. iskam 'want'

IE Skt. icchati 'wish for, seek'; Av. isaiti 'seek'; Lat. aeruscare 'beg, ask for'; OHG eiscon 'investigate, demand'

PIE *h2is-sk-e/o-

The full grade may be of nominal origin. l assume that at a certain stage of Balto­Slavic the suffix *-sk- was replaced by *-Hsk- (Derksen 1996: 294, 337) . As the introduction of the glottal stop in roots with a full grade seem to have been fairly recent ( cf. Derksen 2011b ) , it is likely that the root was still *is at that point.

iešmas

LITH iešmas 2 'spit, bayonet' LATV iesms 'spit'; VAR iesma 'spit, bayonet' OPR aysmis (EV) 'spit'

PIE *h2eik-smehr IE Gk. aixµ� f. 'point of a spear, spear'; Myc. aikasama

ieva

LITH ieva 2/4 [ 1/2/4] 'bird-cherry' LATV ieva [ ie, ie2] 'bird-cherry'

BSL *eirwar (*efiwar?) PSL *ji>va (a) 'willow SL Ru. iva; ORu. iva; Cz. jiva; Slk. iva; Pl. iwa; SCr. i'va; Sln. iva; Bulg. iva

PIE *h1 eiH-uehr (h1 eh1 i-ueh2?) IE Gk. oa, 011, Ol'l f. 'elderberry tree, mountain ash'; Lat. ūva 'bunch of grapes,

raisins'

AP l seems to occur in dialects. With respect to AP 2, cf. Illič-Svityč 1963: 68.

iežti

LITH iežti 'pod, shell', 3 pres. iežia, 3 pret. iežė; VAR eižti [ei, ėi] , 3 pres. eižia, 3 pret. eižė

LATV iezt2 [ ie2, ie] (ie in Golg.) 'bare one's teeth', lsg. pres. iežu2, lsg. pret. iezu2

See -+aiža. The vocalism ie- also occurs in -+ Latv. ieza 'crack in ice'.

ilgas 199

įkyrėti

LITH įkyreti 'pester, bother, bore, worry', 3 pres. įkyri, 3 pret. įkyrejo; VAR kyreti 'pester, bother, bore', 3 pres. kyri, 3 pret. kyrejo; kyrčti 'id.', 3 pres. kirsta, 3 pret. kyro

See --+kairinti. The simplex kyrčti is attested in Juškevič's dictionary and in his collection of dainos.

ikras

LITH ikras 2 'fish-egg, (anat.) calf, (pl.) roe, spawn, caviar' (the meaning 'calf', which is already attested in Bretke's bible translation, is not mentioned in the DLKŽ)

LATV ikri Npl. 'roe, spawn, caviar, (anat.) calves'; VAR ikrs (Salis) '(anat.) calf'; ikra (Ulm.) 'roe, spawn'

OPR yccroy (EV) '(anat.) calf'

BSL * ikra?; *ikro PSL *jbkra f. a; *jbkro n. o (e) 'roe, spawn, caviar, ( anat.) calf' SL CS ikra 'roe' ; Ru. ikra 'roe, spawn, caviar, (anat.) calf'; ikro (Psk.) f. 'roe,

spawn, caviar'; Cz. jikra f. 'roe'; ikro (dial.) n. '(anat.) calf'; kra f. 'ice-floe'; OCz. kra f. 'lump, clod'; Slk. ikra f. 'roe'; Pl. ikra f. 'roe, spawn, caviar, (anat.) calf'; OPI. ikro n. 'roe'; Slnc. kn:ię f. 'roe, (anat.) calf'; Plb. jakra f. 'roe' ; SCr. l'kra 'roe'; Sln. ikra 'spawn, hydatid, scale'

A derivative of the word for 'liver', for which see -+jeknos.

yla

LITH yla 1 'awl, ( dial.) quill of a hedgehog, processus styloideus' LATV ilęns 'awl'; VAR flins OPR yla (EV) 'awl'

IE OHG ala f. 'awl'

The East Baltic forms are generally considered borrowings from Prussian, which in turn is supposed to have borrowed the word for 'awl' from Gothic. The Gothic word is reconstructed as *ela, with a high vowel for which Prussian could have substituted *i. A serious alternative, however, is Toporov's idea (PJ III: 43-46) to connect yla with -+iltis 'fang, tusk' and related forms.

ilgas

LITH ilgas 3 'long' LATV ilgs [ i� i/2] 'long (of time)'

BSL *dilrgos PSL *dblg7> adj. o (a) 'long' SL ocs dlbg'b ; Ru. d6lgij; Cz. dlouhy; Slk. dlhy; Pl. dlugi; SCr. dug; Čak. dug

(Vrg.); Sln. dolg, f. daiga; Bulg. d&lag

PIE *dlh1gh-6-

200 ilsėti

IE Skt. dirgha-; Gk. c50A1x6c;

In Lithuanian, traces of the original barytone accentuation are limited (Illič-Svityč 1963: 75).

ilsėti

LITH ilseti 'rest, sleep', 3 pres. i lsi [ il, il] , 3 pret. ilsejo

See -+alsuoti

ilsti

LITH ilsti 'grow tired', 3 pres. ilsta, 3 pret. ilso

Verb containing the zero grade of the root of -+alsuoti.

iltis

LITH iltis f.(i) l 'fang, tusk' LATV ilknis 'fang, tusk'; VAR ilkts f.(i) ; ilkss f.(i) ; ilksne; ilkse; ilktis (Mane.); ilkši

Npl. ; ilts f.(i) ; ilte

According to Būga (1922: 168), this etymon is cognate with ielektis 'shaft of a (wooden) ox-plough, iron shaft of a plough' (-+ielaktis) and -+Latv. ilkss 'shaft of a cart or sledge', in which case the root would be *h2ihl/3-· Endzelins (ME l: 707) prefers to regard the close resemblance between the Latvian nouns as a result of con­tamination. Smoczynski (2007: 220) has an interesting alternative in *h2l rti-, with the zero grade of the root found in Gk. čtAew 'grind'. The semantics are not perfect, however.

imti

LITH imti 'take', 3 pres. ima, 3 pret. lmė LATV jemt [em, em, em2] 'take', lsg. pres. jęmu, lsg. pret. jemu; VAR r,iemt [em, em,

em2] , lsg. pres. r,ięmu, r,iemju, lsg. pret. r,iemu; nemt, lsg. pres. nęmu, lsg. pret. nemu; r,iimt

OPR imt 'take', lsg. imma, lpl. immimai

BSL *im-PSL *ęti v. 'take' SL OCS jęti 'take', lsg. im9 (in compounds -ęti, -bmp); RuCS jati 'take', lsg. imu;

Ru. jat' ( dial.) 'take, begin'; ORu. jati 'take', lsg. imu ; Ukr. jaty 'take', lsg. jmu; Slk. jaf 'take'; Pl. jqc 'begin, (arch.) seize'; SCr. jeti 'take', lsg. imem, jamem; Sln. jęti 'begin', lsg. jamem

PIE *h1 m-IE Lat. emere 'take (in compounds), buy'

According to ME l: 897, r,iemt is more frequent in Central and East Latvian, while r,iemt is more frequent in the West. Alongside r,iemt, lsg. pret. r,iemu, and r,iemt, lsg. pret. r,iemu, we find r,iemt, lsg. pret. r,iemu (Schm., C., Arrasch, Trik., Neu-Pebalg), and

ynis 201

r;emt, 1sg. pret. r;emu2 (Salis, Saikava). This suggests that the acute tone was introduced in the infinitive first.

ynas

LITH ynas (Žem.) 3 'real'; VAR inas (Sirv. , Ness.) 4

BSL *i(nos PSL *jbn'b prn. (a) 'other' SL OCS ino 'some(one) , other'; Ru. in6j 'different, other'; Cz. jiny 'other,

different'; Slk. iny 'other, different'; Pl. inny 'other, different'; SCr. l'n 'other, different'; Sln. in 'other'

PIE *Hi-no-

ln view of -+vienas and PSL *jbn'b (a) , the variant with i- is unexpected. With respect to inas (NdŽ), Vitkauskas (2006: 107) observes that in all Žemaitian dialects where this word occurs the forms are consistent with ynas 3. Būga (RR l: 330) only mentions inas as the Lithuanian counterpart of PSL * ino (*jbn'b ). He presents many examples from texts by Daukantas and refers to Sirvydas as proof for the existence of inas in East Lithuanian. The LKŽ transposes forms from Daukantas, which usually have a stem inn-, to yn-. All in all, the status of the variant inas remains somewhat unclear to me. As to the origin of the acute, Kortlandt (1977b: 39) has pointed out that this etymon may be regarded as a parallel for his rule that stressed initial *u­yielded u- in Lithuanian and u- in Latvian.

ingti

LITH ingti 'become Jazy, peeJ (intr.) , Jose hair, live in poverty', 3 pres. ingsta, 3 pret. ingo

LATV igt 'pine, be surly, waiJ', 1sg. pres. igstu, 1sg. pret. igu

Obviously, ingti 'become Jazy' belongs together with -+angus 'Jazy' and -+engti 'do smth. in a sJuggish and clumsy manner'. l think that Latv. igt also belongs here and that these forms are cognate with OCS jędza 'disease', etc. ( see engti). It is doubtful if ingti 'peeJ (intr.) , Jose hair' and engti 'peel, skin' contain the same root.

ynis

LITH ynis (dial.) m.(io) 1 [ 1/2] 'hoar-frost, rime'; VAR ynis f.(i) 1 [ 1/4]

BSL *i(nio(s ) PSL *jbnbjb m. io; *jbnbje n. io 'hoar-frost, rime' SL OCS inii (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) m.(io ) ; RuCS inii m.(io ) ; inije n.(io ) ; Ru. fnej

m.(jo ); ORu. inii m.(io ); inije n.(io ); Bel. inej m.(jo ); Ukr. inej m.(jo ); Cz. jini n.(io ) ; OSJk. jinie n.(io ); SCr. inje n.(jo ); SJn. inje n.(jo ) ; Bulg. inej m.(jo)

As far as l know, there are no cognates outside Balto-Slavic.

202 inkstas

inkstas

LITH inkstas l [ 1/3] 'kidney, (SP) entrails, (Chyl.) inside, ( dial.) testicle' LATV ikstis Npl. f.(i) 'kidneys'; VAR ikši Npl. m.( jo); ikstis Npl. f.(i) ; ikši Npl.

m.( jo); istri Npl. m.( o) OPR inxcze (EV) 'kidney'

BSL *i(st-PSL *jbsto n. o 'kidney' SL OCS istesa (Supr.) Apl. 'kidneys'; istese (Supr.) Adu. 'kidneys'; Plb. jaista Npl.

'kidneys' ; Čak. jisto (Cres) n.( o?); Sln. obist f.(i)

PIE *h2id-st(h2)-es-IE O lc. eis ta 'testicle'

I assume that the Baltic -n- is secondary, cf. -+fsčios, -+OPr. instran 'fat', which contain a prefix 'in-'. A problem with the reconstruction *h2id-st(h2)-es- is the fact that Winter's law did not operate before *s. The acute could be analogical after other forms containing this root. Latv. ikstis and ikši show recent shortening ( cf. ME I: 835 ).

inkš tėti

LITH inkšteti ( dial.) 'stammer', 3 pres. ifzkšteja, 3 pret. ifzkštejo

BSL *ink-PSL *ękati; *ęcati v. 'moan' (the form *ęcati shows the regular reflex of the

second palatalization) SL Cz. jekati 'shriek'; OPI. jąkac 'moan'; Slnc. jqkac 'sigh, moan'; SCr. jekati

'resound, moan'; jekati 'scold, urge on'; jecati 'sob, stammer', isg. jeciim; Sln. jękati 'hit with a lot of noise, bump into', ISg. jękam; jęcati 'stammer, prattle', ISg. jęcam; Bulg. ecam (dial.) 'eat, dangle'; jecam (dial.) 'stammer'

IE Lat. unciire 'make the sound of a bear'; MLG anken 'moan, sigh'; MoDu. janken 'howl, cry'

Another Slavic cognate is *ęčati, e.g. Ru. jačat' ( dial.) 'wail, moan', Cz. ječeti 'shriek', Pl. jęczee 'moan', SCr. ječati 'resound, moan'.

inkšti

LITH inkšti 'whine, squeal, screech', 3 pres. inkščia, 3 pret. inkštė

inkštiras

LITH inkštiras 2 [2/3b] 'blackhead, larva in the skin of een animal'; VAR inkstiras ( dial.) 2 'id., trichina'

This noun probably originates from -+ankštiras being influenced by -+fsčios 'womb, entrails, interior', which contains a prefix 'in-' ( cf. Endzelins 1943: 142 ) .

ir

LITH if 'and' LATV ir 'also, even, ( obs.) and'

OPR ir 'and, also'

irmėdė

This conjunction may be the zero grade of -+ar.

irbė

LITH irbė l 'hazel-grouse' LATV irbe 'partridge' ( meža irbe 'hazel-grouse')

BSL * iri'b-

203

For Slavic cognates with *jbrb- < * iri'b-, see ---+ irbėnis. In my view, these forms cannot be separated from PSI. * (e )rębb 'hazel-grouse, partridge', * (e ) rębica 'partridge', *rębika, *(e )rębina 'rowan tree' ( cf. Derksen 2008a: 142- 143, 435-436) nor from ---+jerube 'hazel-grouse' and Latv. rubenis 'black grouse', which l consider to be cognate with Ok. rjupa 'ptarmigan' < *reub-, in spite of the fact that the Baltic forms with short *u seem to be in conflict with Winter's law. The alternations in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębo) definitely point to a non­Indo-European origin.

irbenis

LITH irbėnis (NdŽ) 2 'snowball-tree' LATV irbene 'snowball-tree'; VAR irbęnajs; ifbenajs; irbinajs

BSL * iri'b-PSL *jbrbica f. ja; *jbrbina f. a; *jbrbika f. a 'rowan tree' SL Kash. jerzbina; jarzbina; USrb. jerbina ( dial.) ; Sln. rbika ( Josch 1853); Bulg.

erbica ( dial.) 'partridge'

See ---+ irbė.

irklas

LITH irklas 1 [1/2? /3] 'oar, (Žem.) boat' (a variant with a circumflex root is mentioned by Skardžius (1941: 193) , but not by the LKŽe)

LATV irkis [ ir, ir2] 'oar' ; VAR irklis [ ir, ir2]

PIE *h1 rhrtlom IE Gk. epnµ6v n. 'oar'

See -+irti l. Full grade occurs in Skt. aritra- n., aritra- n. 'oar'.

ir m ėdė

LITH irmėdė (E. Lith.) l 'gout' LATV ifmi Npl. 'legs' OPR irmo 'arm'

BSL *iri'mo; *iri'men-; *6ri'men-PSL *ormo; *ormę n. o; n. n (a) 'shoulder' SL OCS ramo n.(o) 'shoulder'; Ru. ramena (arch., poet.) n. (n) 'shoulders'; Cz.

rame ( !it, arch.); rameno n. (o); Slk. ramii; PI. ramię; SCr. rame, Gsg. ramena,

204 iršti

Npl. ramena; Sln. rame 'shoulder, arm', Gsg. ramena; rama f.(a); ramo n.( o) ; Bulg. ramo, Npl. ramena, Npl. ramenė

PIE *h2orH-mo-; h2orH-men-IE Skt. irma- m. 'arm'; Lat. armus m. 'arm, shoulder'; Go. arms m. 'arm'

In the case of irmėdė we are dealing with a compound of a word for 'limb' and -+esti 'eat'.

iršti

LITH iršti ( dial.) 'be angry', 3 pres. ifSta, 3 pret. iršo LATV irstiės 'be annoyed, rage', isg. pres. irsuos

It is tempting to seek a connection with Skt. irasyati 'be angry', but this presents formal difficulties, for which see -+aršus.

irštva

LITH irštva 3 'bear's den'

PIE *h2rtko-IE Skt. fk?a- m. 'bear'; Gk. lipKroc; m. 'bear'; Hitt. bartakka- e. 'bear( ?)'; Lat.

ursus 'bear'

The early nineties witnessed the publication of three articles devoted to fate of the PIE word for 'bear' in Baltic, viz. Young 1991, Lanszweert 1993, Karaliūnas 1995. While Karaliūnas's article is a response to Young's article, Lanszweert 1993 seems to be inde­pendent. The aforementioned authors claim that irštva contains *h2rtk- 'bear' (as loosely suggested in Mann 1977: 83) , which in Baltic yielded irš- (Young, Lanszweert) or iršt- (Karaliūnas). Assuming that the accentuation is reliable (the form is first attested in Juškevič's dictionary), the acute tone of the root is problematic. Young simply assumes that the initial laryngeal is responsible for the acute, while Karaliūnas ( 1995: 192) posits metathesis to *rh2. The former solution is questionable ( cf. imti < *h1 m-), the latter ad hoc.

In view of -+tašyti < *tetk, I am inclined to agree with Young and Lanszweert that one would expect *h2rtk- to yield irš-. Lanszweert tries to back this up by suggesting that in the expression piktas kaip iršas ( cf. piktas kaip širšė 'as angry as a hornet'), which was recorded in Viekšniai (N. Žem.), the original meaning of iršas was 'bear'. The LKŽ (IV: 140) describes the meaning of iršas as 'kas iršta', i.e. 'who is angry', which does not make much sense.

Fraenkel (LEW: 187) claims that irštva arose from -+širtva 'den, lair' (thus also Smoczyri.ski 2007: 223) . According to Karaliūnas (1995 : 191-192) , it is the other way round. His scenario has the advantage that the metathesis could be explained as distortion for reasons of taboo. Of course, there is not necessarily a relationship between these etyma.

irti l

LITH irti 'row', 3 pres. iria, 3 pret. yrė LATV irt [ ir, ir2] 'row', lsg. pres. iru, lsg. pret. Iru

PIE *h1 rh1 - ie-

įsėkti

IE Gk. ėpfoaw 'row'; Olr. rai"t JPl. 'row'; Ok. r6a 'row'; OE rowan 'row'

See also: irklas

irti 11

LITH irti disintegrate', 3 pres. yra, 3 pret. i ro; i rti (Žem.) , 3 pres. i rsta, 3 pret. i ro LATV irt [ ir, ir, ii-2, ir2] 'disintegrate, crumbie', isg. pres. irstu, isg. pret. iru

PIE *Hr-

205

The tonai variation in Latvian originates from the ( comparativeiy iate) introduction of a giottal stop in the sta-present (see Derksen 2011b). In the case of irt 'row' (-+irti I), where the giottal stop is original, we oniy find the expected sustained tone. The tone of the Lithuanian infinitive is insufficient to warrant the reconstruction of a root-finai iaryngeal (pace LIV: 272), cf. -+ardyti.

įsčios

LITH fsčios Npl. l 'womb, entrails, interior' LATV iekšas Npl. [ ie, ie2] 'entrails'; VAR iekša [ ie, ie2] ' interior'

IE Ok. istr n. 'fat'; MLG inster n. 'entraiis of a siaughtered animal'

The first element of this noun must be identified with the prefix 'in-', cf. -+į, -+Latv. ie-. See also -+instran.

įsėkti

LITH įsėkti 'engrave'

BSL *sek-PSL *sekti v. (e) 'cut, mow' SL OCS sešti (Euch., Supr.) 'cut', isg. sekr;i; Ru. seč' 'cut to pieces, beat', isg. seku,

3sg. seččt; Cz. sici 'mow', isg. seku, isg. seču; OCz. sieci 'mow', isg. seku; Pl. siec 'hew, beat', isg. siekę; USrb. syc 'hew, beat', isg. syku; LSrb. sec 'hew, beat', isg. seku; SCr. sjeCi 'cut', isg. siječem; Čak. sl'Ci (Vrg.) 'cut', 2sg. sičeš; Sln. sęči 'cut', isg. sęčem; Bulg. seka 'chop, fell', isg. sečeš

PIE *sekh1 -IE Hitt. šiikk-i l šakk- 'know, pay attention to, recognize' ; Lat. seciire 'cut' ; OE

sagu f. 'saw'

The verbs jsėkti and išsėkti 'engrave' are often cited with an acute root vowel, but it is unclear to me on what authority. The forms can be traced to Bezzenberger 1877 ( 287, 280 ), where the tone is not indicated. To all appearances, Bezzenberger exclusiveiy bases these verbs on giosses in the margin of Bretke's transiation of Exodus 39:14 and 39:30. The acute of pasekelis l 'iarge sledgehammer', on the other hand, seems to be attested. In Latvian, we find sęks 'sickle, saw', where the tone is unknown. For Siavic, Kortlandt (1997a: 28) has proposed that "sekti adopted the iong root vowei for disambiguation from the root which is preserved in Lith. sekti 'watch, follow' and Siavic sočiti 'indicate, pursue' ( cf. Vaillant Gr. III: 163)''. LIV (524) assumes an acro-

206 iš

dynamic present here. The expected short vowel occurs in OCS sekyra 'axe'. If there was a Lithuanian root sek- 'cut', its acute is unlikely to have its origin in Balto-Slavic.

iš

LITH iš 'from, out of'; VAR iž ( arch., dial.) LATV iz 'from, out of' OPR is, assa, assae 'from, out of'

BSL *ii ( *if) PSL *jbz prep./pref. 'from, out of' SL OCS iz; Ru. iz; Cz. z(e) ; Slk. z(o) ; Pl. z(e) prep. 'with, from, out of'; SCr. l'z

'from, out of'; Čak. z (Orb.) 'out of, from, off'; Sln. iz 'from, out of'; Bulg. iz 'from, out of, at, in'

PIE *h1 egii(s) IE Gk. i:� prep.; Lat. ex prep.

The *i- of the Balto-Slavic forms is unexplained. The Balto-Slavic form may have been *iš, with secondary voicing in Slavic.

yščias

LITH yščias (Ness.) 'apparent, clear, elaborate'; VAR iščias (Ness.)

It seems that the forms yščias and iščias, which both appear in the scholarly literature, can be traced to the form iszczias 'offenbar, deutlich, ausfiihrlich' in Nesselmann's dictionary (1851 : 29) The quantity of the root vowel is uncertain (cf. Būga RR I: 594) . I do not adopt Būga's spellings ysčias (isčias) and assume that we are deling with a derivative in *-jo- of a form corresponding to -+ Latv. ists, which I connect with aiškus. The k of the Latvian variant iksts can hardly serve as an indication for an original root shape *isk- (pace ME: s.v.).

yškus

LITH jškus (OLith., dial.) l 'clear'; VAR iškus (OLith.)

Adjective containing the zero grade of -+aiškus. A zero grade is also found in PSl. *jiJskra 'spark', e.g. Ru. iskra, SCr. l'skra.

ižas

LITH ižas 2 [ 2/ 4] 'ice-floe, thin layer of ice, hoarfrost'

See -aiža.

yžė

LITH yže ( dial.) 4 'pod, peel, shell, ice-floe'; VARyžia 4 'ice-floe' LATV ize2 [ i2, i2] 'crack (in ice)'

See -+aiža.

jauja 207

ižti

LITH ižti 'pod, burst, crack (ice) ', 3 pres. yžta, 3 pret. ižo

See -+aiža. The apophonic pattern of this verb cannot be considered evidence for an originally circumflex root.

jau

LITH jau 'already' LATV jau [au, au� 'already'

J

OPR iau ( only once in the Enchridion as a translation of German je)

BSL *iou PSL *ju( že) adv. 'already' SL OCS uže; juže; RuCS ju 'now, then'; Ru. uže; Cz. již; OCz. juž( e) ; Slk. už; Pl.

ju ( dial.) ; juž

PIE *iou IE Go. 'already, now'

Fraenkel (LEW: 190) supports the hypothesis that jau contains the root of -+jaunas (thus also Smoczyriski 2007: 229 ) . The view that the adverb is based on the pro­nominal stem *h1 i- is more common (cf. Lehmann 1986: 212). OPr. iau also occurs in the Basel Epigram, where we find thoneaw 'you (are) no longer:

jaugti l LITH jaugti 'tie, join, yoke', 3 pres. jaugia, 3 pret. jaugė

See -+jungti. The root is a full grade of PIE *iug- , to which Winter's law applies.

jaugti 11

LITH jaugti 'lump together, mix, put into disorder, confuse', 3 pres. jaugia, 3 pret. jaugė

We seem to be dealing here with an enlargement of the root found in -+jauti.

jauja

LITH jauja l 'granary, drying shed, threshing shed'; VAR jaujė; jaujis; jaujas; ja ujus LATV jauja [au, au� 'threshing floor' OPR jauge 'drying shed, barn for braking flax' (the oldest source (1604) has the

spellingjawyge (Toporov PJ II: 21)) BSL * iouiaH PSL evbja f. ia; *evb1Ja f. ja 'granary, drying shed'

208 jaukas

SL Ru. evnja (W. dial.); evnja (Psk.); evnja ( dial.) 'drying shed without a ceiling'; Bel. eunja; eunja; jauja ( dial.); Ukr. jevja; jevnja; Pl. jawia; jewnia ( arch.); jownia ( arch.)

PIE *ieu- iH-ehr IE MoHG jauge ( dial.) 'barn'

It is evident that Slavic *evbja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for 'grain', Lith. -+javai, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iayia to *iauja may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form if we assume that the original form was *iayia.

The Belorussian form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga, and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jauja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians ( see also Laučjute 1982: 12-13).

jaukas

LITH jaūkas 4 [2/4] 'lure, enticement, bait' (attestations of AP 2 occur in the card files of the Lithuanian dialect atlas, according to Illič-Svityč 1963: 48)

IE Skt. 6kas- n. 'house, dwelling, abode'

PIE *h1 euk-es-

See ---+jaukinti.

jaukinti

LITH jaukin ti 'tame, domesticate', 3 pres. jaukina, 3 pret. jaukino LATV jaucet 'accustom, lure', lsg. pres. jauceju OPR iaukint 'train'

BSL *ourk-PSL *uči ti v. (e) 'teach' SL OCS učiti, lsg. učp; Ru. učit', lsg. uču, 3sg. učit; Cz. učiti; Slk. učif; Pl. uczyc;

SCr. učiti, lsg. učlm; Čak. učl'ti (Vrg.), 2sg. učiš; Sln. učiti, lsg. učim; Bulg. uča

PIE *h1ouk-eie-IE Skt. ucyati 'be accustomed to' ( *h1 uk-); Go. biuhts 'accustomed to' (*h1 euk-).

The j- of the Baltic forms must be taken from forms with e-grade. In fact, one might just as well consider jaukinti a derivative of jaukus 'tame' ( cf. Leskien 1884: 432) . The acute tone of the root may originate from the zero grade, cf. SCr. vi'knuti 'get used to' (see Derksen 2008a: 506-507, 534) . See also: jaūkas; įlinkti

jaukti

LITH jaūkti ( aū, au] 'lump together, mix, put into disorder, confuse', 3 pres. ja ūkia, 3 pret. jaūkė

LATV jaukt [au, au2] 'mix, confuse, disturb', lsg. pres. jaucu

jausti

We seem to be dealing here with an enlargement of the root found in -+jauti.

jaunas

LITH jaunas 3 'young' LATV jauns 'young, new'

BSL *iou?n6s PSL *jun'b adj . o (e) 'young'

209

SL OCS jun'b 'young(er)' ; Ru. junyj 'young, youthful' ; Cz. juny (poet.) 'young, youthful' ; SCr. jun ( eccl.) 'young'; Sln. jCm 'young, youthful', f. juna

PIE *h2iu-Hon-IE Skt. yuvan- adj ./m. 'young, youth'; Lat. iuvenis m. 'young man'

The Balto-Slavic adjective seems to reflect *h2 ieu-Hn-o-.

jaura

LITH jaura i 'marshy spot, marshy ground'

IE OE ear m. 'sea' ( cf. Fi. jiirvi 'lake')

See -jura.

jaurus

LITH jaurus 4 'marshy'

See -jura.

jausti

LITH jaūsti 'feel, sense', 3 pres. jaūčia, 3 pret. jaūtė LATV jaust [au, aū, au, au2, au2] 'feel, notice, heed, understand', isg. pres. jaušu,

isg. pret. jautu; VAR jaust [au, au2, au2] , isg. pres. jaužu, ISg. pret. jaudu; jaust [aū, au2] , isg. pres. jaūšu, ISg. pret. jaūdu; jaust2 (Nigr.), isg. pres. jaušu2, ISg. pret. jausu2

BSL "jout-PSL *otjutiti v. 'feel, perceive' SL OCS oštutiti 'feel, perceive, understand', ISg. oštušt9; Ru. očutit'sja 'find

oneself, come to be'; ORu. očutiti 'notice' ; Cz. cititi 'feel'; Slk. citit' 'perceive, (refl.) feel'; Pl. cucič 'bring back to consciousness, (refl.) awake'; SCr. čutjeti 'feel' ; Čak. čūtl'ti (Vrg.) 'feel'; Sln. čutiti 'feel, sense, notice', isg. čutim; čutiti 'feel, sense, notice', ISg. čUtim

In Latvian, one would expect secondary jaužu : jaudu alongside jaušu : jautu, but ME (l: 103) lists jaušu : jaudu for Bauske [aū] and jaušu : jautu/jaudu for Rujen [au2] . PSl. *jut- can be connected with Skt. vat- 'get acquainted with' < *uet- only under the assumption that Slavic created a new full grade *eut- > *jaut- > *jut- . The unprefixed forms reflect initial *tj- resulting from reanalysis of *ot-jutiti as *o- tjutiti.

See also: jautrus; justi

210 jauti

jauti

LITH jauti [ciu, aū] 'mix, lump together, put into disorder', 3 pres. jauna, 3 pret. jovė; VARjauti [ciu, aū] , 3 pres. jauja, 3 pret. jovė

LATV jaut [au, au, au2] 'mix', lsg. pres. jaunu, jauju, lsg. pret. javu, javu (jauju2 : javu2 in Seyershof, jaunu2 : javu2 in Orellen)

PIE *iou(H)-IE Skt. yuvati 'join'

This verb is probably cognate with ->jungti 'join, yoke', which may have a different enlargement of the root *ieu- attested in Sanskrit. More recent enlargements occur in ->jaūgti and ->jaūkti. It is unclear if the tonal variation found in East Baltic has PIE roots, cf. LIV: 314. See also: jautis; jovalas; jftšė; Latv. jūtis

jautis

LITH jautis l 'ox'

Probably cognate with the root of ->jungti 'join, yoke', which may have a different enlargement of the root *ieu- attested in Skt. yav- 'join' (--jauti) . Cf. also Latv. jūtis 'crossroads'.

jautrus

LITH jautrus 'sensitive, keen' LATV jautrs [au, au, au2] 'cheerful'

See ->jaūsti.

javas

LITH

PIE IE

jėga

javas 4 'com, grain' (usually Npl. javai) „ . 1eu-o-Skt. yava- m. 'grain, com, barley'; Gk. <eia[ Npl. f. 'spelt'

LITH jėga 4 'strength, force, power, (E. Lith.) understanding, intelligence' LATV jęga 'strength, reflection, sense, idea'; VARjęgs2

The connection with Gk. fl�ri 'youthful power, youth' is put into question by forms with initial a, which, however, are sometimes regarded as hyper-Doric or hyper­Aeolic (see also Derksen 1996: 136-137). Beekes (2010: 507-508) notes that there are also Doric and Aeolic forms with i]- and ei-. Another issue is the fact that the usual reconstruction *iegw- would not account for the Latvian acute. See also: j�gti

jėgti

LITH jlgti 'be able, be strong', 3 pres. jlgia, 3 pret. jlgė

jerbė 211

LATV jegt [e, e, e2] 'understand, (- ties) be sensible, make an effort, struggle', lsg. pres. jędzu, lsg. pret. jedzu

See -+jėga.

jeknos

LITH jeknos Npl. 2 (OLith., dial.) 'liver' ; VAR jekanas (Bretk.) LATV aknas Npl. 'liver' OPR lagno [ iagno] (EV) 'liver'

PIE *iekw-r/n-IE Skt. yakar- (yakn-) m. 'liver'; Gk. rptap n. 'liver'

According to Vitkauskas (2006: 112-113) , the variant jaknos (a.o. Jušk., Jabl.) should be normalized to jeknos, as it is merely a matter of orthography.

See also: ikras

jentė

LITH jentė (1ih e.) f.(ė/r) 'husband's brother's wife'; VAR intė l 'husband brother's wife, wife's sister, daughter- in-law'

LATV ietere (BW, Memelshof) 'husband's brother's wife' (the accentuation ie in ME is corrected in EH); VAR ieta/a [ ie, iė2, ie2] ; jentere (W. Latv.)

BSL *jen?ter-PSL *ętry f. ū 'husband's brother's wife' SL CS jętry f.( ū) , Gsg. jętrbVe; Ru. jatrov' ( dial.) f.(i) 'husband's brother's wife,

brother's wife'; ORu. jatry f.(ū) , Gsg. jatrbVe; OCz. jatrev f.(i) ; Pl. jqtrew ( arch.) f. (i), Gsg. jqtrwi; SCr. jetrva f. (a); jetrva f. (a) ; jetrva f. (a); Čak. jetrva (Vrg.) f.(a) ; jetrva (Novi) f. (a) ; Sln. j?trva f.(a)

PIE *(H)ienhrter-IE Skt. yatar- f. 'husband's brother's wife'; Gk. dvUTepec; (Hom.) f. 'wives of

brothers or of husbands' brothers, sisters-in-law'; Arm. ner f. 'husband's brother's wife'; Lat. ianitrlces 'brothers' wives'

If intė is of East Lithuanian origin (the oldest attestation seems to be Sirvydas's dictionary), the root vocalism in- may be due to raising.

jerbė

LITH jerbė l (1/2/ 4] 'hazel-grouse' ; VARjierbė l

Būga (II: 538) tentatively suggests that jierbė was borrowed from a Latvian dialect where irC > ierC. This is conceivable, cf. jierbę in the East Latvian dialect of Gr. ­Buschhof (Endzelins 1922a: 169) corresponding to irbe 'partridge' (--+irbė) . For jierbė, Būga mentions attestations in Kupiškis and Vadokliai (E. Lith.) . Perhaps this hypothesis may be extended to jerbė, which considering the data in the LKŽ ( and Būga: l.e.) seems to be an East Lithuanian form as well. We cannot exclude the possibility that the full grade is original, however.

212 jerubė

jerubė

LITH jerube 3b 'hazel-grouse'; VARjerumbe (dial.) 3b; jerubė 3b (also 'spotted cow'); arubė i; jčrubė 3b; jėrube 3b

LATV ierube2 'partridge' ( cf. ierubinatiės 'fiir eine kurze Zeit zu kollern od. falzen beginnen') ; VAR irube (BW) ( quantity of the initial vowel uncertain)

BSL *eru(m)b-; *erimb-PSL *erębb m. jo; *eręb'b m. o; *eręb'bk'b m. o SL RuCS jarębb m. 'partridge'; ORu. erjabb; orjabb m. 'partridge'; Cz. jerab

'rowan-tree; crane, (arch.) 'partridge'; jerabek 'hazel-grouse'; Slk. jerab 'rowan-tree'; Pl. jarzqb (arch., dial.) 'rowan-tree ( dial.) , hazel-grouse (OPI.) '; jarzqbek, jerzqbek (dial.) 'hazel-grouse'; USrb. jerjab 'hazel-grouse'; SCr. jiireb ( dial.) 'partridge'; Čak. oreb (Vrg.) 'partridge'; Sln. jeręb 'partridge'; jaręb 'partridge'

IE Olc. jarpi m. 'hazel-grouse'; jarpr 'brown'

Būga (RR II: 537) doubts the existence of (j)ėrubl, which he traces to Ruhig's dictionary, where one also finds Jerublė (for Jerubbė?). The LKZ's attestations of jerubė, however, include the dialect of Gargždai in the Klaipėda area. According to Būga (RR II: 538), the variation u(m) : ū may be accounted for if we assume that these forms are borrowings reflecting Slavic *jerpb'b. This seems implausible to me. Firstly, the Slavic evidence points to a medial vowel *ę. Secondly, there are forms such as --+Latv. rubenis 'black grouse', which can hardly be explained as a borrowing. The irregularities connected with these etyma are best viewed within a substratum context. We seem to be dealing with a root *(e)ru(m)b-, with a variant *(e)r(m)b-, of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin (cf. Derksen 2000) .

See also: irbė; irbėnis; jerbė

jis

LITH jis 'he', f. ji LATV jis (E. Latv.) 'he', Nomsf] ji 2

BSL *(j) is, *jo-PSL *jb( že) prn. SL OCS i 'that, he, who', f. ja, n. je; ORu. ože conj. 'how, that, because'; Cz. že

conj. 'that'; (j)ež (arch.) conj . 'that'; jenž (arch.) prn. 'who', f. jež, n. jež; Slk. že conj. 'that' ; Pl. že conj. 'that'; že prn. 'who'

PIE *h1 e (f. hi ih2), *io-

If we start from a Nsg. *is, the j- must stem from the oblique cases, the Asg. *im excepted ( cf. Stang 1966: 233) . For Slavic, a reconstruction *io-(gw)h) would suffice, but l prefer to assume that both in Baltic and Slavic the demonstrative pronoun *h1e (traditionally *is, cf. Beekes 1983) and the relative pronoun were conflated.

joti

LITH joti 'ride', 3 pres. joja, 3 pret. jojo

LATV jat 'ride', lsg. pres. jaju

BSL *jai'-PSL * eti v. 'go, ride'

jungti 213

SL Cz. jeti 'ride, drive', lsg. jedu ; OPL jal 3sg. pret. 'rode'; USrb. jec 'ride'; LSrb. jėš 'ride'

PIE *ieh,-IE Skt. yciti 'go, travel, move'

In Slavic, *eti was ousted by *exati, e.g. Ru. exat' 'go, ride, drive', SCr. jahati 'ride', where the *x may originate from the s-aorist.

jovalas

LITH jovalas 3b 'pigswill, mess' LATV javais 'pigswill'

Related Latvian forms are javs, javs 'water mixed with flour, swill, dough'. We are dealing with derivatives of -+jau ti, Latv. jau t.

judus

LITH judus 4 'active, mobile, (SD, Ness.) belligerent'

BSL *jud-PSL *ojbmin'b m. o SL OCS oimi (Supr.) Npl. 'soldiers'

The Slavic noun is a prefixed derivative of *jbd-m-, cf. Skt. yudhma- 'warrior' <

*Hiudh-m-.

jungas

LITH jungas l [1/2/3] 'yoke' (AP 2 is mcntioned by Illič-Svityč (1963: 71)) LATV jugs 'yoke'

BSL *jui'go PSL *j6go n. o (e) 'yoke' SL OCS igo 'yoke'; Ru. igo 'yoke (fig.) '; Ukr. iho 'yoke' ; Cz. jho 'yoke'; Pl. jugo

'yoke, cross-beam'; Slnc. vjige 'yoke'; SCr. igo (arch., lit.) 'yoke'; jigo (Krk) 'stabilizing cross-beam on primitive boats'; Sln. ig<} n. (s) 'yoke', Gsg. ižęsa; jig9 (Carinthia) n. (s) 'yoke', Gsg. jižęsa; Bulg. igo 'yoke'

PIE *iug-6-m IE Skt. yuga- n. 'yoke, pair'; Gk. (uy6v n. 'yoke'; Lat. iugum n. 'yoke'

See -+jungti. The nasal infix of the Lithuanian and probably the Latvian forms were adopted from the verb.

jungti

LITH jungti 'tie, join, yoke', 3 pres. jungia, 3 pret. jungė LATV jugt 'yoke', lsg. pres. judzu

214 junkti

PIE *iu-ne/n-g-IE Skt. yunakti 'yoke'; Lat. iungere 'join' See also: jaugti; jautis; jlingas

junkti

LITH junkti 'get used to', 3 pres. junksta, 3 pret. junko LATV jukt 'get used to', lsg. pres. juks tu, lsg. pret. juku

BSL *unrk-PSL *vykn9ti v. (a) 'get used to, accustom oneself' SL OCS vykn9ti 'get used to, accustom oneself', lsg. vykn9; Cz. vyknouti 'get

used to, accustom oneself' (usually preceded by another prefix, e.g. pfi­vyknouti 'make smb. get used to, accustom') ; USrb. wuknyc 'learn'; SCr. vl'knuti 'get used to'

IE Skt. ucyati 'be accustomed to'; Go. biuhts 'accustomed to'

See ->jaukinti. In view of the structure of the root, I now consider it virtually impossible (rather than possible but implausible, as per Derksen 2008a: 534) that the acute of Lithuanian form originates from the sta-present (Derksen 2011b: 232 ff.) . See also: jaūkas; jaukinti

juokas

LITH juokas 4 'laugh, laughter, (pl.) joke( s ) ' LATV juoks [ uo, uo2] 'joke'

IE Lat. iocus m. 'joke'

Probably a borrowing from German, cf. the Prussian dialect form jok 'joke'.

juosmuo

LITH juosmuo m.(n) 3• 'waist, loins, (obs., dial.) beit, girdle'; VARjuosmenė 2 'waist, loins, beit, girdle';juosmenis '(Ness.) waist, loins, ( dial.) beit, girdle'

LATV juosma 'beit, girdle'; VARjuosms 'beit, girdle' ; juosmenis 'beit, girdle'

See ->juosta.

juosta

LITH juosta l 'girdle' LATV juosta 'girdle'; VARjuoste

BSL *jo(s-PSL *pojiis'b m. o 'girdle' SL OCS pojas'b; Ru. p6jas; Cz. pas; Slk. pas; Pl. pas; SCr. pajas; piis, Gsg. piisa;

Sln. plis, Gsg. piisa, Gsg. pasu; pojiis; Bulg. p6jas

The combination of fixed root stress in Lithuanian and a broken tone in Latvian suggests an original neuter ( cf. Derksen 1996: 121 with references). We are dealing

justi 215

here with a substantivized to-participle of ->juosti, cf. Gk. (wm6<;, Av. yasta- 'girdled' < *ieh3s-to-. The Slavic noun contains the prefix *po-, cf. RuCS jasalo 'girdle'.

juosti

LITH juosti 'gird, engirdle, beat', 3 pres. juosia, 3 pret. juosė

PIE *ieh3s-IE Gk. (wvvuµ1 'gird'

According to the ESSJa (VIII 181- 182 ), Cz. jasaf ( dial.) 'tear dothes' may continue the same root, the semantic link being 'tear into strips'.

See also: juosta

jūra

LITH jura l 'sea' LATV jura [11 , u 2] 'sea (dial. also pl.) ' ; VARjura;jure [11 , u2] ; juris OPR luriay [iuriay] (EV) 'sea'; wurs (EV) 'pond'; iilrin (III) Asg. 'sea'

PIE *u(e!o)h1 -r-IE Skt. var- n. 'water' ; Oic. ur n. 'drizzle'

The *j- may have been adopted from a secondary full grade *eu?r- attested in Lith. jaura 'marshy spot'. In that case OPr. wurs may represent the original zero grade *uHr-. The existence of Slavic cognates is highly uncertain ( cf. Derksen 2008a: 213-214) .

See also: jaura; jaurus

jūs

LITH jus 'you (pl.) ' LATV jus [11, u] 'you (pl.)' OPR ious (III), iaus (III), yous (I) , ioes (II) 'you (pl.) '

BSL *ju?(s ) PSL *vy prn. 'you (pl.) ' SL OCS vy; Ru. vy; Cz. vy; Slk. vy; Pl. wy; SCr. vf; Čak. vf (Vrg.) ; vi (Hvar) ; Sln.

vf

PIE *iuH-IE yuyam 'you (pl.) ' ; Go. jus 'you (pl.) '

Like Gothic, Balti e ( or Balto-Slavic) seems to have added * -s.

justi

LITH justi 'feel', 3 pres. jun ta, 3 pret. jilto LATV just 'feel, notice', lsg. pres. jutu, lsg. pret. jutu

BSL *jut-PSL *otjbtn<(ti v.

216 jūšė

SL Ru. očnUt'sja 'wake, regain consciousness', isg. očnus', 3sg. očnetsja; Cz. octnouti se 'find oneself, come to be'; Slk. ocitnouf sa 'find oneself'; Pl. ocknąč się 'awake'

For the etymology of the root, see --+jaūsti. If the connection with Skt. vat- < *uet is to be upheld, the *j- of the zero grade must have been adopted from the full grade.

jūšė

LITH jušė ( dial.) i 'fish-soup, bad soup, slops'; VAR jušia 'herring-soup' OPR iuse (EV) 'broth'

PSL *jūxa (b) 'broth, soup' SL CS juxa 'broth'; Ru. uxa 'fish-soup', Asg. uxu; ORu. uxa 'soup'; Bel. juxa

(coli.) 'blood' (borrowed into Lithuanian as juka 2/ 4 'blood-soup, blood, slops') ; Cz. jfcha 'liquid, sauce, (arch.) soup'; Cz. jucha (dial.) 'id:; Slk. jucha 'cabbage soup'; Pl. jucha 'blood (of an animal), bull's blood, soup, sauce, juice'; Slnc. jHxa 'soup'; SCr. juha ( dial.) 'soup, broth'; Čak. jūha (Vrg., Novi) 'soup, broth'; jūha (Orb.) 'soup', Asg. juho; Sln. juha 'soup'

PIE *iuH-s-IE Skt. yu�- n. 'broth'; Lat. iūs n. 'broth'

The main problem with the Slavic noun is the fact that all in all the evidence points to AP (b ), which is in conflict with the laryngeal required by the evidence from other languages. If the root is identical with Skt. yu- 'unite, attach, bind', which is uncertain, we may reconstruct * ieu- alongside * ieuH-, cf. Lith. -+jauti, jaūti, Latv. jaut, jaut. Furthermore, Slavic has full grade, ie/ou(H)-s- against zero grade elsewhere.

kada

LITH kada adv., conj. 'when' LATV kad adv., conj. 'when'

K

OPR kadan, kaden, kadden conj. 'when'

This form is based on the PIE interrogative pronoun *kwa- . In view of Winter's law, the element -d- must continue *dh not *d. Note Skt. kada 'when' is not an exact match, as the Lithuanian form has -a < *-q, cf. kadangi 'as, because' and E. Lith. kadu.

kai

LITH kai conj. 'when' LATV ka conj. 'when'; VAR kai OPR kai conj. 'when'

BSL *kai PSL *ce conj.

kaina 217

SL OCS ce conj . 'and, also, (and) besides, though'; RuCS ce conj . 'though, however'

PIE *kwai IE Gk. nol 'whereto'

The form *kwai may be a petrified locative ( cf. Schwyzer 1939 : 633).

kaimas

LITH kaimas l [ 1/3/4] 'village'; VAR kaima l; kaimė l

For the etymology of his noun, see ->kiemas. The acute of the Lithuanian forms is metatonical and may result from a retraction of the ictus from *-a, which presupposes an old neuter, or from *- iai'. Final stress at an earlier stage would also account for the vocalism ai instead of ie (Derksen 1996 : 215-216, 232) . The variant kaimas, which is found in Nesselmann's dictionary and Leskien 1891, was rejected by Būga (RR II: 705, 724) .

kaimenė

LITH kaimenė l 'herd, flock'

This noun, which is abundantly attested already in Old Lithuanian, is mainly interesting because of its meaning, which is reminiscent of ->šeima. Depalatalization is unlikely, however. Skardžius (1941: 236) derives kaimenė from ->kaimas.

kaimynas

LITH kaimynas l [1/ 4] 'neighbour', f. kaimynė l [1, 2, 3] LATV kaimi1;1š 'fellow-villager, neighbour'; VAR kaiminis2 OPR kaiminan Asg. 'neighbour'

A derivative of *kaim-, for which see ->kiemas. Fraenkel (LEW: 251) compares Latin vzcmus : vicus.

kaina

LITH kaina l [ 1/4] 'price, value, (Žem.) profit' ; VAR kainė 2 [2/4] LATV ciens [ ie, ie2] 'honour, respect, esteem'; VAR cie1;1a 'reception, respect, esteem';

Latv. ciena 'respect, esteem'

BSL *kainai' PSL *cena f. a (e) 'price, value' SL OCS cena; Ru. cena, Asg. cenu, Npl. ceny; cena, Asg. cenu, Npl. ceny; Ukr.

eina, Asg. cinu; Cz. cena; Slk. cena; Pl. cena; SCr. cijėna, Asg. cijėnu ; Čak. eina (Vrg.) , Asg. cin u; eina (Hvar) , Asg. cinu, Asg. cinu; cena (Novi) , Asg. cenu; Sln. cęna; Bulg. cena

PIE *kwai-nehr IE Gk. notvf] f. 'penance, penalty'; Av. kaena- f. 'penance, penalty'

The noun kaina is not attested in the oldest texts (it occurs from the first half of the 191h century onwards), but the Žemaitian forms show that the word is inherited

218 kaininti

(Sabaliauskas 1990: 72, cf. Būga RR I: 104-105, 362, LEW: 203) . To my mind, the authenticity of the unexpected accentuation kaina is not without doubt, however ( see Derksen 1996: 261-262 ) . It is remarkable, by the way, that the accentuation of the forms kaina and kainos from Alsėdžiai in the LKŽ (s.v.) does not match the accentuation provided by Jablonskis ( apud Būga l.e.) .

See also: lciininti

kaininti

LITH kaininti 'price, valu e'; VAR kainoti LATV cienit 'respect', lsg. pres. cienu, lsg. pret. cieniju; VAR cienit, lsg. pres. cieniju,

lsg. pret. cieniju

BSL *koin-PSL * ceniti v. 'evaluate, value' SL OCS ceniti, lsg. cenj9; Ru. cenit', lsg. cenju, 3sg. cenit; Cz. ceniti 'estimate,

evaluate'; Slk. cenif 'estimate, evaluate'; Pl. cenic 'estimate, evaluate, price'; SCr. cijeniti; Sln. cęniti, lsg. cęnim; Bulg. cenja

A denominative verb. See -+kaina.

kairinti

LITH kairinti 'irritate, tease', 3 pres. kairina, 3 pret. kairino LATV kafrinat [ai, ai2] 'irritate, tease'; VAR kafręnat 'id:; karinat 'irritate, provoke,

touch repeatedly'

BSL *kar-PSL *koriti v. 'reproach' SL OCS koriti (Supr.) 'jeer at', lsg. korj{J; Ru. karit' 'upbraid (for), reproach

(with)'; Cz. kofiti se 'submit, resign oneself'; Slk. korif sa 'submit, resign oneself'; Pl. korzyc się 'humble oneself'; SCr. koriti 'reproach (with)'; Sln. korfti 'reproach, punish', lsg. karim; Bulg. korja 'reproach (with), scold'

PIE *kar-IE Lat. carinare 'use abusive language'; OHG harawen 'mock'

With analogical i ( cf. Latv. karinat) after the causative of verbs with a root containing i, e.g. Lith. kaitinti 'heat', Latv. kaitinat 'irritate, provoke'. Obviously, the zero grade *kir-, as attested in the synonymous kirinti, provided the basis for this development.

In view of the difficulties connected with the Latin verb (Schrijver 1991: 429 ), I have simply reconstructed a root with "European a'; cf. also Gk. Kapv11 (Hsch.) f. 'penalty', which is cognate with CS kolb 'contumely', SCr. kar ( dial.) 'reproach' (Derksen 2008a: 237) . See also: atkarus; įkyreti; kirinti

kairė

LITH kairl 4 'left-hand side, left hand' LATV *efre [ei, ei] 'left hand'

kaitrus 219

The anlaut k- arose from *kr- through dissimilation, cf. -+Latv. krellis 'left hand'. For the etymology of the root, see -+kreivas.

kairys

LITH kairys 4 'left'; VAR kafras 4; kairias 4; kairus 4 LATV kairs2 [ai2, ai(?) ] 'left' ; VAR �efrs 'left'

See -+kaire.

kaisti

LITH kalsti 'get heated, become hot, sweat, blush, redden', 3 pres. kalsta, 3 pret. kalsto

LATV kaist [ai, ai2] 'become hot, glow, blaze, (refl.) be angry', lsg. pres. kaistu, lsg. pret. kaitu; VAR kaist [ai, ai2] , lsg. pres. kaistu, lsg. pret. kaisu

The root kait- has been connected with Skt. cetati 'shine, be conspicuous', citrci­'bright, conspicuous' < *k(e) it-. More obvious, in spite of the differing root-final dental, is the connection with Germanic forms such as Olc. heitr, OHG heiz 'hot' <

*koido- (see -+kaitrus) . In Germanic, the root also occurs in what seems to be an unextended variant, e.g. OHG hei 'heat, drought'. Furthermore, we find ablaut, e.g. Go. heito f. 'fever' < *keid-. Kroonen (2013 : 203) now claims that Baltic *kait- is a borrowing from Germanic, which seems definitely plausible to me.

See also: kaitėti l; kaitėti JI; kaitinti; prakaitas

kaitėti l LITH kai tėti 'become hot, suffer from heat', 3 pres. kaitėja, 3 pret. kaitėjo LATV kaitėt [ai, ai2] 'burn (intr.) , heat', lsg. pres. kaiteju

See -+kalsti. The Lithuanian acute must be metatonical ( cf. Derksen 1996: 200, 353-360 ).

kaitėti 11

LITH kaitėti (Žem.) 'worry, harm, be lacking', 3 pres. kaitėja, 3 pret. kaitėjo LATV kaitėt [ai, ai2, ai2] 'harm', lsg. pres. kaiteju, kaišu, kaitu, lsg. pret. kaiteju OPR ankaititai, enkaititai ptc. pf. pass. Npl. m. 'tempted'

Ultimately, this verb must have the same origin as -+kaitėti l.

kaitinti

LITH kaltinti 'heat', 3 pres. kaltina, 3 pret. kaltino LATV kaltinat [ai, ai2] ' irritate, provoke'

See -+kalsti. The sustained tone of the Latvian causative is a common case of mėtatonie rude. For the meaning, cf. OS hetian 'provoke'.

kaitrus

LITH kaitrus 4 [3/4] 'hot'

220 kaklas

AP 3 in kaitrus (Slnt.) . In the same village we find kaitra 'heat', against kaitra 4 elsewehere. For the etymology of the root kait- , see -+kaisti. The Germanic adjective is *haita- , cf. Oic. heitr, OE hat, OHG heiz 'bot'.

kaklas

LITH kaklas 4 'neck' LATV kakls 'neck, throat'

PIE *kwe-kwl-o-m IE Skt. cakra- n. 'wheel ( of a chariot, of the sun, of the year)'; Oic. hj6l n.

'wheel'; OE hweohhol n.; hweol n. 'wheel'

According to Illič-Svityč ( 1963: 50 ), the Finnish borrowing kaula, dial. kakla 'neck' points to an original neuter. Meillet (apud Illič-Svityč l.e.) assumes that the neuter o­stem is a later formation extracted from the collective in *-eh2' cf. Gk. KUKAU alongside KUKA.o� 'circle, wheel' and Skt. cakra- m. alongside cakra- n. Illič-Svityč, who starts from the assumption that there was an accentual opposition between the singular and thc plural in PIE neuter nouns, holds that the neuter is old. See also: OPr. kelan

kalba

LITH kalba 4 'language'; VAR kalbi (Lz.) 4

It is usually assumed that this noun contains the root *kelhr of Gk. KaAtw 'call, name', Lat. calare 'announce, summon', which also goes for -+ Latv. ka{uOt 'talk idly'. In that case we could regard kalba as a derivative in -ba ( cf. Skardžius 1941: 90 ), even though the laryngeal of the PIE root is not reflected in the accentuation. Smoczynski ( 2007: 248) assigns kalba to a root *(s )kelbh-, cf. skelbti (skelbti} 'announce, proclaim', skilbti 'sound, resound, become famous', which cannot be separated from Latv. skalbs 'sharp, shrill, loud', skulbis 'bell, bell-ringer', skulbenis 'bell', skulbinat 'sound'. Unfortunately, he does not present any evidence from outside Baltic for this root *(s )kelbh-, which in my view does not match the acute of the Baltic forms with s. The reconstruction of a root *(s )kelhr, cf. OHG halon 'fetch, call', OHG scellan 'sound, resound', is not unattractive, however, if only on theoretical grounds. In the case of skelbti, we may be dealing with an extended root, cf. ME scolden 'announce, reproach'. See also: kalbeti

kalbėti

LITH kalbeti 'speak, talk', 3 pres. kalba, 3 pret. kalbejo; VAR kalbeti (Lz.), 3 pres. kalbi, 3 pret. kalbejo

LATV kalblt 'chatter, talk, read', ISg. pres. kalbiju; VAR kalbinat; kalbet (Sprogis) 'read aloud (in class)'

See -+kalba.

kaltas I 221

kalybas

LITH kalybas l 'white (referring to a dog's neck), thin' ; kalybas 'a dog with a white neck'; VAR kalyvas l 'white (referring to a dog's neck) , snow-white'

PIE *ke!al-IE Skt. karki- f. 'white cow'; Lat. calidus 'with a white spot on the forehead'

If Schrijver's Latin sound law kel- > kal- is correct (Schrijver 1991: 427) , the rare calidus may contain *kel- .

kalnas

LITH kalnas 3 [ 1/3] 'mountain, hill' LATV kains 'mountain, hill'

PIE *kalH-n-IE Gk. KOAWVT] 'hill'; Lat. callis m. 'hill' ; OE hyll m.!f. 'hill'

The evidence points to an original n-stem containing the root of --+kelti.

kaltas l LITH kaltas l [ 1/3] 'chisel' LATV kalts [a{, al2] 'chisel, small hammer'

BSL *kal?t6 PSL *kalto m. o.; *kalta f. a; *kalto n. o (b) SL Ru. k6lot (dial.) m. 'wooden sledge-hammer, heavy dub'; kal6ta (dial.) f.

'flail, threshing floor'; ORu. kaloto m. 'instrument for ramming'; Bel. kalat m. 'pole for rousing fish'; Cz. klat m. 'bee-hive, piece of wood around the neck of a mean dog, (dial.) log' ; Slk. klat m. 'log, block, primitive bee-hive' ; Pl. klota (dial.) m. 'boot-tree, last'; SCr. klata n. 'log around the neck or feet of livestock'; Čak. kliito (Orb.) n. 'dapper, tongue ( of a bell)', Npl. kliita; Sln. klata f. 'log around the neck of a pig'

l assume that the mobile a-stems found in East Slavic are secondary (l wonder if the East Slavic variant k6lot may be analogical after malat 'hammer') and that the root­final laryngeal was lost in pretonic position in an end-stressed noun kalrto or kalrti>. Note that due to the transfer of the original barytone neuter a-stems (in * -am > * -um > * -b) to the dass of the masculine a-stems, there was widespread vacillation between the N sg. endings * - b and *-a ( cf. Illič-Svityč 1963: 49, Derksen 2009: passim) . The East Baltic forms do not show metatony, which is regular in the case of ta-derivatives of dominant acute roots. The final stress reflected by the Slavic etymon may be due to the productivity of the neuter suffix *- to ( *- ti>) . In view of the numerous Old Prussian derivatives in - tan (e.g. dalptan 'punch' ), the spread of the suffix may have been a Late Balto-Slavic development, in which case the East Baltic state of affairs results from redistribution according to the accentual praperties of the root (-kalti) .

See also: kalti; kalvis; kulti

222

kaltas 11

LITH kaltas 4 'guilty, indebted' LATV kalts (Memelshof) 'guilty'

kaltas II

Related forms are kalte 4 (kaltė 2) 'guilt, debt', kaltybė i (kaltjbė 2) , Latv. kaltiba 'id: and the denominative verb kaltinti 'accuse, indict: It is possible that we are dealing here with the root of --+skeleti 'owe', in which case we must reconstruct *(s )kel-.

kalti

LITH kalti 'beat, forge', 3 pres. kala, 3 pret. kalė; VAR kalti, 3 pres. kala, 3 pret. kalo LATV kalt [aŽ, al2] 'beat, forge', isg. pres. kafu, isg. pret. kalu

BSL *kol?-PSL *kalti v. (b) 'stab, sting' SL OCS klati 'kill', isg. kolj9; Ru. kol6t' 'prick, stab, chop', isg. kolju, 3sg. k6ljet;

Cz. klati 'stab, beat, kili'; Slk. klaf 'stab, butt, kill'; Pl. kluc 'sting, prick'; Slnc. klbięc 'sting, prick'; SCr. klati 'chop, cut', isg. koljem; Čak. klati 'chop, cut', 2sg. kofeš; klat (Orb.) 'slaughter', 3sg. kolje; Sln. klati 'sting, bite, slaughter, split, beat', isg. k(iljem; Bulg. k6lja 'slaughter, kili'

PIE *kolH-IE Lat. calamitas f. 'damage' See also: kaltas; kalvis; khlti; kuolas

kalva

LITH kalva 4 'elevated spot, (small) hill, (dial.) plot between meadows, clearing, shallow spot in the sea'

LATV kalva [aŽ, al2] 'hill, small island'

This is another derivative of the root found in -+kelti. As for the semantics, we may compare Olc. holmr m. 'small island', OE holm m. 'sea, water, land rising from the water, an island in a river' < *kolH-men-.

kalvis

LITH kalvis i 'blacksmith, hammersmith' LATV kalvis [aŽ, al2] 'smith'

This noun derives from -+kalti 'forge'. The word for 'smithy' is kalvė (kalva), Latv. kalve2 (kalva).

kamanė

LITH kamanė 2 [2/3b] 'bumblebee'; VAR kamune (Žem.) 3b; kamana; karninė 2 LATV kamene 'bumblebee'; VAR kamine; kamane OPR camus (EV) 'bumblebee'

It is likely that the Baltic root *kam- continues the o-grade of the root *kl'fl(H)- that we find in OHG humbal, hummel, ME humbul-be 'bumblebee' < PGmc. *humela-

kamanos 223

m., and Ru. čmel ( dial.) , Sln. čmęlj, Pl. czmiel 'id.' < PSL * Čbme/b. Like Fraenkel (LEW: 254), I am seeptieal about the appurtenanee of Lith. kimti 'beeome hoarse'.

kamanos

LITH kamanos Npl. l [ 1/3b] 'leather bridle' LATV kamanas Npl. 'sledge, sleigh' ; VAR kamanes Npl.

PSL *xom9to m.o 'horse eollar' SL CS xom9to 'yoke, seales' ; Ru. xomut 'horse eollar, clamp, ( dial.) wooden

hames'; Cz. chomout 'horse eollar'; Slk. chomut 'horse eollar' ; Pl. chomqt (areh.) 'horse eollar, clamp'; SCr. homūt 'bundle, buneh'; hOmot (dial.) 'support of a vine' ; Sln. hom(it 'horse collar, seine'

IE MoDu. haam n. 'horse-collar'; MoE hame m. 'one of two eurved supports attaehed to the eollar of a draft-horse'; OHG hamo m. 'net' ; MHG ham(e) m. 'bagshaped fishing-net'

Būga (1922: 270 = RR II : 295-296) convineingly argues that kamanos and Latv. kamanas are one and the same word. The original meaning of kamana was 'dug out tree-trunk together with its roots' ( cf. -->kamienas 'trunk, stem', Latv. kamans 'thiek end of a bearu') , whieh could be used as a sledge runner. Būga presents Ru. kok6ra (as well as kopan} as a perfect parallel. Next, Būga shows that originally bridles were made of wood, cf. žaboti 'bridle, eurb' from žabas 2/ 4 ' ( long) switeh, ( long) dry braneh, ( dial.) bit'. It seems to me that the meaning 'fishing-net, seine' attested in South Slavie and Germanic ean be explained in a similar way, cf. Lith. varžas 'fishing­trap made of osiers'.

In order to explain the initial *x-, Mongolian origin has been assumed for the Slavie word, cf. Mong. khom, pl. khomut 'yoke, cushion under a eamel saddle' ( ef. Maehek 1971: 203, ESSJa VIII: 69-70, Bari.kowski 20ooa: 143) . As it is generally assumed that horse collars entered Europe from the East, this is plausible enough. Unfortunately, it also presents serious difficulties. While Lith. kamafltai Npl. 2 'wooden part of a horse collar, horse eollar' and MoHG Kummet 'horse collar' ean be explained as borrowings from Slavie, the other Baltic and Germanic forms eannot. Būga (l.e.) even suggests that *xom9to is of Germanie origin. For formal (*kom-on-) and semantic reasons, I consider it preferable to assume that the Baltie, Slavic and Germanie forms are eognate. The origin of the PSL *x- is unclear to me. This is not one of those instanees where *x- eorresponds to Baltie sk- and I see no reason to start from a root *(s )kam- 'eompress, tighten' (pace ESSJa VIII: 70 ). Semantieally attraetive is the conneetion with Gk. KaµaĘ f./m. 'pole to support the vine, bar, shaft of a spear' and K1iµ6c; m. 'muzzle, plaited lid of the balloting urn, fyke for fishing, eover for nose and mouth'. With respeet to the latter word, Beekes (2010: 687-688) notes that the basic meaning 'wieker' is ineompatible with the meaning 'press ete.', whieh is supposed to underlie the Balto-Slavic and Germanie forms that he mentions. As for kamanos, this reasoning is eertainly incorreet. Another possible eognate is Skt. samya- f. 'stiek, staff, ( esp.) a wooden pin or peg, wedge, pin of a yoke', in whieh ease we must assume depalatalization for the Baltie forms (see also ---kamienas) .

224 kamienas

kamienas

LITH kamienas l 'trunk, stem, (Jušk.) butt'; VAR karniena 1; kamčnas (dial.) i; kamčna (Ness.) i 'end of a tree-trunk, butt of a felled tree'; kamienis 'potato top'

PSL *k11my m. n SL OCz. kmen 'trunk, stem, generation'; Cz. kmen 'trunk, stem, bough, tribe';

Slk. kmen 'id.'; USrb. krhen 'branch, bough, trunk, twig'

I agree with Berneker (SEW I: 663) and Būga (1922: 270 = RR II: 295-296) that these West Slavic forms are cognate with kamienas and therefore -+kamanos, which implies that I object to an analysis *k'b-men- (pace ESSJa VIII: i96). PSl. *k'bnb, as in Pl. kien (arch.) 'stump, stub', Gsg. knia may originate from *k'bm-n- < *ktp-n- . The zero grade *k'bm- apparently spread to forms with full grade of the suffix. With a view to Skt. samya- (see -+kamanos) , it is unfortunate that depalatalization before a syllabic tp does not appear to be regular (Kortlandt 1978a: 242) .

kampas

LITH kampas 4 'corner, angle, heel of a loaf, hunch, (dial.) bend'; VAR kampas 2 'shaft-bow, handle'; kampa 1 'cross-bar of a sledge, coachman's seat, curved woorden or iron bar'

LATV kampis [am, am2] 'curved piece of wood, hook'; VAR kampa 'curved piece of wood ( as part of a harness )'

BSL *kamp-PSL *kpt'b m. o (b) 'corner' SL OCS kpt11; Ru. kut ( dial.) ; Cz. kaut; Slk. kut; Pl. kqt; Slnc. koyt; SCr. kūt; Čak.

kut (Novi), Gsg. kūta; Sln. k(!t; Bulg. kat 'corner, angle'

IE Lat. campus m. 'field'; Go. hamfs 'mutilated, Iame'

According to ME (II: 151), kampa2 (kamps) 'big piece, hunch' is probably a borrowing from Germanic, cf. MoHG kampen (Pruss.) 'hunch of bread'. The same is argued for kampis 'iron collar', cf. MHG kamp 'wooden collar of a pig'. It seems to me that in the case of the etymon under discussion it is not easy to distinguish borrowings from inherited forms. The root may be kamp- (with "European" *a), cf. Gk. Kaµmw 'bend, curve, turn' (--+kumpt1). PSl. *kpt'b may continue *kamp-tom. See also: kumpas; kumpti

kančia

LITH kančia 4 'suffering, pain, torture'

The root of this noun is kant-, for which see -+kęsti.

kandis

LITH kandis f. (i) 4 (1/4] 'moth, (dial.) small snake'; VAR kandis m.(io) 1; kande 4 (1/4]

LATV kuode [ uo, uo2] 'moth, cockroach'; VAR kuods m.( o); kuods f.(i) ; kuoda

kapoti

A derivative of -+kqsti, cf. kandis 'bite'.

kandus

LITH kandus 4 [314] 'biting, stinging, sarcastic' LATV kubšus (LP) 'biting'

See -+ kqsti.

kanka

LITH kanka (Sirv., Jušk.) 4 'torment'

A verbal noun derived from -+kenkti.

kankinti

LITH kankinti [an, an] 'torture, torment', 3 pres. kankina, 3 pret. kankino LATV kancinat 'irritate, pravoke'

This verb is a causative to -+kenkti.

kapas

LITH kiipas 4 [2/4] 'grave, burial mound, (pl.) cemetery' LATV kaps 'grave, burial mound, (pl.) cemetery' ; VAR kapa (Mane., Fiir.) OPR Auctakops top.

BSL *(s)kop-PSL *kopa f. a 'heap, shock'

225

SL Ru. kopa 'heap of hay or rye'; ORu. kopa 'monetary unit, shock (group of sixty units, group of sheaves)'; Cz. kopa 'shock (group of sixty units) , heap, pile, ( dial.) hay-stack' ; Slk. kopa 'shock (group of sixty units ), heap, pile, hay­stack'; Pl. kopa 'shock (group of sixty units, group of sheaves), hay-stack' ; SCr. kopa (Vuk) 'hay-stack'; kopa 'hay-stack' ; Čak. kopa (Vrg. , Orb.) 'hay­stack'; Sln. kopa 'hay-stack' ; Bulg. kopa 'heap'

PIE *( s )kop-

See -+kapoti. A plural kiipai 2 is attested in the dictionaries of Ruhig, Miekke and Nesselmann (Illič-Svityč i963: 36). The LKŽe only mentions AP 4.

kapoti

LITH kapoti 'chop, hew', 3 pres. kapoja, 3 pret. kapojo LATV kapat 'chop, hew', isg. pres. kapiiju

BSL *( s )kop-PSL *kopati v. 'dig' SL OCS kopati, isg. kopajr; Ru. kopat', isg. kopaju; Cz. kopati; Slk. kopat; PI.

kopac; SCr. kopati, isg. kopiim; čak. kopati (Vrg.) , 2sg. kopaš; Sln. kopati, isg. k(ipljem; kopati, isg. kopiim; Bulg. kopaja

PIE *(s )kop-IE Gk. K6mw 'strike, beat, hit'

226 kapti l

We may be dealing with a Balto-Slavic iterative here ( cf. Skardžius 1941: 509-510 ). LIV is inclined to assume a denominative origin for both the Slavic and the Baltic forms. See also --+kapti l. See also: kapas; kapti II ; kopa; kopti; kuopti

kapti l

LITH kapti ( dial.) 'chop, hew a little', 3 pres. kapa, 3 pret. kapė OPR enkopts ptc. pf. pass. 'buried'

Mažiulis (PKEŽ l: 270) reconstructs a Baltic verb with *kap- in the preterite and *kap- in the present and the infinitive. Lith. --+kopti and Latv. kapt are assumed to originate from the generalization of *kiip-, while in the case of kapti it is the stem variant *kap- that is supposed to have been generalized. An alternation *kap­(preterite and infinitive) : *kap- (present) can still be found in Lithuanian dialects and, by the way, in the East Latvian dialect of Liepna (EH l: 601) . In view of the connection with Gk. x6mw (-kapoti) , East Baltic *kiip- rather than *kop- (for which see --+kuopti) must result from the productivity of the new ablaut grade *a (Kortlandt 1977: 323) .

kapti 11

LITH kapti ( dial.) 'get tired', 3 pres. kampa, 3 pret. kapo

This verb contains the same root as --+kapti l. Fraenkel (LEW: 218) points out that Gk. x6mw 'strike, beat, hit' is also attested with the meaning 'tire out, weary'.

karas

LITH karas 4 'war, (K., Ness.) army'; VAR karias (obs., a.o. DP) 2 'war, army, regiment'; karis ( obs.) 2 'army, regiment'; karė 2 'war'; karia ( obs.) 2 'war'

LATV karš 'war, (H. Latv.) army'; VAR kare OPR kragis [kargis] (EV) 'army; caryago (EV) 'military campaign'; caryawoytis

(EV) 'military review'

PIE *korio-IE Gk. xo(pavoc; m. 'commander, lord'; OP kara- m. 'army, people'; Mlr. cuire

m. 'troops'; W cordd m. 'army'; Go. harjis m. 'army'; Olc. herr m. 'army'; OHG heri m. 'army, crowd'

The etymological connection with CS korb 'contumely, OCS kara 'quarrel' seems quite uncertain ( cf. LEW: 220 ) .

karbas

LITH karbas ( dial.) 4 'basket, big basket to carry hay' LATV k&rba [ar, ar, &r2] 'basket or box (from birchbark), fishing-boat'

PSL *korb'b m. o; *korba f. a 'basket' SL Ru. k6rob 'box, basket'; ORu. korob?J 'box, basket'; Cz. krabuše 'wicker

basket'; Pl. kroba ( dial.) 'wicker box'; Sln. kraba box'

karšinti

IE Lat. corbis f. 'basket'; OHG korb m. 'basket' (Fi. karpas m. 'basket')

227

Possibly an early borrowing from Germanic. The Germanic word was in turn borrowed from Latin. In Slavic, we also find *korbi f., e.g. OCS krabii (Supr. , Ass.) 'casket, basket'.

karenti

LITH karenti 'tremble, save, be stingy, (refl.) be hungry, fast', 3 pres. kqra, 3 pret. kiiro

LATV karinatiės (Dond.) 'be hungry, fast'

The etymological connection with ->Latv. kiirs 'greedy' (cf. Lat. ciirus 'dear' ) , which would require *krhr alongside *kh2r- (but cf. Schrijver 1991: m-113), is far from secure.

See also: karti II

karpas

LITH karpas 4 [2/4] 'notch, cut, (Jušk.) torn piece of cloth, rag'; VAR karpa 'notch'; karpis 2 'notch'

PIE *(s )korp-o-

This noun derives from -kirpti. AP 2 occurs in the card files of the Lithuanian dialect atlas (Illič-Svityč 1963: 34) . The LKŽ has only AP 4. Illič-Svityč ( l.e .) draws a direct comparison with MLG scharf'potsherd' < *skarfaz, which he uses as evidence for original barytone accentuation.

karšatis

LITH karšatis f.(i) l [ 1/3•/3b] 'old age, (dial.) illness, epidemic'; VAR karšatė l 'old age'

See _,karšti 11

karšė

LITH karšė (Ness.) l 'old age'; VAR karša l; karšii 4

See _,karšti 11

karšėti

LITH karšeti [ar, ar] 'reach the end of one's life, become frail with age, die', 3 pres. karščja, 3 pret. karščjo

See _,karšti 11

karšinti

LITH karšin ti ' incite', 3 pres. karšina, 3 pret. karšino LATV karsinat 'heat, burn, provoke'

For the etymology of the root of this causative verb, see ->karštas.

228 karšis

karšis

LITH karšis m.(io) 2 [ 1/2/ 4] 'bream (Abramis brama)'; VAR karšis (OLith„ dial.) f. (i) 4; karšė ( dial.) 2 [1/2]

SL Ru. xarius m. 'grayling'

IE Sw. harr m. 'grayling'; Nw. harr m. 'id.' (cf. also Fi. harju(s) , Veps. harjus, hard'uz 'id.')

This fish-name derives from a colour adjective meaning 'variegated, spotted', for which see -+keršas. With respect to the bream, the name does not seem particularly apt (though its fins are greyish to black), but for the grayling, Lith. -+kiršlys, it is. Vasmer (Vasmer-Trubačev IV: 224, s.v. xariuz) , who mentions a plethora of Russian dialect forms, claims that the Russian word is a borrowing from Finnic, which in turn borrowed the word from Germanic.

karštas

LITH karštas 3 'hot, quick-tempered' LATV karsts 'hot, quick-tempered, quick'

The etymology of this evidently acute root is unclear. If it is to be identified with the root of -+kurti, we must assume an extension * -s. I cannot accept Smoczyiiski's suggestion ( 2007: 278) that we are dealing with the root *kers- of Lat. currere 'run'. See also: karšinti; karšti; kerštas; kiršti

karšti l

LITH karšti [ar, ar] 'card, comb', 3 pres. karšia, 3 pret. karšė LATV karst [ar, ar2] 'card, comb', lsg. pres. karšu, lsg. pret. karsu

PIE *(s )kors-IE Lat. carere 'card', lsg. caro (probably for older carrere)

karšti 11

LITH karšti [ar, ar] 'reach the end of one's life, become frail with age, die', 3 pres. karšta, 3 pret. karšo; VAR karšti, 3 pres. karšia, 3 pres. karša 3 pret. karšė

LATV karst2 [ar(?) , ar2] 'grow old, ripen', lsg. pres. karstu2, lsg. pret. karsu2; VAR karst (Bers.) , lsg. pres. karstu, lsg. pret. karsu

PIE *k(wlark-IE Skt. krsa- 'slim, thin, weak'; kfšyati 'grow thin'; cakar5a 'be thin'; Ok. horr m.

'thinness'

LIV (355) suggests that the acute of karšti, lsg. karšiu is analogical after the inchoative karšti, lsg. karštu. It is correct that the sta-present is an important source of metatonie rude, but this phenomenon is uncommon in the case of verbs that do not have zero grade (Derksen 2011b: 34- 35). As a matter of fact, it is metatonie douce that became productive in Lithuanian verbs of this type ( cf. karšti III). In spite of the apparent opposition with nuokarst 'card, comb', the sustained tone of Latv. nuokiirst

kartus 229

'grow old, ripen' may very well be due to the merger of the falling and the sustained tone in non- initial syllables. The lemma II karst has a2 in ME, but simply a in EH.

See also: karšatis; karšė; karšeti

karšti III

LITH karšti ( dial.) 'become hot', 3 pres. karšta, 3 pret. karšo LATV karst 'becom e hot, hurt', lsg. pres. karstu, lsg. pret. karsu

The metatonie douce in the Lithuanian verb, cf. --+karštas, is particularly common in denominative verbs with a sta-present. Its origin lies in the fact that Winter's law did not operate before *s. In Latvian, the metatony was obscured by later developments (Derksen 1996: 166-168, 2011b: 35).

karta

LITH karta 4 'generation, bed, row, line, (OLith., dial.) time' LATV karta 'bed, layer, row, line, order'

See the semantically related --+kanas.

kartas

LITH kaftas '2 once, time'

BSL *kart-o-m PSL *korto (b) 'once, time' SL OCS krato m. l adv. 'once, time'; Cz. krat m. l adv. 'once, time'; Slk. dvakrat

adv. 'twice' ; SCr. kriit ( arch.) m. l adv. 'o nee, time'; Sln. krat 'o nee, time', Gsg. krata

PIE *(s )kart-o-m IE Skt. kftvas adv. ' - time( s) ' ; sakft adv. 'o nee'

See --+kirsti for the etymology of the root.

karti I

LITH karti 'hang', 3 pres. karia, 3 pret. korė LATV kart 'hang' [ar, ar2] , lsg. pres. karu, lsg. pret. karu

The root *kerH- 'hang' appears to be more or less isolated. The Baltic verb is traditionally connected with OE heorr m., Oic. hjarri m. 'hinge', but this is possibly a different root ( cf. Kroonen 2013: 221).

karti II

LITH karti 'be hungry, starve', 3 pres. kqra, 3 pret. karo; VAR karti, 3 pres. karsta, 3 pret. karo

See --+karėnti

kartus

LITH kartus 3/4 (1/3/4] 'bitter'

230 karvė

OPR kartai Npl. 'bitter'

BSL *kortus PSL kort'bh adj. o (b) 'short' SL OCS krat'bkb; Ru. kor6tkij; Cz. kratkj; Slk. kratky; Pl. kr6tki; SCr. kratak, f.

kratka; Čak. kr&tak (Vrg.), f. kr&tka, n. kr&tko; kratak (Vrg.) , f. kriitka, n. kratko; Sln. krat<Jk; Bulg. kratak

do not consider the variant with an acute root sufficient reason to reject the connection with -+kirsti and PSL *kort'bh. According to Skardžius (1935: 151), the geographical distribution of the accentual paradigms of the words kartus, gardus and saldus is the same: AP 4 is attested in Žemaitian, the dialects of former Prussian Lithuania and some Central Aukštaitian dialects, while AP 3 occurs both in East and West Aukštaitian (AP 1 is found in DP, alongside AP 3). The acute variant may therefore be secondary.

karvė

LITH karvė 1 'cow'

BSL *k6rrwar PSL *korva f. a (a) 'cow' SL CS krava; Ru. kor6va; Cz. krava; Slk. krava; Pl. krowa; USrb. kruwa; kr6wa

( dial.) ; SCr. krava; Čak. krava (Vrg., Orb.); Sln. krava; Bulg. krava

PIE *korhruehr IE Gk. Kepa6<; 'horned'; Lat. cervus m. 'deer'

An Old Prussian cognate is curwis (EV) 'ox'. The depalatalization in this etymon must be analogical. For a brief account of the relationship between words meaning 'horn' and head', see De Vaan 2008 (136, with ref.). Balto-Slavic only seems to offer evidence for a collective *ker-hr 'horn', not for an original root *ker-. See also: stirna; širšuo

kas

LITH kas 'who, which' LATV kas 'who, which' OPR kas 'who, which'

BSL *kos PSL *hjb prn. 'who, what, which' SL OCS hi 'who, what, which', f. kaja, n. koje; Ru. koj 'what, which'; Slk. ky

'what, which', f. ka, n. kė; Pl. ki ( arch., dial.) 'what, which', f. ka, n. kie; SCr. koji 'what, which', f. koja, n. koje; Bulg. koj 'who, which', f. koja, n. koė

PIE *kwo-IE Skt. ka- 'who, which, someone'; Go. Ivas 'who?'

kasa

LITH kasa 4 'braid'

LATV kasa 'braid' OPR kexti (EV) 'Zopfhaar'

BSL *kasa? PSL *kasa (e)

kąsti 231

SL CS kasa 'hair'; RuCS kasa 'braided hair, braid'; Ru. kasa 'braid, plait'; ORu. kasa 'braided hair, braid'; OCz. kasa 'hair'; OPL kasa 'braid, mane' ; SCr. kosa 'hair, wool'; Bulg. kasa 'hair'

IE Olc. haddr m. 'hair (of a woman)'

This a-stem derives from the root of -+kasti.

kasyti

LITH kasyti 'scratch constantly', 3 pres. kaso, 3 pret. kasė LATV kasit 'plane, rake, scratch', isg. pres. kasu, isg. pret. kasiju

PSL *kasati v.

SL OCS kasati sę 'touch', isg. kasajt;i sę; Ru. kasat 'sja 'touch' ; Cz. kasati 'roll, roll up'; Pl. kasai ( obs. , dial.) 'grab, aspire, climb, prepare'; OPL kasai 'fold back, tuck up' ; SCr. kiisati 'trot, walk hastily' ; Sln. kasati 'go while shaking one's head (horses )', isg. kasam; Bulg. kasae se 'concerns'

An iterative to -+kasti. The Slavic iterative derives from česati 'scratch, comb' < *kes- .

kasti

LITH kasti 'dig, rake', 3 pres. kasa, 3 pret. kasė LATV kast 'dig, rake', isg. pres. kasu, kašu, isg. pret. kasu

BSL * kes-; *kos-PSL * česati v. (b) 'scratch, comb' SL OCS česati 'pick, pluck', isg. češ9; Ru. česat' 'scratch, comb', isg. češu, 3sg.

češet; Cz. česati 'scratch, comb'; Slk. česat' 'comb, hackle'; Pl. czesai 'comb, hackle'; SCr. česati 'scratch, comb', isg. češėm; čak. česiiti (Vrg.) 'scratch', 2sg. češeš; Sln. česati 'tear, scratch, comb', isg. čęšem

PIE *kes-IE Hitt. kiš-zi 'comb, card'

See also: kasa; kasfti

kąsti

LITH kqsti 'bite', 3 pres. kanda, 3 pret. kando LATV kuost 'bite', isg. pres. ku6žu, isg. pret. kuodu

BSL *kon(d-PSL *k9sati v. 'bite' SL OCS kpsati; Ru. kusat'; Cz. kousati; Slk. kusat'; Pl. kqsai; kęsai; Slnc. kqsac;

SCr. kusati 'eat with a spoon'; Sln. kosati 'break in pieces, pulverize', isg. kasam; Bulg. k&sam 'tear, hurt'

232 katras

The root may be reconstructed as *k(wland-, in which case Winter's law would account for the acute, or as *kCwlanHd(h) __ A root *kCwlanHd- could be regarded as a nasalized variant of the root of Skt. khad- 'chew, bite, eat' and Arm. xacanem (with *-s- from the aorist) 'bite: In view of the formal difficulties ( cf. Beekes 2010: 279, 726-727), it is unlikely that Gk. Kvw<Sc:tAov 'wild animal' and Kvw<Swv 'sword, (pl.) teeth of a sword or a javelin' are cognate. See also: kandis; kandus

katras

LITH katras 'which ( of the two )' ; VAR kataras (E. Lith.)

BSL *kat( e )ras PSL *katerb; *katarb prn. 'who, which' SL OCS katarbi 'who, someone'; koteT?Ji (Mar., Hil.) 'who, someone'; Ru. kot6ryj

'which, (rel.) who, which'; Slk. katery 'which'; katarf 'which'; katrf 'which'; USrb. katry 'which, what' ; LSrb. k6tary 'which'; SCr. kateri ( dial., obs.) 'which'; Sln. katęri 'which'; katęri 'which'; Bulg. k6tryj (Gerov) 'which'; kotri ( dial.) 'which'

PIE *kwa-ter-a-IE Skt. katara- 'which ( of the two )'; Gk. rr6n:po� 'which'; Go. lvapar 'which'

kaukas l

LITH kaūkas ( dial.) 4 'lump, ulcer, wooden hook or bow used in fishing'

BSL *kaukas PSL *kuka f. a (a) SL Ru. kuka 'fist, lever, handle'; Bel. kuka 'big wooden hammer'; Ukr. kuka 'big

wooden rattle'; SCr. kuka 'hook, poker'; Čak. kuka (Orb.) 'hook'; Bulg. kuka 'hook'

PIE *kauk-IE Olc. haugr 'hill'; MHG hacker 'hump' Olr. cuar 'crooked'

The basic meaning of the root is probably 'bend' ( cf. LIV: 359 ). l suspect that the acute of the Slavic noun is analogical after *k/uka < *kle?ukar << *kleh2u- (Derksen 2008a: 226, 256).

kaukas 11

LITH kaūkas 2 [2/4] 'goblin, soul of an unchristened child, mandrake' LATV kauks (Couronian Isthmus) 'goblin' OPR cawx (EV) 'devil'

BSL *kaukas; *kauka? PSL *kuka f. a 'goblin' SL Ru. kuka ( dial.) 'wood-goblin'; Bel. kuka ( dial.) 'something terrible living in

the dark'; Slnc. kuka 'evil spirit'

kaupti 233

This noun may be etymologically identical with kaūkas L For its cultural back­ground, see Toporov PJ III: 293-298.

kaukolė

LITH kaukolė l [ 1/3b] 'skull, death's-head'; VAR kaukolas l; kaukolis m.(io) l;

kiaukolė; kiaukolas (Jabl.) l 'shell, skull'

See -+kaušas and --+kiautas.

kaulas

LITH kaulas l [1/3] 'bone' LATV kaūls [aū, au2] 'bone, stem' OPR caulan (EV), Asg. kaulan (III) 'bone'; kaulei (III) Npl., Apl. kaūlins (III)

PIE *keh2u-l6-IE Gk. KauA.6<; m. 'stem, pole'; Lat. caulis m. 'stem (of a plant), plant, cabbage';

Olr. cual f. 'faggot, bundle of sticks'

The fixed root stress of this noun apparently results from Hirt's law.

kaupas

LITH kaūpas 4 [ 1/4] 'heap' ; VAR kaupa l [ 1/2]

BSL *k<i/orupo- ? PSL *kupo (a) 'heap, mound' SL OCS kupo (Supr.) 'heap'; vokupb adv. 'jointly, at the same time'; vokupo

(Mar.) adv. 'jointly'; vokupe adv. 'together, at the same time'; RuCS kupo 'hill, burial mound'; Ru. vkupe (obs.) adv. 'together'; SCr. kup 'heap, pile, crowd'; Čak. kup (Vrg., Orb.) 'heap, pile'; Sln. kup 'heap, mass', Gsg. kupa; vkup adv. 'together'; vkupe(j) adv. 'together'; Bulg. kup 'heap, pile, crowd, mass'

PIE *kehwup-o- ? IE OE hėap m. 'heap' ( < * kouHp-no-); MLG hop 'id.'

The root-final consonant of the Germanic forms mentioned above must originate from Kluge's law, which implies a suffix * -no- . If the root could be traced to a full grade *keh213up- of an ablauting n-stem (see Kroonen 2013: 216-217), cf. OHG hūfo m. 'pile, mound', it would be attractive to reconstruct the same root shape for Balto­Slavic. This aside, it is difficult to determine the position of the laryngeal. See also -+kuopa.

See also: kaūpti; kupra

kaupti

LITH kaūpti 'pile up, dig up, hoe, gather', 3 pres. kaūpia, 3 pret. kaūpė

See --+kaūpas.

234 kaušas

kaušas

LITH kaušas l '(wooden) ladle, (usu. wooden) cup, mug, fishing-bag'; VAR kaūšis 2 [2/4] '(wooden) ladle'

LATV kauss (au, au2] 'skull, barrel, bowl, cup, ladle'

PIE *(s )koHu-k-6m? IE Skt. k6ša- m. 'pot, dish used in the preparation of soma, barrel, box'

According to Illič-Svityč (1963: 82) , the Lithuanian noun belongs to AP l in Donelaitis, the literary language, and all dialects except the South Dzukian ones. The Latvian broken tone can be explained by positing a neuter o-stem (ibid.), cf. Fi. kauha 'ladle, scoop'. Since barytone neuter o-stems became masculine in Balto-Slavic, the fixed stress in the noun under discussion must in principle be attributed to Hirt's law. Illič-Svityč posits a masculine variant on the basis of a Vepsian form and suggests that it may also account for East Latvian kauss2, which probably continues *kaūss.

In view of forms with root-final k, such as -+kaukolė 'skull, death's head', l prefer a reconstruction with *k to one with *s, as we may be dealing with depalatalization. A root extension *s ( cf. -+kiautas) may be present in Olc. hauss m. 'skull', provided that this word is cognate at all. It is tempting to connect kaušas with Lat. caucum 'cup', Gk. Kaf>Koc; 'id.', Olr. cuach m. 'cup, bowl', W cawg m. 'bowl, basin', but Schrijver (1997: 295) has argued that the Celtic must go back to Proto-Insular Celtic *ka(h)u-ko- <

*kapu-ko-, cf. Lat. caput. In that case the (Iate) Latin and Greek forms may be borrowings from Celtic.

kauti

LITH kauti 'murder, beat, hew, (refl.) fight", 3 pres. kauna, 3 pres. kauja, 3 pret. kovė, 3 pret. kiivo

LATV kaut 'beat, hew, slaughter, (refl.) fight', isg. pres. kaunu, kauju, isg. pret. kavu, kavu

BSL *kou(-PSL * kovati v. (e ) 'forge' SL OCS kovati (Ps. Sin., Supr.) 'forge', isg. kov9; Ru. kovat' 'forge, hammer', isg.

kuju, 3sg. kujet; Cz. kauti 'forge', isg. kuji; OCz. kovati 'forge', isg. kuju; Slk. kovaf 'forge, shoe'; kuf 'forge, shoe'; Pl. kuc 'forge' ; kowac ( dial.) 'forge'; SCr. kovati 'forge, shoe', isg. kujem; Čak. kovati (Vrg.) 'forge, shoe', 2sg. kuješ; Sln. kovati 'forge, hammer', isg. kujem; Bulg. kova 'forge, hammer'

PIE *kouhr IE Lat. cūdere 'beat, grind, forge' ; Olc. hųggva 'hew, beat'; OHG houwan 'hew,

bea t' See also: kova; kŪ.jis

keikti

LITH keikti 'scold', 3 pres. keikia, 3 pret. keikė

kelmas 235

Pedersen's daring hypothesis (1931: 204 ff.) that keikti is cognate with Lat. caecus 'blind, dark, invisible', Olr. caech 'one-eyed' < *keh2 iko- ( cf. Schrijver 1991: 267), the meaning 'scold' having developed from 'stare at with a baleful eye', meets with the problem that the e-grade must be secondary (thus Feist 1939: 232, LEW: 234) , which is not impossible, however. Smoczynski (2007: 269) suggests laryngeal metathesis ( *keh2iko- > *keih2ko-) to solve this issue.

kekšis

LITH kekšis (E.) 2 'pole with an iron hook, (pl.) stilts' LATV �eksis 'hook, crutch, Hakenlachs'; VAR �eks 'crutch, buffoon'

These forms, as well as Liv. kekš 'boat hook', are probably borrowings from Germanic, cf. -+kengė.

kelėnas

LITH kelenas (Jušk., dial.) l 'knee, knee-bone, knee-cap'; VAR kelena l

BSL *kel?-; *kol?-PSL *koUno n. o (a) 'knee' SL OCS kaleno 'knee'; Ru. kaleno 'knee' ; Cz. kaleno 'knee, generation' ; Slk.

kaleno 'knee, (arch.) generation' ; Pl. kolano 'knee'; SCr. koljeno 'knee, joint'; Čak. kaleno (Novi, Orb.) 'knee'; Sln. kolefn9 'knee, generation, origin'; Bulg. koljano 'knee, generation, origin'

As to the etymology of the root, there are two candidates, viz. *kelH- 'rise, raise, lift' (-+kelti) and *kwe[(H)- 'turn, rotate'. For semantic reasons, l have a slight preference for the former option. The connection with Gk. KŪ>Aov 'limb', which cannot reflect an initial labiovelar, is hardly secure enough to serve as a formai argument ( cf. Beekes 2010: 813). Alongside kelenas, we find the more common -+kelias.

kelias

LITH kelias 4 'road, way, path, journey'; VAR kelis 2 [ 2/4] LATV ce{š 'road, way, path, journey'

A derivative of -+kelti.

kelis

LITH kelis 2 [ 2/4] 'knee, segment of straw, family, tribe, generation'; VAR kelias 2 LATV celis 'knee'

See -+kelenas.

kelmas

LITH kelmas 3 'stub, shrub, bee-hive' LATV cęlms 'stub' OPR kaimus (EV) 'stub( ?)'

PIE *kelH-m-

236 kelti

IE OE helma m. 'rudder'; MHG helm m. 'handle of an axe'

OPr. kaimus, which might mean 'stiek' (it is glossed as 'stok') , apparently has o-grade. Kroonen (2013: 205) claims that *kelH-m- is actually *kelhrm-, with the same root that we find in --+ Latv. salms. Depalatalization is assumed to have originated in the zero grade.

kelti

LITH kelti ' lift, raise, wake, arouse, transfer', 3 pres. kelia, 3 pret. kelė LATV ceft 'lift, erect, found, wake (tr., intr.), arouse, transfer, cause, elect', isg. pres.

cef u, isg. pret. celu

PIE *kelH-IE Lat. excellere 'excel' See also: kalnas; kalva; kelenas; kelias; kelis; kilmė; kilti; kiltis

kembras

LITH kembras (Ruh., Mielcke, Ness., Jušk.) 4 'thin, emaciated'

This adjective is a variant of --+kefigras.

kemeras

LITH kemeras 'hemp agrimony (Eupatorium cannabium), burr marigold' (Ridens tripartita) 3b; VAR kemerai 'hemp agrimony (Eupatorium cannabium), burr marigold (Ridens tripartita)' Npl.

LATV cemeri'}š 'hellebore'

BSL *kemero-PSL *čemen, m. o; *čemerb m. jo 'hellebore, poison' SL Ru. čemer ( dial.) , čemer' ( dial.) 'crown ( of head), forelock, headache, belly­

ache, horse's disease' ; Ru. čemer (dial.) 'poison, illness caused by poison'; Cz. čemer 'name of an illness, aversion'; Slk. čemer 'illness caused by coagulation of the blood, weakness'; Pl. czemier (dial.) 'hellebore, stomach-ache (of a horse)' ; SCr. čemėr 'venom, anger'; Čak. čemer (Vrg.) 'venom, anger'; Sln. čemęr 'venom, anger, gall' ; čmęr 'venom, anger, gall'

IE Gk. Kaµapo<;, Kaµµapo<; m. 'aconite(?), larkspur'; OHG hemera f. 'hellebore'; MHG hemere f., hemer f. 'id:

In view of the irregular correspondence between Baltic and Germanie on the one hand and Greek on the other (note also the vacillation µ : µµ in Greek), this is undoubtedly a non-Indo-European plant-name.

kengė

LITH kengė i [ 1/4] 'hook, (dial.) hinge' ; VAR kenkė i 'hinge' LATV *en*is 'das Lachsmannchen, der Hakenlachs, handle of a kettle'; VAR *ęnka2

'staff, stiek with a crooked handle'; *ęnkla 'staff, stiek with a crooked handle'

kepti 237

IE MoHG kennig (E. Pruss. dial.) 'Stange an der Strickbett und Schar am Pfluge befestigt sind'; MLG henge 'Hange, woran man etwas aufhangt'; MoLG konke 'hook'

Possibly a borrowing from German.

See also: kekšis

kengras

LITH kengras (Ruh., Mielcke, Ness. , Jušk.) 4 'emaciated'; VAR kenkras ( Jušk. , Kp.) 4 'thin, emaciated'

IE Go. huhrus m. 'hunger'; Ok. hungr m./n. 'id:; OE hungor m. ' id.' ; OHG hungar m. 'id.' (all < *hungru- < *knk-ru-)

See -+kenkti. According to Vitkauskas (2006: 129) , kenkras is merely an orthograph­ical varian t.

kenklė

LITH kenkze ( dial.) 4 'hollow of the knee, calf' ; VAR kinkze LATV cenkfe 'shank, leg'; VAR cenkfis

See -+kinka for the etymology of the root.

kenkti

LITH kenkti 'harm, injure', 3 pres. kenkia , 3 pret. kenkė

PIE *kenk-

The connection with Gk. KEYKEL· TIEtv� (Phot.) 'is hungry' and Germanic forms meaning 'hungry' (-+kengras) seems both formally and semantically plausible, an­other possible cognate being Gk. KUKO<; 'bad' ( cf. Beekes 2010: 612-613, 619-620 ). The appurtenance of Ok. ha 'tease', which is usually derived from *hanhon, is doubtful, however (see Kroonen 2013 : 217) .

See also: kanka; kankinti

kentėti

LITH ken teti 'suffer, endure', 3 pres. kenčia, 3 pret. kenti!jo; VAR kenti!ti, 3 pres. kenti!ja, 3 pret. kenti!jo

See --+kęsti.

kepti

LITH kepti 'bake, fry', 3 pres. kepa, 3 pret. kepė LATV cept 'bake, fry', lsg. pres. u,:pu, ISg. pret. cepu; VAR cept, lsg. pres. cepju, lsg.

pret. cepu

BSL *pek-

PSL *pekti v. (e) 'bake'

238 kėrai

SL OCS pešti (Mar., Ass.) , isg. pek9; Ru. peč', isg. peku, 3sg. pečet; Cz. peci, isg. peku; Slk. piecf, isg. pečiem; Pl. piec, isg. piekę; SCr. peCi, isg. pečem; Čak. peCi (Vrg.), 2sg. pečeš; Sln. peči 'bake, fry', isg. pečem; Bulg. peka 'bake, fry', 2sg. pečeš

PIE *pekw-IE Skt. pacati 'cook, bake, fry'; Gk. rrfocrw 'bake, cook, ripen'

It is generally assumed that East Baltic *kep- results from metathesis. OPr. peccore (EV) 'baker' is a borrowing from Polish.

kėrai

LITH kerai 4 Npl. 'sorcery'; VAR kerai Npl. 2

BSL *ker-; *ker-PSL *čara m. o 'magic, sorcery' SL OCS čary (Euch.) Apl. 'magic, sorcery'; Ru. čary Npl. 'magic, enchantment';

Cz. čary Npl. 'magic, sorcery'; OCz. čary Npl. 'magic, sorcery'; Slk. čar (poet.) 'charm, enchantment', Npl. čary 'magic, sorcery'; Pl. czar 'charm, enchantment', Npl. czary 'magic, sorcery'; Sln. čiir 'sorcery, magic'; Bulg. čar 'charm, magic'

It is likely that this etymon contains the PIE root *kwer-, cf. Skt. karoti 'make'. According to Kortlandt (1985b: 118), we may be dealing with an original root noun. See also: kereti; kurti

keras

LITH keras 4 'tree-stump, stub, bush, shrub' LATV cęrs 'bush, knotty root of a tree'; VAR cęra 'ruffled hair' OPR kerberse (EV) 'shrubby birch'

BSL *ker-PSL *čern'b m. o; *černb m. jo (e) 'stem, stub' SL Ru. čeren (S. dial.) 'molar'; Cz. tfen 'stem of a mushroom'; čren (dial.) 'jaw,

jaw-bone'; Slk. čren 'molar'; Pl. trzon 'stem of a mushroom, trunk'

IE Olr. cern f. 'angle, corner'; W cern f. 'cheekbone, side of the head'

Another Slavic cognate is the n-stem *kory 'root', cf. Ru. k6ren', SCr. korijen. OPr. kerberse is probably a compound consisting of *kera- and berse 'birch'. If tlie Celtic forms mentioned above belong here, the root cannot have intial *kw. It does not seem impossible that we are dealing with the root *(s )kerH- to which -+skirti belongs. See also: kirba; kirna

kerdžius

LITH kerdžius 2 'herdsman, shepherd'; VAR skerdžius 2; kerdžys (1ih e.) ; kerdis; skerdis 2 [2/ 4]

LATV �erdzis 'stableman at a manor' (probably from Lithuanian) OPR kerdan Asg. 'time'

BSL *(s )kerda?

kermušė

PSL *čerda f. a; *čerdb m. o (b) 'file, herd'

239

SL OCS črčda 'order, herd'; Ru. čereda f. 'sequence, file, bur-marigold, (obs.) turn, ( dial.) herd of cattle', Asg. čeredu; čereda ( dial.) f. 'sequence, turn', Asg. čeredu; čered m. 'turn, ( coll.) queue'; Ukr. čered m. 'turn' ; Cz. tfida f. 'row, turn, street' ; Slk. čfieda f. 'herd'; Pl. trzoda f. 'herd'; OPI. czrzoda f. 'herd'; Slnc. stfoųda f. 'herd'; USrb. črj6da f. 'multitude' ; SCr. čreda f. 'turn, sequence'; Čak. čreda (Novi) f. 'herd (of sheep)', Asg. čredu; Sln. čręda f. 'flock, herd, row'; Bulg. čerda f. 'herd (of cattle) '

PIE *( s )kerdh-ehr IE Skt. šardha- m. 'host (of Maruts)' ; sardhas- n. 'troop, host (of Maruts) '; Av.

saro8a- m.Jn. 'kind, nature' ; Go. hairda f. 'herd'

On the basis of Balto-Slavic and Gothic we may reconstruct *(s )kerdh-ehr, which underlies the Lithuanian agent noun (s )kerdžius. According to Mayrhofer (EWAia II : 619-620), the connection with the Indo-Aryan forms mentioned above is dubious, but cf. Lubotsky 2002: 22-23, where Mayrhofer's semantic arguments are dismissed. For OPr. kerdan and the relationship between the various Baltic and Slavic forms, see Toporov PJ III, 315-323.

kerėti

LITH kereti 'bewitch, charm', 3 pres. keri, 3 pret. kerejo; kereti, 3 pres. kereja, 3 pret. kerejo

See -+kerai.

kermušė

LITH kermuše (dial.) 3b [2/3b] 'tip of a drill, top of a flail, wild garlic'; VAR kermuša 'tip of a drill' ; kermušas l 'tip of a drill'; kermušis 'tip of a drill, (Mielcke, Ruh.) wild garlic'

LATV Cfrmauksis [fr, er2] 'rowan tree, rowan berry'; VAR Cfrmaukslis; Cfrmuoksis; cęrmaukša [fr2] ; cęrmukša2

BSL *kerm-(o)u$- ; *šerm-(o)u$-PSL *čermbxa f. a; *čermbŠa f. ja; *čermbŠb f. i; *čermuxa f. a; *čermuša f. ja

'ramsons, bird cherry' SL OCS črčmoŠb (Ps. Dim.) f. (i?) 'ramsons' ; Ru. čeremuxa 'bird cherry' ;

čeremxa (dial.) 'id.'; čeremša 'ramsons' ; ORu. čerembxa 'bird cherry' ; Ukr. čeremuxa; čeremxa 'id.'; Cz. stfemcha 'bird cherry'; čermucha ( Jg.) 'id.'; OCz. tfčmcha ' id.' ; Slk. čremcha ' id.'; Pl. trzemcha 'bird cherry' ; trzemucha 'ramsons, bird cherry' ; SCr. crl'jemuša 'ramsons'; Sln. čręmha 'bird cherry' ; čręmsa 'bird cherry'; čręmoš m.(jo) 'ramsons'

IE Gk. Kp6µuov (Hsch.) n. 'onion'; Gk. Kpeµuov (Hsch.) n. 'onion'; Mlr. crem, crim m. 'dog's leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams'; W craf m. 'garlic'; OE hramsa 'ramsons'; OS hramusia f. 'ramsons'

240 kerslas

The variation between BSL *k- and *s- (-+šermitksnis) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r. In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic with full grade of the root reflect *krem- or *krom­instead of *kerm-. The suffix was apparently *-us-.

kerslas

LITH kerslas ( dial.) 2/ 4 'chisel, cutter' ( according to Illič-Svityč ( 1963: 129 ), attestations of AP 4 can be found in the card files of the Lithuanian dialect atlas)

OPR kersle (EV) 'axe with two blades'

BSL *kersl6 PSL *čerslo n. o (b) 'loin' SL OCS čresla Npl. 'loins' ; Ru. čeresl6 ( dial.) 'ploughshare'; Ru. čeresla ( dial.)

Npl. 'waist, groins' ; Ukr. čeresl6 'ploughshare'; Cz. (s)tfislo 'cortex, bark (used in tanning), planks, groin'; Slk. črieslo 'lintel'; Pl. trzosla (arch.) Npl. 'loins, groin'; trz6sla ( dial.) Npl. 'loins, groin'; USrb. črj6slo 'ploughshare'; SCr. črijeslo 'cortex, bark (used in tanning)'; Sln. čręslo 'id:

The root of this derivative is *(s )kert- (-+kirsti) . The suffix may be *-tlom, which is common in nomina instrumenti, if we assume *kert-tlo- > *kers-tlo- > *kerslo-. See also -+kirkšnis.

keršas

LITH keršas 3 [3/4] 'piebald, variegated, spotted, striped'

It appears from the LKŽ that keršas does not necessarily involve the colour black. It can refer to an animal with black, white, grey, or brown spots. More specific meanings of this colour adjective are 'black, but with a white stripe of hair across the neck or the belly', 'with a white back', and 'with a spotted head: Nevertheless, it may be overly strict to reject the identification of kerš- with the root of -+kirsnas, Skt. kr?t:Ui- 'black', purely on semantic grounds. The solidly attested acute tone (it is found in Žemaitian, East Lithuanian and F. Kurschat's dictionary) presents another argument against this etymology, however ( cf. Pokorny IEW: 583, Derksen 1996: 220-221). See also: karšis; kiršlys

kerštas

LITH kerštas 2 [1/2] 'vengeance, revenge'

In all likelihood we are dealing here with an old oxytone neuter that acquired fixed stress and metatony as a result of the East Baltic retraction of the ictus from final *-a. The acute variant is analogical, cf. -+karštas.

kerti

LITH kerti 'come off', 3 pres. kęra, 3 pret. kero

See -+skirti.

ketvirtas

kęsti

LITH kęsti 'suffer, endure', 3 pres. kenčia, 3 pret. kentė LATV ciest [ ie, ie2] 'suffer, endure', 1sg. pres. ciešu, 1sg. pret. cietu

241

An etymological relationship with Gk. nacrxw 'suffer', as advocated by LIV (390 ), seems doubtful. Since a reconstruction *kwenth- is no longer acceptable, this would require a root *kwendh-, involving an unexplained development *d > t in Baltic. Besides, *kwendh- would violate PIE root structure constraints ( cf. Beekes 2010: 1156). For Gk. nacrxw, the best option is probably to identify the root with *bhendh- 'bind' ( cf. Pedersen 1938). A connection between kęsti and Olr. cesaid 'suffer, endure, torment' seems possible. See also: kančia; kenteti

keturi

LITH keturi Npl. m. 3b 'four' LATV četri Npl. m. /inded. 'four'; VAR čętri (Ronneburg, Schujen)

BSL *ketur-PSL *četyre num. (a) 'four' SL OCS četyre; Ru. četyre; Cz. čtyfi; Pl. cztery; OPI. cztyrze; czterzy; SCr. četiri;

Čak. četl'ri (Vrg., Orb.); Sln. štirje, f.!n. štiri; četirje, f.!n. četiri; Bulg. četiri

PIE *kwėtur-IE Skt. catvtiras Npl. m., caturas Apl. m.

The Latvian č- may be due to Slavic influence ( cf. Stang 1966: 278). Forms with e- are found in older texts. The variant čętri must reflect medial *u, which is attested in relic forms such as the instrumental četuris or četuriem in Rucava (Endzelins 1922a: 361) . See also: ketveri; ketvirtas

ketveri

LITH ketveri Npl. m. 3b 'four'

BSL *ketwer- ; *ketwor-PSL *četverb; *četvorb num. 'four' SL OCS četvorb; Ru. čėtvero n.; Cz. čtvery; Pl. czworo n.; SCr. či!tver adj. 'four­

fold'; četvero n. 'four'; či!tvoro n. 'four'; Čak. četvero (Vrg., Orb.) n. 'four'; Sln. četvęr adj. 'four, quadruple'

PIE *kwėtuer-; kwetuor-IE Skt. catvtiras Npl. m., caturas Apl. m. See also: keturi; ketvirtas

ketvirtas

LITH ketvirtas 4 'fourth'; VAR ketvertas (OLith.) LATV ceturtafs 'fourth' OPR ketwerts (I), ketwirtz (II), kettwirts (III) 'fourth'

242 kevalas

BSL *ketwirtos PSL *četvbrt'b num. o 'fourth' SL OCS četvrbt'b; Ru. četvertyj; Cz. čtvrtj; Pl. czwarty; OPI. cztwarty; SCr.

četvrtf; Čak. četvfti (Vrg.); Sln. četfti; Bulg. četv&rti

PIE *kwetur-tHo-IE Skt. caturtha- 'fourth' See also: keturi; ketveri

kevalas

LITH kevalas 3b 'shell'; VAR kevelas 3b LATV čaula [au, au2] 'shell, pod, crust'; VAR čaule

Since *eu before a vowel became *ow in Balto-Slavic (cf. Derksen 2010), the root shape kev- must have analogical e-grade. Latv. čaula has čau- < *cjau-, which must have developed from Latv. *cev(a)- < Proto-East Baltic *kev(a)- (Endzelins 1922a: 41) . We are dealing with the same root as in -+kiautas.

kevatas

LITH kevatas ( dial.) 3b 'shell'; VAR kevetas

See -+kevalas. l do not endorse Stang's suggestion (1966: 157) that -+kiautas originates from kevetas.

kiauklas

LITH kiauklas ( dial.) 1 'shell'

This noun may contain the suffix -klas < * -tlo-, cf. -+kiautas, but it is perhaps more convincingly analyzed as kiauk-las, cf. -+kiaukutas (thus Ambrazas 2000: 104).

kiaukutas

LITH kiaukutas ( Jušk.) 3• 'shell, peel'

For the root, cf. -+kaukolė 'skull, death's head', kiaukolas 'shell, peel'.

kiaunė

LITH kiaunė 1 [ 1/4] 'marten'; VAR kiaunis f.(i) 1 LATV cauna 'marten'; VAR caune [au, au2]; caunis (BW) OPR caune (EV) 'marten'

BSL *k(j)ou(na( PSL *kūna (e) f. a 'marten' SL ORu. kuna 'kuna (monetary unit)'; Ru. kuna (dial.) 'marten'; Ukr. kuna; Cz.

kuna; Slk. kuna; Pl. kuna; SCr. kuna; Sln. kuna; Bulg. kuna ( obs., dial.)

Etymology unknown. It has been assumed that we are dealing with a substantivized colour adjective (cf. Mažiulis PKEŽ III: 144-146).

kiemas

kiauras

LITH kiauras 3 'full of holes, whole, complete, ( coll.) restless ( sleep ) ' LATV caūrs [ aū, au2] 'torn, full of holes, hollow, whole, complete'

243

This adjective may be cognate with Skt. a-skunoti 'pierce ( ears), mark', Hitt. iškunnahiš 3sg. pret. 'marked' < *(s )keuhz- ( cf. LIV: 561). Mobile s is possibly found in -+skiaūre. See also: kiurti

kiaušas

LITH kiaušas 1 [1/3/4] 'skull, peel, shell'; VAR kiaušė 1 'skull, (Ness.) peel'; kiaušia (Ruh„ Mielcke) 1 'skull, peel'

See -+kaušas, where the root reflects a different ablaut grade. Note that semantically Latv. kauss seems to incorporate kiaušas and kaušas.

kiaušinis

LITH kiaušinis 2 'egg, (pl.) testicles'; VAR kiaūšis 2 'id:; kiaušas 3 [3/2] 'id:; kiaušė 'egg'

See -+kaušas.

kiautas

LITH kiautas 3 [1/3] 'shell, rind, peel' OPR keuto (EV) 'skin, leather'

PIE *(s)kHu-ti-IE Gk. crKŪTO<; n.; Lat. cutis f. ; Olc. hUlJ f.; OE hjd f.; OHG hūt f. ( all 'skin')

We seem to be dealing with a transformation of *(s)kHu-ti 'skin' (Schrijver 1991: 239-240 ). Both Lithuanian and Latvian point to a secondary e-grade. For the vocalism of OPr. keuto, see Levin 1974: 5 and Derksen 2010: 38 . The extended roots k(i)auš- and k(i)auk- are discussed s.v. -+kaušas. See also: kaukolė; kaušas; kevalas; kevatas; kiaukla; kiaušas; kiaušinis; kiaušis

kiemas

LITH kiemas 4 'courtyard, farmstead, village, (E. Lith.) feast'; VAR kiema 4 LATV ciems [ie, ie2] 'farmstead, village, visit' ; VAR ciema OPR caymis (EV) 'village'

IE Go. haims f. 'village'; Olc. heimr m. 'home, world'; OHG heim m. 'home'

It has been suggested that kiemas is cognate with OCS pokojb 'rest', Lat. quies 'sleep, rest', which continue PIE *kwiehr ( cf. Būga RR II: 254), but we would expect *kwaihr m- (with secondary full grade) to yield an acute, whereas the Baltic evidence points to an original circumflex (see -+kaimas) . Besides, the initial labiovelar is uncom­fortable if we consider the Germanic forms. If we assume that the root is *kei- 'lie', however, we are stuck with the fact that Baltic has k-instead of the expected š-, as

244 kilbas

found in ->šeima. Thus, the easiest solution is to assume that Baltic *kaimas is a borrowing from Germanic. See also: kaimenė; kaimfnas

kilbas

LITH kilbas ( obs.) l 'gudgeon'; VAR kelbas ( obs.) 3; kilbitkas 2; kelbitkas 2

BSL *kulb-PSL *k'blbb m. jo 'gudgeon' SL Ru. kolb' ( dial.) m.(jo ); Pl. kielb m.( o/jo); Kash. kelb m.(jo ); kelp m.(jo)

In spite of the acute tone of kilbas and kelbas, it seems best to regard these Lithuanian words for 'gudgeon' as borrowings from Polish (thus LEW: 232, cf. Derksen i999: 72). The etymology of PSl. *hlbb must be considered in connection with the root discussed s.v. ->gulbis.

kilmė

LITH kilml 4 'origin, descent'

See ->kiltis.

kilti

LITH kilti 'rise, arise, descend (from)', 3 pres. kyla, 3 pret. kilo LATV ciit2 'rise', isg. pres. cilstu2, isg. pret. cilu

Intransitive to --kelti.

kiltis

LITH kiltis f.(i) 4 [ i/ 4] 'tribe' LATV ciits f.(i) 'tribe, origin'

A derivative of --kelti, cf. PSl. *čefadb f. i, e.g. Ru. čeljad' 'servants', SCr. čeijad 'servants, family'.

kimšti

LITH kimšti 'cram, stuff', 3 pres. kemša, 3 pret. kemša

BSL *kims-; *kems-PSL *čęst11 adj. o (e) 'frequent, dense' SL OCS čęst11 'frequent, dense'; čęsto adv. 'often'; Ru. častyj 'frequent, close

(together), dense'; často adv. 'often'; Cz. častj 'frequent'; často adv. 'often'; Slk. časty 'frequent'; často adv. 'often'; Pl. częsty 'frequent'; często adv. 'often'; SCr. čest 'frequent, dense', f. česta; Sln. čęstų adv. 'often'; Bulg. često adv. 'often'

The combined evidence of Lithuanian and Slavic points to an otherwise unattested root *k(wlemk-.

kinka

LITH kinka (coli.) l 'leg, shank, calf, thigh, hollow of the knee'; VAR kinkla

kirkšnis 245

LATV cifica 'calf, der untere HinterfuB des Schweines vom Mittelgelenk ab'; VAR cificis

IE Ok. ha-sin f. 'Achilles' tendon, knee tendon of the hind-legs'; OE hoh m. 'hough, heel, hollow of the knee'.

Ok. hci- and OE hoh retlect PGmc. *hanha- < *kon(H)ko-. As l argued elsewhere (1996: 193), the acute tone of the Baltic forms seems to be original. A PIE root *kenHk- would be unacceptable, however. The problem can be avoided by an analysis kink- < *knhrk-, cf. Gk. Kvf]µT), Dor. Kvaµū 'part between leg and ankle, leg, shank'. This may also provide a solution for -+Latv. cimslis, if we reconstruct *knhrm- here (cf. Kroonen 2013: 2007). See also: kenki�; Latv. cefiksle; Latv. cinksla; Latv. cipsla

kirba

LITH kirba l 'swamp, quag' LATV �irba 'swamp'

The Latvian form is a borrowing from Lithuanian. The link with -+keras becomes apparent if we consider the semantic range of -+kirna.

kirinti

LITH kirinti 'irritate, tease, provoke', 3 pres. kirina, 3 pret. kirino LATV �irinat 'irritate, tease, provoke' (probably a borrowing from Lithuanian)

See -+kairinti.

kirkšnis

LITH kirkšnis f.(i) 3, kirkšnis f.(i) l [ 1/3/ 4] 'groin'; VAR kirkšnis m.(io) l [ 1/3/ 4] '( dial.) groin, (Ness.) lower, soft part of a joint'; kirkšnas 4; kiršnė (Plungė) l

LATV cirksnis2 [ ir, ir2, ir2] 'groin'; VAR cirslis2 'id.' ; cirkslis2 'anklebone, ham, hipbone'; cirkste (Ulm.) 'die Biegung am Unterleibe'

In Derksen 2008a (84-85), l treated such forms as OCS čresla Npl. n. 'loins', Cz. tfislo, stfislo 'groin' and Ru. čeresl6 ( dial.) 'ploughshare', SCr. črijeslo 'cortex' as one etymon. The root l identified as *(s )kert- 'cut' ( cf. ESSJa IV: 74-75). It is clear that Lith. -+ke'fslas 'chisel, cutter' and OPr. kersle 'axe with two blades' are to be compared directly with Slavic forms meaning 'ploughshare' or 'cortex'. The question is whether kirkšnis is cognate with PSl. *čerslo 'loin, groin' and, if so, whether this etymological relationship requires separating these forms from the root *(s)kert- 'cut'.

As indicated by kiršnė and Latv. cirslis2, the word-internal k of the other forms must be intrusive. If we start from the root of -+kirsti, Latv. cirst 'hew', we expect *ki'ft- > ki'f- before a suffix beginning with s-. Lith. -š- may be due to the intrusive velar, but in the case of kiršnė we would, strictly speaking, expect s ( cf. Stang 1966: 95) . Furthermore, the Lithuanian accentual evidence points to an acute, whereas the Latvian tones are all compatible with the expected circumtlex. For Latvian, it can easily be demonstrated that the forms may derive from *kirt- , as we also find cirksnis, cirsnis 'a place where wood is chopped, (with ir2) a spot that has been chopped away'.

kirmis

An alternative solution would be to assume that the forms under discussion derive from the root *(s )kr(H) of -+skirti, Latv. š�irt 'separate', -+kerti 'come off', -+kirvis, Latv. cirvis. This would not solve the accentological problem, however. All in all it seems best to assign all forms to *(s)kert-.

kirmis

LITH kirmis f.(i) 4 'worm, maggot, snake'; VAR kirmis m.(io) 2; kirmis m.(io) 4,

Gsg. kirmio; kirml 4; kirmėle 3b LATV cirmis 'worm, maggot, snake, caterpillar'; VAR cirmęns; cirmenis; cirmene;

cirminis [ ir, ir2] ; cirminš; cirmulis [ ir, ir2] ; cirmens, Gsg. cirmei;ia OPR girmis (EV) 'maggot'

BSL *kir-m!w-i-PSL * ČbrVb m. i 'worm, maggot' SL OCS ČibVb m.(i) 'worm'; Ru. červ' m.(jo), Gsg. červja; Cz. červ m.(o); Slk.

červ m.( o); Pl. czerw m.( jo); USrb. čerw m.( o); LSrb. cerw m.( o); SCr. cfv m.( o); Čak. čfv (Vrg„ Novi) m.( o); čfv (Orb.) m.( o), Gsg. čfva; Sln. čfv m.( o)

PIE *kwr-m-i-IE Skt. kfmi- m. 'worm, maggot'; Olr. cruim m. 'worm'; W pryf m. 'id:

In Lithuanian dialects we find a mixed paradigm kirmis, Gsg. kirmies (Juškevič: 11 i27), which may be interpreted as evidence for earlier barytone accentuation. The Balto-Slavic vocalization *ir (instead of *ur) after an original labiovelar is unex­pected. See also: Latv. cerme

kirna

LITH kirna ( dial.) l 'root of a tree or shrub on a riverbank that is hollowed out by water, soggy spot overgrown with bushes, spot with fallen trees'

OPR kirno (EV) 'bush'

BSL *kur-; *kir-PSL *hrb m. jo SL ORu. kbrb, korb 'cleared spot, shrubbery'; Cz. kef 'bush', Gsg. kefe; kef (lit„

poet.) 'bush', Gsg. kfe; Slk. ker 'bush', Gsg. kra; Pl. kierz 'bush', Gsg. krza, Gsg. krzu

See -+keras.

kirpti

LITH kirpti 'cut ( with scissors ), clip, shear', 3 pres. kerpa, 3 pret. kirpo LATV cirpt [ ir, ir2] 'shear', isg. pres. cęrpu, isg. pret. cirpu; VAR cerpt (Ruj.) [ ir, ir2] ,

isg. pres. cęrpu, isg. pret. cerpu; cirpt2 (Mahlup.), isg. pres. cirpju2

BSL *kirp-; *kerp-PSL *čerpti v. 'scoop, draw'

kirsti 247

SL OCS počreti 'scoop, draw', 1sg. počn,p9; Cz. čfiti (Jg.) 'scoop, draw'; OCz. čfieti 'scoop, draw', 1sg. čru; Slk. črief (poet.) 'gather'

PIE *(s )kerp-IE Lat. carpere 'pick, pluck'

The meaning of the Slavic verb seems to be an innovation (cf. ESSJa IV: 71-72, LIV: 559, Derksen 2008a: 84). See also: karpas

kirsnas

LITH kirsnas (Mrj.) 4 'black ( of a horse ) ' OPR kirsnan 'black'

BSL *kirsnos PSL *či1rna adj. o (b) 'black' SL OCS Črbna; Ru. černyj; čeren, f. černa, n. čern6; Cz. černy; Slk. čierny; Pl.

czarny; USrb. čorny; LSrb. carny; SCr. cfn, f. cfna; Čak. ci'n (Vrg.), f. crna, n. crno; čfn (Orb.) 'black, dark', f. črna, n. čfno; Sln. čfn; Bulg. čeren

PIE *krs-no-IE Skt. km1a- 'black'

Būga (RR I: 278) identifies an element kirkšna- 'black' in the river-names Kirkšn6upis and Kirkšnis. The hydronym Kirsna 4, on the other hand, is considered to be of Sudovian (Yotvingian) origin. Toporov (PJ IV: 27) also suggests Yotvingian origin for the remarkably isolated dialect form kirsnas.

kirstas

LITH kirstas ( dial.) 4 'sharp, harsh ( of a person)'

BSL *kirst( w)os PSL *č1Jrstvo adj. o (e) 'firm' SL RuCS čr1Jstvo 'hard, strong, dry, real'; Č1Jrstvo 'id.'; Ru. čerstvyj 'stale, hard,

callous'; Cz. č(e)rstvy 'strong, healthy, fresh'; Pl. czerstwy 'stale, healthy, strong'; SCr. čvfst 'strong, hard, firm', f. čvfsta; Čak. čvfst (Vrg.) 'strong, hard, firm', f. čvrsta, n. čvrsto; Sln. čvfst 'firm, strong, fresh', f. čvfsta

For the etymology of the root, see -+kirsti.

kirsti

LITH kirsti 'hew, sting, hit, strike', 3 pres. kerta, 3 pret. kirto LATV cirst [ ir, ir2] 'hew, slash', 1sg. pres. crrtu, 1sg. pret. cirtu

BSL *kert-; * kirt-PSL *čersti v. 'carve, slash' SL CS očresti 'carve', 1sg. očrot9; RuCS Č1Jrsti 'hew, slash', 1sg. č1Jrt9; ORu. č1Jrsti

'hew, slash', 1sg. č1Jrtu

PIE *(s )kert-

248 kiršlys

IE Skt. krntati 'cut ( off), split, break'; OHG scrintan 'split (intr.), burst' See also: kanas; kartus; ( s )kersas; kerslas; kirkšnis; kirstas; skresti

kiršlys

LITH kiršlys 4 'grayling (Thymallus thymallus)'

The Lithuanian name of the grayling, which has a black-spotted back, derives from -keršas.

kiršti

LITH kiršti [ ir, ir] 'be angry', 3 pres. kiršta, 3 pret. kiršo

The variant with metatonie douce is ultimately analogical after verbs with a sta­present from a root ending in an unaspirated voiced stop ( cf. -+karšti and -+šiNti) . For the etymology, see -+karštas.

kirvis

LITH kirvis 2 'ax:e' LATV cirvis [ ir, ir2] 'ax:e'

BSL *kirw(i)os PSL *č11rV'b SL Ru. červ ( dial.) 'sickle'

The root of this noun is PIE *(s)ker-, cf. Gk. Kelpw 'shear', clip, crop', Olc. skera 'cut'. In view of the tone of the root, kirvis must be separated from -+skirti.

kiška

LITH kiška ( coll.) 2 'thigh, haunch, leg ( of a pair of trousers ), ( dial.) hollow of the knee'

LATV ciska 'thigh, haunch'; VAR cisks

At first glance it seems obvious that kiška is to be connected with Skt. ki$ku- m. 'forearm', but the unexpected initial *k of the latter renders the comparison significantly less straightforward. Besides, an older meaning of ki$ku- is 'handle of an axe'. Semantically, kiška has the same range as -+kinka, but l fail to see how an etymological connection could be established. It seems more promising to link the etymon under discussion to Skt. kak$a- 'armpit', Lat. coxa 'hip', OHG hahsa f. 'back of the knee', MoDu. haas 'tenderloin' < *koks-. I endorse Fraenkel's suggestion (LEW: 260) that the root vowel i was adopted from kinka. As for the sequence šk, I disagree with Endzelins (1939: i12) that original *kš was metathesized under the influence of words such as karka 'part of a pig's trotter', as in my view PIE *ks yielded š in Lithuanian. Instead, l would say that -ka was introduced analogically after seman­tically related words. Here, too, kinka comes to mind.

kiurti

LITH kiurti 'become full of holes', 3 pres. kiura, 3 pret. kiuro; VAR kiurti, 3 pres. kiursta, 3 pret. kiuro; kiurti, 3 pres. kiurna, 3 pret. kiuro

klėbys 249

A denominative verb belonging to -+kiauras. The zero grade kiur- is apparently based on the e-grade ( *euH > iau) of the adjective.

klausyti

LITH klausyti 'listen, obey', 3 pres. klaūso, 3 pret. klaūsė LATV klausit [au, aū, au2, au2] 'listen, obey', 1sg. pres. klausu, 1sg. pret. klausiju OPR klausiton 'hear', 1pl. klausemai

BSL *klou(f)?-PSL *slušati v. (a) 'listen' SL Ru. slušat' 'listen'; Cz. slušeti 'become, befit'; Slk. slušaf 'become, befit'; Pl.

sluszac 'listen to, obey'; SCr. sli'tšati 'listen'; Čak. sli'tšati 'listen'; Sln. slušati 'listen, follow', 1sg. slUšam; Bulg. slušam 'listen, follow, obey'

PIE *klous-IE Skt. sr6?ati 'listen, o bey'

Slavic *s- < *s- was adopted from forms with e-grade. The Latvian variant with a sustained tone fits a distributional pattern and is not old (Derksen 1996: 312, 347-348). For more issues regarding the tone of the root, see -+klausti. See also: šlavė; šlove

klausti

LITH klausti 'ask', 3 pres. klausia, 3 pret. klausė LATV klaust 'ask' [au, au2] , 1sg. pres. kiaušu, 1sg. pret. klausu

Since Schulze 1904 the acute of klausti has been attributed to the presence of a desiderative suffix, which we may reconstruct as *-Hs- (cf. Stang 1966: 343). Schmid (1962) rejects this view, arguing that the acute is due to a Lithuanian development. I cannot go into the details here but in my opinion Schmid fails to link klausti to other instances of metatony. The reconstruction of an original suffix *-Hs- may still be our best option, though in Balto-Slavic we also find forms that seem to point to a root *kleuH-, cf. -+šlovl.

The Latvian verb klaust seems to be limited to the East of the Latvian linguistic territory, i.e. to Latgale, East Vidzeme en the Selonian dialects of Zemgale ( cf. Schmid o.e.: 36-37). The unambiguous falling tone is sparsely attested, unlike the conflated High Latvian falling tone. Even if we assume that all the attested Latvian tones derive from a falling tone, it does not seem unlikely that Lithuanian has retained the acute tone as an archaism, while Latvian adopted the falling tone of klausit. Note that the variant klaūsit typically occurs in the western dialects, where klaust is not attested.

klėbys

LITH klėbys ( dial.) 4 'embrace, armful'

IE MHG lafter m. 'MaB der ausgestreckten Arme'

See the synonymous -+glėbys. The verbai root is also attested with kl- (-+klebti) .

250 klėbti

klėbti

LITH klebti (.'Žem.) 'embrace' (Acute tone according to Fraenkel. No accent mark in the LK.'Že.)

This verb is a variant of -glebti. A Latvian parallel may be klėpiski nest 'carry with both arms'.

kleivas

LITH kleivas 4 'bow-legged' LATV kleivs2 [ei2, ei] 'bent'

The root of this adjective is PIE *klei- (-+šlieti). The k would be regular if the original form were *kloi-uo-. There is also a variant šleivas, where *k was not depalatalized. The East Latvian variant with broken tone is unexpected, but not isolated, cf. Lith. --+klyvas.

klenkti

LITH klenkti (Zem.) 'walk with difficulty', 3 pres. klenkia, 3 pret. klenkė LATV klencet 'hobble, hang around, (eii) tramp'; VAR klenčuOt 'tramp, walk with

difficulty'

BSL *klenk- ? PSL * klęčati v. (e) 'kneel' SL OCS klęčęšta Ndu. ptc. pres. act. 'kneeling'; Ru. kljačet' (dial.) 'grow numb';

Cz. klečeti 'kneel'; Pl. klęczee 'kneel'; SCr. klečati 'kneel, squat', 1sg. klečim; Čak. k/ečiiti (Vrg.) 'kneel, be on your knees', 2sg. k/ečiš; Sln. klęčati 'kneel', 1sg. klečim; Bulg. kleča 'squat'

The attestations in the LK.'Že suggest that klenkti is a .'Žemaitian form. Fraenkel (LEW: 269) describes the meaning as 'go fast', but the LK.'Že has 'walk with difficulty', which is in agreement with the Latvian verbs. The original tone and the etymology of this Balto-Slavic root are unclear.

klėtis

LITH kietis f.(i) 1 [1/3] 'barn, granary, cage'; VAR kletė 1 [1/3] LATV klėts [ė, e] 'granary' (Gpl. kietu in BW)

BSL *klertis PSL *kUtb (e) SL OCS kletb f.(i) 'closet, abode'; Ru. klet' f.(i) 'cage (in mines), (dial.) store­

room, shed'; Pl. klec f.(i) 'hut, cabin (arch.) store-room'; SCr. klijet f.(i) 'closet, cabin, granary'; Sln. klęt f.(i) 'cellar, store-room'

Unlike the ESSJa (X: 25-27), I am not convinced that the Baltic forms are borrowings from Slavic (see also LEW s.v. kietis, Anikin 2005: 169-171) . I agree that long vowels in borrowings are not necessarily circumflex in Lithuanian, but the vocalism ė instead of ie is not what we would expect in a loanword from Slavic ( cf. Būga RR III: 682, 717) . The ESSJa assumes that the vocalism is due to remodelling, but I find that

klišė 251

unconvincing. It seems preferable to reconstruct *klehrti- with secondary mobility in the Slavic i-stem. The reason why the Baltic words have been regarded as borrowings is that it makes it possible to derive the *ė of the Slavic etymon from *oi, cf. Go. hleipra 'hut, tent', Olr. cliath 'hurdle, woven wall', Iate Lat. cleta 'enclosure' <

*klei-, whereas a root klehr cannot easily be connected with forms from other branches of Indo-European.

kliauti

LITH kliauti 'stay for a while, (refl.) rely on', 3 pres. kliauna, 3 pres. kliauja, 3 pret. kliovė

LATV kfaut 'hug, press', 1sg. pres. kfaunu, 1sg. pret. kfavu; VAR kfaut, ISg. pres. kfauju, ISg. pret. kfavu

See -+klidti.

kliegti

LITH kliegti [ ie, ie] 'shout, cry out', 3 pres. kliegia, 3 pret. kliegė LATV kliegt [ ie, ie2, ie2] 'scream loudly', ISg. pres. kliedzu

The relationship between this root-and the root of -+klfkoti is unclear.

klykoti

LITH klfkoti ( dial.) 'scream, yell', 3 pres. klfkoja, 3 pret. klfkojo LATV klikat (PlKur.) 'scream loudly (in a forest)'; VAR kliekat 'scream often (of

children)'

BSL *kli?kar-PSL * klikati; * klicati v. (a) 'cry out, call' SL OCS klicati 'cry out, wail', ISg. kličų; Ru. klikat' 'call'; OCz. kličeti 'call'; SCr.

kli'cati 'cheer, shout, cry out, call' ; kll'kati (dial.) 'cry out, make a merry noise'; Čak. kfl'cati (Vrg.) 'cheer, shout, cry out, call'; kll'cat (Orb.) 'announce (news, publicly)'; Sln. klicati 'shout, call', 1sg. klfčem

The acute of the Baltic forms in * -iiti could be metatonical, but on the basis of the Slavic evidence I am inclined to reconstruct a root containing a laryngeal. This implies that the circumflex of -+klykti is secondary. The East Baltic root *kleig­(-kliegt1) was apparently circumflex.

klykti

LITH klykti 'shout, cry out, (birds) call', 3 pres. klykia, 3 pret. klykė LATV kliekt2 [ ie2, ie2] 'scream loudly'

The Latvian verb may have been influenced by kliegt (-+kliegti).

klišė

LITH klišė (Sirv., Ness.) 2 'crab's claw, pincer' (usually pl.)

PSL *klėšča f. ja 'claw, (pl.) pincers'

252 kliūti

SL Ru. klešči Npl.; klešči Npl.; ORu. klešča; Cz. klešte Npl.; Slk. kliešte Npl.; Pl. kleszcze Npl. ; SCr. kliješta Npl. n.; klijėšte Npl. f.; Čak. klišca (Vrg.) Npl. n.; Sln. klęšče Npl.; Bulg. klėšti Npl.

According to Fraenkel (LEW: 273), klišė belongs to klišas 'bow-legged', which he derives from the same root as -+kleivas. Thus, klišė ( Jušk.) 'crooked leg' would essentially be the same word. The consequences for the relationship between klišė 'crab's claw, pincer' and PSL *klčšča are unclear. Both forms have been connected with Skt. kleš- 'trouble, torment' < *kCwlle/oik- since Bezzenberger 1887 (78) . The fact that Bezzenberger also mentions klišas implies that in his analysis this adjective contains root-final *k. It seems to me that in the case of Pl. kliszawy (arch., dial.) 'crippled, Iame', Bel. klišavyj (arch., Vilnius dialect), Ukr. klyšavyj 'bow-legged' we must be dealing with Baltic influence (cf. Bari.kowski 20ooa: 704-705).

kliūti

LITH kliuti 'brush against, be caught in, obstruct', 3 pres. kliilva, 3 pret. kliuvo LATV kfut [u, u, u2] 'find oneself somewhere, become, get'

The root of this verb is PIE *klh2u- 'close', cf. Gk. KATJic; (Ion.) , Dor. tlūic; f. 'bolt, catch, hook, key, rowing pen'; Lat. clavis f. 'bolt, key', claudere 'close', SCr. kljuka 'hook, door-knob'. The palatalization of the l originates from the e-grade of the root, which may be attested in -+kliauti. The reconstruction with *h2 implies that the *e of BSL *kldu is secondary. (Schrijver 1991: 175). Another possibility is to reconstruct a BSL root *kleuh2, with laryngeal metathesis. See also -+kloti.

klyvas

LITH klyvas (SD, Ness., dial.) 3 'bow-legged, bent'

A Latvian cognate is klfvars 'hobbler, cripple'. For the acute root, see -+kleivas and -+šlieti.

kloti

LITH kloti 'cover', 3 pres. kloja, 3 pret. klojo LATV klat 'cover', isg. pres. klaju

BSL *klar-PSL *klasti v. 'put' SL OCS klasti, 1sg. klad9; Ru. klast', isg. kladu, 3sg. kladet; Cz. klasti, isg. kladu;

Slk. klast'; Pl. klase; SCr. klasti ( arch.) 'put', isg. kl<idem, isg. kladem; Sln. klasti 'put, lay', 1sg. kladem; Bulg. klada 'pile'

PIE *k(wllehr IE Go. afolapan 'overburden'; OHG hladan 'load'

The root of the Slavic verb contains an enlargement *-d(hl, which may originate from the imperative (LIV: 362, but cf. Vaillant Gr. III: 115). In Germanic, we find an enlargement *-t. The root *kCwllehr may be linked to *kleh2u- 'close' (-+kliut1), in which case we may reconstruct *klehr alongside *klehru-. A semantic parallel may

kopti 11 253

be Skt. vri:ioti 'cover' as well as 'obstruct' (Lubotsky p.e.) unless we are dealing with two roots here ( cf. LIV: 674, 684-685).

knoti

LITH knoti 'bark, peel', 3 pres. knoja, 3 pret. knojo

PIE *knehr IE Gk. -Kvo.[w 'scrape, scratch'; Kvw 'id:, 3sg. Kvn, inf. Kvf]v; OHG nuoen

'groove'; O Ir. cnai'd 'gnaw away, consume'; W cnoi 'bite, chew'

The je-present may be old.

koks

LITH koks 3 [1/3] 'what (kind of)', f. kokia; koks (K., Ruh.) 4, f. kokia; VAR kokis (Nd:ž, Jušk.) 3, f. koki, kokia; kokis (Lz.) l, f. koki

BSL *karkos PSL *kah prn. 'what (kind of)' SL OCS kah; Ru. kakoj; OCz. kaky; Pl. kaki (arch.); SCr. kaki; SCr. kaki (Vuk);

Sln. kak

My reconstruction *kokos (2008a: 219) was based on the variant koks. In view of koks and Latv. kads 'what (kind of)' ( cf. -+toks : tads, šiokas : šads), I am now inclined to seek a connection with Lat. qualis and reconstruct *kwehrko- (see also Stang 1966: 237).

kopa

LITH kopa 2 'dune' LATV kapa 'hillock, dune, snow mound, heap'; VAR kape [a, a]

See -+kapoti and kapti L The tone of the Latvian forms may have been influenced by the acute of kapt (-+kopti 11).

kopti l

LITH kopti [6, o] 'take honey out of a bee-hive, clean, (dial.) muck out, pile, bury', 3 pres. kopia, 3 pret. kopė; VAR kopti, 3 pres. kapia, 3 pres. kapa, 3 pret. kopė, 3 pret. kapo

LATV kapt [a, a, a2] 'muck out, take honey out of a bee-hive', lsg. pres. kapju, lsg. pret. kapu; VAR kapt2 (Liepna), lsg. pres. kapju

See -+kapti I for the ablaut grades of the root and -+kapoti for the etymology. Variants with an acute result from confusion between the verb under discussion and kopti- (-+kopti 11), Latv. kapt 'climb' ( cf. Derksen 1996: 238).

kopti 11

LITH kopti [o, o] 'climb, scale, ( dial.) go', 3 pres. kopia, 3 pret. kopė; VAR kopti ( dial.), 3 pres. kopa, 3 pret. ko po

LATV kapt 'climb, (dial.) go', lsg. pres. kapju, lsg. pret. kapu

254 korys

The etymology of this acute root is uncertain. A connection with Go. hafian 'raise, lift' < *kh2p- seems possible, in which case we must reconstruct *keh2p-.

korys

LITH korys 4 'honeycomb' LATV kare [a, a, ii, a2) ' (usu. pl.) honeycomb'; VAR kares Npl.

IE Gk. KTJp6c; (Od.) m. 'wax'; Gk. KTJpiov n. '(usu. pl.) wax-cake, honeycomb'

Since the Greek evidence points to *e (Beekes 2010: 733-734), the Baltic forms can only be cognate if we assume secondary ablaut. The alternative solution is to seek a connection with -+karti, Latv. kiirt 'hang'.

kosėti

LITH kosėti 'cough', 3 pres. kosi, 3 pret. kosėjo; kosėti, 3 pres. kosėja, 3 pret. kosėjo; kosėti, 3 pres. kasti, 3 pret. kosėjo (also attested are present formations in -a, -o, and -sta, as well as a preterite in -ė)

LATV kasėt [a, a2) 'cough', 1sg. pres. kiiseju

BSL *kars-PSL *kaš( b ) {ati v. 'cough' SL CS kašbljati; Ru. kašljat' 'cough, have a cough'; Cz. kašlati; Slk. kašlaf; Pl.

kaszlac; SCr. kašljati, ISg. kašljem; čak. kašfati (Vrg.) , 2sg. kašfeš; Sln. kiišljati, 1sg. kiišljam; Bulg. kašlja; kašljam

PIE *kweh2s-IE Skt. kas- 'cough'

The Slavic verb is denominative, cf. Ru. kašel"cough' (-+kosulys).

kosulys

LITH kosulys 3• 'cough' LATV kiisulis 'cough, someone who coughs'

BSL *kars(u)lio-PSL *kaš( b ){b m. jo 'cough' SL Ru. kašel'; ORu. kašblb; Cz. kašel; Slk. kašel; Pl. kaszel; SCr. kašalj; Sln. kafalj

PIE *kweh2s-IE Skt. kasikii- f. 'cough'; OHG huosto m. 'cough'; OE hwosta m. 'cough'; Mlr.

cosachtach f. 'cough(ing)'; W pas 'whooping cough' See also: k6seti

kova

LITH kova 4 'struggle, fight' LATV kava [a, a, a2, a2] 'fight, battle'; VAR kavi Npl. m. 'northern lights'

An action noun deriving from -kauti. Buga (RR 11: 387) has kavi and kiivi, attribut­ing the latter variant to Cirulis. ME, however, mentions Cirulis as a source for kavi.

kraupus

kratus

LITH kratus (Sirv., Ruh., M., K., dial.) 4 'shaky, bumpy'

IE Olc. hraor; OE hrxd, hrxo; OHG hrad, rad 'fast'

255

The Germanic adjective *hrapa-/*hrada- 'fast', which has the same meaning as the Lithuanian adverb apikratai ( 1ih e.) , is derived from the same root *krot- ( cf. LEW: 295, Kroonen 2013: 243).

kratyti

LITH kratyti 'shake, jolt', 3 pres. kriito, 3 pret. kriitė LATV kratit 'shake repeatedly, shake, jolt, search', 1sg. pres. kratu, 1sg. pret. kratiju

An iterative to ->kresti.

kraujas

LITH kraūjas 4 'blood' OPR crauyo (EV); krawia (III) 'blood', Asg. kraugen (l) , krawian (III), Dsg.

krreuwiey (11) BSL *kru(s; *krowio PSL *kry f. ū (e) 'blood' SL OCS kry (Ps. Dm.) f.(ū) ; OCS kT'bvb f.(ū), Gsg. kT'bve; Ru. krov' f.(i), Gsg.

krovi; Cz. krev f.(i) , Gsg. krve; Pl. krew f.(i) , Gsg. krwi; OPI. kry f.(i) ; Slnc. krd f.(i), Gsg. kriivjię; SCr. kfv f.(i), Gsg. krvi; Čak. krv (Vrg.) f.(i), Gsg. krvi; krij (Cres) f. (i) , Gsg. krija; Sln. kri f.(i) , Gsg. krvi; Bulg. kriiv f.(i)

PIE *kruhrs; *kreuhr IE Skt. kravis- n. 'raw meat'; Skt. kravya- n. 'raw meat'; Gk. Kpfoc; n. 'meat'; Lat.

cruor m. 'raw blood'

The Baltic forms represent a derivative in *-jo- of the root noun reflected in Slavic. The Lithuanian form underwent resyllabification (cf. Kortlandt 1995: 142) . See also: kruvinas

kraupus

LITH kraupus 4 'terrible, dreadful, (Ruh., K., dial.) cowardly, craven, (dial.) rough'; VAR kraupas (Kos.) 'rough'

BSL *kru(s; *krowio PSL *krupbn-b adj. o 'coarse' SL Ru. krupnyj 'big, tall'; ORu. krupnyj 'consisting of large parts, big'; OCz.

krupnf 'coarse'; Pl. krupny 'coarse'; SCr. krupan 'coarse-grained, coarse, big, high'; krupan 'id.'; Čak. krūpan (Orb.) 'large, heavy, bulky'; Bulg. krupen 'great'

PIE *kroup-IE Olc. hrjufr 'rough, scabby'

A derivative of this root is ---> Latv. kraūpa.

krauti

krauti

LITH krauti 'heap, pile', 3 pres. krauna, 3 pret. krovė; VAR krauti (K., Sirv.), 3 pres. krauja, 3 pret. krovė; krauti (Ruh.), 3 pres. krauja, 3 pret. kraujo; kriauti (Jušk., Jabl. , dial.) , 3 pres. kriauna, 3 pret. kriovė

LATV kraūt [aū, au2] 'heap, pile', lsg. pres. kraūju, kraūnu, lsg. pret. kravu

BSL *kr(o)ur-PSL *kryti v. (a) 'cover, hide' SL OCS kryti 'cover, hide', lsg. kryj{J; Ru. kryt' 'cover', lsg. kroju, 3sg. kroet; Cz.

kryti 'hide, keep'; Slk. kryf 'cover, hide, keep'; Pl. kryc 'cover, hide'; SCr. krl'ti 'hide, keep'; Sln. kriti 'cover', lsg. krijem; Bulg. krija 'hide, cover'

PIE *kr(o)uH-IE OE hreodan 'cover'

In view of *krehr attested in -Latv. krat, the root may perhaps be analyzed as *krehru- (cf. Kabašinskaitė and Klingenschmitt 2006: 177-179) . According to LIV (371) , the *dh of the Old English form was originally a present suffix. See also: krūtis

kreisva

LITH krhsva (BZ, Jušk.) l 'deficiency, defect'; VAR kreisa (Jušk.) l

This noun is based on an adjective kreivas, cf. -+Latv. kreiss 'left'. For metatonie rude in ii-stems that are adjectival derivatives, see Derksen 1996: 251-253. The root is discussed s.v. -+kreivas.

kreivas

LITH kreivas 4 'crooked, curved, wrong'; VAR kraivas (SD, Ness., Jušk.) (according to Vitkauskas ( 2006: 142 ), the variant kraivas, which Fraenkel labels East Lithuanian, is just a matter of orthography, as its spelling reflects the depalatalization of the r)

LATV krievs (Elger) 'crooked, curved' OPR greiwakaulin Asg. 'rib'

BSL *kreiwos PSL *kriV'b adj. o (e) 'crooked, bent' SL CS kriv11 'crooked, bent'; Ru. krivoj 'crooked, ( dial.) cripple' ( AP (e) in Old

Russian); Cz. kfivy 'crooked, bent, wrong, ( dial.) cripple' ; Slk. krivy 'crooked, bent' ; Pl. krzywy 'crooked, bent'; SCr. kriv 'crooked, bent, wrong, guilty', Nsg. f. kriva; Čak. krif (Orb.) , Nsg. f. krivii, Npl. m. krivi; Sln. kriv 'crooked, wrong, guilty', N sg. f. kriva, N sg. n. krivo; Bulg. kriv 'crooked, wrong, guilty'

The Balto-Slavic evidence could continue PIE *krei-uo-, but unfortunately there is little evidence supporting this reconstruction. The connection with Gk. Kpo16c; 'sickly, feeble' does not seem very convincing and is rejected by Beekes (2010: 781) . Interestingly, his alternative etymology for the Greek word ( *krow-jo-) involves the meaning 'cut off, broken off', which could be assigned to BSI. *(s )kr-ei- alongside PIE

kriauklas 257

*(s )ker-. The problem is that to explain BSL *kreiwos 'crooked, bent' and Lat. curvus 'id: from *(s )kr-ei- and *(s )ker-, respectively, one would definitely prefer a PIE root meaning *(s)ker- 'turn, spin'. Reconstructing such a root on the basis of the forms discussed above would seem rather ad hoc. See also: kaire; kairys; kreisva; Latv. krails; Latv. kreilis; Latv. kreiss

krėslas

LITH krčslas 3 'arm-chair' LATV kręsls 'chair' OPR creslan (EV) 'arm-chair'

BSL *krerslo PSL *krJslo n. o (a) 'chair' SL Ru. kreslo 'arm-chair, ( dial.) flooring for the slaughter of livestock'; Cz.

kfeslo 'arm-chair'; Slk. krieslo 'arm-chair' ; Pl. krzeslo 'chair'; krzaslo ( dial.) 'chair'; OPL krzaslo 'chair' ; Bulg. kresl6 'seat'

Etymology unclear. The Latvian broken tone is regular in Balto-Slavic neuters that acquired fixed stress as a result of Hirt's law (cf. Derksen 1996: 121-122).

krėsti

LITH kristi 'shake, jolt, search, scatter', 3 pres. krečia, 3 pret. krltė LATV krėst [ė, e, ėZj 'fall, drop, die', lsg. pres. krešu, lsg. pret. krėtu ( alternative

forms are an inf. krest and a lsg. pres. krešu)

PIE *krJt-

LIV (370) connects kristi with Gk. Kpo-rtw 'rattle, beat, stamp', which is possible but not particularly convincing, and OHG redan 'sieve'. The latter form (*hrepan) is probably better derived from *kri-t-, however (Kroonen 2012: 248) . Much more plausible is the connection with Olc. hrata 'stagger, fall, tumble', hraor 'fast' (-+kratus), Oir. crothaim 'shake' < *krot- (cf. LEW: 295, Kroonen 2013 : 243). See also: kraryti; kreteti; kristi

kretėti

LITH kretčti (coll.) 'tremble (with old age), walk shakily', 3 pres. kreta, 3 pret. kretčjo

LATV kretet (Fiir.) 'clot'

See -+kristi.

kriauklas

LITH kriauklas 3 [1/3] '(Zem.) rib, (pl.) skeleton, carcass, (E. Lith.) shell, rind, ( dial.) snail, sheaf used for covering a shock'; VAR krauklas 1/3 'rib'

See -+kriauklC.

kriauklė

kriauklė

LITH kriaukll 4, kriaūklė 2 'snail, snail-shell' ; VAR kraukll 4 [2/4] ; kriauklys 4 'snail, snail-shell, rind, rib'

PIE *kreuk-!*krouk-IE Olr. cruach f. 'stack of com, riek'; Olc. hryggr m. 'backbone, spine, mountain

ridge'; OHG hrucki m.; rucki m. 'back'

kriauklys

LITH kriauklys (Jušk. , Jabl., Dauk.) 'raven'; VAR krauklys (Ness., dial.) 4 LATV krauklis (au, aū, au2, au2] 'raven, toad'; VAR krauklis (au, au2] 'id:; kraū�is

'rook'

BSL *kr(j)ouk-PSL *kruk'b m. o 'raven' SL CS kruk'b; Ru. kruk (dial.) 'raven'; Bel. kruk 'raven'; Ukr. kruk (dial.) 'crane';

Slk. kruk; Pl. kruk; Slnc. krek

No doubt the root is of onomatopoeic origin. There are no Lithuanian forms sup­porting the acute suggested by the Latvian evidence, cf. also Lith. kraūkti (Ness., Būga) 'croak ( like a crow)'.

krienas

LITH krienas 'bride-price, tribute which a peasant girl that is getting married must pay to her master'; VAR kriena

LATV kriens 'bride-price'; VAR krienis 'bride-price'; kriena 'bride-price'

PIE *kwreihrno- ( *kwroihrno-) IE Mlr. tochra n. 'bride-price' (*to-kwrihro-)

The oldest ( or rather only?) attestation of Lith. kriena(s) is "( . . . ) sponsis pretium, quod Krieno a Samagitis vocatur" in Michalonis Lituani de moribus Tartaorum, Lituanorum et Moschorum (1615).

krieti

LITH krieti 'spread out, fish', 3 pres. krieja, 3 pret. kriejo; VAR krieti (Jušk.) 'spread out', 3 pres. kreja, 3 pret. kriejo (Fraenkel mentions Zem. kryti, which is not in the LKZ, as a synonym of krieti. As Vitkauskas ( 2006: 146) points out, the lemma 2kryti in the LKZ is merely a dialect variant of krieti that has not been normalized.)

LATV kriet [ ie, ie2] 'skim', 1sg. pres. kreju, 1sg. pret. kreju; VAR kriet, 1sg. pres. krienu, 1sg. pret. kreju; kriet (Kalzenau), 1sg. pres. kriemu, 1sg. pret. kreju

PIE *kreh1 i-IE Gk. Kplvw 'separate, distinguish, decide', Lat. cernere 'distinguish, decide', 1sg.

cerno; W gogrynu 'sieve'

The verb krieti is only sparsely attested. For the meaning 'spread out ( cloth)' the LK'.Ž mentions Juskevič's dictionary. The only source for the meaning 'fish' is ME, which

kristi 259

leaves the verb unaccented. Semantically, the Lithuanian counterpart of Latv. kriet 'skim' is -+grieti. The Latvian verb is usually connected with the root that LIV (366-367) reconstructs as *kreh1(j)- 'sieve'. Many forms assigned to this root do not warrant the reconstruction of a laryngeal, but l consider it easier to trace these forms to the nasal present *kri-ne/n-h1 or other zero grades where the laryngeal is lost than to find a solution for forms pointing to a laryngeal, such as Lith. -+krytis. ( cf. Derksen 1996: 271-272, 317). l agree with LIV that we must reckon with secondary full grades *kre/oihr that are based on zero grades with laryngeal metathesis. An example is PSL *krojiti 'cut' vs. *kraj11 (a) 'edge', e.g. SCr. krojiti vs. kriij, Gsg. kriija (see Derksen 2008a: 244-255, 248). See also: krijas; Latv. kriens; Latv. krijat

krijas

LITH krijas 4 'brim of a sieve or hat, sifter, bottom of a bed (made of strings)'; VAR krija 2/4

LATV krija 'lime tree, brim (made of bark) of a sieve, basket (made of bark)'; VAR krijs; krijš; krijis

See -+krieti.

krykti

LITH krykti 'cry (of birds), quack', 3 pres. krykia, 3 pret. krykė; VAR krykšti 'cry, shout', 3 pres. krykščia, 3 pret. krykštė

PSL *kričati v. (e) 'cry, scream' SL OCS kričati, ISg. krič9, 2sg. kričiši; Ru. kričat', 1sg. kriču, 3sg. kričit; Cz.

kfičeti; Slk. kričaf; Pl. krzyczee; SCr. kričati 'scream', isg. kričim; Sln. kričati 'scream', isg. kričim

Apparently, we are dealing with an in origin onomatopoeic root *kreik-. The Lithuanian verb has lengthened zero grade, while Slavic has *krik- < *kreik- .

kriokti

LITH kriOkti 'wheeze, grunt, snoar, growl, roar, (Zem.) weep aloud', 3 pres. krokia, 3 pret. krokė; VAR krokti (Ness., K., dial.) 'wheeze, grunt, scream, weep', 3 pres. krokia, 3 pres. kroka, 3 pret. krokė

LATV kriikt2 [a, a2, a2] 'snort, grunt repeatedly, croak, roar', tsg. pres. kracu2

See -+krok6ti.

kristi

LITH kristi 'fall, drop, die', 3 pres. krinta, 3 pret. krito; kristi 'fall, drop, die', 3 pres. krefi ta, 3 pret. krito

LATV krist 'fall, drop, die', isg. pres. kritu, isg. pret. kritu

See -+kresti for the etymology of the root. As we would expect kirt- < *krt- , tlte sequence ri must be analogical.

260 krytis

krytis

LITH krytis f.(i) l 'fishing-sack, wooden brim of a sieve'; VAR krytis (K.) m.(io) l 'fishing-sack'

LATV kritis 'crab net, scoop net'

See ->krieti. Full grade of the root is found in Latv. kriėtis, kriėti1}Š = kritis. Lith. krytis has a variant grytis f.(i) (->grieti).

krokoti

LITH krok6ti (Ness., K., dial.) 'groan, wheeze', 3 pres. krokoja, 3 pret. krokojo; VAR krokuoti ( dial.) , 3 pres. krokuoja, 3 pret. krokiivo; kriokuoti ( dial.), 3 pres. kriokuoja, 3 pret. kriokavo

LATV kriikat [ii, a2] 'snort, groan repeatedly', lsg. pres. kriikiiju; VAR kpikuot ( or kraku6t)

PSL *krakati v. 'croak' SL RuCS krakati; ORu. krakati, lsg. kraču; Cz. knikati; Slk. krakaf; Pl. krakac;

SCr. krakati; Sln. kriikati

IE Lat. crocire 'croak'

The full grade of this onomatopoeic root may be found in kriikė ( dial.) 2, O Pr. kracto (EV) 'black woodpecker'.

krosnis

LITH krosnis f.(i) l 'oven, stove, pile of stones'; VAR krosnis (K.) m.(i) l; krosnis (Ruh., Jušk.) m.(io) l; krosnė ( dial.) l

LATV krasns f.(i) 'oven, stove'; VAR krasnis; krasns m.(o); krasne [a, a2] ; kriists (Bers.)

The etymology of this noun was correctly explained by Būga (1922: 178-180 = RR II: 202-203) . It can be shown that krosnis refers to an oven made of stones. As a matter of fact, the meaning 'pile of stones' is abundantly attested. l may add that ME and EH give attestations of kriisne 'pile of stones' in Wessen and Zvirgzdine. In Berzgale, a krasne is an oven in a bathroom made of stones that have not been cemented together (EH I: 645). In view of kr6.snis 'pile of stones', which derives from -+krauti 'heap, pile', Būga links krosnis to ->Latv. krat 'collect, save, stack', which is cognate with PSL *krasti 'steal', e.g. Ru. krast; SCr. kriisti.

krūmas

LITH kr6.mas l 'bush, shrub' LATV krūms 'bush, shrub, bundle, heap'

l am inclined to endorse Leskien's hypothesis (1891: 192, cf. ME II: 292) that kr6.mas derives from -+krauti 'heap, pile'. The connection with PSL *gn,m'b 'bush, shrub', e.g. OCS gn,m'b 'bush(es) , shrubbery', Ru. grom 'hummock', which would be formally irregular in two respects, seems implausible.

kūjis

kruša

LITH kruša 4 [2/ 4] 'hail, (Ness., K.) ice-floe' LATV krusa 'hail'

BSL *kru?a( PSL *klbxa f. a; *krbXb m. o (b/c) 'lump'

261

SL CS kibxa 'grain'; Ru. kroxa 'crumb', Asg. kr6xu; Slk. krh 'bar, touchstone'; krch 'id:; Pl. krech 'piece, lump'; Sln. krh 'crack, notch, scar', Gsg. kfha

PIE *krus-IE OE hruse f. 'earth, ground'; OHG rasa f. 'crust, ice'

Full grade is attested in PSL *krux11 'chunk' < *kraus-o-, e.g. Cz. kruch 'piece, lump', SCr. kruh 'bread'. For the meaning of the root, see -+krušti.

krušti

LITH krušti (coli.) 'grind, crush, smash', 3 pres. kruša, 3 pret. kritšo

Full grade is attested in PSl. *krušiti, e.g. OCS s11krušiti 'crush, smash, shatter, destroy', Ru. krušit' 'shatter, destroy'. LIV (371) reconstructs a PIE causative- iterative *krous­eie-, but the verb may be a more recent denominative (-+kruša, cf. ESSJa XIII: 49) . In Greek, we find Kpouw 'strike, smite'.

krūtis

LITH krūtis f.(i) 4 [2/3/ 4] 'breast'; VAR kriūtis LATV kritts f.(i) [it, it2] 'hill, heap, breast'; VAR krūte [u2] 'hill, heap'

The root of this noun is the zero grade of -+krauti. The Lithuanian variant with AP 3 (from Kvėdarna) is mentioned by Būga (RR II: 419 ). The LK:Že only has AP 2 and 4.

kruvinas

LITH kritvinas 3b 'bloody'

BSL *kru(w)inos PSL *klbvbn'b adj. o 'bloody, blood(-)' SL OCS kibvbn'b 'bloody, of the blood-'; Ru. kr6vnyj 'blood(-)'; Cz. krevni

'blood(-)'; krevnj 'blood(-)'; Slk. krvnj 'blood(-)'; Pl. krewny 'sanguineous, bloody, blood(-)'; SCr. kfvnl 'bloody, sanguineous'; krvnl 'bloody, sanguineous'; kfvan 'blood(-)'; Sln. kfvan 'blood(-) , sanguineous'; Bulg. kr&van 'blood(-), sanguineous'

PIE *kruhr IE Skt. kravya- 'bloody'; OE hreaw 'raw' See also: kraūjas

kūjis

LITH kiljis l 'hammer' OPR cugis (EV) 'hammer'

262 kūla

BSL *kurios PSL *kjjb m. jo 'stiek, club' SL RuCS kyi 'hammer, club'; kii 'hammer, club'; Ru. kij (dial.) 'stiek, wooden

hammer, pestle'; Cz. kyj 'stiek, club'; Slk. kyj 'stiek, club'; Pl. kij 'stiek, eane'; SCr. kij (15th e.) 'hammer' ; Sln. kij 'big wooden beetle, eorn-eob'

A derivative of -+kauti with zero grade of the root.

kūl a

LITH kala ( dial.) 1 [ 1/4] 'lump, hernia, stalk'; VAR kdlas 'lump, hernia'

BSL *ku({a( PSL *kyla f. a (a) 'outgrowth, hernia' SL CS kyla, kila 'hernia'; Ru. kilti 'hernia, outgrowth on plants'; Ukr. kyla, kyla

'hernia'; Cz. kyla 'hernia'; Slk. kyla 'id:; Pl. kila 'id:; SCr. kl'la 'hernia, oedema, outgrowth (on plants)'; Sln. kila 'serotal hernia, outgrowth (on plants)'; Bulg. kila 'hernia'

PIE *kh2u-l-ehr IE Olc. haull m. 'hernia'; OHG hola f. 'hernia'

For the eolour of the laryngeal ef. Gk. KauA6<; 'stalk, shaft' = Lith. kaulas 'bone'.

kulkšnis

LITH kulkšnis f.(i) 4 [i-/4] 'ankle(-bone), ( dial.) 'heel of the hind legs of an animal'; VAR kulkšnys 4; kulkšnas; kulkšna; kulkšis f.(i) 4; kulšnis (Bretk.) f.(i) 'ankle'

LATV kulksnis [ui, uf2] 'tarsal joint, hough'; VAR kulkšt;ia 'forearm'

BSL *kul(-s/k-PSL *hlka f. a; *hlh m. o 'bony stump' SL Ru. kolk (dial.) 'bony stump underneath a horn of a eow or bull'; Cz. kelka

(obs.) 'stump of an arm or leg, artificial limb'; SCr. kuk 'thigh, hip, (dial.) ham, roek', Gsg. kuka; Čak. kūk (Vrg.) 'hip, roek', Gsg. kūka; Sln. kalk 'thigh, hip, cliff'; Bulg. k&lka 'thigh, hip'; kl&ka ( dial.) 'thigh, hip, side, bend of a river'

It seems plausible to me that the basie root is *kwelhr 'turn'. The zero grade *kwlhr would regularly yield *kuU- in Balto-Slavie (see -+kulnas) . The k in kulkšnis may be an enlargement of the root or the well-known intrusive k, cf. Latv. kulša2 'hip, loin' alongside kulkša2 (-+kulšis) . In view of the form kulšnys 'ankles' in Bretkūnas's bible translation (Aets 3, 7), the latter option seems preferable. The Latvian verb -+kulcinat 'go at a jog, plod, move, wag', whieh is apparently derived from a root kulk-, may not be eognate at all. I now propose that the root-final k found in Slavie is a depalatalized variant of Lith. š, Latv. s < *k. The eonneetion with Lat. calx f. 'heel' is doubtful. Sehrijver (1991: 207) allows the reeonstruetion *kel-k- (with *e > a after a pure velar) for this word, but considers it more likely that it is non-Indo-European.

kuolas

kulnas

LITH kuinas 4 'heel, (dial.) knee, ankle(-bone)' ; VAR kulnis f.(i) 4 'heel'; kulnl LATV kulna 'heel'; VAR kulne OPR kulnis (EV) 'ankle'

If the root is *kwlhr (---kulkšnis) , Latv. kulne may reflect the original accentuation.

kulšis

LITH kulšis f.(i) i 'hip' ; VAR kulšė i; kulšas (Chyl.) LATV kulša2 [ul2, u[2] 'hip, loin'; VAR kulkša2 OPR culczi (EV) 'hip'

l reconstruct kulš- as *kwlhrk- (see ---kulkšnis) . Toch. A kolye, which is a hapax, may not mean 'hip' but 'paw' (Adams i999: 2005). Pl. kulsza is a Lithuanianism (Smoczynski 2007: 322 ).

kulti

LITH kulti 'thresh, beat', 3 pres. kulia, 3 pret. kulė LATV kult 'thresh, beat', isg. pres. kuf u, isg. pret. kūlu

This verb is in an apophonic relationship with --kalti. A Balto-Slavic root *kul?- may also be assumed for PSL *hl'b 'fang, tusk', e.g. Ru. kol ( dial.), Pl. kiel, SCr. kiil.

kompas

LITH kumpas 4 'crooked, bent, hooked' LATV kumps2 'shrivelled, deformed, hunchbacked, crooked'

If we are dealing with the root of Gk. Kciµmw 'bend, curve, turn', which seems to have non-ablauting "European" *a, the variant kump- must be secondary. The vocalism may have been influenced by semantically similar roots containing u, cf. --kupra.

kumpti

LITH kumpti 'become crooked, become bent', 3 pres. kumpsta, 3 pret. kumpo LATV kumpti [urh, um2] 'become crooked, become bent, become deformed,

shrivel', isg. pres. kumpstu, isg. pret. kumpu

This is a denominative verb to ---kumpas.

kuolas

LITH kuolas 4 'stake'

BSL *kol-/*kol-? PSL *kol'b m. o (b) 'stake' SL OCS kol'b (Supr.); Ru. kol; Cz. kul; Slk. kol; Pl. kol Gsg. kalu, Gsg. kala; Sln.

kOl 'pole, stake', Gsg. kala; Bulg. kol 'pole, stake'

Originally a neuter o-stem derivative of --kalti.

kuopa

kuopa

LITH kuopa 1 [1/3) 'company, regiment, ( dial.) heap, dune, large number' LATV kuopa [uo, uo2) 'heap, grave mound, bundle, large number'

Kortlandt (1988: 392) connects kuopa 'company' with Gk. KW7tTJ 'handle' and Kamw 'gulp' from PIE *keh2p-. ln my dissertation (1996: 238-239) I mentioned the possibil­ity that kaūpas 'pile' arose from the same root through secondary ablaut. I now find it much more likely that kuopa and kaūpas both derive from an acute root containing *u (see -+kaūpas) .

kuopti

LITH kuopti 'clean out, muck out, ( obs.) reap, ( dial.) take honey out of a bee-hive, pile, bury', 3 pres. kuopia, 3 pret. kuopė

LATV kuopt [uo, uo, u62] 'clean, take care of cultivate, muck out, take honey out of a bee-hive', 1sg. pres. kuopju, 1sg. pret. kuopu

The root kuop- is the regular reflex of *kop-, cf. -+kopti. Karaliūnas (1969) argues against the possibility that kuopti is connected with kaūpti through secondary ablaut.

kūpėti

LITH kūpeti 'boil over', 3 pres. kupa, 3 pret. kūpejo; kūpeti, 3 pres. kupi, 3 pret. kūpejo

LATV kupet (Ruj.) 'seethe'

BSL *kup-PSL *kyphi v. (e) 'boil, seethe' SL OCS kypeti (Euch., Supr.) 'seethe'; Ru. kipet' 'boil, seethe', 1sg. kiplju, 3sg.

kipit; Cz. kypeti 'boil, overflow'; Slk. kypief 'boil, overflow'; Pl. kipiee 'boil'; SCr. kipjeti 'boil, overflow' ; čak. kipet (Orb.) 'boil', 3sg. kipi; Sln. kipęti 'boil, overflow', 1sg. kipim; Bulg. kipja 'boil, overflow'

PIE *kwh2up-

In my opinion, Schrijver (1991: 260-263) correctly separates kūpeti from -+Latv. kupėt 'smoke, steam', Lat. vapor 'steam, heat', etc., which he derives from a root *kCwlh2up­(-+kviipas). An analysis of the East Baltic material alone nearly suffices to establish the roots *kup- 'smoke, steam' and *kup- 'boil, seethe', e.g. Latv. kupt, kupėt 'smoke, steam' vs. kupėt, kupu6t 'seethe'. The latter root may go back to PIE *kup-, cf. Skt. kupyati 'swell, heave or boil with rage or emotion, be angry, be angry with', Lat. cupere 'desire', 1sg. cupio. LIV (359, 374, 376) distinguishes between *keųp- 'innerlich beben', *kųeh1p- 'sieden', and *kuep- 'hauchen'. The root *kųeh1p- is mainly posited on the basis of forms that do not or not necessarily require a laryngeal, such as. Lith. kūpeti 'boil over' ( cf. Lith. kupti, Latv. kupt 'rise (bread)' and OCS kypeti. The forms that do require a laryngeal, viz. Latv. kupt and kupėt 'smoke, steam', have a different meaning and can be linked to the forms mentioned under *kųep- if we adopt Schrijver's reconstruction.

kurmis

kupra

LITH kupra 2/4 'hump, hunch, back' LATV kuprs 'hump, hunch'; VAR kupris 'hump, hunch' IE OHG hovar m. 'hump, hunch'; MHG hover m. 'id:; OE hofer m. 'id:

See -+kaūpas. Since the root appears to be acute, cf. Latv. kaūpra [aū, au2] ' (infertile) hill, pile', the short vowel of both the Baltic and the Germanic forms must be analogical. A long ū occurs in kūpa 'heap', but this form is not very well attested.

kur

LITH kur 'where' LATV kur [ur, ur] 'where'

BSL *ku PSL *kode adv. 'where' SL OCS kode; Ru. gde; Cz. kde; Slk. kde; Pl. gdzie; SCr. gdje; Sln. kję

PIE *kwu-dhe IE Skt. kuha adv. 'where?'; Lat. necubi conj. 'lest somewhere'

The -r is common in adverbs, e.g. kitur 'elsewhere', visur 'everywhere'.

kurčias

LITH kurčias 4 'deaf'; VAR kurtas 4

The East Baltic word for 'deaf' occurs with a variety of suffixes. The root may be reconstructed as *kwr- (see -+Latv. kurns).

kurlas

LITH kurias (Žem.) 'deaf' LATV kuris [ur, ur, ur2] 'deaf'; VAR kursls2

See -+Latv. kurns for the etymology of the root. A t-suffix is attested in -+kurčias. In Latvian, the sustained and falling tones are both widely attested ( cf. Derksen 1996: 226-227) .

kurmis

LITH kurmis 1 [1/3] 'mole'; VAR kurnys 4 LATV kurmis [ur, ur2] 'mole'; VAR kurms [ur, ur2] ; kurma; kurme [ur, ur2] ; kurnis2;

kurne

The East Baltic word for 'mole' is sometimes connected with kurtas (-+kurčias) 'deaf' (thus Smoczynski 2007: 327) . Another etymology was proposed by Jegers (1949: 13) . In his view, the original meaning is 'he who churns up', cf. Latv. kuffp1ties [ur, ur2] 'sich wiihlen, sich beschaftigen mit'. The Latvian verb may be denominative, however. Furthermore, Jegers tries to establish an etymological relationship with OHG skero 'mole', which he connects with OHG skeran 'shear' and Lith. -+skirti 'separate, dis­tinguish', even though the semantics are not entirely convincing. Kabašinskaitė and Klingenschmitt (2006) also try to link kurmis to OHG skero, MoHG Scher (Bav.

266 kurpė

dial.) , but their root *(s)kerH- or rather *(s)kerhz- (*h2 in view of -+Latv. krat) has a different meaning. Their starting-point is the Sanskrit root kt- 'pour out, scatter, pile up in a heap', which is also found in words meaning 'molehill', viz. iikhukiri-, iikhukari?ci-, iikhūtkarci- (iikhu- 'mole'). The Baltic noun "kurmija- 'who belongs to the molehill' is derived from *kurma- < *kfH-mo- < < *krH-m6- 'what has been piled up (by a mole), molehill', while kurnys etc. are derived from *kurna- 'molehill' <

*krH-n6- 'piled up'. The authors offer a morphological explanation for the fixed root stress of kurmis, as for them retraction as a result of Hirt's law, which is formulated in an outdated fashion, is not considered an option.

If we accept the reconstruction *krhz-, it is unpleasant that kurmis has ur < *r after a plain velar, the more so because -+kirmis 'worm' < *kwrmi- does not has ir after a labiovelar. Nevertheless, this seems insufficient to reject the connection with Skt. k[-. The existence of Latv. krat and Lith. -+krauti enhances the plausibility of the etymology. I wonder, however, if it is necessary to posit a formation with a "Zugehorigkeitssuffix''. As Kabašinskaitė and Klingenschmitt point out themselves, a word for 'molehill' could be used metonymically to designate a mole ( cf. MoDu. spinnekop (E. dial.) 'spider, cobweb') . I would like to mention in this connection Latv. kurmulis 'heap, mass' alongside kurmulis2 'mole'. A possible argument in favour of a nominal derivative in * - ijo- is Latv. kurms 'heap', which was not included in the discussion. If this is the same root, the falling tone would have to be metatonical.

kurpė

LITH kurpė I 'loafer, wooden shoe' LATV kurpe [ ur, ur2] 'shoe' OPR kurpe (EV) 'shoe'

BSL *kurrp(i)ar PSL *ki.rpa f. a (a) SL OCS kibpa 'texture, fabric'; Slk. krpa 'earthenware pot'; Pl. karpa (dial.)

'stunip and roots of a felled tree'; OPI. karpa 'stump and roots of a felled tree'; SCr. krpa 'rag, patch'; Čak. kfpa (Vrg.) 'rag, patch'; kfpa (Orb.) 'piece of cloth, rag, towel'; Sln. kfpa 'patch, stain'; Bulg. k&rpa 'piece of cloth, towel'

IE Gk. Kprptl� f. 'man's high boot, half boot'; Kap�anvm Npl. f. 'shoes of undressed leather, brogues'; Gk. Kapnanvov (Hsch.) n. 'shoe of undressed leather, brogue'

If the Greek forms mentioned above, which are formally incompatible with the Balto-Slavic forms, are cognate, we are probably dealing with a substratum word ( cf. Beekes 2000: ·28).

kurti

LITH kurti 'light, kindle, heat, build, create, found', 3 pres. kuria, 3 pret. kdrė LATV kurt [ur, ur2] 'light, kindle, heat', isg. pres. kuru, isg. pret. kūru OPR kūra 3sg. pret. 'built'

PSL *kūri ti (b) v. 'smoke'

kutėti

SL OCS kurit'b sę (Euch.) 3sg.; Ru. kurit' 'smoke', 1sg. kurju, 3sg. kurit; Cz. koufiti 'smoke'; Slk. kurif 'kindle, smoke'; Pl. kurzyc 'raise dust, smoke'; SCr. kuriti (dial.) 'smoke, set fire to'; Čak. kūrl't (Orb.) 'smoke (ham etc.)', 1sg. kūrin; Sln. kuriti 'kindle, smoke', 1sg. kurim

Būga (1922: 31-33 = RR II: 127-128) has argued that the original meaning of kurt is 'build: The meaning 'kindle' is assumed to have originated from expressions such as ugnį kurti 'light a fire'. In that case the obvious etymology is a connec�ion with PIE *kwr-, cf. Skt. kp:i6ti 'do, make', which probabiy underlies -+kirai 'sorcery'. The Iabiovelar would expiain the zero grade kur-, but the acute tone of the Baltic forms remains unaccounted for. An extended root *kwrH- would not be without paralleI, however. A drawback to Būga's in itseif piausibie hypothesis is the fact that it does not include the Siavic verb mentioned above, which, if connected, would require a secondary abiaut grade *kour-, by the way. If we wish to establish a connection with PSL *kūri ti as well as Lat. carbo m. 'coal', Go. hauri n. 'coal', and Ok. hyrr m. 'fire', we may reconstruct *krH- (cf. Kroonen 2013: 258, where the author reconstructs *h3 to account for the Baltic reflex of the labioveiar), in which case we would revert to the oid view that kurti represents two different etyma.

kusti

LITH kusti 'recover, get stronger, ( dial.) come off ( crust)', 3 pres. kunta, 3 pret. kuto

See -+kuteti.

kušlas

LITH kušlas ( dial.) 4 'blind, weak (piants) , small' LATV kusis 'stiff, small, weak'

BSL *kus-no-; *kus-lo-PSL *k'bsbn'b adj. o 'siow' SL CS hsn'b (Nik.) 'siow'; Ru. k6snyj ' inert, siuggish'; SCr. kiisan 'Iate, tardy';

Sln. kasan 'siuggish, slow, Iate'; kasan 'siuggish, siow, Iate'; Bulg. k&sen 'Iate'

The ESSJa rejects the connection of PSL *k'bsbn'b with the Baltic forms and links the etymon to *kysel'b 'sour' etc. As a paralleI Lat. serescere 'become dry' and serus 'beiated' are adduced, but these words may very well derive from different roots.

kutas

LITH kUtas 4 [2/4] 'garment bem, fringe' (NW. Zem. and E. Lith. attestations of AP 2 occur in the files of the Lithuanian dialect atlas (Illič-Svityč 1963: 48))

According to Skardžius (1931 : 116), kUtas is a borrowing from Polish. Illič-Svityč (l.e.) compares kutas with Gk. KUTO<; n. 'receptacle, cover, protuberance, cavity'. This etymoiogy seems rather doubtful.

kutėti

LITH kuteti (Jušk.) [u, ū] 'thrive, prosper, recover, become stronger', 3 pres. kuta, 3 pret. kutejo

268 kvapas

Kurschat's transitive verb kuteti 'aufriitteln, aufmuntern, (refl.) sich aufraffen' (between square brackets, indicating that the author himself was not familiar with the word) does not appear in the LKZe. The connection with Lat. quatere and OS scuddian is doubtful ( cf. Būga RR Il: 255). See also: atkiisti; kusti

kvapas

LITH kvapas 4 [2/4) 'smoke'

BSL *kwop-PSL *kopot11 m. o; *kopotb f. i 'soot' SL Ru. kapot f.(i) 'soot, (dial.) smoke, dust, hoarfrost'; ORu. kopotb f.(i) 'soot,

dust'; Ukr. k6pit m.(o) 'dust (in the air)'; Cz. kopt m.(o) 'soot'; OCz. kopet m.( o) 'soot'; Slk. kopt ( arch.) m.( o) 'soot'; Pl. kopiee m.( jo) 'soot, furnes'

PIE *kwh2uop-o-IE Gk. Karrv6c; m. 'smoke'; Lat. vapor m. 'steam, heat' (both probably <

*k(wluh2ep-)

The reconstruction *k(w)h2uop-o- was first proposed by Schrijver (1991: 161), who tried to account for the accentual difference between Latv. kupt, --+Latv. kupet 'smoke, steam' and Lith. --+kvepti 'cough, breathe' by placing the laryngeal before the *u. Lith. --+kūpi!ti and PSI. *kyphi belong to a different root. See also: Latv. kvępi

kvėpti

LITH kvepti ' inhale, breathe in, inspire, (Ruh., dial.) smell', 3 pres. kvepia, 3 pret. kvepė; VAR kvepti (Jušk.), 3 pres. kvempa, 3 pret. kvepo (the acute variant kvepti in Šlapelis's dictionary seems suspect)

LATV kvept 'smoke, smell, be covered with soot', lsg. pres. kvepstu, lsg. pret. kvepu

The Lithuanian circumflex is regular if we start from *kCwlh2uep- (see -+kvapas). The broken tone of the Latvian verb must originate from the zero grade, which is attested in --+kupet. The fact that the root is reconstructed with *h2 is irrelevant here, as the rise of this secondary full grade kvėp-, cf. --+Latv. kvepet 'smoke, eure', --+Latv. kvępi 'soot', must have been posterior to the Balto-Slavic merger of the laryngeals into a glottal stop. My suggestion (2008a: 233) that alternatively the broken tone might be connected with the sta-present now seems highly speculative to me. The intro­duction of a glottal stop in roots ending in a stop is firmly connected with roots having i- or u-yocalism (Derksen 2011b : 36-37) .

L

laibas

LITH laibas 3 [3/4) 'thin, slim, tali, high' ; VAR liebas 3 'thin-legged'

LATV laibs 'thin, weak'

BSL *le!oirbos (*le/oribos?) PSL *lib'b adj. o 'thin'

laimė

SL OCz. libi 'lean, thin'; OPI. luby 'thin, frail' (but see Derksen 2008a: 277); Slnc. lebf 'weak, soft, frail'

If Lith. -+liesas, Latv. liess 'thin, lean, arid' belong here, we may reconstruct *le/oiH­bho- or *le!oh1 i-bho-. In Slavic, o-grade of the root seems to occur in the rare adjective *lebaV'b, e.g. Cz. lebavf (Jg„ Kott: Mor.) 'bald'. More common than *lib'b are forms such as *libaV'b, *libev'b (see Derksen l.e. for examples).

laigyti

LITH laigyti 'jump about, frisk ( usu. said about animals )', 3 pres. laigo, 3 pret. laigė

PIE *loig-IE MoP alixtan 'jump'; Go. laikan 'frolic, hop'; Olc. leika 'play, move, swing'

LIV (405) separates this root from *h1 leig- 'shake', e.g. Gk. e;\e;\[(w.

laikas

LITH laikas 4 'time, period' LATV laiks [ai, ai2] 'time, period, weather'

PIE *loikw-6m IE Gk. A.mrr6v n. 'remainder'

Of course, the Baltic and Greek forms may be two independent formations. For the verb, see --+likti. The metatony of the Latvian form points to an original (oxytone) neuter ( cf. Derksen 1996: 212 ) .

laikyti

LITH laikyti 'hold, keep', 3 pres. laiko, 3 pret. laikė LATV laicit2 [ai2, ai] 'massage, save, give time, wait, (ai) determine' OPR laikūt 'hold', 3 pres. laiku

PIE *loikw-( eie-) IE Av. raecaiieiti 'leave'; Ok. leig(j)a 'rent'

See -+likti.

laikšės

LITH laikšės Npl. l 'big marsh, swampy land'

See the discussion under -+lieknas.

laimė

LITH laimė I [1/2/4] 'happiness, luck'; VAR laima i (1/4] LATV laime (ai, ai2] 'happiness, luck'; VAR laima

270 laimingas

Laimė (Laima) and Latv. Laima (Laime) also refer to the goddess of fate. Fraenkel (LEW: 333), assumes that we are dealing with the root of -+leisti 'let, allow'. An

important part of his argument is apparently the faet that leisti and Latv. laist, as pointed out by Būga (1922: 102-104 = RR II: 125-127) , are attested with the meaning 'ereate', e.g. Diews mus wissus leidęs 'God has ereated us all' (Mielcke: 145). Smoezynski (2007: 334) suggests that laim- is a (seeondary) o-grade of ..... zemti 'determine', based on the zero grade lim-. See also: laimingas; laimus

laimingas

LITH laimingas l [ 1/3] 'happy, lueky' LATV laimigs [ai, ai2] 'happy, lueky'

See .... laimė.

laimus

LITH laimus ( obs.) 4 'happy, lueky'; VAR laimas (DP) 'happy' OPR laeims (l) 'rieh' (this meaning is aetually inferred from the faet that laeims is

an incorreet translation of Reich)

See .... laimė.

laipnas

LITH laipnus ( dial.) 'affeetionate, tender' LATV laipns [ai, ai, ai2, ai2] 'eharming, friendly'; VAR laipnigs

See -lipti l. A verb with o-grade is laipioti ( dial.) 'glue, stiek'. We may eompare PSl. *lip11, e.g. OCS lep11 'appropriate, beautiful', SCr. ll'jep 'beautiful', whieh must be linked to *lepiti 'smear, stiek' ( cf. Derksen 2008a: 274).

laiptas

LITH laiptas l 'step, footstep, (pl.) stairease'; VAR laipta l The acute of these forms results from a retraetion of the stress in an old neuter *laipta (Derksen 1996: 216, 217, 229-232) . Note the different root voealism of .... lieptas, whieh shows the original cireumflex. For the root, see -+lipti II and .... lipti II.

laisvas

LITH laisvas 4 (3/4] 'free'; VAR laiksvas 4

A derivative of .... leisti. The aeute variant has preserved the original toe, ef. laisvė 'freedom'.

laiškas

LITH laiškas 3 [3/4] 'letter' LATV laiska 'leaf ( of flax or grain)' OPR crixti liiiskas 'Taufbiiehlein'

PSL * list'b m. o (e) 'leaf'

lamas

SL OCS list'b (Ps. Sin., Supr.) 'leaf'; Ru. list 'leaf', Gsg. lista, Npl. list'ja; list 'sheet', Gsg. lista, Npl. listf; Cz. list 'leaf, sheet, letter'; Slk. list 'leaf, sheet, letter'; Pl. list 'letter'; Slne. last 'letter' ; SCr. list 'leaf, sheet' ; Čak. list (Vrg.) 'leaf, sheet', Gsg. lista; Sln. list 'leaf, sheet, letter', Gsg. lista, Gsg. listU; Bulg. list 'leaf, sheet'

A reeonstruetion *leh1 i-sk-to-, eontaining the verbal root 'let, leave', would raise the question why Hirt's law did not generate fixed stress. Instead, we migĮit posit *leid­sk-to-, ef. -+leisti 'let:

laižyti

LITH laižyti 'liek', 3 pres. laižo, 3 pret. laižė LATV laizit [ai, ai, ai2] 'liek', lSg. pres. laizu, lsg. pret. laiziju

Iterative with o-grade of the root of -+liežti. The metatonieal sustained tone of laizit oeeurs in West Latvian.

lakti

LITH lakti 'lap', 3 pres. lako, 3 pret. lakė LATV lakt 'lap', lsg. pres. lUoku, lsg. pret. laku

BSL *lak-PSL *lokati v. 'lap' SL CS lokati SL Ru. lakat'; lakat'; Cz. lokati 'gulp, swallow'; Pl. lokač ( dial.) 'lap'; OPI. lokač

'lap, gulp, gobble'; SCr. lokati 'lap, guzzle', lsg. ločem; Čak. lokati (Vrg.) 'guzzle', 2sg. lOčeš; Sln. l6kati 'lap, slobber', lsg. lakam, lsg. lŲčem

PIE *lak-?? IE Arm. lakem 'liek'

An expressive ( onomatopoeie?) verb that seems to eontain "European *a".

lamas

LITH lamas ( dial.) 4 'pieee, lump, plot, nest' LATV lams 'pieee-wages'

BSL *lom(()-PSL *lom'b m. o SL CS lom'b 'marshy spot( ?)' (Miklosieh (1862-1865: 343) : "loeus paludosus, ni

fallimur lomi i dręzgi, mare i reki op. 2. 2. 679"); Ru. lom 'erow-bar, waste; (Jakut.) ehunk of bread'; (Novg., Smol.) dry, fallen trees and boughs in a forest, brushwood; (Rjaz.) marsh in a forest, overgrown with almost impenetrable wood and bushes; (lomy Npl. , Psk., Tver.) meadow eovered with small trees and bushes that is flooded in spring'; ORu. lom'b 'breaking, marsh, pool, woods ravaged by a storm; narrow, mossy ravine'; Cz. lom 'quarry, (Jg.) bear's den'; OCz. lom 'erash, blow, battle; Pl. lom 'erow-bar, roek, eraek'; OPL lom 'woods knoeked down by a storm, pieee of bread';

272 laminti

USrb. lom 'marshy spot, trees broken off by a storm'; SCr. lom 'trash, uproar, (dial.) quarry'; lOm 'id:; Sln. lOm 'break(ing), fracture, quarry, uproar, noise', Gsg. lpma; Bulg. lom 'crow-bar' ( dial.) quarry'

An o-stem derivative of -+lemti, which occurs alongside lomas (-+loma) . According to the LKZ, liimas 'crow-bar, scrap' and lomas 2 or lomas 2 'crow-bar' are borrowings from Slavic.

laminti

LITH laminti (dial.) [a, ii] 'crumple, press, cram, break, crush, tame', 3 pres. lamina, 3 pret. lamino

BSL *lom(()-PSL *lomiti v. (b) 'break' SL OCS lomiti, isg. lomljų; Ru. lomft', isg. lomiju, 3sg. l6mit; Cz. lomiti; Slk.

lomif; Pl. lomic (141h- 1ih e„ dial.) 'break, plough across a field'; SCr. lomiti 'break, plough for the first time', isg. lOmfm; Čak. loml'ti (Vrg.), 2sg. lomfš; Sln. 16miti, isg. lpmim; Bulg. lomja

PIE *(h3 ?)lom(H)-eie-IE Ok. lemja 'flog, beat, oppress' ( cf. Kroonen 2013: 326)

See -+lemti.

landžioti

LITH landžioti 'crawl about, creep about', 3 pres. landžioja, 3 pret. landžiojo LATV luOžat 'crawl about, creep about, flatter', isg. pres. luOžiiju; VAR luožr;iat [uo,

uo2] ; luOžr;iuot

This iterative to -+lfsti, Latv. list < E. Balt. lind-, is a prime example of metatonie rude resulting from a retraction of the stress from prevocalic i (Derksen 1996: 300, 349-342) .

lanka

LITH lanka 4 'water-meadow, swamp, valley, vale, (Bretk.) broad-leaved forest' LATV lanka 'bend of a river, big low-lying meadow, big puddle'

BSL •fonkar PSL *lŲka (b) 'low-lying meadow, water-meadow' SL OCS lųka (Supr„ Euch.) 'ruse'; CS 19ka 'bay, swamp'; Ru. luka 'pommel,

bend, (dial.) flood plain', Asg. luku; ORu. lųka 'bay, bend, ruse'; Ukr. luka 'flood plain', Asg. luku; Cz. louka 'meadow, hayfield' (in the plural also luk-); Slk. luka 'meadow, hayfield'; Pl. lqka 'meadow'; SCr. luka 'bay, harbour, port, fertile field, meadow near a river'; Čak. lūka (Novi) 'bay, harbour', Asg. lūku; Sln. lpka 'swampy meadow in a valley, harbour'; Bulg. laka 'meadow in the bend of a river'

This noun is a derivative of -+lenkti 'bend'. The meaning 'low-lying meadow, water­meadow' seems to have developed from 'hollow, depression', cf. -+linka. It cannot be

lapas 273

ignored, however, that the same semantic range is present in nouns that are formally similar, but cannot be etymologically linked within the traditional framework due to irregular vocalic alternations and vacillation between *k and *g. For these forms l have used -+[engė as a starting-point.

lankas

LITH lankas 4 'shaft-bow, hoop, bow' LATV luoks 'shaft-bow, rim' OPR lunkis (EV) 'corner'

BSL *lankos PSL *li)h m. o (e) 'bow' SL OCS 19h 'bow'; Ru. luk 'bow'; Cz. luk 'bow, saddle-bow, shaft-bow'; Slk. luk

'bow, shaft-bow, arch'; Pl. lęk 'saddle-bow, shaft-bow, curvature, bow'; SCr. lUk 'shaft-bow, bow', Gsg. laka; Sln. 19k 'shaft-bow, bow, rainbow'; Bulg. lak 'bow'

An o-stem derivative of -+lenkti.

lankyti

LITH lankyti 'visit, study', 3 pres. lanko, 3 pret. lankė; VAR lankyti, 3 pres. lankia, 3

pret. lankė LATV [uocit [ uo, uo2(?), uo2] 'bend repeatedly, move, arrange', isg. pres. [uoku, isg.

pret. luociju; VAR luocit (Dond., Salis, Seyershof, BW) [uo2] , isg. pres. luocu, isg. pret. luociju

BSL *lonk-ei!i-PSL *l(Wti v. (b) 'separate' SL OCS 19čiti (Supr.) 'separate', isg. lpčp; Cz. loučiti (lit.) 'separate, (arch.) unite';

OCz. lUčiti 'separate'; Slk. lUčit' sa 'separate, part'; Pl. lqczyc 'separate, unite'; SCr. lučiti 'separate, herd together', isg. lučfm; Sln. l(ičiti 'bend, separate', isg. l(ičim

See -+lenkti.

lapas

LITH Ia.pas 2 'leaf, sheet, metai plate, ( dial.) letter'; VAR lapa (Ruh.) 'metai plate' LATV lapa 'leaf, sheet'

BSL *fop-PSL * lop'b m. o SL Bulg. lop (dial.) 'tulip-like aquatic plant in lake Ohrid, Petasites, (bjal l.)

(white) water lily'

With e-grade we find such nouns as lepeta (dial.) 3h, lepeta (dial.) i 'foot of an elephant or another animal, paw' and Ru. lepestok 'petal'. On the other hand, there are links with forms containing an acute root (-+lopa) . The meanings of the Bulgarian forms, for instance, are reminiscent of -+lepė.

274

lapė

LITH lapė 2 'fox' LATV !apsa 'fox'; VAR lapse OPR lape (EV) 'fox'

PIE *h2lop-s, *h2lop-

lapė

IE čtAwrr11� f. 'fox', Gsg. čtAwrreKo<;; Arm. alowės 'fox', Gsg. alowesow; W llywarn m. 'fox'

This etymon must probably be separated from -+vilpišys 'wild cat', Lat. vulpės 'fox' ( cf. Schrijver 1998). The Latvian forms seem to derive from an s-stem, which according to Blažek ( 1998a: 29) may have meant 'brightness'.

lasyti

LITH lasyti 'gather, pick up', 3 pres. laso, 3 pret. lasė LATV lasit 'gather, collect, select, read', tsg. pres. lasu, lsg. pret. lasiju

See -+lesti.

ląsta

LITH lqsta 4 [2/4] 'goose's nest, (E. Lith.) dog-kennel'; VAR ląstos Npl. 2; ląstas 2, Npl. ląstai 2 [1/2] (lqstai in Ds.); lqstva 2/4, Npl. ląstvos 2; ląstvas 2

LATV luosts [uo2] 'hideaway, niche, (uo2) a box for hens'

l assume that the stress was retracted in an East Baltic neuter lqsta, which derives from -+lįsti, yielding fixed stress and metatonie rude. Subsequently, the circumflex was analogically restored in part of the dialects ( cf. Derksen 1996: 230 ) .

lašas

LITH lašas 4 'drop, bit, (W. Lith.) freckle' LATV lase [a, a, a, a2] 'drop, speckle, spot'; VAR lase 'drop'; lasa (Ulm.) 'drop'; lasa

'speckle, spot'

If this etymon is to be connected with -+lašiša 'salmon', we may reconstruct *laks-o-.

lašiša

LITH lašiša 2 'salmon'; VAR lašis f.(i) 4; liišis m.(io) 2; lašė 4; lašaša (E. Pruss.) LATV lasis 'salmon' OPR lalasso [ lasasso] (EV) 'salmon'

BSL *losos-PSL *losdsb m. jo 'salmon' SL Ru. los6s'; l6sos'; lox ( dial.) 'salmon which has become thinner after

spawning'; Bel. las6s'; Ukr. los6S; Cz. losos; Slk. losos; Pl. losos; Sln. losos

PIE *loks-os-IE Olc. lax m. 'salmon'; OHG lahs m. 'salmon'; Toch. B laks m. 'fish'; Osset.

ksreg'brown trout (?)' (cf. also Fi. lohi 'salmon')

laukti 275

The form lašaša (Lex. Lith. 56a) is mentioned by Mažiulis (PKEŽ III: 31), who also refers to the river-name Lašašit. The š of the Lithuanian suffixes has been regarded as a reflex of *k, but may simply result from assimilation ( cf. Mažiulis: l.e.) . Kroonen (2013: 322) reconstructs a hysterokinetic s-stem Nsg. lok-os-, Gsg. lok-s-6s. Osset. �sceg is probably a borrowing from a European language.

laukas l

LITH laūkas 4 [2/4) 'field, open air' LATV laūks 'clearing, open air, field' OPR laucks 'field', Asg. laukan

PIE *louk-o-IE Skt. loka- m. 'open space, world'; Lat. lūcus m. '(holy) grove'; OE lėah m.ln.

'open land, meadow'; OHG loh m.ln. 'overgrown clearing, low bushes'

Evidence for AP 2 is limited to Žem. and W. Aukšt. laūkan 'outside, away' (Standard Lith. laukafl), which is a petrified ill. sg. ( cf. Illič-Svityč 1963: 34-35 = 1979: 27, Derksen 1996: 212). The origin of the Latvian sustained tone is unclear. The meaning of the PIE root *leuk- may have been 'shine'. See also: laūkas Il; liauka; OPr. lauxnos; OPr. luckis

laukas 11

LITH laūkas 4 [3/4) 'having a white forehead or snout, having a bald forehead, bald'

LATV lauks [au, au2] 'blazed'

This adjective with o-grade of the root may be compared with Gk. AEUK6<; 'bright, shining, white' < *leukos and is cognate with --+laūkas L According to the Būga (RR II: 387-388, III: 858), the variant laukas is Žemaitian. The LKŽe mentions attestations in the Žemaitian places of Mosėdis and Salantai as well as in the dictionaries of Ruhig and Mielcke. Other Latvian forms with falling tone are laukums 'blaze', lauce or lauca 'blazed cow' (cf. Derksen 1996: 221-222) .

laukėti

LITH lauketi ( dial.) 'wait', 3 pres. laukeja, 3 pret. laukejo OPR laukit 'look for', 2pl. imper. laukijti

See -+laukti.

laukti

LITH laukti 'wait, expect', 3 pres. laukia, 3 pret. laukė

The tone of the root is in conflict with the generally accepted etymology, which connects laukti with Gk. ;\n)crcrw 'see, consider', OCS lučiti 'happen', etc„ from the root *leuk- 'shine' that we find in --+laūkas. We must either abandon this etymology, for which l am unable to suggest an alternative, or accept that the origin of the acute is unclear ( cf. Smoczyri.ski 2007: 339 ) .

laupai

See also: lauketi; lūk6ti

laupai

LITH laupai Npl. 4 [ 2/4] 'what has been torn off' LATV laupe 'rag'

A derivative of -+laupyti (see also -+luobas). The only sourees for AP 2 whieh I have been able to find are the first two editions of the DLKŽ (1954, 1972) . In later editions laupai is presented as belonging to AP 4.

laupyti

LITH laupyti 'tear off', 3 pres. laūpo, 3 pret. laūpė LATV laupit [au, au2] 'peel, rob, plunder', lSg. pres. laupu, lSg. pret. laupiju

BSL *loup-ei/i-PSL *lūpiti v. (b) 'peel' SL Ru. lupft' 'peel, bark, thrash', lsg. lupiju, 3sg. litpit; Cz. loupiti 'rob'; Slk. litpif

'steal'; Pl. lupic 'plunder, loot'; SCr. litpiti 'clean, peel'; Čak. lūpi't (Orb.) 'peel (potatoes ete.)', lsg. lūpin; Sln. litpiti 'clean, peel', lsg. litpim

See -+luobas.

laužas

LITH laužas 3 'pile of twigs or branehes, bonfire, serap, bear's den' LATV lauzs (Mar.) 'plaee in a forest with broken and uprooted trees'

See -+laužti.

laužti

LITH laužti 'break (tr.) ; 3 pres. laužia, 3 pret. laužė LATV lauzt [ au, au2] 'break (tr.)', lsg. pres. Jaužu, lsg. pret. lauzu

PIE *loug-IE Skt. rujciti 'break'; OE tolūcan 'interrupt, break'

The aeute root seems to be a clear instanee of Winter's law. See also: luzti.

lazda

LITH lazda 4 'stiek, staff, (OLith., dial.) hazel'; VAR laza (K., dial.) 4 'stiek, staff, hazel'

LATV lazda 'hazel'; VAR lagzda; lazds; lagzds; lęgzda; lęgzds OPR laxde (EV) 'hazel

PSL *Uska f. a (b) 'hazel' SL Ru. ljazgci (dial.) 'hazel' ; Bel. ljaska 'stiek, eane' ; Cz. liska 'hazel' ; l'aska (Sil.)

'hazel'; Slk. lieska 'hazel'; Pl. laska 'stiek, staff'; Slne. l&yska 'hazel'; USrb. leska 'hazel'; LSrb. leska 'hazel switeh'; SCr. lijeska 'hazel'; Sln. lęska 'hazel'; Bulg. leska 'hazel'

leisti 277

In spite of the formal differences, there can hardly be any doubt that the Slavic and Baltic forms are cognate. For Balto-Slavic, one might posit a medial cluster * -zgd-. The difference in root vocalism remains unaccounted for, however. Another Slavic etymon with which the Baltic forms under discussion are often compared is *loza (e) 'vine', e.g. OCS loza, Ru. loza, which is semantically more remote. Here it is PSl. *z vs. the Baltic consonant sequence that is to be explained. The Lithuanian variant laza does not carry much weight in this respect because in some dialects, e.g. in certain parts of the South East Zemaitian territory, zd is simplified to z unles's the d has a morphological function (Būga 1911b: 302 = RR l: 273) . Secondary zd between vowels does occur, e.g. Jlzdus (l.e.), but in the case under discussion the sequence seems to be of Balto-Slavic origin. In Derksen 2008a (287), l presented PSl. *gręzti vs. Lith. grimzd- (-+grimzti) 'sink' and PSl. *b'brzd'b, Lith. -+burzdus, vs. PSl. *bwz'b 'fast'.

ledas

LITH ledas 4 'ice, hailstone'; VAR ledus 4 'ice, hail' LATV lędus 'ice' OPR ladis (EV) 'ice'

BSL *ledus PSL *led'b m. o(lu) (e) 'ice' SL OCS led'b (Supr.); Ru. led, Gsg. l 'da; Ukr. lid, Gsg. l'6du; Cz. led; Slk. l'ad; Pl.

l6d, Gsg. lodu; USrb. l6d, Gsg. lodu, Gsg. loda; SCr. led, Gsg. liida; Čak. led (Vrg., Novi), Gsg. leda; Sln. lęd, Gsg. lęda, Gsg. ledu; Bulg. led

There seem to be no cognates from outside Balto-Slavic to support a PIE form *ledhus.

leisti

LITH leisti 'let, allow, publish, send, drive, urge, throw', 3 pres. leidžia, 3 pret. leido; VAR leisti ( dial.), 3 pres. leidžia, 3 pret. leidė (a variant laisti is mentioned by Fraenkel and ME, but does not occur in the LKŽe)

LATV laist 'let, publish, set in motion, throw', isg. pres. laižu, isg. pret. laidu

PIE *[eid-IE Lat. lūdere 'play', isg. lūdo; Mlr. laidid 'exhort, excite' (both from *loid-)

In view of PIE *lehr, cf. Hitt. [a i- l l- 'loosen, release' and *leh1 d-, cf. Go. letan 'let, allow', a reconstruction *leh1 id- (thus Rasmussen 1989a: 54, who posits the same root for Germanic) or *leh1 idh- is tempting. In Derksen 1996 (228), l reconstructed *leh1 i­dh-, where *dh might originate from the imperative suffix *-dhi. An etymology starting from *lehr is in conflict, however, with the broken tone of Latvian laist, which indicates that Hirt's law did not operate. Smoczynski (2007: 343) traces leisti to a present *leiH-dhe of *leiH- 'pour' (-+lieti) . l now prefer to reconstruct PIE *leid- ( cf. LIV: 402-403, De Vaan 2008: 351), with a Balto-Slavic acute as a result ofWinter's law. See also: laisvas

lėkti

lėkti

LITH llkti 'tly', 3 pres. lekia, 3 pret. llkė LATV lekt (e, e2] 'jump, (rarely) fly', lsg. pres. lęcu, lsg. pret. lecu; VAR lekt, lsg. pres.

lęcu, lsg. pret. lecu; lekt, lsg. pres. lęcu, lsg. pret. lecu

BSL *lek-; *lek-PSL *lethi v. (e) 'fly' SL OCS leteti, lsg. lešt9; Ru. letet', lsg. leču, 3sg. letit; Cz. leteti; Slk. letief; Pl.

leciee, lsg. lecę; SCr. letjeti, lsg. letfm; Čak. letl'ti (Vrg.), 2sg. letfš; Sln. letęti, lsg. letim; Bulg. letja

PIE * lek-!*lek-IE Gk. ATJKUW (com., Hsch.) 'have intercourse'; ATJKŪv· -ro rtpo<; <!>8�v 6pxeicr8ai

(Hsch.)

According to Meillet (Et II: 180 ), PSL *leteti derives from *let'b < *lek-to-. In Derksen 2008a (271), l followed LIV (411) in suggesting a connection with MHG lecken 'kiek, hop'. It now seems plausible to me that this verb continues *likkon rather than *lekkon, in view of Go. laikan 'frolic, hop', Olc. leika 'move, play, swing' < *laikan (see Kroonen 2013: 323, 337). Furthermore, l have become less sceptical of the connection with the Greek verbs mentioned above ( cf. Beekes 2010: 856), which were not even mentioned in Derksen 2008a.

lemežis

LITH lemežis ( dial.) m.(io) 'ploughshare'; VAR lemežis f.(i) 'wooden part of plough on which the ploughshare is mounted' (l suspect that the dialect form liimežis mentioned by Fraenkel (LEW: 254) contains untransposed la < l'e)

LATV lemesis 'ploughshare'

BSL *leme?-PSL *lemešb; *lemežb m. jo 'ploughshare' SL OCS lemeŠb 'plough'; Ru. lemeš; lemeš; Bel. ljameš; Ukr. lemiš, Gsg. lemeša;

Cz. lemeš; Slk. lemeš; Pl. lemiesz; OPI. lemiesz; lemięsz; limiesz; Slnc. lemješ; lempž; SCr. lemeš; lemež; Čak. lemeš (Orb.), Gsg. lemeša; Sln. lemeš; lemež; Bulg. lemež; Mcd. lemeš

In Slavic, we also find *lemex'b, e.g. Ru. lemex 'ploughshare'. Furthermore, there are forms without initial *l, viz. * emex'b, *emešb; * emeŽb, e.g. Ru. 6mex, omeš, Pl. jemiesz, SCr. jemeš ( dial.) , Bulg. emež 'ploughshare'. Vasmer (Vasmer-Trubačev II: 139) assumes that the forms without l- are etymologically unrelated borrowings from Iranian, cf. MoP iimiij. It seems plausible to me that an original form with vocalic anlaut was transformed under the influence of the BSI. root *lem- 'break' (-lemti).

lemti

LITH lemti [em, em] 'decide, determine, predestine', 3 pres. lemia, 3 pret. lemė LATV lemt [em, em, eni, eni2, em2] 'decide, determine, predestine', lSg. pres. lemju, 3

pret. lemu

lengė 279

OPR limtwei, limtwey (II), lembtwey (I) 'break (tr.)'

On the whole, the evidence is slightly in favour of an acute root ( cf. Derksen 1996: 68-69). The acute tone may ultimately originate from the sta-present of limti, but this is difficult to determine. If Gk. vw\eµec; 'without pause, unceasingly' contains the same root, we must reconstruct *h3/em(H)- (Beekes 2010: 1030 ) . See also: laminti; lemežis; limti; loma; luomas

lėnas

LITH lenas 3 [3/ 4] 'slow, calm, gentle, mild, weak ( of drinks ), ( dial.) flexible' LATV lfnS [f, ę, ę2] 'slow, calm, gentle, mild'

BSL *Ienos PSL *ltn'b adj. o (e) 'lazy, slow' SL OCS len'b (Zogr., Mar.) 'lazy'; Ru. ljanoj (dial.) 'lazy'; Ienoj (dial.) 'lazy'; ORu.

len'b 'lazy, slow'; Cz. linf; OCz. lenf; OPI. leny; SCr. ll'jen, f. lijena; Čak. lin (Vrg.), f. Zina, n. lfno; Sln. lęn, f. lęna

PIE *lehren-o-IE Lat. lenis 'soft'

The Latvian forms lęns (Schm.) 'slow, sluggish' and lęns2 (Biel.) 'gentle, mild' are mentioned by Būga (1923-1924: 91 = RR II: 421) , but do not occur in ME or EH (see also Derksen 1996: 227-228). Variants with a circumflex root could be traced to *lehr en- (with loss of the intervocalic laryngeal, cf. Schrijver 1991: 125), while *lehrn­would regularly yield an acute. It may be simpler, however, to reconstruct BSl. *Ienos < *lehren-o- alongside *le?tos < *lehrto-. Apart from the isolated form lęns, this is the distribution found in Latvian. In Lithuanian, where lėnas and lėtas have become synonymous, the adjectives may have influenced one another with respect to their accentuation. Furthermore, the spread of AP 4 may have played a role.

l engė

LITH lengė (Ruh., Ness.) l 'small meadow between two hills'

BSL *len?g(i)a? PSL *lęga f. a (a) SL Ru. ljaga (N. dial.) 'swampy place, swamp, depression, cavity (usually filled

with water), puddle'; ORu. ljaga 'damp low place'; Slnc. lega 'low place, depression'

In view of its Slavic counterpart, the form lengė cannot simply be regarded as an obscure variant of -+lenkė. Note that in Slavic we also find *l(Jg?J (e) , e.g. Ru. lug 'meadow', Cz. luh 'damp depression overgrown with shrubs and trees', Pl. lqg 'damp or flooded wood, meadow or pasture near a river or in a depression', SCr. lug 'forest, wood(s), shrub(s), (dial.) meadow, depression' (-+OPr. Langa). Semantically, these forms with root-final g are very close to such nouns as -+lanka and -+liekna. In my opinion, we must view these forms in a substratum context, while taking into consideration that they have to a certain extent been influenced by BSl. *lenk- 'bend'

280 lengvas

(-+lenkti) . Another way of interpreting the evidence is that phenomena originating from a substratum language, such as unusual consonantal or vocalic alternations, are observed in roots of Indo-European origin. See also: linka; liŪ.gas; lŪ.gnė; Latv. laiksne

lengvas

LITH lengvas 4 'light, easy, slight' LATV liėgs2 'light, gentle, mild'; VAR liegvas (Couronian Isthmus)

PSL "lbg?Jh adj. o ' light, easy' SL OCS lbg?Jh; Ru. legkij; Cz. lehkj; Slk. l'ahkj; Pl. lekki; SCr. lak; lahak ( arch.);

lagak ( arch. , dial.) ; Sln. lagak; lagak

PIE hi le(n)gwh_u-IE Skt. raghu- 'fast'; Skt. laghu- 'light, small, easy'; Gk. eXaxu� 'small, little'; Gk.

eXa<j>p6� 'light, dexterous, fast, little'; Lat. levis 'light, fast, small, scanty'; Go. leihts 'light'

The root vocalism of the Slavic etymon is problematic because it can neither continue "'i nor *en, which is what we find in most languages, nor *e, as in Lat. levis For the PIE form, see De Vaan 2008: 336.

lenkė

LITH lenkė 1 'vale, depression, moist and boggy place, meadow, marsh'

This noun could be regarded as a derivative of -+lenkti 'bend', with metatonie rude due to retraction from prevocalic i (-ė < *- i-a). On the other hand, the form -+Iengė cannot be ignored.

lenkti

LITH lenkti 'bend, walk around', 3 pres. lenkia, 3 pret. lenkė LATV liekt [ ie, ie, ie2] 'bend', 1sg. pres. llecu

BSL *lenk-PSL *lękti v. 'bend' SL CS lęšti 'bend'; Cz. Ieci ( arch.) 'bend'; liet ( dial.) 'lay snares (for birds )'; USrb.

lac ( arch.) 'set traps, grow ears'; LSrb. lec 'set traps'

The verbal root *lenk- seems to be limited to Balto-Slavic ( cf. LIV: 413 ) . See also: lanka; lankas; lankfti; lenkė; lenkti; liekna; linka; liiikti; Latv. liks

lenta

LITH lenta 4 'board, plank' LATV lęnta 'board, plank'; VAR lente 'board, plank'

PSL *[pt'b m. o SL Ru. lut ( dial.) 'bast, bark of a linden'; [uta ( dial.) 'linden'; Ukr. lut 'bast, dial.)

young linden'; Cz. lut ( dial.) 'bast'; Pl. lęt ( dial.) 'twig, switch'; Slnc. lqt 'twig, pole'; Sln. lot ( dial.) 'narrow-leaved everlasting pea (Lathyrus sylvestris )'

PIE *lent-ehr

liaudis

IE Oic. lind f. 'lime, linden'; OE lind f. 'id.'; OHG linta f. 'id.'; OS linda f. 'id.'

The Baltic and Slavic forms reflect "North European" *lent-eh2, while PSl. *l9t'b reflects *Iant-o-. According to ME (II: 451) , the Latvian forms are probably either Couronianisms or borrowings from Lithuanian.

lėpė

LITH lepė ( dial.) l [1/2] 'water lily, yellow water lily'; VAR lepis l 'nightjar, water arum, water lily, yellow water lily'

LATV /epe 'coltsfoot, devil's bit'; VAR lępa [ę, ę, ę2] 'paw, coltsfoot, water lily, yellow water lily, frogbit, broad-leaved pondweed'

Latv. lępa 'paw' is surprising in view of lii.pa, Lith. -+/opa 'id:, for which a reconstruction with *h2 seems otherwise obvious. I assume that the (aquatic) plant names containing the acute root *lėp- as well as lepis 'nightjar (Caprimulgus europaeus, a bird with relatively long wings )' are essentially the same etymon, cf. -+lapas. Th ablaut may result from the contamination of two roots (see -+/opa).

lesti

LITH lėsti 'peck, pick', 3 pres. lesa, 3 pret. lesė LATV lest 'peck, pick, lap, count', lsg. pres. lešu, lsg. pret. lesu

PIE */es(H)-IE Hitt. lešš-zi ! lišš- 'pick, gather' ; Go. lisan 'collect'; Ok. lisan 'grasp, pick up,

gather, knit'; OE lesan 'gather, collect'; OHG lesan 'read, examine, collect'

Kloekhorst's suggestion *lesH- (2008: 525) is an attempt to explain the Hittite geminate. See also: lasy-ti

lėtas

LITH Utas 4 'slow, calm, gentie, mild, weak ( of drinks), (OLith.) simple, poor' LATV lęts [ę, ę2] 'easy, frivolous, cheap'

See --+lenas.

liaudis

LITH liaudis f.(i) l 'people, nation' LATV faudis Npl. m.(i) [au, au2] 'people'; VAR fauži Npl.

BSL *ljoud-i-PSL *{Ctdbje Npl. m. (e) 'people' SL OCS ljudbje; Ru. /judi; Cz. lide, Gsg. lidi; OCz. ludie; Slk. ludia; Pl. ludzie;

SCr. ljudi; Čak. fudi (Vrg.); fudi (Orb.) ; Sln. ljudję

PIE *hi leudh-i-IE Oic. lyor m. 'people, men'; OHG liuti m./n. 'people'

liauka

The root *h1 leudh- also occurs in Gk. eAeu8epoc;, Lat. liber 'free' ( cf. Beekes 2010: 408). PSl. *fūdvje reflects *h1 leudh-ei-es.

liauka

LITH liauka 2 [2/4] 'gland, (pl.) glandular disease in swine' LATV fauka2 [au2, aū2] 'smth. soaked or soft, glandular disease in swine'

PIE *leuk-ehr IE Gk. AEuK'l f. 'skin disease'

AP 2 occurs in the NW. Aukštaitian dialect of the Šakyna region and in the literary language (see Illič-Svityč 1963 : 23). Surprisingly, the LKŽe only mentions AP 4, which is predominant in Žemaitian and E. Aukštaitian. See also -+laukas l.

liaunas

LITH liaunas 4 [3/4] 'flexible, weak, slender'; VAR liaunus 3/4 LATV /aūns [ aū, au2] 'evil, wicked, left, wrong'

See -+liauti.

liaupsė

LITH liaupse 4 'praise, eulogy'; VAR liaupsis (Bretk.) f.(i)

BSL *ljoub-PSL *fuby f. ū 'love' SL OCS ljuby f.(ū) 'love, passion', Gsg. ljub'bVe; Ru. ijub6v' f.(i) ; ORu. ljuby f.(ū);

ijub'bvv f.(i) ; OCz. luby f.(ū), Gsg. lubve; SCr. ijubav f.(i) ; ijubov f.(i) ; Čak. /ūbdv (Vrg.) f.(i) , Gsg. /ubiivi; Sln. ljubav f.(i) 'love, friendly turn, kindness'; Bulg. ljub6v f.(i)

PIE *leubh-IE Go. liufs 'dear, sweet'

The verb liaupsinti 'praise' shows metatonie rude ( cf. Derksen 1996: 327) .

liauti

LITH liauti 'stop', 3 pres. liauna, 3 pres. liauja, 3 pret. liovė LATV faūt 'allow, ( refl.) stop, yield, rely on', 1sg. pres. faūju, 1sg. pret. favu; VAR faūt,

1sg. pres. faūnu, 1sg. pret. favu OPR aulaūt 'die'

BSL *ljoru(C)-; *ldw(V)-PSL * leviti v. SL Ukr. leviti 'weaken, diminish'; Cz. leviti ( obs., poet.) 'facilitate, alleviate,

diminish' ; leviti (Jg.) 'reduce, give up, release, drop'; SCr. Ieviti ( dial.) 'waste time, loaf'

PIE *leh1u-IE Go. lewjan 'betray'

lieknas

According to LIV (399 ), the *u was originally a present suffix. For the root *lehr, see -+leisti and -+lenas. See also: liaūnas

liegti

LITH liegti 'be sickly, weaken, pine away', 3 pres. liegsta, 3 pret. liego; VAR liegti, 3 pres. liegia, 3 pret. liegė (the DLKZ does not have the simplex, but we do find paliegti 'fall ill, become weak')

PIE *h3loig-IE Gk. \oiy6� m. 'ruin, havoc (from death by plague)' ; Alb. lige f. 'calamity,

illness'

The acute tone of liegti is in accordance with Winter's law. It is unlikely that it originated in the sta-present because metatonie rude is uncommon in roots with full grade. See also: liga; ligoti

liekas

LITH liekas 4 'spare, uneven, (OLith.) eleventh' LATV lieks [ ie, ie2] 'fake, spare, redundant, excessive'

PIE *loikw-o-IE Gk. \01n6� 'remaining'; Go. ainlif'eleven'

See -+likti. The Greek and East Baltic forms may be independent formations. In fact, it cannot be excluded that liek- continues PEBlt. *!eik-. PSl. *lix'b 'superfluous', e.g. OCS lix'b 'excessive, superfluous', may reflect *leikw-so-.

lieknas

LITH lieknas 1 [1/2/4] 'hollow, depression, damp meadow, marsh, damp spot overgrown with bushes, grove'; VAR liekna 1 [1/4] 'low-lying damp meadow without bushes, marsh, meadow between bushes'; lieknė 2 'hollow, depres­sion'

LATV liekns [ ie, ie2] 'wet, marshy spot in the woods, large, damp meadow, marshy spot where trees do no thrive'; VAR liekna 'depression, marsh, meadow'; liekne [ ie, ie2, ie2] 'marshy spot, marshy woods, wet, marshy spot in the woods, large, damp meadow, depression in a field'; liekt;ia [ ie, ie2, ie2] 'id.'; lieknis 'low-lying-meadow'

Fraenkel (LEW: 332-333) suggests that we are dealing with a root !eik- 'bend', which is ultimately identical with -+lenkti, cf. befigti alongside baigti 'finish'. Semantically, this is unproblematic, cf. -+lanka (see also Fraenkel 1938). I find it suspect, however, that this root should occur only in a handful of semantically very similar nouns. Furthermore, the root of liek-n- seems to be acute, cf. also -+lciikšės. l am inclined to assume a substratum origin for lieknas and related forms (-+Zengė) .

lieptas

lieptas

LITH lieptas 2 'foot-bridge'

See -+laiptas.

liepti

LITH liepti 'order, urge', 3 pres. liepia, 3 pret. liepė

PIE *l( e ) ip-IE Gk. A[mw 'desire'

Other Baltic formations containing this root are Latv. laipu6t 'help out, advise', OPr. laipinna 'I ordered', pallaipsitwei 'desire', pallaips 'commandment'.

liesas

LITH liesas 3 [ 1/3] 'lean, thin, skimmed, infertile (soil)' LATV liess [ ie, iė, iė2, ie2] 'lean, thin, infertile ( soil) '

The root of this adjective, which I reconstruct as *le!oiH- or *le!oh1 i- may also occur in -+laibas.

lieti

LITH lieti 'pour', 3 pres. lieja, 3 pret. liejo; lieti 'cast (in a mould)', 3 pres. lieja, 3 pret. liejo; VAR lieti 'pour', 3 pres. leja, 3 pret. lejo; lieti 'cast (in a mould), ( dial.) putty', 3 pres. leja, 3 pres. l iena (SD), 3 pret. liejo

LATV liet 'pour, cast (in a mould)', 1sg. pres. leju, 1sg. pret. lėju OPR pralieiton (III), prolieiton (UI), proleiton (III), praliten (II) ptc. pf. pass.

Nsg. n. 'shed'

BSL *l(e/o) (i-PSL *liti v. 'pour' SL OCS -liti, 1sg. -lijp (izliti 'pour out', praliti 'id.', etc.) ; Ru. lit', 1sg. l'ju, 3sg. l'et;

Cz. liti, 1sg. liji; OPI. lic; SCr. ll'ti, 1sg. lljem; Čak. ll'ti (Orb.), 1sg. lijen, 1sg. lfjen; Sln. liti, 1sg. lijem; Bulg. leja

PIE *lhr(e)i-IE MW di-llyd 'pour out'

The accentual differentiation between Lith. lieti 'pour' and lieti 'cast (in a mould)' must be secondary (pace Būga 1911b: 226-227 = RR I: 299 ). In Slavic, we also find *lbjati (e) 'pour', e.g. OCS lijati (Mar., Supr.), 1sg. lej9, Cz. liti, isg. leji, Pl. lac, 1sg. leję.

Since Melchert 2011 it is possible to reconstruct Hitt. labui - l labu- 'pour' as *le!ohru-, thus enabling a connection with Gk. Aoew, Lat. lavare 'wash'. The root *leuhr from which the latter forms are usually derived can now be traced to a zero grade *luhr < *lh3u- through laryngeal metathesis. In a similar vein, Lubotsky (2011: 108 fn.) has suggested that the Balto-Slavic verb for 'pour' ultimately goes back to *lhrei-. The metathesis in the zero grade, which is not included in my Proto-Balto­Slavic reconstruction, must have been posterior to Hirt's law. A secondary e-grade could have arisen after the merger of the laryngeals into a glottal stop.

See also: lietus; ly-ti; lytus; Latv. liemenis

lietus

LITH lietus m. 3 'rain' LATV lietus m. 'rain'

See -lieti.

liežti

lyg

LITH liežti 'liek', 3 pres. liežia, 3 pret. liežė

BSL */eii-PSL *lizati v. (b) 'liek'

285

SL OCS lizaaše (Supr.) 3sg. impf. 'lieked'; Ru. lizat', 1sg. /ižu, 3sg. ližet; Cz. lizati; Slk. lizat; Pl. lizac; SCr. lizati, ISg. ližem; Čak. lizati (Vrg.), 2sg. ližeš; Sln. lizati, 1sg. ližem; Bulg. liža

PIE *[eif'-IE Skt. recfhi 3sg. ( Vrih-); Gk. Mixw; Lat. lingere See also: laižy-ti

liežuvis

LITH liežuvis 2 'tongue' OPR insuwis (EV) 'tongue'

BSL *iniu?-PSL *ęzyko m. o (a) 'tongue, language' SL OCS języko 'tongue, language, nation'; Ru. jazjk; Cz. jazyk; Slk. jazyk; Pl.

język; SCr. jėzik; Čak. jazi'k (Vrg.); Sln. jezik, Gsg. jezika; Bulg. ezik

PIE *dngh-uhr IE Skt. jihva- f.; OLat. dingua f.; Go. tuggo f.

The anlaut of the Lithuanian form was apparently influeneed by liežti 'liek'. In Slavie, the Balto-Slavie noun *iniu?- (with loss of initial *d) aequired a suffix *-ko.

lig

LITH lig prep. 'to, till'; lig eonj. 'until'; VAR ligi prep. 'to, till'; ligi conj. 'until' LATV lidz adv. 'like'; lidz prep. 'till'; lidz eonj. 'as soon as, as long as, until'

Apparently, these forms result from shortening of *i, cf. -+/jg, perhaps under the influenee of the synonymous iki ( cf. LEW: 379 ) . See -+/jgus for the etymology.

lyg

LITH ljg adv. 'like' LATV lidz [ i, i 2] ; lidz prep. 'till'; lidz eonj. 'as soon as, as long as, until'; VAR lidza

adv./prep. 'together with'; lig( a) prep. 'till'; lig( a) eonj. 'until, as soon as'

See ->/jgus.

286

liga

LITH liga 4 'illness' LATV liga 'illness'

PIE *lig-eh2-

liga

IE Gk. Ao1y6<; m. 'ruin, havoc (from death by plague)'; Alb. lige f. 'calamity, illness'

The reconstruction is problematic in view of Winter's law. According to Dybo (2002: 505-506), however, a short reflex is regular in the case of (C)Ri/uC (but cf. ->lygus) . l am inclined to regard the vocalism as secondary ( cf. Derksen 2003: 11, Young 2008: 210 ) . The original tone may have been preserved in -->liegti.

lyginti

LITH lyginti 'compare, even, equalize', 3 pres. lygina, 3 pret. lygino LATV lidzinat [ i, i2] 'even, level, compare, equal' OPR leyginwei (l), liginton (III); ligint (III) 'judge'

A denominative verb, cf. ->lygus.

ligoti

LITH ligoti 'be ill', 3 pres. ligoja, 3 pret. ligojo LATV liga t 'be sickly, be ill, 1sg. pres. ligaju

See -->liegti and ->liga.

lygti

LITH lygti 'bargain, haggle, (Žem.) bet', 3 pres. lygsta, 3 pret. lygo LATV ligt [ i, i, l, 12, i2] 'haggle, make a deal', 1sg. pres. ligstu, 1sg. pret. ligu; VAR likt

[ f, i, 12, i 2] 'reach an agreement, make a deal', 1sg. pres. likstu, 1sg. pret. liku

The accentual variation as well as the root-final k: g variation results from confusion between Ilgt, which derives from lidzs (->lygus) and likt (-+lifiktf) 'bend' ( cf. Derksen 1996: 289)

lygus

LITH lygus 3 [ 1/3] (also lygus 3) 'flat, even, equal'; VAR lygas (according to Fraenkel, there is evidence for a Zemaitian variant Uegus, with full grade)

LATV lidzs [ i, i 2] 'flat, even, equal'; VAR lidzlgs [ f, i 2] 'similar, equal'; lidzęns 'flat, even, similar, alike'

OPR poligu 'similarly'

PIE *lig-u-IE Go. galeiks 'equal'; Ok. glikr, likr ' id:; OE gelic ' id: ( *leig-)

According to Kroonen (2013 : 337), Germanic forms such as Early Modern Dutch liek 'plane, even' < *likka- < *lig-no- and its derivative licken 'smoothen' prove that the root was *lig- rather than *liHg- . Consequently, Baltic *lirg- must originate from Winter's law, which violates Dybo's rule mentioned s.v. -+liga.

link a

See also: lyg; lig; lyginti; lygti

likti

LITH likti 'hold, keep', 3 pres. lieka, 3 pret. liko (there are many alternative present formations, e.g. liekti, liiika, liekna)

LATV likt 'leave, lay, put', lsg. pres. lieku, lsg. pret. liku OPR poliiikt 'stay', 3 pres. polinka

PIE */(o )ikw-IE Skt. rireca 3sg. pf. 'has left'; Gk. \e\omev 3sg. pf. 'has left, is away from'; Ok.

leig(j)a 'rent'

According to Stang (1966: 311, 344) , East Baltic leik- and OPr. liiik- point to a perfecto-present *laik- < *loikw-. See also: atlaikas; laikas; laikyti; liekas

limti

LITH limti 'bend, stoop, ( dial.) break', 3 pres. limsta, 3 pret. limo LATV limt2 [ im2, im2] 'slip, collapse'

See -+lemti.

linas

LITH linas 4 'flax (plant)', Npl. linai 4 'flax (fibres)' LATV lini Npl. 'flax' OPR lynno (GrA, GrF), lino (GrG) 'flax'

BSL *linum PSL *l'bn'b m. o (b) 'flax' SL CS lbn'b; Ru. len, Gsg. / 'na; Cz. len, Gsg. lnu; Slk. l'an; Pl. len, Gsg. lnu; USrb.

len, Iena, Gsg. lenu; SCr. lan; Čak. liin (Orb.), Gsg. liina; Sln. liin, Gsg. liina, lanu; Bulg. len

IE Gk. \[vov n. 'flax'; Lat. linum n. 'flax, linen'; Go. lein n. 'canvas'

The widespread vaccillation between long and short i makes it impossible to establish a common IE proto-form. We are probably dealing with a non-IE culture word. For Balto-Slavic we must reconstruct a barytone neuter o-stem. Accentual mobility is secondary. The above-mentioned Old Prussian forms are to be regarded as neuter plurals (cf. Toporov PJ V: 289). Levin (1999: 183-184) draws attention to the fact that a neuter singular linnen may be attested in Hennig's Prussian dictionary (1785: 146).

linka

LITH linka ( dial.) l 'hollow, depression'; VAR linkis l [1/2] 'bend, curve, ( dial.) vale, dale'

At first sight this is a straightforward derivative of -+lenkti 'bend', but cf. -+lanka and -+/engė.

288 linkti

linkti

LITH linkti 'bend (intr.) , stoop, be inclined', 3 pres. linksta, 3 pret. linko LATV likt [ i , i 2] 'bend (intr.)', isg. pres. likstu, isg. pret. liku

See -+lenkti 'bend'.

lipai

LITH lipai Npl. 4 'glue, resin'

PIE *lip-o-IE Gk. >.. lno� n. 'oil'

See -+lipti l.

lipnus

LITH lipnus 4 'stieky, affeetionate' ; VAR lipus 4 'stieky'; lipšnus 4 'affeetionate' LATV lipns 'eharming, friendly'; VAR lipins; lipsnigs; lipnigs; lipnigs2; lipęns [ i, i2]

'stieky'

See -+lipti l.

lipti l

LITH lipti 'stiek', 3 pres. limpa, 3 pret. lipo LATV lipt 'stiek', isg. pres. lipu, lipstu, isg. pret. lipu; VAR lipt2, isg. pres. lipu2

BSL *lip-PSL *lbn9ti v. 'stiek' SL OCS prilbnpti 'stiek'; Ru. l'nut"stiek, cling'; Cz. lnouti 'stiek'; Pl. lgnqc 'stiek';

OPI. lnqc 'stiek'; Slne. lno_ųc 'stiek' PIE *lip-IE Skt. limpati 'smear, deeeive' ; Gk. >..maivw 'oil'

ln Latvian, lip- < *limp- was retained when the present seeondarily aequired the sta­suffix. In Rujen (Rūjiena) and Salisburg (Maz-Salaea) i2 < *l spread to the infinitive. This aeeounts for lipigs2 alongside lipigs 'stieky, toady' (-+lipnus) . See also: laipnus; laiptas; lieptas; lipai; lipnus; lipti II

lipti 11

LITH lipti 'climb', 3 pres. lipa, 3 pret. lipo LATV lipt 'climb', isg. pres. lipu, isg. pret. lipu

The root is identieal with the root of -+lipti l (see LEW: 376). The meaning 'stiek' is original.

lysė

LITH lysė l 'bed (garden, field)' ; VAR lysvė i ; lysva; lystė i; lysia l

OPR lyso (EV) 'bed (garden, field)'

PSL *llxa f. a (b) 'strip of land, bed'

liūdnas

SL OCS lexa (Zogr., Mar.) 'row'; Ru. lexa ( dial.) 'strip of land, furrow, bed'; lexa (dial.) 'strip of land, furrow, bed'; Ukr. ljaxa 'bed (garden)'; Cz. licha 'narrow strip of land'; OCz. lecha 'strip of land'; Pl. lecha ( obs.) 'row, file'; OPL lecha 'strip of land, bed (garden)' ; SCr. lijeha 'small patch of farmed land, ridge between furrows, flower bed'; Sln. lęha 'furrow, strip of land, gap in a field'; Bulg. leha 'flower bed'

PIE *lois-ehr IE Lat. lira f. 'ridge between two furrows'; OHG leisa f. 'track, trail'; MDu. lees

'id.'

The gloss 'bete' is narrowed down by Trautmann (1910: 371) to 'Gartenbeet', but the position of lyso in the Elbing Vocabulary suggests that it is part of the agricultural terminology (see Toporov PJ V: 325-326). The acute of the Lithuanian forms is un­expected.

lįsti

LITH ljsti 'crawl, creep, get (in, into ), taste good', 3 pres. lenda, 3 pret. lindo LATV list 'crawl, creep, get (in, into ) , taste good, cut', lsg. pres. lienu, lsg. pret. lidu;

VAR list, lsg. pres. liedu, ISg. pret. lidu; list [i2], lsg. pres. linu, lsg. pret. lidu (1sg. pres. also ližu2, liznu, liednu)

PIE *l( e )ndh-IE Skt. radhyatu 3sg. imper. 'let be subjected' ; randhayati 'subjects' See also: landžioti; ląsta

lyti

LITH lyti 'rain', 3 pres. lyja, 3 pret. lijo; VAR lyti, 3 pres. lyna, 3 pret. lijo; lyti, 3 pres. lija, 3 pret. lijo

LATV lit 'flow, rain', lsg. pres. listu, liju, lsg. pret. liju

The verb for 'rain' contains the zero grade *lh3i- (-+lieti) .

lytus

LITH lytus (OLith., dial.) m. 3 'rain' LATV lits 'rain'

See -+lieti.

liūdnas

LITH liudnas 4 'sad'

PSL *ludo adj. o (e) 'crazy' SL CS ludo 'foolish'; Ru. lud (Dal': arch.) 'stupid, mad, crazy'; SCr. lud 'stupid,

crazy, immature', f. luda, n. ludo; Čak. lud (Vrg.) 'stupid, crazy, immature', f. ludii, n. lado; Sln. lad 'crazy', f. luda; Bulg. lud 'crazy, insane, wild'

IE Go. liuts 'hypocritical'; Ok. lj6tr 'ugly'

290 liūgas

Lith. liudnas has a lengthened zero grade. The palatalization of the l originates from the (unattested) full grade *liaūd- < *leud-. PSI. *lūd'b reflects *loud-o-, while Germanic has *leuta- < *leud-o-. We seem to be dealing here with a Balto-Slavic and Germanic isogloss.

liūgas

LITH liugas 2 'puddle, little marsh, mud, quagmire, pool in a meadow that originates from flooding'; VAR liugnas 2 'id.' ; liūgna 'puddle'; lii'igė 2 'id:; li'ignas 'quagmire'; lrigas l [1/2] 'deep spot overflown by a river, muddy branch of a river, marsh, quagmire, hole in the bottom of a river'; lriga 1

[1/2] 'deep spot overflown by a river, hole in the bottom of a river'; lūgis 'quagmire'

LATV fuga 'aspic, pulp'; luga 'marshy deposit of a lake that is silting up'

PSL *!Uža f. ja (a) 'puddle, pool' SL CS luža 'marsh'; Ru. luža 'puddle, pool'; Cz. lauže 'hollow with stagnant

water, puddle, pool'; OCz. luže 'puddle, pool, swamp'; Pl. luža (dial.) 'pit, hollow, puddle, pool' ; Plb. layze 'swamp, puddle, pool' ; SCr. lUža 'puddle, pool, mud, bog'; Sln. IUža 'puddle, pool'

IE Ill. Aouyrnv 'swamp'

It is quite possible to derive these nouns from a root meaning 'bend', cf. -+lanka. The problem is that the Baltic and Slavic do not match from an accentological point of view. For Slavic, one may reconstruct *loug-ieh2, cf. Gk. :\uyoc; 'twig', Lat. luctor 'wrestle'. The Baltic forms, on the other hand, seem to point to *lug"-. A connection with --+[ūg6ti and --+[ugnas is possible if we trace the meaning 'lie' back to 'bend' (cf. LIV: 417) . l find it more attractive, however, to view the Baltic and Slavic evidence within the context of a substratum origin. The Slavic etymon can hardly be separated from *lęga and *l(ig'b (-+!engė), while the Baltic forms seem to be part of a complex of forms exhibiting irregular alternations ( cf. --+lengė, -+liekna, -li'ignė).

lizdas

LITH lizdas 4 'nest'; VAR lizda (Klp.) ; lizas (K., dial.) 4 LATV ligzda 'nest'; VAR ligzds; lizda; lizds; lizgs

BSL *nizd6 PSL *gnhdo n. o (b) 'nest' SL OCS gnezdo; Ru. gnezd6, Npl. gnezda; Ukr. hnizd6, Npl. hnizda; Cz. hnizdo;

OCz. hniezdo; Slk. hniezdo; Pl. gniazdo; gniazdo ( dial.) ; Slnc. gnliyzde; SCr. gnijėzdo, Npl. gnijėzda; Čak. gnizdo (Vrg.), Npl. gnizd&; gnjizlO (Orb.), Npl. gnjizla; Kajk. gniezde (Bednja), Npl. gnjiezdo; Sln. gnęzd9; Bulg. gnezd6

PIE *ni-sd-6-m IE Skt. nic;ia- m./n. 'resting-place, abode, ( esp.) nest'; Lat. nidus m. 'nest'; OE

nest n. 'nest'

lokšnus 291

The Baltic and Slavic forms show different alterations of the anlaut. Following Endzelins (1942: 122ff), Fraenkel (LEW: 383) assumes a contamination of the word for 'nest' and the root *lef'-, *lof'- 'lie, lay' for the Baltic forms. He also refers to the root 'crawl, creep' of -+ląsta in this context. For the anlaut of the Slavic forms, see Derksen 2008a: 169.

lokys

LITH lokys 3 'bear' LATV lacis 'bear' OPR clokis (EV) 'bear'; caltestisklok' [caltestis klokis] (EV) 'common bear';

Tlokunpelk top. ( 'bear's swamp')

This etymon seems to have replaeed the inherited word for 'bear', whieh may have been preserved in -+irštva 'bear's den'. The best etymology may be the conneetion with SCr. dlaka 'hair, fish bone', Sln. dlaka 'hair (of animals), body-hair' (cf. Toporov PJ IV: 70-71) unless these words eontinue *dolk-. The eonneetion with -+lakti (e.g. Rasmussen 1989b: 161) is formally impossible. Kortlandt (1997a: 27) suggests a connection with til(k) ti 'beeome silent' (-+tilti) , but adds that the word may not be of Indo-European origin at all. Smoezyri.ski ( 1999 ), who doubts the antiquity of the Old Prussian anlaut, argues that the word for 'bear' is eognate with Lat. lacer 'torn apart, mutilated, (Ov.) tearing apart' < *lh2k-. Sinee deverbative agent nouns in *-ijo- are partieularly frequent in eompounds, Smoezyri.ski reconstruets an ( originally adjectival) compound žmoglokf's (cf. -+žmogits) 'man-mauling' -+ 'man-mauler'. Subsequently, the first member of the compound was lost. Leaving the problem of the anlaut aside, the main drawbaek of this etymology is the faet that we would not expeet the verbai root *[ark- to be limited to a noun that is not an arehaism.

lokšnus

LITH lokšnus (Kos.) 4 'sensitive'

BSL *[a(s-PSL *laS'o adj. o 'greedy' SL Ru. lasyj 'greedy, eager, affectionate'; Ukr. lasyj 'greedy, eager'; Pl. lasy (obs.,

dial.) 'greedy, eager'

PIE *leh2s-n-IE Lat. lascivus 'playful, unrestrained' ( *lh2s-k-); Olr. lainn 'eager' ( *lh2s-n-)

Sinee Būga 1914: 56 (= RR I: 451), lokšnus is usually assumed to eontinue *lašknus (thus, for instanee, LEW: 385), cf. Ru. laska 'earess, endearment, kindness: I agree with Smoezyri.ski (2000: 276-277) that the suggested development *lask-nu-s > *lašk­nu-s (Būga: l.e.) is completely ad hoe. I wonder, however, if the š could not have arisen after metathesis of *sk to *ks. Anyhow, I prefer to eompare lokšnus to PSL *las'b rather than to PSl. *laska, which may be a verbai derivative containing *-sk- (Derksen 2008a: 269 ). With Smoezyri.ski (o.e. : 380) I assume that the k of lokšnus is intrusive. There are plenty of examples for the development *s > š after intrusive k, e.g. krikštas 'cross' : PSL *krtJst'b ( cf. Stang 1966: 111-112, Smoezyri.ski o.e. : 381-382).

292 loma

loma

LITH loma 4 'hollow, valley, plot, lump'; VAR lomas 2 'valley, plot, strip' LATV lama [a, a2] 'hollow in a field or meadow, pool, pit, pond in the woods'; VAR

lams

BSL * lom(i')-PSL *Iamo m. o 'hollow, bend' SL Ru. Iam ( dial.) ' (Psk.) meadow covered with small trees and bushes that is

occasionally flooded, (Novg.) wasteland'; Pl. lam (obs.) 'quarry, bend'; SCr. Iam ( dial.) 'knee-joint, underground passage'; Bulg. Iam 'pit, ( dial.) quarry'

PIE *lom(H)-

The question is to what extent these forms can be derived from the root *lem(H)­'break' that occurs in -+lemti and PSl *lomiti (-+laminti) . Meanings such as 'plot' or 'lump' can easily be linked to this root, but it is not evident that this is also true for 'hollow, pool'. For words with this or a similar meaning a different etymology must be taken into consideration, viz. a connection with Lat. lama 'marsh' < *leh2mehr ( cf. Schrijver 1991: 142) . l think that it is important to include -+lamas and its Slavic counterpart *loma in the discussion. Apart from meanings that can obviously be derived from a verbai root meaning 'break', we find Slavic forms that are semantically close to, for instance, the meaning of Latv. lama. The ablaut suggests that we are indeed dealing with derivatives of the above-mentioned root. In any case, the resemblance of Latv. lama to Lat. lama must now definitely be classified as fortuitous. The sustained tone of lama may reflect the tone of the verb lemt (which admittedly occurs alongside lemt and lemt). Another argument in favour of a connection with a verb meaning 'break' may be OHG bruoh n., OE broc 'marsh', MLG brok n. 'wet pasture' if these forms are connected with PGmc. *brekan 'break', e.g. OHG brehhan, OE brecan (thus, for instance, Miklosich 1862-1865: 343, ESSJa XIV: 26). This etymology has apparently been abandoned, however ( cf. De Vries: 89, Kluge-Seebold: 138, Kroonen 2013: 78-79 ).

l opa

LITH l6pa ( dial.) l [1/2] 'paw'; VAR lope 4; lapa 2 LATV lapa [a, a2] 'paw'

BSL *larpar PSL * lapa f. a (a) 'paw' SL Ru. lapa 'paw'; ORu. lapa 'paw'; Cz. tlapa 'paw'; dlapa (dial.) 'paw'; lapa (Jg.)

'snare, trap'; Slk. laba 'paw'; tlapa 'paw'; Pl. lapa 'paw'; dlapa (dial.) 'paw'; SCr. liipa (RSA: dial.) 'paw'; Sln. lapa 'snout, mouth'; lapa 'paw'; Bulg. lapa 'paw'

IE Go. lofa m. 'flat of the hand'; Olc. l6fi m. 'id.'

The Germanic forms with PGmc. *o occur alongside forms with a short vowel, e.g. OHG lappo m., laffa f. 'palm of the hand, blade of an oar'. It was recognized long ago ( cf. Kauffmann 1887: 544) that the consonantal and vocalic alternations can be traced

loti 293

to an ablauting n-stem. Kroonen (2013: 345) reconstructs *leh2p-on-, *lh2p-n-os, *lh2p­ėn-i. The question is if this insight can help us understand why we find Balto-Slavic forms with an acute long vowel alongside forms with a short vowel, e.g. Lith. -+lopeta : PSL *lopata. I do not think it can. Even if we assume that in Balto-Slavic a laryngeal was vocalized between consonants, which I believe to be incorrect, we must still account for a good many cases of e : o ablaut (-+lapas : Ru. lepestok, cf. Būga RR l: 312-313), forms that are incompatible with *h2, -+lepa), and long circumflex vowels as in -+lopas. For this reason, I maintain my view (Derksen 2008a: 269) that we are dealing with two separate roots, *leh2p- and *lep- (Gk. Xtrrw 'peel'?), which became confused. See also: Latv. lapsa

lopas

LITH lopas 4 [2/ 4] 'patch'; VAR lopė LATV laps 'patch'

I suspect that this noun contains the same root as -+lapas 'leaf', cf. Ru. lėpest ( dial.), lepėst ( dial.) 'leaf of a plant, rag, piece'. Latv. laps probably adopted the sustained tone of lapa 'paw'. The relationship with OHG lappa f. 'rag' is unclear to me.

lopė

LITH lopė (DP) 1 'torch' LATV lapa 'torch' OPR lopis (EV) 'flame'

PIE *leh2p-IE Hitt. lapp-zi ! lapp- 'glow, flash'

Gk. Mµnw 'lighten, glow', Xaµnac; f. 'torch' may also belong here (but cf. Beekes 2010: 830).

lopeta

LITH lopeta 1 [1/3•] 'spade, shovel, ( dial.) scoop, spatula, shoulder-blade'

PSL *lopata f. a 'spade, shovel' SL OCS lopata 'shovel, fan'; Ru. lopata; Cz. lopata; Slk. lopata; Pl. lopata; SCr.

lopata; Čak. lopiita (Vrg., Orb.) ; Sln. lopata; Bulg. lopata

See -+lopa and -+Latv. lapsta.

loti

LITH loti 'bark, ( dial.) ask persistently', 3 pres. loja, 3 pret. lojo LATV Iat [a, a, a2, a2] 'bark, scold, curse', 1sg. pres. laju

BSL *[a(-PSL * lajati v. (a) 'bark' SL OCS lajati (Supr.) 'bark', 1sg. laj9; Ru. lajat' 'bark'; ORu. lajati 'bark'; Bel.

lajai 'curse'; Ukr. ltijati 'curse, scold'; Cz. lati 'scold, bark'; Slk. ltif 'scold'; Pl.

294 luba

lajai 'curse, scold, bark'; Slnc. lajac 'bark, curse'; LSrb. lajas 'bark, scold, curse'; SCr. lajati 'bark, swear', isg. lajem; Čak. liijati (Vrg.) 'bark, swear', 2sg. laješ; Sln. lajati 'bark, screarn, curse', isg. lajam, isg. lajem; Bulg. laja 'bark, scold'

PIE *lehr IE Skt. rayati 'bark' (if not from PIE *Hreh1 i-) ; Lat. latrdre 'bark'

luba

LITH luba 2/ 4 'plank, board' (Standard Lithuanian only lubos 2/ 4 'ceiling') LATV luba 'bast, plank, shelf' OPR lubbo (EV) 'bast, plank, shelf'

BSL *lubum? PSL *l'bb'b m. o 'skull' SL CS l'bb'b 'skull'; Ru. lob 'forehead, brow', Gsg. lba; Cz. lebka f.(a) 'skull'; leb

(lit.) f. (i) 'skull', Gsg. l(e)bi, Gsg. lba (arch.); leb ( lit.) 'skull', Gsg. l(e)bu; OCz. leb 'skull', Gsg. lba; leb f.(i) 'skull', Gsg. lbi; Slk. leb (lit., arch.) 'skull', Gsg. leba; leb ( arch., lit.) f.(i) 'skull', Gsg. lebi; Pl. leb 'head of an animal, ( coll.) head, pate', Gsg. lba; Sln. lab 'skull, forehead', Gsg. laba

The root seems to be *lubh-, but see -+luobas for the possibility that the root was *lub-.

luginas

LITH luginas (DP) 'treacherous'

See -+lūg6ti. Alternative readings for luginajis (DP 366) are luginaitė and luginqjie.

luginti

LITH luginti (Bretk.) 'allure, fondle', 3 pres. lugina, 3 pret. lugino; VAR litnginti 'wave, wag, fondle, fawn, snuggle up', 3 pres. litngina, 3 pret. litngino; lufiginti 'id.' , 3 pres. lufigina, 3 pret. lufigino

l assume that this verb belongs to OCS l'bgati, Go. liugan 'lie' < *l( e )ugh- (-+lūg6t1). Fraenkel (LEW: 390) calls the forms with -n- "expressive''.

lugnas

LITH litgnas (Ness., dial.) 4 'flexible'

Since a reconstruction *lug-, cf. Gk. Auyo<; 'twig', would be in conflict with Wintcr's law, l prefer to reconstruct *lugh-no- and connect this adjective with -+luginti and -+lūg6ti. Another solution was proposed by Rasmussen (1992: 8) and Dybo (2002: 498) , who assume that the law was blocked by a following resonant. In my opinion, their rule is too general (Derksen 2003a: 8).

luknas 295

lūgnė

LITH lugnė 2 'yellow water lily'; VAR lugnė; lugnos; luknė (K., dial.) 2 'water lily'; lugnas 'id:; lugnas 2 'id.'; liugnas 2 'yellow water lily'

LATV lukne (Sonnaxt) 'pond plant with thick and soft roots and round leaves'

BSL *luk-n-; *lug-n-? PSL *lbkno n.o 'water lily' SL Bel. lokn6 ( dial.) 'yellow water lily'; Ukr. lokn6 ( dial.), lukn6 ( dial.) 'water lily,

yellow water lily'; Cz. lekno (Jg.) 'water lily'; OCz. lekno 'water lily'; Slk. lekno 'water lily'; Sln. lekn9 'water lily' (in view of the e, probably a borrowing from Czech)

More than the white water lily, the yellow water-lily thrives in shallow water (benee Nuphar lutea) . It is therefore plausible that its name derives from words meaning 'pool, marsh' (-+liugnas) or was influenced by them. In the former scenario, the vacillation between k and g may be compared to lengė : lenkė. In the latter scenario, original *luk- was analogically replaced with *lug- ( *lūg-) in Lithuanian. Interest­ingly, -+ Latv. laiksne 'water lily' seems to contain the same root as liekns 'wet, marshy spot in the woods, large, damp meadow' etc. (-+lfekna).

lūgoti

LITH lūg6ti 'request, beg', 3 pres. lūg6ja, 3 pret. lūg6jo LATV lugt [u, u2] 'request, invite', isg. pres. ludzu

BSL *[ug-PSL *li.gati v. (b ) 'lie' SL OCS lbgati, isg. li.ž9; Ru. lgat', isg. lžu, 3sg. lžet; Cz. lhati 'lie'; OCz. lhati 'lie',

isg. lžu; Slk. luhaf 'lie'; lhaf 'deceive'; Pl. lgac 'deceive, lie', isg. lžę; SCr. lagati, isg. lažem; Sln. fagati, isg. lažem

PIE *lugh-IE Go. liugan 'lie'; Olc. ljuga 'lie' ; OHG liogan 'lie'

The verb lūg6ti, which occurs in dialects spoken near the Latvian border as well as in the writings of Daukantas and Valančius, may be of Latvian origin. It seems plausible that the meaning 'lie' found in Slavic and Germanic originates from 'bend' ( cf. LIV: 417), cf. -+lugnas, -+luknas. See also: luginas; luginti; lugnas; luknas

luknas

LITH lUknas ( dial.) 4 'with horns going sideways' LATV lukns 'flexible, supple, juicy, clever'

Other Lithuanian forms with this root are lukenti 'drink while dipping its beak deeply into the water' and lukinti ( dial.) 'make smth. soft by pounding: Apparently, the root lug- < *lugh- has a variant luk-, cf. lengė : lenkė, where I suggested a sub­stratum origin.

lūkoti

lūkoti

LITH lūk6ti ( dial.) 'wait, await', 3 pres. lūk6ja, 3 pret. lūk6jo; VAR lūk6ti ( dial.), 3 pres. lūko, 3 pret. lūk6jo; lūkiuoti e dial.), 3 pres. lūkiuoja, 3 pret. lūkavo

LATV lūkilt 'look at, inspect, seek, try'; VAR lūkuat

See -+laukti.

lankas

LITH limkas l [l/ 4] 'bast'; VAR limka l LATV luks 'bast' OPR lunkan (EV) 'bast'

BSL *lunrko PSL *lyko n. o (a) 'bast' SL Ru. lyko; Ukr. lyko; Cz. lyko; Slk. lyko; Pl. lyko; SCr. ll'ko; SCr. ll'k m.; Sln. lik9

'(bast) fibre'; Bulg. liko

Etymology unclear. The Latvian broken tone was generalized in neuter o-stems with an acute root (cf. Derksen 1996: 121-122). Fi. lunka 'remnants of bark' is a borrowing from Baltic.

luoba

LITH luoba l [ 1/3/4] 'peel' LATV luoba 'catch, booty' ( cf. luobas laiks or luobu laiks 'die Zeit, wo sich die

Rinde vom Baum ablost, wo man einen Fang machen kann')

See -+lUobas.

luobas

LITH luobas 3 'bast' LATV luobs 'peel' ( no tone is indicated in ME, but cf. luoba 'catch, booty', luobans

'ein Baum dessen Rinde sich leicht lost', luobt 'peel' )

PSL * lub'b m. o (e) 'bast' SL Ru. lub 'bast' ; Cz. lub 'rim, hoop'; Slk. lub 'wooden rim'; Pl. lub 'bast'; SCr. lub

'bast'; Sln. lub 'bast'

PIE * loub(h)_o-IE Lat. liber m. 'bark, book'; Go. lauf n.; OHG loub n. 'foliage'

In Derksen 2008a (289), the Baltic forms are missing. The reconstruction *loubh-o­presented there does not account for the acute of the Baltic forms. If we reconstruct *loub-o-, it remains unclear why Winter's law did not operate in -+luba and PSI. *lbb'b 'skull'. Dybo (2002: 503-506) has a rule CRl/ūC- > CRi/ūC, where R = IJ, r, l. We may interpret this rule as loss of glottalization in sequences (C)Ri/u(C-. Apart from the issue whether the rule is correct or not, it is uncertain if it would apply to this particular root. The discrepancy between luobas, Latv. luoba, and -+luba is strongly reminiscent of -+duoba, Latv. duobjš, vs. -+dubus, dugnas, etc., to which Dybo's rule does not apply. Moreover, both roots have a variant with -p, e.g. -+laupyti, PSl. *dupa

magėti 297

'hole'. It seems therefore possible to consider the problem within a substratum context. See also: laupai; luoba; lupti; lupena

luomas

LITH liiomas 1 'social class, ( obs.) family status, ( dial.) plot, strip'; VAR luoma ( arch., dial.) 1

A derivative of -lemti. The acute root luom-, which is not the regular reflex of *lom(H)-, was probably adopted from the verb.

lupena

LITH lupena 1 [2/4] 'peel'; VAR lubena 1 [ 1/3b]

See -luobas.

lupti

LITH lupti 'peel, skin, bark, beat', 3 pres. lupa, 3 pret. lupo; VAR lupti, 3 pres. lupa, 3 pret. lupė

LATV lupt 'peel, skin, beat', 1sg. pres. lupju, isg. pret. lupu

See -luobas.

lūšis

LITH lušis f.(i) 1 'lynx'; VAR lušis m.(i) 1; lūšys 4; lušė (Jušk.) 1; lŲnšis (Žem.) f.(i) i LATV lūsis [ū, u2] 'lynx'; VAR lūsa OPR luysis (EV) 'lynx'

IE Gk. \uy� m. 'lynx'; OHG luhs m. 'lynx'; OE lox 'id:; Olr. lug m. 'warrior, hero, fighter' (the original meaning may have been 'lynx', cf. gae fata suanemnaib loga 'made of hair of lynx', TBC 2738.5313)

In spite of its widespread attestation, the PIE word for 'lynx' defies reconstruction.

lūžti

LITH lužti 'break (intr.)', 3 pres. lužta, 3 pret. 1užo LATV 1uzt 'break (intr.)', 1sg. pres. lustu, 1sg. pret. luzu

This is the intransitive to -laužti. The acute root continues the zero grade *1ug­(Winter's law).

M

magėti

LITH mageti 'please, interest', 3 pres. maga, 3 pret. magejo (usually in impersonal constructions)

OPR massi 3 pres. 'is able, are able'

298 maigyti

BSL *mag-PSL *magti v. (b) 'be able' SL OCS mašti, 1sg. mag9, 3sg. mažet'b; Ru. mač', 1sg. magu, 3sg. m6žet; Cz. maci,

1sg. mahu, 3sg. muže; Slk. mocf, 1sg. možem; Pl. m6c, 1sg. magę, 3sg. maže; SCr. moCi, 1sg. magu, 3sg. mOže; Čak. moCi (Vrg.), 1sg. mogu, 3sg. može; Sln. m6či 'be able, must: 1sg. mprem, 1sg. m6rem; Bulg. m6ga 'be able, be allowed'

PIE *mag"-IE Skt. magha- m. 'power, wealth, gift'; Go. mag 3sg. 'has power, is able'; Ok.

mega 'be able', 3sg. ma; OHG magan, mugan 'be able'

The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether OPr. massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish maže) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis PKEZ III: 114 for the relevant literature ). The generally accepted apophonic relationship between mageti, PSl. *magti on the one hand and -+megti 'love, like', Latv. megt 'be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law ( *h1meg- if cognate with Gk. rrep111µeKTew 'grieve, chafe') . The a-vocalism of mageti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *mag"-, *magh- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. µJixoc; 'means, instrument', µ11xav� 'instrument, apparatus', Dor. µūxoc;, which was rejected by Endzelins (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951: 168), Stang (1972: 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) , but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239) . See also: mėginti

maigyti

LITH maigyti [ai, ai] 'mash, crush, beat, trarnple', 3 pres. maigo, 3 pret. maigė LATV maidzit 'press repeatedly, knead', 1sg. pres. maigu, 1sg. pret. maidziju; VAR

maidzit, 1sg. pres. maidzu, 1sg. pret. maidziju

An iterative to -+miegti.

mainas

LITH mainas 4 'exchange, ( dial.) change'; VAR maina 4 'exchange, change, trade' LATV mafi;ia [ai, ai, ai2] 'exchange'; VAR maina [ai, ai] ; mains; maii;ius (Ulm.)

BSL *maina? PSL *mena f. a 'change, exchange' SL OCS mena (Supr.) 'exchange'; Ru. mena 'exchange' (AP b/c in Old Russian);

Cz. mena 'exchange, change'; Pl. miana 'change'; SCr. mijėna 'exchange, change, new moon, metarnorphosis'; Čak. mina (Vrg.) 'phase of the moon'; Sln. męna 'exchange, change, phase of the moon'

PIE *moi-n-eh2 IE Skt. mena- 'concubine' ; OHG mein 'false, deceitful'

maišas 299

The Latvian acute tone, which is also found in the verb --+mit, seems to be an innovation (cf. Derksen 1996: 241) . See also: mainYti

mainyti

LITH mainyti 'exchange', 3 pres. maino, 3 pret. mainė LATV mainit [ai, ai, ai2, ai2] 'exchange', lsg. pres. mainu, lsg. pret. mainiju; VAR

mainuot; mainu6t

BSL *moin-ei/i-PSL *mėniti v. 'change, exchange' SL OCS mėnit'b (Supr.) 'changes'; Ru. meni t' ( dial.); Cz. mėniti; Slk. menif sa; Pl.

mienic się 'change colour'; SCr. mijeniti 'change'; Sln. męniti, lsg. menim; Bulg. menja

This Balto-Slavic verb derives from a noun with an n-suffix, for which see -+mainas.

maišas

LITH maišas 4 'bag, sack'; VAR maiša (K.) l 'knitted bag, large sack'; maišė l 'id: LATV maiss [ai, ai2] 'bag' OPR moasis (EV) 'bellows'

BSL *moi?OS PSL *mtx'b m. o (e) 'bag (made from skin)' SL OCS mėX'b 'wine-skin'; Ru. mex 'fur, (dial.) bag', Gsg. mexa, Npl. mexa (the

plural noun mexi means 'fur bag, wine-skin') ; meš6k 'bag', Gsg. meška; Cz. mėch 'bag, net' ; mišek 'purse, small bag', Gsg. meška; Slk. mech 'bag'; Pl. miech 'bag, bellows'; Slnc. mjiex 'bag, bellows'; USrb. mėch 'bag, bellows'; SCr. mi'jeh 'bellows, wine-skin', Gsg. mi'jeha; Čak. mih (Vrg.) 'bellows, wine­skin', Gsg. miha; Sln. męh 'fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag', Gsg. męha, męhtl; Bulg. mjax 'bellows, bag made from skin'; mex 'bellows, bag made from skin'

PIE *mois6-IE Skt. me?a- m. 'ram'; Olc. meiss m. 'basket'; OHG meisa m. 'pannier'

l feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation (1962: 382) that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning 'Tragkorb aus Feli'. In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. l consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maišas 'ein aus Schniiren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning 'net' is also attested in Slavic), Olc. heymeiss 'hay-sack', and MoE maiz ( dial.) 'large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. Molr. moais 'bag, hamper', moaiseog 'wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germani e.

The acute of maišas 'ein aus Schniiren gestricktes Heunetz' (Kurschat 1883: 240) must be analogical after maiša (Kurschat 1870: 638, 1874: 140 ). The metatony

300 maišyti

ultimately derives from maišė, where the acute may result from a retraction of the ictus ( cf Derksen 1996: 253, 268).

maišyti

LITH maišyti 'mix', 3 pres. maišo, 3 pret. maišė LATV maisit [ai, ai, ai2] 'mix', 1sg. pres. maisu, 1sg. pret. maisfju

BSL *mois-ei/i-PSL *mJsiti v. (b) 'mix, knead' SL OCS mėsiti 'mix'; Ru. mesit' 'knead', 1sg. mešu, 3sg. mesit; Cz. misiti 'mix,

confuse'; Slk. miesif 'knead'; Pl. miesic 'knead'; SCr. mijėsiti 'knead'; Sln. męsiti 'knead'

PIE *moik-IE Skt. mi5rayati 'mix' (of denominative origin); Gk. µlcryw 'mix'; Lat. miscėre

'mix' (all *mik-) See also: miešti

maita

LITH maita 4 [ 1/4] 'carrion, carcass' LATV maita 'carrion, carcass'; VAR maite2

It is perfectly plausible that this a-stem derives from _,.misti 'feed oneself', cf. OE <ės n. 'carrion, food' < *h1 ėd-so- (cf. Kroonen 2013: 119) . The etymon also appears in maitkaulis (Ruh., K., dial.) 1, meitkaulis (Kv.) 'bone of a carcass'.

maitinti

LITH maitinti 'feed, nourish, (SD, Ness., dial.) wear out, torment', 3 pres. maitina, 3 pret. maitino

OPR ismaitinton Asg. m., ismaitint ptc. pf. pass. NAsg. n. 'lost'

Lith. maitinti 'feed, nourish' is obviously a causative to -+misti. According to Mažiulis (PKEŽ II: 43-44), the meaning 'wear out, torment' developed from 'feed s.o. like an animal'. l find it more likely that we are dealing with a derivative of -+maita here, cf. LEW: 398 ( 'zu Aas machen') . Other meanings that belong here are apmaitinti (WP) 'injure' and numaitin ti (Bretk.) 'kill: (see also -+maitoti).

maitoti

LITH maitoti [ai, ai] 'wear out, torment, spoil, defile', 3 pres. maitoja, 3 pret. maitojo

LATV maitat [ai, ai, ai2] 'spoil, destroy, kili, blot out (light)', 1sg. pres. maitiiju OPR pomaitat 'feed'; maitatunsin 'feed oneself'; maita 'feeds'; maitasnan Asg.,

Isg. 'nourishment'

We seem to be dealing with two different formations here. Unlike the Old Prussian forms, the East Baltic verbs are derivatives of _,.maita. The first meaning mentioned for maita t in ME (II: 552) is actually 'veraasen'. There is therefore no need to connect maitilt with Olc. meioa 'hurt, damage, destroy' < "moithreie- (Kroonen 2013: 347-

makšna 301

348). I do not subscribe to Būga's view (1923-1924: 291 = RR II: 471) that Lith. maitoti must be a borrowing from Latvian because a denominative verb in *-iiti of a mobile noun such as maita should have the stress on the suffix (see Derksen: 1996: 305).

makas

LITH makas 4 (2/4] '(coll.) purse, pouch, (dial.) scrotum'; VAR maka 4; miikis 2, makis 2

LATV maks 'purse' OPR dantimax (EV) 'gums'

IE Ok. magi m. 'stomach'; OHG mago m. 'id.'

The evidence points to North European *mok- (*mak-?). With (secondary?) e-grade we find mekeris (Jnš.) 'purse, pouch'. See also: makšna; makštia

makna

LITH makna 4 'marshy spot, quagmire'; VAR makonė (Ness„ dial.) 2 'mud'; makošė (dial.) 2 'id.'; mekenė (Ut.) 'quagmire'

LATV makt;ia 'marsh, marshy spot'

BSL *mok-PSL *mokib adj. o (b?) 'wet, damp' SL OCS mokib (Supr.); Ru. m6kryj; mokr, f. mokra, n. m6kro (AP (b) in Old

Russian); Cz. mokrf; Slk. mokrf; Pl. mokry; SCr. mokar, f. mokra; mokar, f. mokra; Čak. mokar (Vrg.), f. mokra, n. mokro; Sln. m(ibr, f. m6kra; Bulg. m6kar

IE Arm. mor 'mud'

Lengthened grade occurs in mokšė (Jušk.) 2 'marsh, puddle'. I am not sure how we must interpret mokė (Mrs.) 2 'big quagmire', mokas (Kudirkos Naumiestis) l(!) 'thick mud'. A connection with Lat. miiceriire 'soak, wet' is problematic within an Indo­European context.

makšna

LITH makšna (Zem.) 2/4 'purse, sheath'; VAR mašna (OLith„ dial.) 4 'purse, pouch, scrotum, wasps' nest'

BSL *mok�(i)na( PSL *mošbna f. a 'small bag, purse' SL OCS mošbna 'bag, pouch, purse'; Ru. mošna 'pouch, purse' ; Cz. mošna

'purse'; Slk. mošna 'pocket'; Pl. moszna 'purse, pocket, scrotum'; SCr. mošnja 'purse, scrotum'; Sln. m6šnja 'purse, scrotum'

IE W megin f. 'bellows'

Since mašna must be a borrowing from Polish or Belorussian, makšna may simply be a variant with intrusive k (cf. Būga RR II: 43) . On the other hand, there is an

302 makšna

inherited Baltic root *mak- (-+makas) that is cognate with the root of PSI. *mošbna < *moxbna-.

makšna

LITH makštis f.(i) 4 'case, sheath, vagina' LATV maksts f.(i) 'sheath, vagina, pouch'; VAR maksts m.( o) 'sheath'; makste 'id:

See -+makas. ME (II: 555) has different entries for 'die Scheide, das Futteral' and 'der Netzbeutel'. From the material it can be inferred that in Rujen (Rūjiena) we find maksts m.( o) 'sheath' alongside maksts f.(i) .

malda

LITH malda 4 'prayer' OPR maddla 'prayer'

BSL *moldla? PSL *moldla f. a 'idol' SL Cz. modla 'idol'; modla (Kott) 'sculpture, statue, temple'; OCz. modla 'idol';

Slk. modla ' idol'; Pl. modla 'sacrifice ( obs.), prayer, idol'

See -+maldyti.

maldyti

LITH maldyti 'implore', 3 pres. maldo, 3 pret. maldė

BSL *mold-PSL *modliti v. (b) 'pray' SL OCS moliti 'ask, pray', isg. molj9; Ru. molit' 'pray, beseech', isg. molju, 3sg.

m6lit; Cz. modliti se 'pray'; Slk. modlif sa 'pray'; Pl. modlic 'pray'; SCr. moliti 'pray, ask', isg. molim; Čak. moll'ti (Vrg.) 'pray, ask', 2sg. moliš; Sln. modliti (OSln., dial.) 'pray'; m6liti 'pray (for), wish', isg. m(ilim

PIE *moldh-IE Hitt. maldi l mald- 'recite, make a vow'; OS meldon 'report, tell'

For the apparent metathesis in Slavic various explanations have been presented, like the presence of an 1-suffix or reasons of taboo. Apart from the fact that the meta­thesis must have preceded the general meathesis of liquids the matter remains unclear. See also: malda; melsti

malti

LITH malti 'grind, mill', 3 pres. mala, 3 pret. miilė LATV malt [aŽ, al2] 'grind, mill', isg. pres. ma/u, isg. pret. malu

BSL *melf-; *molr-PSL *melti v. (b) 'grind, mill'

m andras 303

SL OCS mleti, 1sg. meij9; Ru. mol6t', 1sg. melju, 3sg. meljet; Cz. mliti; Slk. mlief; Pl. mlei, 1sg. mielę; Slnc. mli:ięc; USrb. mlec; SCr. mljeti, 1sg. meljem; Čak. mll'ti (Vrg.), 2sg. mefeš; Sln. mlęti, 1sg. męljem; Bulg. melja

PIE *melH-IE Skt. mp:uiti, mp:1ati 'crush, grind'; Hitt. malla-i l malla- 'mill, grind'; Lat.

molere 'grind, mill'; Olr. meilid 'grind'; Go. malan 'grind' ; OHG malan 'grind, mill'; Arm. malem 'crush'

LIV (432) traces the Baltic o-grade to an (intensive) reduplicated present. See also: miltai; malŪnas; smėlis

malūnas

LITH malunas 2 [2/4] 'mill' OPR malunis (EV) 'mill'; malunakelan (EV) 'mill wheel' ; malunastabis (EV)

'millstone'

See -+malti.

man

LITH man Dsg. 'me' LATV man Dsg. 'me' OPR mennei Dsg. 'me'

PSL *mbne prn. Dsg. 'me' SL OCS mbne; mMe; ORu. m'bne; Cz. mne; Pl. mnie

In East Baltic, the stem *man- was generalized in the oblique cases of the first singular pronoun. In Old Lithuanian, the pronoun is occasionally found with the ending -i of the consonant stems, while in Žemaitian the ending of the i-stems occurs (Stang 1966: 251). See also: mane; manęs

mandras

LITH mafldras (dial.) 4 'proud, arrogant, clever, smart, cheerful, lively'; VAR mandrus 4

LATV muOdrs 'cheerful, lively, alert, vigorous'; VAR muožs

BSL *mondros PSL *mpdT'b adj. o (b) 'wise' SL OCS mpdT'b; Ru. mudryj; Cz. moudrf; Slk. mudry; Pl. mqdry; SCr. mudar, f.

mudra; Čak. mudar (Vrg.), f. mudra, n. mudro; mūdar (Orb.), f. mūdra; Sln. mpd<JT, f. mpdra; Bulg. m&dar

PIE *mon-dhhrro-IE LAv. mqzdra- 'wise' ( *mons-dhhrro-); OHG muntar 'ardent, cheerful' (*mn­

dhhrro-)

304 mane

Cf. also Skt. medhci- f. 'mental power, wisdom, intelligence', Av. mazda- 'wise' < *mns­dhehr) . We must reckon with the possibility that mafldras and mandrus were influ­enced by Pl. mqdry. Būga (1930: 44-45 = RR l: 587-588) points out that there are East Lithuanian forms with an instead of the expected un, which may indicate a Polonism. Unlike Smoczynski (2007: 373), Būga does not conclude that the Lithua­nian adjective is a borrowing altogether. As to the meaning of mandrus, he remarks that the meaning 'clever, arrogant' is limited to Prussian Lithuanian, while elsewehere the meaning corresponds with Pl. mqdry.

The well-attested Latvian broken tone is neither in agreement with the other Balto-Slavic forms nor with the etymology. See also: mundrus

mane

LITH mane Asg. 'me' LATV mani Asg. 'me' OPR mien (III) Asg. 'me'

BSL *mem PSL *mę prn. Asg. 'me' SL OCS mę; ORu. mja; SCr. me

PIE *h1me-m IE Skt. mcim; Av. mqm ( < *hzm�-om)

Lith. mane, E. Lith. mani, Latv. mani point to an ending *-ę. Apparently, PEBlt. *mę was analogically replaced by *manę (cf. -+man, -+manęs) .

manęs

LITH manęs Gsg. 'me' LATV manis Gsg. 'me'

BSL *mene PSL *mene prn. GAsg. 'me' SL OCS mene GAsg.; ORu. mene GAsg.; Ukr. mene GAsg.; SCr. mene GDAsg.;

mene ( dial.) GDAsg.; Bulg. mene Asg.

PIE *h1mene IE LAv. mana

For East Baltic, Stang (1966: 250) reconstructs *manes. The nasal must originate from the Asg. (cf. -+man, -+mane) . Kortlandt (2013a: 6) argues that the *a was adopted from the 2sg. pronoun, where he reconstructs BSl. *towe < PIE *teue (-+tavęs). See also: man

manyti

LITH manyti 'think, plan, ( dial.) know', 3 pres. mano, 3 pret. manė LATV man it 'notice, perceive', 1sg. pres. manu, isg. pret. maniju

marios 305

The root is PIE *mon-, cf. Lat. monere 'remind, urge, advise' < *mon-eie-. See also -+minčti.

mankyti

LITH mankyti [an, an] 'crumple, press, twist, (dial.) squeeze, wade', 3 pres. manko, 3 pret. mankė

LATV muocit 'torment, torture', 1sg. pres. muocu, 1sg. pret. muociju; VAR muocit, 1sg. pres. muoku, 1sg. pret. muociju; muocit (BW), 1sg. pres. muociju, 1sg. pret. muociju; muočit2 (Klp.)

BSL *monrk-PSL *m(Jčiti v. (a) 'torment, torture' SL OCS mųčiti, 1sg. mųč9; Ru. mučit' 'torment, harass, worry'; Cz. mučiti; Slk.

mučif; Pl. męczyč; SCr. mučiti 'torment, worry', 1sg. mučfm; Čak. mučiti (Vrg.) 'torment, worry', 2Sg. mučfš; Sln. mučiti, 1sg. mučim; močiti; Bulg. m&ča

PIE *monHk-eie- (*monk-eie- ?) IE OE mengan 'mix' (PGmc. *mangjan)

See ->minkyti for the etymology of the root. Though formally Latv. muocit is in per­fect agreement with Lith. mankyti, it is generally considered a borrowing from Slavic. If that is correct, its true Lithuanian counterpart is mučyti.

maras

LITH maras 4 'plague, (Sirv., Ness. , Jušk., dial.) death'

BSL *moros PSL *mora m. o 'plague' SL OCS mora (Mar., Zogr., En.) ; Ru. mor; Cz. mor; Slk. mor; Pl. m6r; SCr. mor

'death', plague'; Sln. mor 'death, plague', Gsg. mŲra; Bulg. mor

PIE *mor-o-IE Skt. pramara- m. 'death'

An o-stem derivative of -+mirti. Following Būga (1930: 56-57 = RR I: 597), who only knew maras 'death' from Sirvydas's Punktay Sakimu and a collection of dainos by Juškevič, Fraenkel (LEW: 409) casts doubt on the authenticity of the meaning 'death'. The LK:Že also provides attestations from the Zemaitian dialects of Gargždai and Telšiai, however. The Latvian word for 'plague' is meris [e, e2, e2] .

marios

LITH

BSL PSL SL

PIE

marios Npl. 2 'isthmus, (folk., dial.) sea'; VAR marės (OLith., dial.) Npl. 2

*morjo; *morja( *more n. jo (e) 'sea' OCS morje; Ru. m6re, Npl. morja; Cz. mofe; Slk. more; Pl. morze; SCr. more; Sln. morję; Sln. m(Jrje; Bulg. more

* . mor-1-

306 ITiarka

IE Lat. mare n.; Olr. muir n.; Go. marei f.

ITiarka

LITH marka 4 'place for retting flax, retting-pit, retting'; VAR merka 4 LATV marks [ar, ar, ar2] 'place for retting flax, retting-pit, any huITiid spot, retted

flax'; VAR marka 'id:; męrka2 'id„ a soaked object, hUITiidity'; mfrks2 [fr2, f?r2] 'id:

A deverbative of --+merkti. The saITie root ITiay appear in Ukr. morokva ( dial.) f. 'quagITiire, swaITip', Ru. mereča (SITiol.) 'ITiarshy territory' and Gaul. mercasius ITI. 'swaITip'.

marška

LITH marška 1 'cloth used for carrying, (E. Lith„ Dz.) sheet, bedspread, table­cloth, woven cover, (ZeITI.) towel, (W. Lith.) sITiall drag-net'

LATV marsna2 'sheet or blanket for carrying a child to its baptisITI'; VAR marksna 'sITiall bundle, linen or woollen cloth for carrying a child to its baptisITI'; marsns 'bundle, quantity that can be carried in a sheet' ; marksns 'id:; marksls 'sITiall bundle'

In Derksen 2008a (308) I ITientioned marška in connection with __.. Latv. marga 'railing, gallery' and PSL *merža 'net'. An etyITiological relationship with these forITis ITiay be possible (cf. LEW: 412), but the nouns under discussion show no traces of a root-finai *g ( cf. SITioczyri.ski 2007: 374).

marti

LITH marti 4 'daughter-in-law, bride, (Ruh„ MZ) sister-in-law (husband's sister)' LATV marša [ar, ar, ar2, ar2] 'sister-in-law' (Latv. marte (Ober-Bartau, Rutzau)

'sister-in-law, bride' ITiay be a LithuanianisITI) OPR martin (III) Asg„ martan (III) Asg. 'bride'

PIE *mor- ti-IE Skt. marya- ITI. 'youth, lover'; Gk. µeipaĘ f. 'giri'; Lat. maritus 'coupled,

married, husband'

The saITie root *mer- probably underlies --+merga.

mašalas

LITH mašalas 3b 'midge'; VAR mašala l ( 1/3b] LATV masals 'horsefly'; VAR masala

The relationship between the East Baltic etyITion and Skt. masaka- 'gnat, horsefly, ITiosquito' is not entirely clear. It seeITis possible to reconstruct *mek-, assUITiing depalatalization in Lith. makatas (Nd:Ž) 3h 'ITiidge' and metathesis in Pali makasa­'horsefly, ITiosquito', MoP magas 'fly' ( cf. Mayrhofer KEWA II: 603 ). SITioczynski (2007: 377) draws attention to a Lithuanian variant šamalas 3h, with ITietathesis in the root.

maudyti 307

matas

LITH matas 2 'measure, index, (dial.) size, quantity'; VAR metas 4 'measure, size, quantity'

OPR mattei Dsg. 'measure'

In Old Lithuanian (DP, SD), we find mestas 'measure, limit'. From an Indo-European perspective, the Baltic root *met- 'measure' seems to occur alongside *mehr and *med-, e.g. SCr. mjera f. 'measure, weight' (*mehrrehi-), OE m<ėo f. (*mehrti-) 'measure' : Go. mitan 'measure' ( *med-e-) . For other views on the origin of this root, see -+matyti and -+mesti. See also: metas

matyti

LITH matyti 'look at, watch', 3 pres. mato, 3 pret. matė LATV matit 'sense, notice, experience', 1sg. pres. matu, 1sg. pret. matiju

BSL *mot(r)-PSL *motriti v. 'look at, watch' SL CS motriti, 1sg. moštrj9; Ru. motrit' ( dial.); SCr. mOtriti, 1sg. mOtrim; Sln.

m6triti, 1sg. m6trim

For the *-r-, cf. -+matrus. Fraenkel (LEW: 416) advocates an etymological relation­ship with -+mesti 'throw', which he also connects with -+matas and forms reflecting *me-, i.e. *mehr 'measure'(I: 415, 418). I prefer to dismiss the connection between *met- 'measure' and met- 'throw' (pace LIV: 422), but I am inclined to derive matyti from the former root. As to the semantics, we may com pare Cz. metit ( dial.) 'watch assiduously', Ru. metit' 'aim at', 1sg. meču, zametit' 'notice, remark, observe', which I assume to contain *mč- < *mehr, or Gk. µeSoµai 'care for, think of' < *med­'measure', cf. Go. mitan.

matrus

LITH matrus (Ness., dial.) 4 'sharp-sighted, vigilant'; VAR matus (E. Lith.)

See -+matyti.

maudyti

LITH maudyti 'bathe', 3 pres. maudo, 3 pret. maudė LATV maudat 'swim, submerge, (refl.) swim, bathe' OPR aumūsnan Asg. 'ablution'

BSL *m(o)ur-PSL *myti v. (a) 'wash' SL OCS myti (Zogr., Ass., Supr.), 1sg. myjp; Ru. myt ', 1sg. moju, 3sg. m6et; Cz.

myti; Slk. myf; Pl. myc; SCr. ml'ti, 1sg. ml'jem; Sln. miti, 1sg. mijem; Bulg. mija

The causative formation in -dyti, Latv. -dat, may be secondary, cf. -+ Latv. maut 'submerge, swim'. For cognates outside Balto-Slavic and the etymology of the root, see -+mauti.

308 maukti

maukti

LITH maūkti 'pull, peel, skin', 3 pres. maūkia, 3 pret. maūkė LATV maukt [au, au2] 'pull over, pull off, dig (potatoes), peel', 1sg. pres. maucu

See -+mukti. The root is similar to the one we find in -+mauti. The latter has *H instead of *k.

mauti

LITH mauti 'put on, tear, pull, stab, strike, dash', 3 pres. mauna, 3 pret. movė; VAR mauti (Ruh., K., dial.) , 3 pres. mauja, 3 pret. movė

LATV maut [au, au2] 'pull up, pull off, bridle', 1sg. pres. mauju, maunu isg. pret. mavu

PIE *mouH- ( < *miouH) IE Skt. mivati 'push, shove'; Lat. movere 'move'

Fraenkel (LEW: 417, 419) does not mention the old hypothesis that mauti and -+maudyti go back to the same root ( cf. ME II: 475, LIV: 443-444). See also: Latv. maut II

mazgas

LITH mazgas 4 'knot' LATV mazgs 'knot'

PIE *mosg-IE Olc. mpskvi m. 'mesh'; OHG maska f. 'mesh'

If the reconstruction *mosg- is correct, this is an instance of Winter's law being blocked by an intervening s It is sometimes assumed that mazgas is to be identified with PSL *mazgo (e) 'brain, marrow', e.g. OCS mazgo 'marrow', Ru. mozg, SCr. mozak ( cf. Olc. mergr 'marrow') , which cannot be separated from -+smiigenys. Semantically this is not implausible ( cf. Būga RR II: 312 ) . See also: megzti

mazgoti

LITH mazgoti 'wash', 3 pres. mazgoja, 3 pret. mazgojo LATV mazgat 'wash', 1sg. pres. mazgiiju

PIE *mosg-IE Skt. majjati 'sink'; Lat. mergere 'plunge', 1sg. merga

Another instance ofWinter's law being blocked by an intervening s.

medis

LITH medis 2 'tree, log, wood'

See -+medžias.

medus

LITH medus m. 4 'honey' LATV mędus m. 'honey' OPR meddo (EV) 'honey'

BSL *medu-PSL *med'b m. u (e) 'honey, mead'

mėginti 309

SL OCS med'b 'honey', Gsg. meda, Gsg. medu; Ru. med 'honey, mead', Gsg. meda, Lsg. medu, N pl. medy; Cz. med 'honey, mead'; Slk. med 'honey, mead'; Pl. mi6d 'honey, mead', Gsg. miodu; USrb. med 'honey', Gsg. mjedu, Gsg. mjeda; SCr. med 'honey', Gsg. meda; Čak. med (Vrg., Novi) 'honey', Gsg. meda; Sln. męd 'honey', Gsg. męda, Gsg. medu; Bulg. med 'honey'

PIE *medhu-IE Skt. madhu- n. 'sweet drink, anything sweet, honey'; Gk. µe8u n. 'wine' ; Olr.

mid n./m. 'mead'; OHG metu m. 'mead'

The PIE word for 'honey' is *meli(t). The original meaning of *medhu- was probably 'intoxicating sweetened drink, mead'.

medžias

LITH medžias (Dz.) 2 'forest, woods'; VAR medė (Zem.) LATV mežs 'forest, woods' OPR median (EV) 'forest, woods'

BSL *med-j-o/a( PSL *medja f. ja (b) 'border, boundary, balk' SL OCS meždax'b (Supr.) Lpl. 'alleys'; Ru. meža 'boundary, boundary-strip', Asg.

mežu; Ukr. meža 'boundary, boundary-strip', Asg. mežu; Cz. meze 'balk, border' ; Slk. medza 'balk, border'; Pl. miedza 'balk, border'; USrb. mjeza 'balk, border'; SCr. mMa 'boundary, border', Asg. medu; Čak. meja (Vrg.) 'boundary, border', Asg. meju; Sln. meja 'boundary, fence, shrub(s), grove'; Bulg. mežda 'balk'

PIE *medh-i-o-/*medh-i-ehr IE Skt. madhya- adj. 'middle, located in the middle' ; Lat. medius adj. 'middle,

located in the middle' ; Go. midjis adj. 'middle'

A parallel for the semantic developments is Ok. vior m. 'tree, wood', O Ir. fid m. 'tree, wood' < PIE *uidh-u- vs. Lith. -+vidus 'interior' (cf. LEW: 425) . See also: medis

mėginti

LITH mėginti [ė, ė1 'try', 3 pres. mėgina, 3 pret. mėgino LATV medzinat [e2] 'try'; VAR meginat (in view of the g, this must be a borrowing

from Lithuanian)

See -+megti. Latv. medzinat 'mock, vex', which occurs alongside medinat (and medit), does not belong here ( cf. ME II: 612, LEW: 426).

310 mėgti

mėgti

LITH mi!gti 'like', 3 pres. mi!gsta, 3 pret. mi!go; VAR mi!gti, 3 pres. mi!gia, 3 pret. mi!go; mi!gti (DP, K.) , 3 pres. mi!gti, 3 pret. mi!go

LATV mėgt [ė, e, ė2] 'be able, be accustomed to', isg. pres. mędzu, isg. pret. mėdzu

Under 'be accustomed to', ME presents attestations of 3 pres. mędz : 3 pret. medza, 3 pres. mędz : 3 pret. medza, 3 pres. mrdz2 : 3 pret. mėdza2 and, interestingly, 3 pres. mędz2 : 3 pret. mėdza (Bers.) . For the etymology, see -+ magi!ti.

megzti

LITH mėgzti 'tie (a knot), knit', 3 pres. mezga, 3 pret. mezgė LATV megzt 'tie (a knot), knit', isg. pres. megžu, isg. pret. megzu

See -+mazgas

meilė

LITH meilė l 'love'

See -+mielas.

meitėlis

LITH meitėlis l [ 1/3b) 'barrow' (also meitėlis i); VAR maitėlis (K.) l OPR nomaytis (EV) 'barrow'

See -+misti.

mėlas

LITH mė?as (Jušk., Būga) 3 'blue' LATV męlš [e, ė2] 'dark blue, violet'

The root of this adjective must be *melhr, cf. Gk. µO„a<; (*µ0„av-<;) 'dark, black', f. µO„mva < *melhrn-. The acute tone reflects the root-final laryngeal. A suffix *-n­occurs in -+ Latv. mflns.

mėlynas

LITH mė?ynas i/3• 'blue'; VAR mė1inas l

See -+ mė?as.

melsti

LITH melsti 'ask, implore, pray', 3 pres. meldžia, 3 pret. meldė

See -+maldyti.

melžti

LITH melžti 'milk', 3 pres. melžia, 3 pret. melžė; VAR milžti, 3 pres. melžia, 3 pret. milžo

BSL *me/(ž-

PSL *melzti v. 'milk'

mėnuo 311

SL RuCS mlėsti 'bring down, dislodge', 1sg. mlvzu (also melvziti 'milk') ; Slk. mfzf 'suek'; SCr. musti, 1sg. muzem; Čak. musti (Vrg.), 2sg. mūzeš; mus (Orb.), 1sg. mūzen; Sln. mlęsti, 1sg. m6lzem; Bulg. miilzja ( dial.) , 1sg. mlvzu

PIE *h2melg-IE Gk. aµO, yw; Lat. mulgere; OE melcan

menkas

LITH menkas 4 'small, slight, insignifieant, poor, weak'

PIE *menk-IE Toeh. B miink- 'be deprived of, suffer the loss off, laek'; MHG mane f. 'laek'

Adams (1999: 452) also includes Lat. mancus 'maimed, erippled, faulty', but this adjeetive may be eognate with manus 'hand' ( cf. Ernout-Meillet: 382 ) .

mentė

LITH mente 4, mentė 2 'shoulderblade, paddle, trowel, shovel' LATV mente [en, en2] 'ladle, stirring spoon, flat wooden shovel'; VAR męnta2

PIE *ment-ehr IE Skt. mantha- f. 'ehurning-stiek'

In view of the sequenee *en before eonsonant ( cf. mieturis), Latv. mente must either be a Couronianism or a Lithuanianism. For the verbal root, see -+męsti.

menturis

LITH menturis 2 [1/2/3h) (i.e. menturis 1, menturjs 3b) 'mashing stiek, ehurning stiek'

LATV mieturis [ ie, ie, ie2, ie2] 'mashing stiek, ehurning stiek'; VAR mieturs; męnturis

See -+męsti.

mėnuo

LITH menuo m.(s) 1 [1/3•) 'moon, month', Gsg. menesio (furthermore, the LKŽe mentions menesies and mėnaus as alternative genitives of menuo); VAR menesis m.(io) 1 [ 1/3] ; menesis m.(i) 1

LATV meness f./m.(i) [e, e2] 'moon'; VAR menesis [e, e2] 'month' OPR menig (EV) 'moon'

BSL *me?n-(e)s-PSL *mJsęcv m. jo (a) 'moon, month' SL OCS mėsęcv 'moon, month'; Ru. mesjac' 'month'; Cz. mėsic 'month, moon';

Slk. mesiac 'month'; Pl. miesiqc 'month'; SCr. mjesec 'month, moon', Gsg. mjeseca; Čak. ml'sec (Vrg., Novi) 'month, moon', Gsg. ml'seca; Sln. męsec 'month, moon', Gsg. męseca, Gsg. męsca; Bulg. mesec 'month, moon'

PIE *meh1n-(e)s-

312 merga

IE Skt. mas m. 'moon, month'; Gk. µelc; (Ion.) 'moon', Gsg. µ11v6c;; Lat. mensis 'month'; Go. mena f. 'moon'; OHG mano f. 'moon'

According to ME (11: 616) , Lange 1773, Stender 1789, and Bielenstein 1863-1864 make a distinction between meness f.(i) 'moon' and menesis 'month'.

merga

LITH merga 4 '( coll.) girl, maid, maiden, ( obs.) hired labourer'; VAR mergė 2 '( coll.) girl, maid, maiden, ( obs.) hired labourer'

LATV męrga2 [ęr2, ęr] 'girl' ; VAR męrga OPR merga (EV); merga (Gr.); mergu (III) 'girl, maiden', Asg. mergwan (I, II),

mergan (III), Dpl. mergūmans (III)

IE W merch f. 'girl'

Baltic *merga? < *mergh-ehr and W merch < *merk-ehr may show different enlarge­ments of the root *mer- that we find in Gk. µeipaĘ f. 'girl'.

merkti l

LITH merkti 'wet, moisten, soak (flax, linen)', 3 pres. merkia, 3 pret. merkė LATV merkt [JT, er2] 'wet, moisten, soak, strike', lsg. pres. męrcu, lSg. pret. mercu

PIE *merk-IE Lat. marcere 'be withered, droop' (*mrk-); MHG meren 'dip bread into water

or wine' (without * -k)

The root *merk- seems to have a limited distribution. See also: marka

merkti 11

LITH merkti 'close one's eyes', 3 pres. merkia, 3 pret. merkė

See -+mirkseti.

mėsa

LITH mėsa 4 'flesh, meat'; VAR męsa (Žem.) 4 LATV miesa [ ie, ie2] 'flesh, meat' OPR menso (EV); mensa (III) 'meat'

BSL *mens; *mensar PSL *męso n. o (e) 'flesh, meat' ( originally 'piece of meat') SL OCS męso; Ru. mjtiso; Cz. maso; Slk. miiso; Pl. mięso; SCr. meso, Npl. mėsa;

Čak. meso (Novi), Npl. mesa; Sln. mesi); Bulg. mes6 'flesh, meat, (pl.) body'

PIE *mems-IE Skt. marhsti- n. 'flesh, meat'; Skt. mas- n. 'flesh, meat'; Go. mimz n. 'meat'

Since the end of the 191h century the hypothesis that, unlike the other Baltic forms, Lith. mėsa is a borrowing from East Slavic (in all likelihood Belorussian), e.g. Mikkola 1897: 41, has competed with the hypothesis that it is an inherited word. In

mesti 313

the latter case, it was generally assumed that mės- continues *mems-. The loss of the nasal was often dated to PIE times, cf. Skt. m&s- (e.g. Schmidt 1883: 340 ) . Since in the classic theory a lengthened grade vowel is regularly acute, the accentuation of mėsa presented a problem (cf. von der Osten-Sacken 1914: 231, Meillet 1902: 198-199) . Indeed, the circumflex tone of the root could be viewed as an argument in favour of the borrowing hypothesis.

As l subscribe to Kortlandt's view that a lengthened grade vowel was circumflex in Balto-Slavic, l am not confronted with the problem that the accentuation of mėsa is in conflict with the assumption that the form is inherited. l have argued (1997: 25, 1998: 133-135) that mėsa is based on an in Balto-Slavic unattested root noun *mėns. l am inclined to date the loss of the nasal to a relatively recent stage, perhaps even to Proto-East Baltic. The forms reflecting a nasal must result from polysyllabic forms, such as the collective *mėnsaH, where l posit a development *en > *en.

In the above-mentioned articles l included the .'Žemaitian evidence among the forms reflecting a nasal. The LK.'Že has .'Žem. mensa 4 ( cf. Būga RR l: 113, but also Ill: 47) , which is allegedly a non-transposed form to be identified with the entry męsti 4 (Vitkauskas 2006: 164) . The latter form seems to be attested in a number of .'Žemaitian dialects (LK.'Že: s.v.). The same holds true for meisa 4, which according to Skardžius ( 1931: 129) is also the form reflected by .'Žem. m esa (Slnt.) and masa (Kv.) and continues mensa. Zinkevičius (1966: 79 fn.) , however, considers the origin of these forms unknown. On the other hand, he suggests that me·sa, as attested in the dialect of the fishermen of the Couronian coast and the West Aukštaitian dialect of Smalininkai, may reflect *mens&. Now Girdenis (2006b) has argued vehemently against the view that N . .'Žem. mė·sa is an inherited form reflecting a nasal, in particular in reference to an article by Vitkauskas (1978) . He points out that in the 191h century manuscript Purpura iszganima muka Jezusa (from the Kretinga area) we never find the regular reflex of *ę in the word for 'flesh, meat', indicating that it is a borrowing from East Slavic. In fact, he holds the same view for the variants mėisa (meisa) and mėnsa (meflsa, mensa), which in his opinion are secondary. If correct, Girdenis's hypothesis would leave us with the situation that all Lithuanian forms are borrowings, while Latvian and Old Prussian seem to have inherited forms, which is somewhat uncomfortable. l suspect that the complexity of this case stems from the fact that we are dealing with an unusal diphthong *eN. The details are unclear, however.

mesti

LITH mesti 'throw', 3 pres. mėta, 3 pret. mėtė LATV mest 'throw', isg. pres. mętu, isg. pret. metu OPR pomests (III) ptc. pf. pass. 'submissive', pomettiwingi (III) Npl. m. 'obedient'

BSL *met-PSL *mesti v. (e) 'throw, sweep' SL OCS mesti 'throw, sweep', isg. metp; Ru. mesti 'sweep', isg. metu, 3sg. metet;

Cz. mesti 'sweep, (Jg., Kott) throw, sweep'; Pl. miesc 'sweep, throw'; SCr.

314 męsti

mesti 'sweep', 1sg. metem; Čak. mesti '(Vrg.) 'sweep', 2sg. meteš; Sln. mesti 'sweep, throw', 1sg. metem; Bulg. meta 'sweep'

According to LIV (442) , verbs with the root met- 'abmessen' (->matas) are limited to Balto-Slavic. The meaning of these verbs is supposed to have developed through an immediate step 'aim: Considering the similarities between the movements 'sweep' and 'mow', l would rather advocate a connection with Lat. metere 'mow, harvest', 1sg. meto, and W medi 'reap', which in LIV (l.e.) is a separate root. De Vaan (2008: 378) considers a semantic shift from 'measure off' to 'reap' possible and is inclined to assume a single root *met- . See also: metyti

męsti

LITH męsti 'mix', 3 pres. menčia, 3 pret. mentė

BSL *ment-PSL *męsti v. 'stir, trouble' SL OCS męsti 'trouble, disturb', 1sg. mętų; Ru. mjasti ( obs.) 'trouble, disturb', 1sg.

mjatu, 3sg. mjatet; Cz. masti 'trouble', 1sg. matu; OCz. miesti 'trouble'; Slk. miasf 'disturb'; SCr. mesti 'disturb, mix, stir', 1sg. metem; Sln. męsti 'disturb, churn', 1sg. mętem

PIE *mentH-IE Skt. manthati 'whirl, rub'

See also: ment�; menturis

metas

LITH metas 2 'time, period, (pl.) year' LATV męts 'time, period' OPR mettan (EV); metthe (GrG), mette (GrA, GrF) 'year'

See ->matas.

mėtyti

LITH metyti 'throw', 3 pres. meto, 3 pret. metė

In my view, this iterative of ->mesti, is only seemingly identical with PSI. *mhiti (a), e.g. Cz. metit ( dial.) 'watch assiduously', Ru. metit' 'aim at', which (pace Smoczynski 2007: 394) l derive from *mehr (see also ->matyti) . For the metatonie rude in metyti, see Derksen 1996: 346.

mėžti

LITH mežti 'manure, muck out', 3 pres. mežia, 3 pret. mežė LATV mezt 'muck out, sweep', 1sg. pres. mežu, 1sg. pret. mezu (cf. mu{Jzet [uo, u6,

uo2] 'gobble, pound, fool, harass, beat', 1sg. pres. muozeju)

BSL *mei'ž-PSL *mazati (a) 'smear, anoint'

miegoti 315

SL OCS mazati 'anoint'; Ru. mazat' 'smear, oil, grease', 1sg. mažu, 3sg. mažet; Cz. mazati 'smear, defile, slander, draw'; SCr. mazati 'smear, grease, paint'; Sln. mazati 'smear, grease, paint'

I have provisionally grouped together Lith. mežti 'manure, muck out' etc. with Slavic *mazati 'smear, anoint' ( cf. Oštir 1912: 214, LEW: 444) . It seems to me that the Baltic words can be linked semantically to *mazati if we start from a meaning 'smear, wipe, sweep' (for the semantic development attested in Latv. muozet, cf. Ru. smazat' 'strike a blow', MoDu. ( dial.) afsmeren 'give s.o. a beating') . Another possibility would be to connect *mazati with Gk. µacrcrw (aor. pass. µay�vm) 'knead' (provided that the root is not µaK- instead of µay-, which, according to Chantraine (670), cannot be determined), Arm. macanim 'thicken, stiek together' (Meillet 1916: 122) , and OHG mahhon, OS makon, etc., 'make'. This would entail a reconstruction *meh2g- (*mag­in Pokorny), which would preclude a connection with mežti, Latv. mezt.

miegas

LITH miegas 4 'sleep' LATV miegs [ ie, ie2] 'sleep' OPR maiggun Asg. 'sleep'

BSL *meig-; *moig-PSL *mfg?J (e) 'blink, moment' SL Ru. mig 'blink, moment', Gsg. miga; Cz. mih 'wink, twinkle, moment'; Slk.

mih 'wink, twinkle, moment'; SCr. mfg 'moment, gesture', Gsg. mfga; Sln. mfg 'moment, wink'; Bulg. mig 'moment'

PIE *h3me/oigh-IE Skt. meghti- m. 'cloud, gloomy weather'

For a discussion of the semantic relationship between this etymon and PIE *h3migh­leh2, see -+migla. OPr. maiggun is to all appearances the Asg. of an a-stem.

miegoti

LITH miegoti 'sleep', 3 pres. miega, 3 pret. miegojo (for the numerous alternative present formations I refer to the LKŽe)

LATV mieguOt, mieguOties 'be sleepy, sleep, doze'; VAR miegaties2 (Klp.) 'become sleepy'

OPR meicte (GrG) 'sleep'

BSL *meig-(l*moig-?) PSL *migati v. 'blink' SL Ru. migat' 'wink, blink, twinkle'; Cz. mihati 'shimmer, loom'; Slk. migtif

'move quickly, blink'; SCr. ml'gati 'blink, twinkle, move'; Čak. ml'gati (Vrg.) 'wink'; Sln. migati 'blink, wink, twinkle, swarm (with)' ; Bulg. migam 'blink, wink, flicker'

316 miegti

See -+migla. Stang (1966: 311) considers it possible that OLith. miegmi is a perfecto­present (with o-grade) to -minga 'falls asleep' (-+migti), but does not rule out a present *meig(a) 'winks' -+ 'sleeps'.

miegti

LITH miegti ( dial.) [ie, ie] 'ache (a little ), strike', 3 pres. miegia, 3 pret. miegė LATV miegt 'press heavily, strike, walk', 1sg. pres. miedzu; VAR meigt 'press, walk',

1sg. pres. meidzu; maigt 'press, knead, clasp' OPR pelemaygis (EV) 'red kite ( lit. 'mouse-squeezer') '

PIE *me!oig-

The acute root *meig- 'press, squeeze' seems to be limited to Baltic. In spite of the formal distinction, Fraenkel (LEW: 448) tries to connect this root with the circumflex root of -+miegas 'sleep'. See also: maigyti; mygti

mielas

LITH mielas 3 [1/3] 'nice, sweet, dear' ; meilus 4 [ 1/3/4] 'nice, sweet, tender, affectionate'; VAR mielus 3 'nice, sweet'; meilas 4 'id:; mylas (Žem.) 'id.'

LATV mifš 'nice, sweet, dear' OPR mijls 'sweet, dear'

BSL *m(e)irlos PSL *milo adj. o (a) 'sweet, dear' SL OCS milo 'pitiable'; Ru. milyj; Cz. mily; Slk. mily; Pl. mily; SCr. ml'o 'sweet,

dear, sympathetic'; Sln. mil 'sympathetic, kind'; Bulg. mil 'sweet, dear'

PIE *m(e)iH-lo-IE Lat. m itis 'soft ( of taste) ' See also: mieras

mieras

LITH mieras (OLith.) 'peace' LATV miers 'peace'

BSL *meirros PSL *mlro m. o (e) 'peace, world' SL OCS miro; Ru. mir; Cz. mir; Slk. mier 'peace'; Pl. mir 'peace'; SCr. mir, Gsg.

mira; Sln. mir 'peace', Gsg. mira, miri'i; Bulg. mir 'peace, ( obs.) world'

PIE *meiH-ro-

I see no reason to regard mieras and Latv. miers as early borrowings from Slavic (pace Buga RR I: 252-253). We are dealing with a well-attested Baltic root, cf. -+mielas 'nice, sweet', meilė 'love', meilus 4 [ 1/3/ 4] 'kind, sweet', and the Latvian broken tone is in agreement with the ample evidence for an acute root. Smoczynski (2008: 91) advocates the same reconstruction.

migti

miešti

LITH miešti 'dilute, mix, ferment, sweeten', 3 pres. miešia, 3 pret. miešė

See -+maišyti. The je/o-present is an innovation ( see LIV: 428).

migla

LITH migla 4 [2/4] 'mist, haze'; VAR mygla 4; miglė 2 [2/ 4] ; mjiglė 2 [2/4] LATV migla 'mist, haze'

BSL *migla( PSL *mbgla f. a; *mbga f. a; *migl'b m. o (b) 'mist, haze' SL OCS mbgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N); Ru. mgla 'mist, haze, darkness'; Ru. mga

'dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought'; Cz. mlha; mha (poet.) ; Cz. mhla ( obs., dial.); OCz. mhla; Pl. mgla; SCr. magia, Asg. magiu; Čak. magia (Novi), Asg. maglU, magiu; Kajk. mieglo (Bednja), Asg. mieglu; Sln. magia; Bulg. magia

PIE *h3migh-[ehr IE Skt. megha- m. 'cloud, gloomy weather'; mih- f. 'haze, rain'; Gk. 6µ1XA'l f.

'mist, haze' ; LAv. maeya- m. 'cloud'; Arm. meg 'mist'

l agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. megha-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE *h3meif'- and *h3meigh- ( cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. -+mjižti, Latv. mizt 'urinate'. The question is whether to the latter root we assign forms that really should be kept apart, such as -+miegas and migla. As can be observed s.v.v. miegas and -+miegoti, there seems to be a connection between 'blink' and 'doze, sleep'. Fraenkel (LEW: 447) considers the meaning 'sleep' of miegoti to have evolved from 'close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109) . This seems plausible indeed, cf. Lith. -+mirkseti 'blink', -+merkti 'close one's eyes' vs. PSl. *m1'rkn9ti 'become dark', *mork'b 'darkness', or -+mirgeti 'twinkle' vs. Olc. myrkr 'dark: It is possible to regard 'doze, sleep' as a link between words meaning 'blink, twinkle' ( *meigh- A 'flimmern, blinzeln, micare' in Pokorny IEW) and words meaning 'mist, drizzle, cloud' ( *meigh­B 'dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke') , considering that 'doze, sleep' and the meanings of Pokorny's *meigh- B often occur side by side, e.g. SCr. miždati 'drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln 'drizzle, doze', drusen 'doze', drussig 'clouded', Lith. -+blandas 'sleepiness, cloudiness', Av. snaooa- 'cloud' vs. Lith. snausti 'doze', Olr. nėl 'cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). Thus, l conclude that we can safely posit a single root h3meigh-. See also: miegas; miegoti; migti

migti

LITH migti 'fall asleep, sleep', 3 pres. minga, 3 pret. migo (among the alternative present formations are miega and miegti)

LATV migt 'fall sleep, make s.o. fall asleep', 1sg. pres. miegu, 1sg. pret. migu ( 1sg. pres. also migstu, miegstu2, 1sg. pret (tr.), also midzu)

See -+migla.

318 mygti

mygti

LITH mygti 'press, squeeze, dash', 3 pres. myga, 3 pret. mygo; VAR mygti, 3 pres. mygia, 3 pret. mygė

See -+mfegti

miltai

LITH miltai Npl. l 'flour' LATV mižti Npl. [ iŽ, i/2] 'flour' OPR meltan (EV) 'flour'

The East Baltic forms reflect *mi{(-to-< *mlH-t6- (-+malti) . According to Mažiulis (PKEŽ III: 125), OPr. el points to an acute diphthong *il here.

minėti

LITH mineti 'mention', 3 pres. mini, 3 pret. minejo LATV minet 'mention, solve', lsg. pres. minu, lsg. pret. mineju

BSL *mine?- ; *min(e)i-PSL *mbnčti v. 'think, suppose' SL OCS mbneti 'think, suppose, reckon, imagine', lsg. mbnjp, 3sg. mbnit; Ru.

mnit' 'think, imagine', lsg. mnju, 3sg. mnit; Cz. mneti (arch.); mniti (lit.) ; OCz. mnieti 'think, suppose, intend'; Slk. mnief ( obs.) ; OPI. mniei; SCr. mnjeti (arch.); mnl'ti; Sln. mnęti, lsg. mnim

PIE *mn-ehr; present stem *mn-ei/i-IE Skt. manyate 'think, believe, suppose'; Gk. µaivoµat 'rage' (both *mn-ie-) See also: manyt:i; minti; mintis

minkyti

LITH minkyti 'knead, mix, crumple', 3 pres. minko, 3 pret. minkė; VAR minkyti, 3 pres. minkija, 3 pret. minkijo

LATV micit [ i, i2] 'knead, trample', lsg. pres. micu, lsg. pret. micfju

BSL *min(k-PSL *mrknpti v. (a) 'become soft' SL CS męknpti; Ru. mjaknut'; Cz. meknouti; Slk. maknUf 'make soft, become

soft'; Pl. mięknqc; SCr. meknuti; Sln. mękniti, lsg. męknem

PIE *mnk-

Of course, the Baltic and Slavic forms are completely different formations, but they both contain the zero grade of the same acute root. LIV ( 438) acknowledges the Balto-Slavic evidence for a laryngeal, but prefers to reconstruct *menk- on the basis of Gk. µaaaw 'knead'. The latter verb does not necessarily contain a laryngeal, however. Beekes (2010: 910-911) does not commit himself to *meh2g- or *menk- and even considers a suppletive system. To my knowledge, the only Balto-Slavic form pointing to *menk- rather than *menHk- is PSI. *m(Jka (b) 'flour', e.g. Ru. muka, Cz. mouka, Pl. mqka (cf. Meillet Et. II: 254-255). This form may be old. It does not seem

mintis 319

implausible to me that an original root *menk- was influenced by the semantically similar (and cognate?) root *menH- that we find in -+minti 'trample, break (flax)', PSI. *mrti 'compress, crumple, scutch'. Note that if we start from *menk- 'knead' and *menH- 'trample', the actual meanings of the Baltic and Slavic forms show mutual influence as well. See also: mankyti; minkštas

minkštas

LITH minkštas 3 'soft, (SD, dial.) weak' LATV miksts 'soft'

BSL *minrk-PSL *męhh adj. o (e) 'soft' SL OCS męhh; Ru. mjagkij; mjagok; ORu. mjahkyi; Cz. mekkf; Slk. miikky;

Pl. miękki; SCr. mek, f. meka; Čak. mek (Vrg.), f. meka, n. meko; Sln. mehak 'soft, softhearted', f. mehka; mekak 'id.', f. mehka; Bulg. mek 'soft, tender'

See -+minkyti.

minti l

LITH minti 'trample, break (flax)', 3 pres. mina, 3 pret. mynė LATV mft [ f, i2] 'trample, break (flax)', isg. pres. minu, mit;iu, isg. pret. minu, minu

BSL *min(-PSL *mrti v. 'compress, crumple, scutch' SL OCS męti 'compress', isg. m1m9; Ru. mjat' 'work up, knead, crumple, break

(flax)', isg. mnu, 3sg. mnet; OCz. mieti 'rub, knead', isg. mnu; Slk. miif 'rub, knead'; Pl. miqc 'rumple, crumple, (dial.) break (flax)', isg. mnę; Sln. mfti 'rub, mince', isg. manem; Bulg mdna 'scutch'

It is doubtful whether this root has cognates outside Balto-Slavic ( cf. LIV: 438).

minti 11

LITH minti 'remember, recall, guess, solve', 3 pres. mena, 3 pret. minė (3 pres. also mina, 3 pret. also mina, menė)

LATV mit2 [ i2, f] 'guess, solve'

See -+mineti.

mintis

LITH mintis f.(i) 4 'thought'

BSL *mintis PSL *pamętb f. i (a) 'memory, remembrance' SL OCS pamętb 'memory, remembrance, memorial'; Ru. pamjat'; Cz. pamef;

Slk. pamiif; Pl. pamięc; SCr. parnet 'mind'; Sln. parnet 'memory, mind'; Bulg. parnet 'memory'

PIE *mn-ti-

320 mirgėti

IE Skt. mati- f. 'mind, thought'; Go. gamunds f. 'remembers, memory'; OE gemynd 'mind, memory, memorial'

See --mineti.

mirgėti

LITH mirgeti 'twinkle, glimmer', 3 pres. mirga, 3 pret. mirgejo LATV mirdzet 'twinkle, glimmer', isg. pres. mirdzu, isg. pret. mifdzeju

BSL *mir(g-; *mudg-PSL *morgati v. 'blink, wink' SL Ru. morgat' 'blink, wink'; Cz. mrgat' ( dial.) 'move, wave, watch gloomily'; Pl.

margac 'wave, wag, move'; mrugac 'wave, wag, move'; Slnc. mdrgac 'blink, wink'

PIE *mrgw-IE Olc. myrkr 'dark', Asg. myrkvan ( *mergw-u-)

For the semantic development, see ->migla. The Balto-Slavic acute seems to be due to Winter's law.

mirksėti

LITH mirkseti 'blink', 3 pres. mirksi, 3 pret. mirksejo LATV mifkšet [ ir, if2] 'blink', isg. pres. mifkšeju; VAR mifkš�et

BSL *mir(k-PSL *m1'rkn9ti v. (a) 'become dark' SL OCS mT'bkn9ti 'become dark, darken' (6x mT'bk-, 1X mTbk-); Ru. merknut'

'become dark, become dim, fade'; Cz. mrknouti 'wink, blink, glimmer, (Kott) become dark, screw up one's eyes'; OCz. mrknuti (si) 'become dark, darken'; Slk. mrknut' 'become dark, darken, blink'; Pl. mierzchnqc 'become dark, darken'; SCr. mfknuti 'become dark, darken'; Sln. mfkniti 'become dark, darken, blink, wink'

PIE *mrk-? IE Go. maurgins m. 'morning'

A Slavic noun belonging to this root is *morh m.(o) (e) 'darkness', e.g. Pl. mrok 'twilight, darkness', SCr. m rak 'darkness'. It seems possible that the acute was adopted from *mi!urrg- < *mrgw-. See also: merkti II

miršti

LITH miršti 'forget', 3 pres. miršta, 3 pret. mifšo LATV mirst [ ir, ir, if2, ir2] 'forget', isg. pres. mirstu

PIE *mrs-IE Skt. mf$yate 'forget, neglect, forgive'

misti 321

This verb usually occurs with a prefix, e.g. Lith. užmiršti, Latv. aizmirst, piemirst 'forget'. In the West Latvian dialect of Salis, we find aizmif't, 3 pres. mif"st, with reanalysis. As Hitt. mer';- l mar- 'disappear, vanish' may be assumed to represent the original meaning of PIE *mer- 'die' (Kloekhorst 2008: 577), it is plausible that *mrs­contains an enlargement * -s- (Lubotsky p.e.) .

mirti

LITH mirti 'die', 3 pres. miršta, 3 pret. mirė LATV mirt [ ir, ir, ir2, ir2] 'die', 1sg. pres. mirstu, 1sg. pret. miru (see also below)

BSL *mer- ; *mir-PSL *merti v. 'die' SL OCS mreti (Supr„ Ass.) 'die', 1sg. mbrp; Ru. meret' 'die (in large numbers)',

1sg. mru, 3sg. mret; Cz. mfiti 'die, wither'; Slk. mrief 'die, wither, thaw'; Pl. mrzee; SCr. mrijeti 'die', 1sg. mrem; Sln. mręti 'die, be miserable', 1sg. mr(j)em, 1sg. mfjem, 1sg. mfjem

PIE *mer- , *mr-IE Skt. mriyate 'die'; Lat. mori 'die', 1sg. morior

The tona! alternation found in Lithuanian must be archaic. I have argued (1996: 292-294) that *CVRH-sk- was reanalyzed as *CVR-Hsk-. The spread of the suffix *-Hsk­generated metatonie rude in the sta-present, which was often generalized throughout the paradigm. Generalization of the original tone also occurs. The West Latvian dialect of Schrunden (Skrunda) has mirt2, 1sg. mif"stu or mirstu2 (EH I: 818), thus providing a parallel to the Lithuanian alternation. See also: maras; mirtis

mirtis

LITH mirtis f.(i) 4 'death'

BSL *mirtis PSL *s'bmi>rtb f. i (a) 'death' SL ocs S'bmrbtb; Ru. smert', Gsg. smerti; Cz. smrt; Slk. smrf; Pl. smierc; SCr.

smrt, Gsg. smrti; Sln. smrt, Gsg. smfti; Bulg. smart

PIE *mr-ti-IE Lat. mors f. 'death'

See -+mirti. The Slavic etymon was affected by Dybo's law.

misti

LITH misti 'feed on, nourish oneself', 3 pres. minta, 3 pret. mito LATV mist 'feed on, support oneself, thrive, live', 1sg. pres. mitu, 1sg. pret. mitu

Pokorny (IEW: 759) reconstructs a root *meit(h) - 'Aufenthalts(ort)' on the basis of the Baltic etyma under discussion and Av. maeean3m n. 'dwelling-place of men and gods, abode', mienaiti 'dwell, remain'. This seems a narrow basis. If we include PSL *m�sto (a), e.g. Ru. mesto 'place', SCr. mjesto 'place, town, city', we are facing the

322 mitinti

problem that the acute of this noun is incompatible with the circumflex of the Baltic root *meit- 'feed on' (thus also LEW: 460). Fraenkel (l.e.) rejects Pokorny's etymology and prefers a connection with Molr. meith f. 'fat' and Mole. meio 'das Fetteste vom Speck des Walfisches'. See also: maita; maitinti; maitoti; meitėlis; mitinti

mitinti

LITH mitinti 'feed, nourish', 3 pres. mitina, 3 pret. mitino LATV mitinat 'give lodgings and board, support, nourish

A causative with zero grade of the root to -+misti ( cf. -+maitinti).

m yžti

LITH myžti 'urinate', 3 pres. m)'ža, 3 pret. m)'žo; VAR m)'žti, 3 pres. m)'žia, 3 pret. myžė; m)'žti, 3 pres. męža, 3 pret. myžo

LATV mizt [ i, i 2] 'urinate', ISg. pres. mieznu, isg. pret. mizu; VAR mizt, isg. pres. miezu, isg. pret. mizu; mizt, isg. pres. mižu, isg. pret. mizu; mizt2, isg. pres. miznu2, isg. pret. mizu2

BSL *m(e)iž-PSL *mižati; *mbzeti v.

SL SCr. mižati 'urinate'; Sln. mnęti 'flow, trickle, drip', isg. mnim; mzęti 'id.', isg. mzim

PIE *h3meigr-IE Gk. 6µeixw; Olc. miga; OE migan

As noted by Fraenkel (LEW: 461) , Lith. męžu, Latv. miez(n)u < *meni- is an instance of Ablautsentgleisung, as the root contains *i. The vocalism must be analogical after verbs with a root containing *in < *1J·

mokėti

LITH moketi 'pay, be able to, know', 3 pres. moka, 3 pret. mokejo LATV macet 'be able to, know', isg. pres. maku, isg. pret. maceju

The Baltic root *mark- has no etymology. The connection with Gk. µJixoc; (Dor. µaxoc;) n. 'means, expedient' (thus LEW: 463) involves PIE *kh and is therefore no longer acceptable. See also: mokinti; mokyti

mokinti

LITH mokin ti [o, 6] 'teach', 3 pres. mokina, 3 pret. mokino LATV macinat [a, a] 'train, teach' OPR mukint 'teach', 3 pres. mukinna

A causative to -+moketi.

motė 323

mokyti

LITH mokyti 'teach', 3 pres. moko, 3 pret. mokė; VAR mokyti 'teach', 3 pres. mokia, 3 pret. mokė

LATV macit 'teach', lSg. pres. macu, lsg. pret. maciju

A causative to ---+moki!ti.

monyti

LITH manyti (SD, dial.) 'practise sorcery', 3 pres. manija, 3 pret. manija LATV manit [a, a, a� 'blindfold, mislead, deceive, (refl.) err, lie', lsg. pres. manu,

maniju (Ulm.) , lsg. pret. maniju

PSL *mamiti; *maniti v. 'deceive' SL CS mamiti 'deceive'; maniti 'deceive'; Ru. mani t' 'beckon, attract, lure; ( dial.)

deceive, lie, linger, loiter', lsg. manju, 3sg. manit; Cz. mamiti 'stun, deceive, seduce'; Slk. mamit"stun, deceive'; Pl. mamic 'deceive, seduce, lead astray'; manic (dial.) 'deceive, seduce, lead astray'; SCr. mamiti 'attract, lure, seduce'; SCr. maniti ( dial.) 'lure'; Sln. mamiti 'stun, deceive, seduce, fool', lsg. miimim; Bulg. mamja 'deceive, seduce, lead astray'; man ja ( dial.) 'deceive'

I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic (cf. Van Wijk 1934). For both semantic and accentological reasons, Endzelins (ME II: 583) is inclined to regard Latv. manit as an inherited word, but the meaning is closer to Slavic *maniti than to mat 'beckon' (-+moti) , while the variant with the falling tone, which unlike the sustained tone cannot be analogical in this formation, is not margina! (cf. the material in EH I: 791) .

According to Van Wijk (o.e.: 73), PSI. *mamiti is the original denominative verb ( cf. Cz. mam 'deceit, error') , while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manųti ( see also Derksen 2008a: 301 ).

mosuoti

LITH mosuoti 'wave', 3 pres. mosuoja, 3 pret. mosavo

BSL *ma(s-PSL *maxati v. 'wave' SL CS maxati, lsg. maxaj9; Ru. maxat', lsg. masu, 3sg. mašet; Cz. machati

'wave'; Slk. machaf 'swing'; Pl. machac 'wave, swing'; SCr. mahati, lsg. miišem; Sln. mahati, lsg. maham; Bulg. maxam

In spite of the fact that the x in *maxati is not the regular reflex of *s in this position, I assume that we are dealing with a Balto-Slavic enlargement *s of the root *mehr 'beckon' ( cf. Vaillant Gr. III: 332 ), for which see -+moti.

motė

LITH motė (OLith., dial.) f. (r) l [1/3] 'wife, mother' LATV mate [a, a� 'mother' (the accentuation mate (Pokorny IEW) is incorrect) OPR mothe (EV); muthi (GrG), muti (GrA, GrF); mūti (III) 'mother'

324 moti

BSL *mafter-PSL *mati f. r (a) 'mother' SL OCS mati, Gsg. matere; Ru. mat', Gsg. materi; ORu. mati, Gsg. matere; OCz.

mati, Gsg. matefe; OPI. mac, Gsg. macierze; SCr. miiti, Gsg. miitere; Čak. miiti (Vrg.), Gsg. miitere; miit (Novi, Orb.) , Gsg. miiteri; Sln. mati, Gsg. matere

PIE *meh2ter-IE Skt. matar- f.; Gk. µftn1p f.; Lat. mater f.; OHG muoter f.; Olr. mathir f. ; Alb.

motre f. 'sister'

The oldest form of the genitive is moteres, which occurs, for instance, in DP and in dialects. The most important Standard Lithuanian derivatives are m6teris 'wife, mother' and motina 'mother'. According to Būga (RR II: 710 ), the form mote, which frequently occurs in the older scholarly literature, does not exist. It appears to be attested, however, in eastern Dzuk and West Aukštaitian dialects (Illič-Svityč 1963: 76-77) .

The root stress in this word may be due to Hirt's law, cf. Skt. mat&, but in principle there is a possibility that it is old, cf. Gk. µftnlP. The fact that in Čakavian (Novi) we find oblique plural forms with stress on the ending, viz. Dpl. materan, Ipl. materiimi, Lpl. materiih, corresponding with Ru. materjam, materjami, materjax, respectively, seems to swing the balance in favour of a stage with mobile stress ( see Kortlandt 2009c: 186). In this case Meillet's law, which in the framework underlying this book is the analogical loss of a laryngeal (with compensatory lengthening) following the loss of the laryngeals in pretonic syllables, apparently did not operate.

moti

LITH moti 'beckon', 3 pres. m6ja, 3 pret. mojo LATV mat [a, a] 'beckon', lsg. pres. maju

BSL *ma(-PSL *majati; *mavati v. 'wave, beckon' SL OCS namaiaaxp (Supr.) 3PL impf. 'beckoned'; RuCS pomavati 'give a signal

with one's hand or head' ; Ru. majat"exhaust, harass'; mavat' (dial.) 'wave' ; ORu. majati 'beckon, agitate, vibrate'; pomavati 'give a signal with one's hand or head'; Cz. mavati 'wave'; Slk. mavaf 'wave'; LSrb. mawas 'wave, rock'; SCr. miijati 'beckon, keep, detain'; Sln. majati 'move about, shake', lsg. majam, lsg. majem; Bulg. maja 'dawdle, detain'

PIE *mehr IE Gk. µ11vuw 'notify, betray, announce'; Dor. µavuw; Go. afmauips ptc. pret.

pass. 'tired'; OHG muoan 'alarm, worry'

While moti is obviously cognate with PSI. *majati ( *mavati) 'beckon', PSl. *majati 'detain, tire, exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms such as OHG muojan, muon 'encumber, anger' and Go. afmauips 'tired' (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are ma- (693) and mo- (746). The safest solution is probably to assume that *majati continues *mehr as well as *mehr (LIV: 425), but it has been

murmėti 325

argued on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *mehr 'beckon' only (ESSja XVII : i34). See also: mosuoti

mudrus

LITH mudrus 4 'quick, valiant, smart, arrogant'; VAR mūdrus 4; mudras ( 'wise' in Pietkiewicz's catechism) 4; mudras (K.) 4

LATV mudrs 'quick, lively, cheerful'

This adjective is usually connected with Sanskrit forms such as m6date 'rejoices' <

*meud- . A serious problem with this etymology is the fact that we find no traces of Winter's law. Even if we adopt Dybo's (and Rasmussen's) view that Winter's law did not operate before a resonant, forms such as Latv. mudit 'urge, cheer up' would have to be analogical.

mukti

LITH mukti ( coll.) 'come off, flit, stiek', 3 pres. munka, 3 pret. muko LATV mukt 'come off, flee', isg. pres. muku, isg. pret. muku

BSL *muk-PSL *m'bkn9ti v. 'move' SL Cz. mknouti 'move'; Pl. mknqc 'flit, fleet'; SCr. maknuti 'move', isg. maknem;

Sln. makniti 'jerk, tug, move', isg. maknem, isg. męknem; Bulg. m&kna 'drag along'

PIE *(s )muk-IE Skt. muficati 'release'; mucyate 'be released'; Lat. emungere, isg. emungo

'wipe one's nose'

Cf. also Ru. mčat"rush, whirl along (tr.)' < *m'bčati. See also: maūkti; smukti

mundras

LITH mufidras (dial.) 4 'quick, valiant'; VAR mundrus 4 'quick, valiant, clever' LATV mufidrs 'cheerful, lively'

This etymon seems to be a contamination of -+mafidras (mandrus) and -+mudrus (mudras). In Latvian, such a contamination would have to have occurred before the development *an > uo. One wonders if the vocalism of MoHG munter also played a role.

murmėti

LITH murmi!ti 'mumble, grumble', 3 pres. murma, 3 pret. murmejo; VAR murmenti; murmlenti; murmuleti; murmuliuoti

LATV murmet [ur, ur2] 'mumble, stammer, talk softly', isg. pres. murmeju; VAR murminat [ur, ur2, ur2] ; murmulet [ ur, ur2] ; murmufuot [ur, ur2]

BSL *mur?m-

326 m ūsai

PSL *mwmiti v. 'mumble, grumble' SL Ru. mormulit' ( dial.) 'grumble, chatter'; SCr. mrmljiti 'mumble, grumble'

PIE *mur-mur- ( *mr-mr?) IE Lat. murmurare 'mumble'; OHG murmulon 'mumble'

Another Slavic verb with this meaning is *mwm('b)rati, e.g. Cz. mrmrati. The PIE verb must be onomatopoeic in origin.

m ūsai

LITH mūsai Npl. 4 [2/ 4] 'mould'; VAR musas Npl. 4; musas Npl. (Būga RR l: 470, 585)

BSL *mu?O-PSL *m'bX'b m. o (b/c) 'moss' SL Ru. mox, Gsg. m6xa; mox, Gsg. mxa; ORu. m'bX'b 'marsh overgrown with

moss'; moX'b 'marsh overgrown with moss'; Bel. mox, Gsg. m6xu; Ukr. mox, Gsg. m6xu; Cz. mech; Slk. mach; Pl. mech 'moss, fluff'; USrb. moch; m6ch ( dial.) , Gsg. mocha; SCr. mah 'moss, mould, bloom', Gsg. muha; Čak. muh 'id:, Gsg. muha; Sln. mah 'moss, marsh, fluff', Gsg. maha, Gsg. mahu; meh, Gsg. meha; Bulg. max

PIE *mus-IE Olc. mosi m. 'moss, moorland'; OHG mos n. 'moss, marsh'

musė

LITH musė 2 [2/ 4] 'fly' ; VAR musia (DP, SD, dial.) 2 LATV muša 'fly'; VAR mūsa [ū, u2] OPR muso (EV) 'fly'

PSL *muxa f. a (a) 'fly' SL OCS muxa (Ps. Sin., Supr.); Ru. muxa; Cz. moucha; Slk. mucha; Pl. mucha;

SCr. muha; Čak. muha (Vrg., Orb.); muha (Novi); Sln. muha; Bulg. muxa

IE Gk. µuia f. 'fly'; Lat. musca f. 'mosquito'

The sustained tone of Latv. musa matches the acute root of PSl. *muxa < BSl. *m6u(?a(, cf. also CS myšbca 'mosquito', ORu. myšca ' insect, mosquito' < BSl. *mu(?­ikar. Otherwise we find reflexes of the within Indo-European much mare widespread zero grade *mus-. This root, too, occurs in Slavic, e.g. Ru. m6xa ( dial.) 'midge' < *m'bxa, CS m'bšica 'mosquito, locust'. Perhaps the BSl. variant *murs- is a contamination of *mus- and *muH- and. The latter root is found in Olc. mj n., OSw. mygga f., and OHG mucka f. 'mosquito', which Kroonen (2013: 380) traces to PGmc. *mūwi, Gsg. mujjoz < *muH-ih2, Gsg. *muH-iehrs.

mušti

LITH mušti 'beat', 3 pres. muša, 3 pret. mušė

In Latvian, the East Baltic root *mus- occurs in mustavas Npl. 'warping beam', cf. Lith. muštuvai 'id'. This etymon has been connected with Gk. aµucrcrw 'scratch, tear,

naktis 327

lacerate', aµux� 'rent, wound', and Lat. mūcro f. 'point ( of a sword etc.)'. If this is correct, we would have to reconstruct < *h2muk-, with unclear consonantal variation in Greek. The etymology seems highly uncertain, however ( cf. De Vaan 2008: 392 ) .

naga

LITH naga 4 'hoof, (SD, dial.) nail'

N

LATV nagas Npl. 'both hands, hands and feet' OPR nage (EV) 'foot'

BSL *nogar PSL *naga f. a (e) 'foot, leg' SL OCS naga; Ru. naga, Asg. nagu; Ukr. naga, Asg. nagu; Cz. noha; Slk. noha; Pl.

naga; SCr. naga, Asg. nogu; Čak. naga, Asg. nogu; Sln. naga; Bulg. naga 'leg'

PIE *h3n(o)gwh_ IE Gk. ovuĘ m. 'nail, claw, hoof'; Lat. unguis m. 'nail, claw'; Olr. ingen f. 'nail';

OHG nagai m. 'nail' See also: nagas; nagU.tis

nagas

LITH nagas 4 'nail, claw'; VAR nagė 2 'nail' LATV nags 'nail, claw'

See -+naga.

nagu tis

LITH nagu tis 2 'nail, claw ( dim.)' OPR nagutis (EV) 'nail'

BSL *nogutios PSL *nogbtl> m. i (e) 'nail, claw' SL OCS nogbtl> (Supr„ Euch„ Hil.) m.(i) 'nail, claw'; Ru. nagot' m.(jo) 'nail', Gsg.

nagtja; Cz. nehet m.(o) 'nail'; Slk. necht m.(o) 'nail'; Pl. nogiee m.(jo) 'nail'; USrb. nochc m.(jo) 'nail'; LSrb. noks m.(jo) 'nail'; SCr. nokat m.(o) 'nail, claw, hoof', Gsg. nokta; Čak. nohat (Vrg„ Orb.) m.( o) 'fingernail, toenail', Gsg. nohta; Sln. nŲhat m.(o) 'nail, claw', Gsg. nŲhta; n{Jhat m.(o) 'nail, claw', Gsg. n{Jhta; n{Jgat m.( o) 'nail, claw', Gsg. n{Jhta; Bulg. nakat m.( o) 'nail, claw'

See -+naga. The -kh- of Skt. nakha- m.!n. 'nail, claw' is unexplained.

naktis

LITH naktis f.(i) 4 'night', Gpl. naktų LATV nakts f.(i) 'night'

328 namas

OPR nacktin (III) Asg., naktien (III) Asg., naktin (II, III) Asg., nactin (l) Asg. 'night'

BSL *noktis PSL *ni!ktb f. i (e) 'night' SL OCS noštb f.(i) ; Ru. noč', Gsg. n6či; Cz. noc; Slk. noc; Pl. noc; USrb. n6c, Gsg.

nacy; SCr. ni!c, Gsg. naCi; Čak. ni!c (Vrg.), Gsg. naCi; Sln. nŲč, Gsg. noči; Bulg. nošt

PIE *nokw-t-IE Skt. niikt- f.; Hitt. nekuz Gsg. 'in the evening'; Gk. vu� f. ; Lat. nox f.; Go.

nahts f.

According to Illič-Svityč (1963: 60), barytone AP and mixed AP occur in texts of Prussian Lithuania. Furthermore, the adverb naktije has barytone accentuation in Daukša, Prussian Lithuania and many East Aukštaitian and eastern Dzuk dialects.

namas

LITH niimas 4 [2/4] 'house, (pl.) home'; VAR numas (Žem.) 4 'house, (pl.) home' LATV nams 'aus geraden Stangen zusammengestellte kegelformige Sommerkiiche,

mittlerer Teil des Wohnhauses, der Kiiche, Vorbau in der Badestube, Hiitte, Haus'

BSL *domus PSL *di!m'b m. u (e) 'house' SL OCS dom'b; Ru. dom (vestiges of an old u-stem are the alternative Gsg. and

Lsg. in -u, e.g. na domu 'at home'); Ukr. dim, Gsg. domu; Cz. dum, Gsg. domu; Slk. dom; Pl. dom; SCr. di!m, Gsg. dama; Čak. di!m (Vrg.) , Gsg. dama; Sln. dŲm 'house, home', Gsg. dŲma, Gsg. domu, Gsg. dŲmu; Bulg. dom 'house, home'

PIE *dom-u- (alongside *dom, Gsg. dem-s) IE Lat. domus f. 'house', Gsg. domus

According to Illič-Svityč (1963: 54-55), both AP 2 and 4 are attested in old texts. Skardžius (1935: 41) considers Daukša's namai Npl. a printing error, but apparently AP 2 also occurs in texts from Konigsberg. Despite the fact that it involves an enigmatic development *d > n (from a zero grade *dm- before a vowel?), the connection with PIE *dom- still seems the best option. See also: dimstis

naras

LITH niiras ( dial.) 4 'hole, lair'; VAR narei 4

BSL *nor?-PSL *norti f. a (e) 'den, lair' SL CS nora 'den, lair'; Ru. norti 'burrow, den, hole'; Cz. nora 'den, lair, hole'; Pl.

nora 'den, lair, hole' (also n6ra, nura); Sln. nora 'hole, crater-like depression'

nasrai 329

A derivative of -+nerti II. In the LKZe, only the variant nara is designated as a borrowing. The form niiras is attested in an East Lithuanian manuscript.

narys

LITH narys 4 'member, ( anat.) joint, ( dial.) ankle, knot' LATV naris 'pastern'

A derivative of -+nerti L

narsas

LITH narsas4 (2/4) 'courage, (obs.) fury, rage'; VAR narsa 4 'courage'

Here, too, the evidence for AP 2 seems to be limited to the card files of the Lithuanian dialect atlas. The fact that we find s, rather than š, following r points to narsas < nart-sas, cf. -+nartas.

narštas

LITH narštas 2 'spawning'; VAR naršas 2 'roe, frog spawn' LATV n&rsts [&r, ar2, &r2] 'spawning, mating season (birds)' ; VAR niirsta; niirste;

nastrs (with metathesis)

BSL *nor$-t- ( *nors- t-?) PSL *n6rst'b m. o; *n6rstb f. i (e) 'spawning' SL Ru. n6rost (dial.) m. 'frog spawn'; n6ros (dial.) m. 'frog spawn'; n6rost' (dial.)

f.(i) 'spawning'

Apparently, we are dealing with a derivative of -+neršti. In Slavic, the verb is lacking. There seems to be no convincing etymology for this Balto-Slavic root. Consequently, it is hard to decide if the Lith. narš- reflects *nor$- ( < *nors-) or *nors- ( < *nork-). Būga (RR II 505): is, strictly speaking, correct in reconstructing PIE *k on the basis of Ru. n6ros, where *$ > s l _C does not apply, but it seems to me that this form, as well as Lith. narsas, may be more recent. See also: nerštas

nartas

LITH nartas 2 'restiveness, anger' OPR nertien Asg., nierties Gsg. 'anger'

Olr. nert n./m., MW nerth m./f. 'force' < *nerto- is usually interpreted as *h2ner-to-, from the same root as Gk. čtv�p 'man'. The Baltic forms mentioned above seem to be derivatives of a Baltic root nert- , which may originate from a nominal formation *h2ner-to-. See also: narsas; nertėti; nirsti; niršti

nasrai

LITH nasrai Npl. 4 'mouth (of an animal), snout, (dial. , OLith.) mouth'; VAR nastrai (S., E. Lith.) Npl. 4 'id:; niisras 2 (DP, dial.) 'mouth'

330 našlys

BSL *nas-r-PSL *nozdra f. ja; *nozdra f. a (b) 'nostril' SL OCS nozdri (Ps. Sin., Supr.) Npl. f. (ja); Ru. nozdrja f.(ja) ; Cz. nozdra f.(a);

Slk. nozdra f.(a); Pl. nozdrze n.(jo ); OPI. nozdrza f. (ja); nozdrze n.(jo ); SCr. nozdra f.(a); Čak. nozdrva (Vrg.) f.(a); Sln. n(Jzdra f.(a); n(Jzdrva f.(a); nozdfv f.(i) , Gsg. nozdrvl; Bulg. n6zdra f.(a)

PIE *nh2es-r-ehr

For Slavic, the alternative etymology is to assume that we are dealing with a com­pound of *nosb 'nose' (-+nosis) and *dbrati 'tear' ( cf. Meillet 1934: 137), cf. Lith. nosiaskylė, where the second element derives from skilti 'split, cleave'.

našlys

LITH našlys 4 'widower'; našll 4 'widow'

It is often assumed that this word, which is already attested in DP and SD, continues the o-grade of PIE *nek- 'disappear', cf. Skt. nasyati 'perishes, disappears', Av. q.nasat 3sg. aor. 'disappeared', Gk. veKu� 'corpse: We may be dealing with a derivative of an adjective *našias 'dead' (Būga 1922: 273 = RR II: 299 ) .

nauda

LITH nauda 3 [1/3/4] 'use, profit, property' LATV nauda 'money'

This noun and Lith. naudoti 'use, employ' are cognate with Go. niutan 'attain, enjoy', Ok. njota 'use, enjoy' < PGmc. *neutan, and Olc. nyt f. 'use' < PGmc. *nutjo. It is therefore possible to reconstruct a North European root *neud- ( cf. Kroonen 2013: 389). The Baltic acute, which still puzzled Stang (1966: 159), can now be attributed to Winter's law.

naujas

LITH naūjas 4 'new' (according to Skardžius (1935: 149), there is minimal evidence for AP 2 in Daukša)

OPR nauns 'new', Asg. naunan, nawnan; Nsg. n. def. neuwenen (II)

BSL *nowios; *nowos PSL *novo adj. o (b) 'new' SL Ru. novyj 'new' (AP (e) in Old Russian with traces of (b)); Cz. novj; Slk.

novj; Pl. nowy; SCr. nov, f. nova; Čak. novi (Vrg.) , nov& f., n. novo; novl (Novi); n"of (Orb.) , f. nova, n. novo; Sln. nov, f. nova; nŲv; Bulg. nov

PIE *neuios; *neuos IE Skt. navya- 'new, fresh, young'; Olr. nue 'new' ; Go. niujis 'new' (all *neuios);

Hitt. neya- 'new, fresh'; Skt. nava- 'new, fresh, young'; Gk. vfo� 'new'; Lat. novus 'new' (all *neuios)

The Lithuanian form underwent resyllabification ( cf. Kortlandt 2008: 8). This accounts for the fact that we find au rather than iau < BSL "jau, which would be the

nei 331

expected development of PIE *eu before a consonant. The n-suffix of the Old Prussian form is usually attributed to contamination with an adjective correspond­ing to Lith. ->jaunas 'young', Latv. jauns 'new'. PlE *neuos may derive from nu 'now'. According to Beekes (1994: 90), *neuios is based on the Lsg. *neui.

ne

LITH ne 'not, ( dial.) than' LATV ne 'not' OPR ne- (III) 'not' (in neggi, Lith. ->negi)

BSL *ne PSL *ne adv. 'not' SL OCS ne 'not' ; Ru. ne 'not'; Cz. ne 'not, no'; Slk. ne 'not'; Pl. nie 'not, no'; SCr.

ne 'not, no'; Sln. ne 'not'; Bulg. ne 'not, no'

PIE *ne IE Lat. ne- 'not'; Go. ni 'not' See also: nė; nei

nė

LITH nl 'not a, nor' OPR ni 'not'

BSL *ne PSL *ne- pref. 'not'

PIE *ne IE Lat. ne 'not, that not'

Examples of PSl. *ne- are OCS nek'bto 'someone', nekogda, nek'bgda 'some time, some day'. See also ->ne.

negi

LITH negi (OLith.) 'than' LATV nedz 'nor' OPR neggi 'nor'

See ->ne.

nei

LITH nei 'nor, than' LATV nei2 'nor'

BSL *nei PSL *ni conj. , ptcl. 'nor, not' SL OCS ni 'not'; Ru. ni 'nor, not'; Cz. ni 'nor, not'; Slk. ni 'nor, not'; Pl. ni 'nor,

not even'; SCr. ni 'nor, not even'; Sln. ni 'nor, not even'; Bulg. ni 'nor, not even'

PIE *nei

332 nendrė

IE Lat. nl, OLat. nei 'not, that not, unless'

A reinforced variant of -->ne.

nendrė

LITH nendrė l 'reed, cane'; lendrė l ( 1/4] ; VAR mendrė l ( 1/2/3] LATV niedre 'reed, cane' ; VAR niedra [ ie, ie2] ; i;iiedre; i;iiedra

PIE *ned-o-; *nod-o-IE Skt. nai;la- m. 'reed' (with unexplained ef); Hitt. nata/i- 'reed, straw (to drink

with), arrow'; Arm. net 'arrow', Gsg. neti

The forms with l- and m - obviously result from dissimilation. East Baltic *nen?dre may contain a reduplicated root *ne-nd-, cf. -+papartis 'fern', Olr. nanaid 'nettle' ( --->notrė}. In that case the acute would have to be attributed to Winter's law.

neptė

LITH neptl (Bretk., Dauk.) 4 'granddaughter'

BSL *nepti(-PSL *nestera f. a 'niece' SL RuCS nestera; ORu. nestera; OPL niesciora; SCr. nėstera 'niece, sister's

daughter'

PIE *(h2)nep-t- ih2 IE Skt. napti- f. 'daughter, granddaughter'; Phr. niptiyan Asg., niptiyai Dsg.

'daughter(?)' (see Hammig 2013) ; Lat. neptis f. 'granddaughter, (later) niece'; Olr. necht f. 'niece'; Olc. nift f. 'female relative, sister'; OHG nift f. 'niece'

See -+nepuotis. AP 4 is based on the spelling neptie in Daukantas (Būga 1911a: 329-330 = RR I : 272) . The Gsg. neptes in Bretkūnas shows us that the noun was not an r-stem. For PSl. *nestera, I assume that *st arose from *tt in *nept-tera ( cf. Meillet Et. I: 167) . Kortlandt ( i982) prefers the even older view that *nestera is a recent formation with *s from *sestra 'sister'.

nepuotis

LITH nepuotis (OLith.) m./f.(i) 'grandson, granddaughter'; VAR neptis (Bretk., MT) 'grandson'; nepuotė (Bretk.) 'granddaughter'

BSL *nep( o)t-PSL *netbjb m. io 'nephew' SL CS netii m.(io); ORu. netii m.(io); OPI. niee m.(jo) ; niesc m.(jo); SCr. necak

m.(o) 'sister's son'; Čak. netjak (Novi) m.(o) 'sister's son'; Sln. nečak m.(o) 'nephew'

PIE *(h2)nep-ot; *(h2)nep-(o)t-IE Skt. napat- m. 'descendant, grandson'; Gk. ave\jl16c; m. 'cousin'; Lat. nepas m.

grandchild, offspring'; OE neja 'grandson, nephew' See also: neptė

nerti I

nerštas

LITH nerštas 2 'spawning, (pl.) roe, frog spawn'; VAR neršta 'spawning' LATV nęrsts2 (Oknist) 'spawning'

BSL *ner?-t- (*ners- t-?) PSL *nerst11 m. o; *nerstb f. i (e) 'spawning'

333

SL Ru. nerest m. 'spawning'; OCz. nefest f.(i) 'spawning'; Slk. neres (dial.) m. 'spawning'; neresf (dial.) f.(i) 'spawning'; Pl. mrzost (dial.) m. 'spawning'; nerest (dial.) m. 'spawning, spawn'; OPI. mrost m. 'spawning'; SCr. mrijest m. 'roe of a small fish', Gsg. mrijesta; Sln. mręst m. 'rutting period ( of cats ) , (žabji m.) frogspawn'; dręst m. 'spawning'

See -narštas.

neršti

LITH neršti 'spawn', 3 pres. neršia, 3 pret. neršė; VAR neršti 'spawn', 3 pres. neršta, 3 pret. neršė; neršti 'spawn', 3 pres. neršti, 3 pret. neršė

LATV n�rst [Jr, er2, �r2] 'spawn, mate', 1sg. pres. nhšu, 1sg. pret. n�rsu

See -narštas.

nertėti

LITH nertėti 'rage, rave', 3 pres. nertėja, 3 pret. nertėjo; VAR nertėti, 3 pres. nerta, 3 pret. nertėjo

OPR ernertimai 1pl. 'we become angry'; ernertiuns, ernertfuns ptc. pf. act. Nsg. m. 'enraged'

See -nartas. Metatonie rude is not uncommon in verbs in -ėti with e-grade of the root ( cf. Derksen 1996: 353-363).

nerti l

LITH nerti 'knit, weave, tie', 3 pres. neria, 3 pret. nerė LATV nert 'lace up the tip of a bast shoe, tie', 1sg. pres. neru, 1sg. pret. neru

Kroonen (2013: 283) hesitantly assumes pretonic shortening of *neh2r- for the "Ingvaeonic" adjective *narwa- 'narrow', e.g. OE nearu 'narrow', MoDu. naar 'dis­agreeable: The reconstruction of the root, however, is based on Latv. ni'irs 'Klammer der Tischler (also naris2), Schraubenzwinge etc:, which Fraenkel (LEW: 496) , regards as a borrowing from Low German, cf. MoLG naar 'krummer Zapfen am Ende der Sense etc:. This may well be correct, cf. also Latv. nafvis 'eine Machine zur Kriim­mung der Radfelgen, ein Eichenklotz zum Biegen der Radbiigel, Klemmholz', MLG nare, narwe 'Narbe'. In any case, a root *neh2r- does not fit the Baltic verb under discussion. If we reconstruct *nerH-, the connection with *narwa- (also advocated by Fraenkel) can be maintained, provided that Nw. nor n. 'sound, canal' (Kroonen: l.e.) is accounted for. The verb corresponding to nerti was lost in Slavic, but the root survives in ORu. nereta 'fishing tackle, fish-trap', Ru. nereta ( dial.) 'fish-trap (made of

334 nerti II

osiers)', cf. ESSJa XXV: 11-13. The Latvian counterpart of this noun is narts (ME II: 693), which is a normalization of E. Latv. nofts (also norty Npl.) 'fish-trap:

nerti 11

LITH nerti 'dive', 3 pres. neria, 3 pret. nerė

BSL *ner?-PSL *nerti v. SL CS ponreti 'enter', lsg. ponbr9; RuCS nreti, nereti 'go deep into, hide oneself'

This verbal root is apparently limited to Balto-Slavic.

nešti

LITH nešti 'carry, bring', 3 pres. neša, 3 pret. nešė LATV nest 'carry, bring', ISg. pres. nęsu, ISg. pret. nesu

BSL *neš-PSL *nesti v. (e) 'carry, bring' SL OCS nesti 'carry, bring', lsg. nes9; Ru. nesti 'carry', ISg. nesu, 3sg. neset; Cz.

nesti 'carry'; Slk. niesf 'carry'; Pl. niešc 'carry, bring'; SCr. nesti 'carry', ISg. nesem; Čak. nesti (Vrg.) 'lay (eggs)', 2sg. neseš; nes (Orb.) 'lay (eggs)', 3sg. nese; Sln. nesti 'carry, bring', lsg. nesem

PIE *h1 nek-IE Gk. �vey1mv ISg. aor. 'brought', inf. ėveyKe'iv (*h1 neh1 nk-)

niausti

LITH niaūsti '(galvą) hang one's head', 3 pres. niaūsia, 3 pret. niaūsė

PIE *neu-IE veuw 'incline, nod, beckon, grant'; Lat. adnuere 'nod, permit', lsg. adnuo

LIV (455) suggests that niaūsti continues a desiderative *neų-/nu-s.

niedėti

LITH niedėti 'despise' LATV nidėt [ i, i] 'hate', lsg. pres. nidu, lsg. pret. nideju; VAR nist [ i, i] , lsg. pres.

nistu, nižu (Linde)

PIE *h3n(e/o)id-IE Skt. nindanti 3Pl. 'rebuke'; Gk. ovrnSo<; n. 'reproach'; Arm. anicanem 'curse';

Go. ganaitjan 'defame'

The LKZe only mentions the form niedėtinas from Baronas's Russian-Lithuanian dictionary. Under paniedėti 'despise, mock, humiliate' we find the forms paniedėtas (DP 266) 'mocked (Pl. našmiewano)' and paniedemiu (Sutkiewicz's dictionary - in manuscript - from 1838). The verb niesti (LIV: 303) does not exist. See also: Latv. naiduot

nytis 335

nykštys

LITH nykštys 3 [1/3] 'thumb'; VAR ninkštis (Žem.) 1 [1/3] ; nykštis f. (i) 1; ninkštis f.(i) 1; ninkštė 1; inkštys (Bretk.)

LATV ikstis 'thumb'; VAR ikstis; iksts f.(i) ; ikš�is; ikšis; iš�is2; iksts2 OPR instixs (EV) [ inxstis?] 'thumb'

The initial n of the more recent Lithuanian forms is usually regarded as secondary. It as been attributed to anticipation, metathesis and influence of the verb nykti 'disappear' (cf. LEW: 503, Smoczynski 2007: 425). Toporov's suggestion (PJ II: 53-54) to derive the Baltic word from *enk- 'reach, attain, grab, carry', was taken up by Hilmarsson (1983: 171), who reconstructed *h1 1}- hi '}k-ti-, which in his view would yield *inn(k)šti- or *nin(k)šti-. In Derksen 1996 (261) l modified Hilmarsson's recon­struction, suggesting that the root was *h2nek- 'reach' and rejecting the possibility that the first *n was vocalized. Of course, this implies that in Latvian and Old Prussian the n- was lost, possibly under the respective influence of Latv. ikstis Npl. 'kidneys' and OPr. inxcze 'kidney'. Note that Lith. inkštas 'thumb' may be a Prus­sianism, as Bretke had a Prussian mother (Hilmarsson o.e.: 169-170). An alternative etymology is *h2id- 'swell', cf. OE pūma 'thumb', Lat. tumėre 'swell' (LEW: 188), with secondary *-n- and intrusive *k e cf. -+inkstas).

nirsti

LITH nirsti 'rage, rave, (Žem.) be whimsical', 3 pres. nirsta, 3 pret. nirto

See -+nartas.

niršti

LITH niršti 'rage, rave', 3 pres. niršta, 3 pret. niršo

According to Fraenkel (LEW: 505), nirš- continues *nir-s-, whereas nirs- (-+niršti) originates from *nirt-s-. If l understand him correctly, Smoczynski (2007: 421) assumes the root nirš-, cf. niršus 4 'irascible, fierce', niršinti 'enrage', to have developed secondarily from *nirs- < *nirt-s- (-+nartas). Though an enlarged root nirš- < *h2nr-s­may seem unconvincing, l find Smoczynski's solution for the coexistence of *nirt­and *nirš- somewhat unsatisfactory, as *rTs > rs is an important source of plain s after r ( cf. Stang 1966: 95).

nytis

LITH nytis f.(i) '(warp) thread', Npl. nytys 1 'harness (text.), heald' LATV nfts f.(i) [ f, i2] ' (warp) thread', Npl. nftis 'harness (text.), heald'; VAR nftes Npl.

'harness (text.), heald'

BSL *nfitis (> *ni?tis) PSL *nitb f. i (a) 'thread' SL Ru. nit'; Cz. nif; Slk. nif; Pl. nic; SCr. ni't; Sln. nit, Gsg. niti

The root seems to be *(s)nhri-, with an i-enlargement of the root *(s)nehr found in Hitt. ne-"Cri) 'turn ( onself) in a certain direction' (Kloekhorst and Lubotsky forthc.),

nokti

Gk. vew 'spin', Lat. nere 'spin, weave', O Ir. snii'd 'twist, tie', Go. nepla 'needle'. The verbal root is found in -+ Latv. nft.

nokti

LITH nokti 'grow ripe, ( dial.) grow weak, (flk.) wither', 3 pres. noksta, 3 pret. noko; VAR nokti ( dial., Dauk.) 'pursue, chase', 3 pres. nokia, 3 pret. nokė; nokti (Bretk.) 'pursue, chase', 3 pres. noksta, 3 pret. noko

LATV niikt [ii, a2] 'come', isg. pres. niiku, isg. pret. niicu; nakt [a, ii(?) ) , isg. pres. nacu, isg. pret. nacu

PIE *h2ne-h2n( o )k-IE Lat. nancisci 'obtain'; Olr. t-anaic 3sg. pret. 'came'

With elimination of the second n in a form *niink-, cf. Kortlandt i994b: i92.

noras

LITH noras l 'desire, wish, will'

See -+noreti.

norėti

LITH noreti 'want, wish, desire', 3 pres. nori, 3 pret. norejo; VAR noreti, 3 pres. noria, 3 pret. nori!jo

Fraenkel connects nor- with -+niršti 'rage' and -+nartas 'anger' (LEW: 507-508), which may contain the root *h2ner- . This does not account for the Lithuanian acute tone, however. Smoczynski (2007: 427) reconstructs *neh2r-, cf. Hitt. niib i- l nabb- 'fear, become afraid', which etymology fails to convince me. Both formally and semantically possible is the connection with Gk. vwpei· evepyei (Hsch.) 'is effective, operates'. Needless to say, this is highly speculative. See also: noras

nosis

LITH nosis f.(i) i 'nose, ( dial.) nostril' LATV niiss f.(i) [ii, a2] 'nostril, nose'; VAR niise [ii, a2] 'id., (a2) beak' OPR nozy (EV) 'nose'

BSL *na(s-; *nas-PSL *nos'b m. o (e) 'nose' SL OCS nos'b; Ru. nos; Cz. nos; Slk. nos; Pl. nos; SCr. nos, Gsg. nosa; Čak. nos

(Vrg., Novi), Gsg. nosa; Sln. n(is, Gsg. n(isa, Gsg. nosa, Gsg. nosu; Bulg. nos

PIE *nehrs-/*nhres-IE Skt. nas- f.; Lat. naris f.; OHG nasa f.

Kortlandt (1985b: 119) reconstructs the etymon as a hysterodynamic s-stem, pro­viding an explanation for the apparent ablaut *niis- : *nas-. Slavic and Baltic have generalized different variants of the stem. Baltic continues the stem *na(s- < *nehrs-

novyti 337

of the Nsg. *nehrs-s, whereas Slavic continues the stem *nas- < *nhres- of the Asg. *nhres-m. See also: nasrai

notrė

LITH notrl 4 (dial.) '(stinging) nettle'; VAR noterė 1 [ 1/3•] 'id:; notra 4 [1/4] 'woodwort, stinging nettle'; notera 'woodwort'; natrynė 1 '(stinging) nettle'

LATV natre [a, a2] '(stinging) nettle'; VAR natra; t;iatre; t;iatra OPR noatis (EV) '(stinging) nettle'

BSL *na(t-PSL *natb f. i 'leafy top of a root vegetable' SL Ru. natfna ( dial.); Ukr. nat' ( dial.) ; Cz. naf; Slk. naf; Pl. nac; Sln. niit

The relationship with Olc. nata 'spear' ( < *naton), OE netele, netie, netel, OHG nezzila 'nettle' ( < *natilon), and Oir. nenaid 'id.', is not entirely clear. Kroonen (2013: 384) suggests that the Balto-Slavic forms are borrowings from Germanic, simply because they have t for expected d, but his expectations are effectively based on Germanic only, as he rejects the connection with Gk. Čl<5LK'1 'nettle', while Oir. nenaid is usually derived from *ninati or nenati ( cf. Schrijver 1995: 94). I prefer the theory that this is an etymon of non-Indo-European origin ( cf. Matasovic 2009: 291).

novė

LITH novė (Dauk.) 2 'massacre' ; VAR novis 'death' LATV nave 'death'

BSL *now(f)-PSL *navb m.!f. i 'dead man, corpse' SL CS navb m.(i?) 'corpse'; Ru. nav' (Dal': arch. , dial.; SRNG) m. 'dead man,

corpse'; ORu. navb m.(i) 'dead man, corpse'; OCz. nav f.(i) 'the other world, realm of the dead'; OCz. nava f.(a) 'grave, the other world, hell'; Sln. niiv m.( o) 'soul of a dead person'; Sln. niivje n.(jo) 'souls of unbaptized children'; Bulg. navi (Gerov) Npl. f. 'evil spirits'

PIE *neh2u-IE Go. naus m. 'corpse'; Oic. nar m. 'corpse'

Since one would expect to find fixed stress on an acute syllable if the root was *neHu­or *noHu-, I have previously argued (2008a: 347) that the root was *now(()- <

*nouH- , in which case the Lithuanian circumflex would be regular and the Latvian broken tone would reflect the root-final laryngeal, cf. zale (-+žolė}. Considering that Olr. noine f. 'hunger, famine', which probably replaced naunae (LEIA: N-21), and its synonym W newyn point to *naw-, the PIE root is best reconstructed as *neh2u-. The Germanic forms may reflect *nh2u-i- ( cf. Schrijver 1991: 347). It seems still possible that Balto-Slavic had *n(e!o)uhr following laryngeal metathesis in the zero grade.

novyti

LITH novyti [o, 6] 'kill, torment', 3 pres. novija, 3 pret. novijo

338 nubliekti

LATV navit 'kili, destroy, ( refl.) exhaust oneself, toil'

BSL *now(?)-PSL *naviti v. 'torment, tire' SL Cz. naviti (poet., Jg.) 'tire'; naviti se (dial.) 'get tired'; OCz. naviti 'torment';

Slk. navif sa ( dial.) 'get tired'

PIE *neh2u-IE Go. naus m. 'corpse'; Olc. nar m. 'corpse'

Both the Baltic verbs and the Slavic verbs probably derive from a noun with lengthened grade (--+novė) .

nubliekti

LITH nubliekti ( dial.) 'grow pale, fade', 3 pres. nublieka, 3 pret. nublieko

BSL *bl(e/o)ik-

PSL *blbkn9ti v. 'fade' SL Ru. bleknut' 'fade, wither' ( cf. bleklyj 'faded, pale, wan'.) ; Bel. bljaknuc 'fade,

wither'; Ukr. bleknuty 'fade, wither'; Pl. blaknqc 'fade' (the root vowel was probably influenced by bladny 'pale') ; Kash. vablėkn9c 'fade'; zblėknpc 'fade'

The ESSJa (11 112-113) reconstructs PSl. *blekn9ti. I prefer the traditional reconstruc-tion, which is also found in Slawski SP (I: 274-275). The root *bhleik- may be a e secondary) variant of *bhleig- 'shine' (--+blizget1).

nūn

LITH nun 'now, today'; VAR nūnai

BSL *nūnoi; *nunoi PSL *nyne; *n'bne adv. 'now' SL OCS nynė; nynja; CS n7>ne; Ru. njne 'now, today'; n6ne (dial.) 'id.; Cz. nyni;

OCz. nenie; OPI. ninie; nynie

PIE *nu-IE Skt. nu adv. 'now, just, but'; Gk. vu(v) emph. ptcl., vūv adv. 'now' (also emph.

ptcl.); Go. nu adv. 'now'

On *nū alongside *nu in several branches of lndo-European, see De Vaan 2008: 418.

nuo

LITH nuo 'from' LATV nuo 'from' OPR no, na 'onto, against, over'

BSL *no PSL *na prep. 'on(to ), in(to )' SL OCS na; Ru. na; Cz. na; Slk. na; Pl. na; SCr. na; Sln. na

nuogas

LITH nuogas 3 'naked' LATV nu6gs 'naked, poor'

BSL *norg6s PSL *ndg'b adj. o (e) 'naked'

obuolys 339

SL OCS nag'b; Ru. nagoj; nag, f. naga, n. nago; Cz. nahy 'naked, bald'; Slk. nahy; Pl. nagi; SCr. nag ( obs.) ; Sln. nag, f. naga

PIE *nogw-IE Skt. nagna- 'naked'; Lat. nūdus 'naked'; Go. naqaps 'naked'

For the reconstruction of the PIE etymon, see Beekes 1994. A possible Old Prussian cognate is nognan (EV) 'leather'. The Balto-Slavic form is an example of Winter's law.

o

LITH 6 conj. 'and, but'

BSL *o PSL *a conj. 'and, but'

o

SL OCS a; Ru. a; Cz. a; Pl. a; SCr. a; Sln. a

IE Skt. dt adv. 'afterwards, then, so'; Av. aat adv. 'afterward, then'

This etymon may continue the Absg. of the demonstrative pronoun *h1 e-.

obelis

LITH obelis f.(i) 3• 'apple-tree' (Gsg. also obels); VAR obelis m.(i) 3•; obell 3• LATV abele 'apple-tree'; VAR abels f.(i) OPR wobalne (EV) 'apple-tree'

BSL * a(b-ol-ni-; *a(b-el-i-PSL *abolnb; *ablonb f. i (a) 'apple-tree' SL CS ablanb (MBulg.); Ru. jablon'; ORu. ablanb; jablonb; Cz. jablon; Pl. jablon ;

USrb. jablon; LSrb. jablon; LSrb. jabolri ( dial.); Sln. jablan f.(i) ; jablana f.(a)

PIE *h2b-ol-n-i-; *h2b-el-i-IE Olr. aball f. 'apple-tree'; W afall f. 'apple-tree'

In Lithuanian, we find several forms which indicate that we are dealing with an old consonant stem, e.g. Gsg. obels, obeles, Npl. 6bels, 6beles, Gpl. obeliį. For the root, see -+obuolys.

obuolys

LITH obuolys 3• 'apple'; VAR 6buolas 3•; 6bulas (Žem.) 1 LATV abuols 'apple, clover'; VAR abuls; abuolis OPR woble (EV); wobelke (GrG), wabelcke (GrA, GrF) 'apple'

340 oras

BSL *a?bols; *a?blo PSL *ablo n. o; *abl'b m. o; *abl'bko n. o; *abl'bka f. a; *abl'bk'b m. o (a) 'apple' SL CS abl'bko n. ; Ru. jtibloko n.; jtiblok ( dial.) m.; ORu. jabl'bk'b m.; jablok'b m.;

Cz. jablo n.; jablko n. ; Slk. jablko n.; Pl. jablko n.; OPI. jablo n.; Slnc. jable n.; SCr. jilbuka f. 'apple, apple-tree'; jilbuko (arch., reg.) n.; Sln. jtibl9 n. 'apple, apple-tree'; jtibal m. 'apple-tree'; jtibolka f. 'apple, apple-tree'; jtibolk9 n.; Bulg. jtiblo n.; jtibol m.; jtibalka f. 'apple, apple-tree'

PIE *h2eb-6l; *h2eb-l-IE Ok. epli n. ; OHG apful, afful n.; Olr. ubull n.; W afal m.

Apparently the Latvian words for 'apple' and 'clover' ( dabuols, dabuls, cf. Lith. dobilas) were mixed up. The same may have happened in Old Prussian, where we have wobilis 'clover'.

oras

LITH oras 3 [1/3/ 4] 'air, weather, outdoors' LATV ars 'fields, open country, outdoors'; VAR are; ara

We are dealing here with a derivative of -+arti 'plough: For the development from 'field' to 'open country, outdoors' to 'air', cf. -+[aūkas l 'field, open air'. We may also compare the illative orafi (oran), Latv. aran (now ara) 'outside' with laukan 'id.' Lith. ori (orė) 'ploughing', by the way, is also attested with the meaning 'ploughed field'.

otrus

LITH atrus ( dial.) 4 'keen, fiery, quick, greedy ( of animals)' ; VAR atrus (Bezzen­berger: Klaipėda area) 'fiery, hot-tempered'; otus (E. Lith.) 4 'hasty, quick, urgent'

LATV atrs [a, a2] 'quick, sharp, hot, steep, early'

IE OHG atar 'quick, ardent'; OE čėdre 'at once, forthwith'; OS adro 'early'

This adjective can hardly be separated from PGmc. *edra- ( cf. Heidermanns 1993: 173), but the exact relationship is unclear. Reconstructing an otherwise unknown root *Heh2t- (cf. Smoczynski 2007: 433, where the Germanic forms are left unmentioned) would run into difficulties in view of the e : a alternation. The same holds for *h2ehr t-ro- from a root meaning 'burn' ( cf. Pal. hari 'be hot', Av. atar- 'Fire', Olr. tiit f. 'furnace'), which etymology is semantically very attractive. Here we must keep in mind, however, that there are more cases where East Baltic *a ( or *a?) seems to alternate with *e ( or *d), e.g. -+vokas vs. PSI. *vJko (though *w- may play a role here ). Kroonen (2013: 115) considers the possibility that the Baltic etymon is a borrowing from Germanic.

ovyje

LITH avyje (DP) 'in reality'

PSL * ave adv. 'manifestly'

ožinis 341

SL OCS jave, ave 'manifestly, openly, clearly'; SCr. javi 'manifestly, openly'; Bulg. ave, jave 'in reality'; Mcd. jave ' in reality'

PIE *h2ou-is IE Skt. avi$ 'apparently, noticeably'; Av. auuiš 'apparently, evidently'

OLith. ovyje 'in reality' is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Slavic ( cf. also ORu. javbnyj 'manifest, obvious', Pl. jawny 'manifest, public, open') but there are no compelling arguments for this view. The absence of initial j- rather points in the direction of an etymological relationship (thus Būga RR l: 370 ), cf. OLith. jovnai 'openly', which is a borrowing from Belorussian. In that case we would have to start from a BSI. i-stem *iiv-i- ( cf. Anikin 1998: 21, see also -+ovytis) . On the other hand, it seems possible that the form ovyje, whose oldest attestations are two occurrences in Daukša, is based on Church Slavic ave. The Slavic adverb, in turn, may have been borrowed from Iranian (Lubotsky p.e.) . The Indo-Iranian *a can simply be attributed to Brugmann's law. Alongside Ilr. *h2ou-is, we find *h2eu-is- in Gk. uicr0avoµm 'perceive, apprehend, note' and Lat. audire 'hear' (cf. Beekes 2010: 43) .

o vytis

LITH ovytis 'appear', 3 pres. ovijasi

PSL *aviti v. 'show' SL OCS javiti, aviti 'show, reveal'; Ru. javit' 'show, display', 1sg. javlju, 3sg. javit

(AP (e) in Old Russian); Cz. jeviti; Pl. jawič ( obs.) 'show'; SCr. javiti 'inform', 1sg. javim; Sln. javiti 'announce', 1sg. javim

Lith. ovytis ( arch.) 'appear' derives from the i-stem which must underlie ovyje 'in reality'. Fraenkel (LEW: 519) claims that ovytis 'appear; rage' and Latv. avities 'talk nonsense, get up to mischief' are inherited words cognate with 6vaidas ( < *avi­vaidas) 'rowdy, braggart', while Lith. jevaidas ( < *jeva-vaidas) 'ghost' and Latv. jiivities or javities 'behave like an idiot' are borrowings from Slavic (see also Anikin 1998: 22). l am not convinced that this solution, which seems to rely exclusively on the presence or absence of j-, is correct. Moreover, it is not obvious that ovytis 'appear' and ovytis (also jovytis) 'rage' are cognates. It seems quite possible that Lith. 6vaidas must be connected with Ukr. javida ( dial.) 'devil', Ru. javid' ( dial.) 'snake'.

ožinis

LITH ožinis 2 [ 1/2] 'goat-' (i.e. ožinis 1)

BSL *a?i-ino-PSL *azbno n. o 'goat-skin' SL RuCS jazbno 'skin, leather'; SerbCS jazbno, azbno 'skin, leather'

PIE *h2eg-ino-IE Skt. ajina- n. '(animal) skin'

See -+ožys. The corresponding Slavic noun has not survived. The Lithuanian word for 'goat-skin' is ožena 3•.

342 ožys

ožys

LITH ožys 3 'billy-goat'; VAR ožis m.(i) LATV azis 'billy-goat' OPR wosux (EV) 'billy-goat'

PIE *h2eg-o-IE Skt. aja- m. 'billy-goat'; Av. aza- m. 'billy-goat'

Another instance of Winter's law. For 'goat, she-goat' we find ožka 3, OPr. wosee (EV). See also: ožinis

p

padas

LITH padas 2 'sole, metatarsus, floor of a stove, (E. Lith.) clay threshing-floor' LATV pads 'stone floor'

BSL *p6dum PSL *pod'b m. o (b/c) 'floor, ground' SL Ru. pad 'hearth-stone, sole (of furnace)', Gsg. p6da; Ru. pad (Rjazan') 'id.',

Gsg. pada; ORu. pod'b 'floor, bottom'; Ukr. pid (dial.) 'hay-stack floor', Gsg. p6da; Cz. puda f. 'floor, bottom'; SCr. pad 'floor, ground', Gsg. poda; pod (Vuk) 'id:, Gsg. poda; Čak. pod (Vrgada, Novi) 'id:, Gsg. poda; Kajk. ped (Bednja) 'id:, Gsg. pyeda; Sln. pad 'floor', Gsg. p6da; Bulg. pad 'floor'

Compound of pa- (-+po) and an o-stem containing the zero grade of PIE *dhehr 'put, make' (-+det1). Thus, this etymon is not cognate with -+pėda, as is often assumed, and not a counter-example to Winter's law (Kortlandt i988: 393) .

paišai

LITH paišai Npl. 4 'soot'; VAR paišos Npl.; piešos Npl. 4 [2/4] ; puišai Npl. 4; puišos Npl. 4; pišai Npl.

A derivative of -+piešti. The singular of these nouns can mean 'soot', but we also find pieša 4 'coal, blot', piešas 4, piešas i 'stroke, spot, black dye, ink'. Fraenkel (LEW: 526) compares pėšas- n. 'shape, form, colour'.

palšas

LITH palšas 3 [3/ 4] 'light grey, faded, ( dial.) light brown, light bay' LATV pa{ss [a{, a[, al2] 'faded, light-coloured, grey'

PSL *peles'b adj. o SL CS peles'b 'grey, greyish black'; Ru. pelesyj 'spotted (of animals)'; peles, f.

pelesa, n. peleso; Sln. pelęsast 'spotted'

pampti 343

Apart from the different full grades of the root, palšas and PSI. *peles'b either diverge regarding the ablaut of the suffix or have different suffixes altogether. In view of -+pelesis, l now find it more likely that *peles'b continues *pelhres-, whereas palšas must reflect *polhrko-. See also -+pelenai.

palvas

LITH palvas 4 [3/4] 'light yellow, straw-coloured, (dial.) ash-coloured, mouse-coloured, greyish'

BSL *polwos PSL *polV'b adj. o SL OCS plaV'b (Zogr., Mar., Ass.) 'white' ( only in John 4:35, about fields ready

for harvest); RuCS plav'b 'white'; Ru. pol6vyj 'pale yellow, sandy'; palovoj 'pale yellow, sandy'; Cz. plavj 'faded, dun, light yellow'; Slk. plavj 'id.'; Pl. plowy 'faded, straw-coloured'; SCr. plav 'pale blue, with light hair', f. plava, n. plavo; Sln. pldv 'pale blue', f. plava

PIE *pol-uo-IE Skt. paru�a- 'grey, grey-brown, dirty'; LAv. pouruša- 'grey (of hair)'; Lat.

pallidus 'pale, dim'; Oic. f9lr 'faded'; OHG falo 'faded'

It is generally assumed that palvas is cognate with -+palšas, but that is not necessarily the case. While the latter adjective derives from an acute root, the evidence for an acute variant palvas seems to be limited to Baronas 1933. Even if this variant is sprachwirklich, it may be due to influence of palšas. A root *polH- would force us to exclude Lat. pallidus ( cf. Nussbaum 1997: 191), unless the hypothesis that there was a development *-lų- > *-ll- anterior to syncope of V !l_ų is incorrect ( cf. Schrijver 1991: 293-298). Apart from this issue, the Latin a is a problem. A solution would be to reconstruct a "European" adjective *palųo- (cf. De Vaan 2008: 441), abandoning the connection with the Indo-Iranian forms. Lat. pullus 'drab-colored', which has been assumed to belong here, is discussed under -+pelenai.

pampa

LITH pampa ( dial.) 1 'swelling, lump' LATV pampa [am, am2] 'swelling'

BSL *pomp-PSL *p9p'b; *p9p?Jk'b m. o 'bud, navel' SL CS pup'b 'navel'; Ru. pup 'navel' ; Cz. pupek 'navel'; Slk. pupek 'navel'; Pl. pęp

'plug, bung'; pępek 'navel'; SCr. pup 'bud'; pupak 'bud'; pupak 'navel'; Sln. pŲp 'bud, navel'; Bulg. pap 'navel'

A derivative of -+pampti 'swell'. Metatonie rude is quite frequent in d-stem agent nouns. Another deverbative noun is pimpis 2, Latv. pimpis 'pimple, penis'.

pampti

LITH pampti 'swell', 3 pres. pampsta, 3 pret. pampo LATV pampt [am, am] 'swell', 3 pres. pampstu, 3 pret. pampu

344 pantis

The corresponding Slavic verb is not attested, but the root survives in deverbatives (-pampa).

pantis

LITH pantis i 'hobble, horse-lock', Npl. pančiai 'shackles, fetters, chains'; VAR pančios (Bretk., Ness., Ruh.) i 'shackles, fetters, chains'; pantas i 'cross-bar'

OPR panto (EV) 'fetter'

BSL *p6n(to PSL *p9to n. o (a) 'fetter' SL OCS pųta Npl. 'fetters'; Ru. puto 'fetter'; Cz. pauta 'fetters, shackles'; Slk. puto

'fetter'; Pl. pęto 'fetter'; SCr. puto 'fetter'; Sln. prjto 'fetter (for horses)'

A derivative of -+pinti.

papartis

LITH papartis m.(io) 2 [ 1/2/3b] 'fern' (i.e. papartis i, papartys 3b); VAR papartis f.(i) l

LATV paparde [ar, ar2, ar2] 'fern'; VAR paparda papards f.(i) ; papards m.(o) ; papardis; paparksne; paparksts f.(i)

IE Olr. raith f. 'fern'

Olr. raith may reflect *prHti- (Schrijver 1995: 178). For Baltic, we must reconstruct a reduplicated form *po-porH-ti-. See also -+sparnas.

paršas

LITH paršas 2 [2/4] 'barrow, piglet' (AP 4 is only attested in a southern Dzuk dialect (Illič-Svityč 1963: 48))

OPR prastian (EV) 'piglet'

BSL *porš-PSL *porsę n. nt (e) 'piglet' SL CS prasę n.(nt), Gsg. prasęte; Ru. porosenok m.(o), Npl. porosjata; ORu.

porosja n.( o); Cz. prase n.( o/jo); Slk. prasa n.(nt); Pl. prosię n.(nt); SCr. prase, Gsg. praseta; Sln. prase 'piglet, pig', Gsg. prasęta; Bulg. prase 'piglet, pig'

PIE *parkas IE Lat. porcus m. 'pig'; OHGfarah, farh n. 'pig'; OHGfearh m. 'pig, boar'

According to Illič-Svityč (1963: 48), S. Est. pahr < *parha points to original neuter gender in Baltic.

pas

LITH pas prep. 'to'

BSL *pas PSL *pozd11 adj. o 'Iate'

pati 345

SL OCS pozdė adv.; Ru. p6zdyj ( dial.); ORu. pozdo; Cz. pozdė adv.; Slk. pozde adv. ; Sln. pozd; p6zdi adv.; pozdi adv. 'iate'; pozde adv. 'later, afterwards'

PIE *pos(ti) IE Skt. pašai adv. 'behind, after'; OLat. poste prep. 'behind, after'

PSL *pozdo (also *pozd11no) contains *-d- < *-dhhr ( cf. -padas) .

pasigesti

LITH pasigesti 'miss', 3 pres. pasigenda, 3 pret. pasigedo

BSL *ge(n)d-PSL *žędati v. (b) 'wish, desire' SL OCS žędati 'wish, long for, desire', isg. žęžd9; Ru. žadat' ( dial.) 'thirst for', isg.

žadaju; Cz. žadati 'ask, demand'; Slk. žiadaf 'ask, demand'; Pl. ž9dac 'demand'; USrb. žadac 'wish, desire, demand'; LSrb. žedaš 'demand'

The PIE root is *gwhedh-, cf. Gk. 0foaaa0m 'pray for', no0ew 'desire'. The pervasive nasal reflected by Slavic*žęd- must have originated from a nasal present. See also: gedėti

pašalas

LITH pašalas 3 b 'frozen ground, ( dial.) light frost'; VAR pašalit 3b 'frozen ground' OPR passalis (EV) 'frost'

A compound of pa- (-+po) and the o-grade of the root of -+šalti, cf. Latv. sals 'frost'. A similar formation is pašoljs 3b [1/3b] 'nightly frost in spring or autumn'.

pašlitas

LITH pašlitas 3 'bent, crooked'

This adjective contains the zero grade of PIE * klei- 'lean' (-+šlieti), cf. Skt. šrita- ptc. pret. pass. 'attached to, leaning against'.

patalas

LITH patalas 3b 'bed, (pl.) feather-bed' LATV patali Npl. 'die Pfiihle' OPR talus (EV) 'floor'

BSL *tol?-PSL *patoloko m. o. SL Ru. potol6k 'ceiling', Gsg. patalka.

See -+tilės for the etymology of the root. Latv. tale or tais 'bleaching of flax' and tilat 'spread out (flax, hay)' also belong here.

pati

LITH pati 4 '( coll.) wife, ( obs.) female'; VAR pati 4 LATV pati 'wife, mistress, landlady'; VAR pate; paša

346 patogus

PIE *potnihr IE Skt. patni- f. 'mistress, wife'; Gk. n6Tvta f. 'lady, mistress'

See -+pats L A suffix * -n- occurs in viešpatni (-+viešpati).

patogus

LITH patogits 4 [ 1/3/ 4] (i.e. patogus l, patogus 3/ 4) 'convenient, comfortable, ( obs.) beautiful, respectable'

LATV patiigs 'convenient, comfortable'

This adjective has been compared with (Thessalian) Gk. Tėiy6� 'chief, commander', which may be cognate with Toch. B tiis 'commander' < tiigyu (Adams 1999: 287-288). A reconstruction *teh2g- is possible, but the semantics are far from convincing.

pats l

LITH pats (coli.) m.(i) 4 'husband'; VAR patis (OLith.) m.(i) 4 LATV pats m.(jo) 'husband, landlord, master' (see Endzelins 1922a: 396-397 for

traces of i-declension)

PIE *poti-IE Skt. pati- m. 'lord, master, husband'; Gk. n6cn� m. 'husband'; Toch. A pats

'husband'; Go. brupjaps m. 'bridegroom'

In PIE, the husband was referred to as 'master, ruler', cf. Skt. dampati- 'master of the house', Gk. 8Ecm6Tl]� 'master of the house, lord'. It is often assumed that the meaning 'lord, husband' derives from an even older meaning 'self, as found in -+pats 11 ( cf. LEW: 552, Sabaliauskas 1990: 21-22). See also: pati; viešpati; viešpats

pats 11

LITH pats 4 'self', f. pati; VAR patis 4; piltis (DP) l

LATV pats 'self', f. pati (pate, paša)

See -+pats L

paūdrė

LITH paudrė l [1/3h] 'underbelly of a sow'; VAR paudris l

The prevailing view is that paudrė contains the zero grade of the PIE *h1 (o)uHdh­r/n- 'udder' (e.g. LEW: 553, Smoczynski 2007: 701), cf. Ru. vymja, SCr. vi'me (PSI. *vymę (a)), Skt. udhar n., Gsg. udhnas, Gk. ou0ap n., Gsg. ou0aw�, OE ūder n. Equally common is the view that there is an apophonic relationship with -+vedaras 'kind of sausage, stomach, belly' ( cf. Būga RR 11: 274). An argument in favour of the latter connection is the fact that alongside paudrė and paudris we find pavedarė, paveda ris, Latv. pavedere, pavederis 'lower part of the belly', cf. also papilvė 'lower part of the belly' : pilvas 'belly', Pl. podbrzusze : brzuch. Since to my mind vedaras is best connected with Skt. udara- n. 'belly, womb' (the only viable alternative is a connection with *uod-r!n- 'water') , the identification of udr- with the word for

pekus 347

'udder' seems far from secure. The verb ..... ūdroti 'be with young, grow fat, swell (pigs, dogs, cats), be in heat (sow)' cannot change this assessment. Fraenkel's paūdroti 'immer groBeres Euter bekommen (von Schweinen und Hiindinnen)' ( l.e.) seems to be inspired by his preferred etymology. The LKŽe simply has 'become pregnant'. A strong alternative is therefore ddr- < *ud-r- by Winter's law.

pažastis

LITH pažastis f.(i) 3b 'arm-pit, (bot.) axil'; VAR pažastl 3b; pažastys 3b [1/3b]

PIE *ghes-to-IE Skt. hasta- n. 'hand, upper arm'; Av. zasta- m. 'hand'

A compound of which the first element is pa- ( ..... po). We may com pare ..... Latv. paduse 'arm-pit, bosom', which is connected with Skt. d6$- n. 'arm, forearm'.

pažinti

LITH pažinti 'recognize, perceive', 3 pres. pažįsta, 3 pret. pažino LATV pazft [f, i2, i2] 'recognize, distinguish, be aquainted with', 1sg. pres. pazfstu,

1sg. pret. pazinu (also pazinu); VAR pazinet, 1sg. pres. pazistu, 1sg. pret. pazineju

See ..... žinoti.

pėda

LITH pėda 3 [1/3] 'foot, footstep, footprint, (Pruss. Lith.) sheaf'; VAR pedas 1/3 'sheaf, ( dial., OLith.) foot, footstep, footprint' ( according to Skardžius 1935: 56, AP 1 has only been recorded in the Dovydai region)

LATV pęda 'foot-sole, footstep, footprint, track, bundle (flax), armful'; VAR pęds 'footstep, footprint, track'

OPR pedan (EV) 'ploughshare'

PIE *ped-o-IE Skt. pada- n. 'step, footstep, footprint, track'; Av. pada- n. 'footstep'; Gk.

m\<'iov n. 'floor, ground'

The acute root must be attributed to Winter's law. Lith . ..... padas 'sole etc:, Latv. pads 'stone floor' is not in an apophonic relationship with pėda, as it has a different etymology. See also: pėduoti; pesčias

pėduoti

LITH pėduoti 'leave footmarks, ( dial.) walk slowly', 3 pres. pėduoja, 3 pret. pėdavo LATV pędu6t 'leave footmarks'; VAR pędat

A derivative of ..... pėda, cf. also pldin ti (coli.) 'walk slowly'.

pekus

LITH pekus ( obs., OLith., dial.) m. 2 'cattle, small livestock, herd'; VAR pekas 2

348 pelė

OPR pecku (l, 11, III) Asg., peckan (III) Asg. 'cattle'

PIE *pek-u- n. IE Skt. pasu- m. 'small livestock'; pasu- n. 'animal'; Av. pasu- m. 'cattle'; Lat.

pecu (pecū) n. 'cattle, herd'; pecus n. 'cattle, livestock'; Go. faihu n. 'property, cattle'; OHGfihu n. 'cattle'

The fact that the Baltic forms have k corresponding to PIE *k gave rise to the hypothesis that we are dealing with a borrowing from Germanic. The scholarly community seems to be divided on this point ( cf. LEW: 564-565, Smoczynski 2007: 447) . An argument in favour of *peku as an inherited noun is the range of the attested meanings (cf. Hermann 1926). Furthermore, Kortlandt (1978a: 241) has argued that *k originates from case-forms where the *k was depalatalized before *ų, cf. Skt. pasu-, Gsg. pasvab. Lith. pekus may be cognate with -pešti 'pluck', which shows the regular development of *pek-. If this is correct, the original meaning must have been 'flock of sheep'. See also: uošvė; uošvis

pelė

LITH pell 4 'mouse' LATV pele 'mouse' OPR pele (EV) 'harrier'; peles 'musele'; pelemaygis (EV) 'red kite (lit. 'mouse-

squeezer') '

The name of the mouse is probably based on a colour adjective meaning 'grey', cf. -+palšas, -+pilkas. A colour adjective derived from 'mouse' is pelekas, Latv. pęlfks. See -+pelenai for the etymology of the root.

pelenai

LITH pelenai Npl. 3b 'ashes, ( dial.) mould'; VAR pelenas (.Zem.) 3b 'fireplace, hearth' LATV pęlni Npl. [ęl, Wl 'ashes'; VAR pelns 'fireplace, hearth' OPR pelanne (EV) 'ashes'

PSL *polmy m. n (a) 'flame' SL OCS plamy m.(n) 'flame, fire', Gsg. plamene; Ru. plamja n. (n) 'flame, fire',

Gsg. plameni (apparently a Church Slavonicism); Ru. p6lomja (dial.) n.(n) 'flame, fire'; Cz. plamen m.(o) ; Slk. plamen m.(jo); Pl. plomien m.(jo); SCr. plamen m.( o), Gsg. plamena; Čak. plamen (Vrg.) m.( o), Gsg. plamena; Sln. plamen m.( o) , Gsg. plamęna

Though we are dealing with independent formations, l have grouped pelenai and PSL *pal m y together with a view to discussing the etymology of the root. LIV ( 469) reconstructs a root *pel- 'flame up' on the basis of Ru. p6lomja (which l fail to understand), but l follow Dybo (1981: 74) in reconstructing AP (a) . l propose a root *pelhr 'burn, singe', cf. OCS paliti, Cz. paliti, SCr. paliti 'id: < *polhr, OCS poleti 'burn' < *polhr, from which l derive pelenai 'ashes' < *pelhren- (Latv. pęlni probably originates from syncope, cf. Endzelins 1922a: 47) , -+plenis 'speck, (pl.) fly ash, flake­ashes' < *plehrn-, and colour adjectives such as -+palšas < *polhrko- and -+pilkas

pelkė 349

'grey' < *plhrko- ( *pelhr in -+pelkė 'marsh, puddle'?). The words for 'mould' also belong here (-+pelesis, -plėkai). From a semantic point of view, the Slavic counter­part of pelenai 'ashes' is *pepel11, *popel11 (e) < *pe-pelhro-, e.g. Ru. pepel, Pl. popi6l, SCr. pepeo.

The meaning 'mould', attested in dialects and older texts, comprises mould as a result of decomposition and mould in the sense of 'friable earth'. It sometimes occurs in a religious context, where the biblical word is 'ashes', e.g. dulkė ir pelenai 'dust and ashes' (cf. Genesis 18:27) . What we observe here is a designation of what remains after cremation being extended to what remains after decomposition and vice versa. Interestingly, Lat. pullus 'drab-coloured, dingy, sombre' (usu. of clothing) is also applied to "the friable soil characteristic of the volcanic districts of Italy" (OLD: s.v.), cf. serito in loco ubi terra tenerrima erit, quam pullam vocant (Cato De Agr. 135.2) , facilis humus et modice resoluta, quam diximus pullam vocitari (Columella De Re Rustica 3.11.6). It is attractive to connect this adjective with 'ashes' and our root *pelhr 'burn', but I do not see how the formal problems of the vocalism and the -ll­could be solved (see also under -+pelūs). Nussbaum's etymology *polyo- or *p/yo­(1997: 191), cf. -+pažvas, does not explain the u (cf. De Vaan 2008: 497) .

pelėsis

LITH pelesis 2 [2/3/3b] (i.e. pelesys 3/3h) 'mould'; VAR pellsiai Npl. 2 [2/3h] ; pellsai Npl. 2

PSL *plėsnb f. i 'mould' SL RuCS plėsnb; Ru. plesen '; Cz. plisen; Slk. plesen; Pl. plesft; SCr. plijesan; Sln.

plęsan, Gsg. plęsni; Bulg. plesen m.( o)

See -+pelenai for the etymology of the root. I reconstruct *pelhres- for pelesis and *pleh1 -s- for PSL *plėsnb. For the suffix, cf. -+puvesis 'mould' from -+pati 'rot'.

pelkė

LITH pelkė l 'marsh, (Žem.) puddle, (K.) lump of peat'; VAR pelkios (K.) Npl. l

'lump of peat' LATV pežce [ei, ėl2] 'puddle'; VAR pelcis (Ulm.) 'id:; palce (Ulm.) 'watering-place' OPR pelky (EV) 'marsh'

Considering that bala 'marsh' is connected with balas 'white' ( cf. also Ru. baloto 'swamp'), it is not implausible that Lat. palūs f. 'marsh, mire, puddle' is cognate with -+paŽvas 'light yellow, straw-coloured, ( dial.) ash-coloured, mouse-coloured, greyish', Lat. pallidus 'pale, dim', and possibly Skt. palvala- n. 'pool, pond, small tank'; palvalya- 'marshy, boggy'. Since these forms offer no evidence for a laryngeal, the connection with pelkė is unattractive ( cf. Schrijver 1991: 211) . In view of O Pr. pelky, we might reconstruct PEBlt. pelki r-ar and assume metatonie rude of the -+vilkė type, but this seems far-fetched. If we wish to stiek to an etymology involving a colour adjective it is much easier to link pelkė to -+pilkas 'grey' ( cf. LEW: 567, Smoczyri.ski 2007: 448) Of course, the possibility exists that pelkė has a completely different

350 pelnas

origin, but there are no obvious alternatives. Gk. rrah6c;· m1A6c; 'clay, mud' cannot be connected within the accepted theoretical framework.

pelnas

LITH pelnas 4 'gain, profit' LATV pe/i;za [ęl, ęl, ęl2] 'gain, profit'; VAR pęlns2

BSL *pelnas PSL *peln'b m. o (e) 'loot, spoils, captivity' SL OCS plen'b 'captivity, loot'; Ru. pal6n (arch.) 'captivity', Gsg. pal6na; ORu.

palon'b 'loot'; Bel. pal6n (arch.) 'captivity', Gsg. pal6nu; Ukr. pal6n 'captivity', Gsg. pal6nu; Cz. plen 'Ioot, spoils'; Slk. plen 'gain'; Pl. plon 'harvest'; SCr. plljen 'gain'; Sln. plęn 'loot'

IE Olc.falr adj. 'for sale'

It is unclear if Gk. rrw>.tw 'sell' belongs here ( cf. Beekes 2010: 1265).

pelūs

LITH pelūs (OLith. , dial.) Npl. f. 4 'chaff'; VAR pelai Npl. 4 LATV pęlus Npl. f. 'chaff'; VAR pęlvas2 Npl.; pęlavas Npl.; pęluvas Npl. OPR pelwa (EV) 'chaff'

BSL *pel(us; *pel(ua( PSL *pelva f. a (a) 'chaff' SL OCS plevy Npl. ; Ru. palova; Cz. pieva; pliva (S. dial.); OCz. pieva; Slk. pieva

'awn, chaff'; Pl. plewa 'awn, (pl.) chaff'; USrb. pluwa '(pl.) chaff'; SCr. pljeva; Čak. pll'va (Vrg.) ; pieva (Orb.); Sln. plęva 'awn, chaff'; Bulg. pijava

PIE *pelH-(6)u-IE Skt. palava- m.(o) 'chaff, husks'; Lat. pulvis m./f. 'dust' ( *pe!alH-); palea

( *plH-) 'chaff'

Schrijver (1991: 257) may be overly sceptical about the semantic development implied by the hypothesis that Lat. pulvis and the word for 'chaff' are cognate. De Vaan ( 2008: 440) argues that we are dealing with a root *plhr 'swing' ( cf. LIV: 469-470 ), which is largely based on the assumption that Gk. rritA;\w 'sway, rock, draw lots' continues a nasal present (see Beekes 2010: 1148). As an alternative, I would like to suggest that pulvis contains the root of --+pelenai 'ashes'. Note that the flexion of pulvis is generally assumed to be modelled after the flexion of einis 'ashes'.

penas

LITH penas 4 'food, fodder'

PIE *pen(-a)-IE Lat. penus m./f., Gsg. penūs; penus n., Gsg. penaris; penus m., Gsg. peni;

penu m n., Gsg. peni 'food, provisions'

pentis 351

The verbal root *pen-, which is attested in -+peneti, has found its way into LIV (471). The noun pęslas 'porker' may be considered evidence for a root *penH- ( cf. Rikov 1993), but it cannot be excluded that it is an instance of metatonie rude.

penėti

LITH peneti 'feed, nurse, fatten', 3 pres. peni, 3 pret. penejo (3 pres. also pena, penia, peneja, pęsta)

LATV pene t 'pam per'

See -+penas.

penki

LITH penki Npl. m. 4 'five' LATV pieci Npl. m. [ ie, ie, ie2] 'five'

BSL *penk-PSL *pęt11 num. i (e) 'five' SL OCS pęt11; Ru. pjat'; Cz. pet; Slk. paf; Pl. pięc; Slnc. pjinc; SCr. pet; Čak. pet

(Vrg., Hvar); Sln. pęt; Bulg. pet

PIE *penkwe IE Skt. panea; Gk. 11evTe; Lat. quinque; Go.fimf

In East Baltic, the uninflected PIE numeral *penkwe has adopted adjectival flexion. In Slavic, it apparently acquired the suffix *-tis. See also: penktas

penktas

LITH penktas 4 'fifth' LATV piekts [ ie, ie2] 'fifth' OPR penckts (I), pyienkts (II), piencts (III) 'fifth'

BSL *penktos PSL *pęt11 num. o (b) 'fifth' SL ocs pęt11; Ru. pjatyj; Cz. paty; Slk. piaty; Pl. piqty; SCr. peti; Čak. pčti (Vrg.) ;

Sln. pęti; Bulg. peti

PIE *p(e)nkw-to-IE Gk. 11eµmo<;; Lat. quintus; OHG fimfto See also: penki

pentis

LITH pentis f.(i) l [1/3/4] 'backside of an axe, part of a scythe near the handle, ( dial.) heel' ; VAR pentis m.(i) l; pentis m.(io) l

LATV piets (Kr.) f.(i) 'backside of an axe'; VAR piete [ ie, ie2] 'id., (Dond.) 'heel of a stocking'; piets m.( o) [ ie, ie2] ; pietis [ ie, ie2]

OPR pentis (EV) 'heel'

BSL *pen?tis; *pen(ta(

352 per

PSL *pęta f. a (e) 'heel' SL OCS pęta (Zogr., Ps. Sin., Supr.); Ru. pjatri, Asg. pjatu; Cz. pata; Slk. pata; Pl.

pięta; USrb. pjata; LSrb. pata; Plb. peta; SCr. peta, Asg. peta; Čak. peta (Vrg.), Asg. petu; Čak. peta (Novi, Hvar); pieta (Orb.) , Asg. pieta; Sln. peta; Bulg. petri

A derivative of -+pinti.

per

LITH per prep. 'through'; per- pref. 'through, over'

BSL *per PSL *per pref. 'over, through, very, exceedingly' SL OCS pre-; Ru. pere-; Cz. pre-; Pl. prze-; Sln. pre-

PIE *per IE Skt. pari adv. 'around, about'; Gk. m:pi prep. 'around, about'; Gk. m:ptKaAAf]�

adj. 'very beautiful'; Lat. per pref. 'through'; Lat. per-magnus adj . 'very big'

p ergas

LITH pergas (dial.) 3 (3/4] '(fishing) canoe'

BSL *porrgos PSL *porgb m. o (a) 'threshold' SL OCS pragb (Cloz., Supr.) 'door-post' ; Ru. porog; Cz. prah, Gsg. prahu; Slk.

prah; Pl. prag, Gsg. progu; Slnc. pary, Gsg. paryti; USrb. proh, Gsg. proha; SCr. prag; Čak. prag (Vrg., Novi); prah (Orb.), Gsg. praga; Sln. prag, Gsg. praga; Bulg. prag

PIE *porg-o-IE Olc.forkr m. 'bar, stiek'

pernai

LITH pernai 'Iast year'; VARpern; pernais (also pernaik, pernait) LATV pęrn [r, ę2] 'last year'; VAR #rni 'last year' ( cf. the adjective pęrns, pęrniijs,

pernejs 'last year's')

IE Go. af fairnin jera 'in the previous year'; MHG vern(e), vern(en) t 'in the previous year'

A derivative of *per (-+per, per-).

perti

LITH perti 'beat, lash with a besom (in a bath)', 3 pres. peria, 3 pret. perė LATV pert [er, er2, fr] 'beat, lash with a besom (in a bath)', isg. pres. pqu, isg. pret.

peru

BSL *per-PSL *perti v. (e)

pienas 353

SL Ru. peret' 'go, make one's way, push, drag', lsg. pru, 3sg. pri!t; Cz. pfiti se 'quarrel, ( obs.) be engaged in a lawsuit', lsg. pru se, lsg. pfu se; pfiti ( obs.) 'deny, renounce', lsg. pfu, lsg. pfim; Pl. przee 'press ( on), push', lsg. prę

PIE *per-IE Arm. ehar aor. 'beat' (Klingenschmitt 1982: 215) See also: pirtis

pėsčias

LITH pesčias 3 [ 1/3] 'pedestrian, on foot'; VAR pekščias 1/3; pestas (Bretk., H., Jušk.) 1/3 ( adv. pesčia, pesčiomis, pėsčiomis, pesčioms, pėsčiom(s ), pėkščiom, pesta 'on foot')

BSL *pd( d)-PSL *pėŠb adj. jo 'pedestrian, on foot' SL OCS pėšb; Ru. pešij; pexij ( dial.) ; Cz. peši; Slk. peši; Pl. pieszy; SCr. pješe

(Vuk) adv.; Sln. pęšji; Bulg. peš adv.; peša adv.

This etymon is a derivative of PIE *ped- 'foot', showing the effects of Winter's law (-+pėda) . While the Slavic adjective seems to contain a suffix *-sjo-, Lithuanian requires * -tjo-. It is unclear if the Baltic and Slavic forms continue a Balto-Slavic formation and if it contained a suffix that would have blocked Winter's law, in which case we would have to assume that the acute is analogical.

pešti

LITH pešti 'pluck, tear', 3 pres. peša, 3 pret. pešė

PIE *pek-IE Gk. TIEKW 'comb ( oneself) , card, shear'; Lat. pectere 'comb (hair)', lsg. pecto;

OHG fehtan 'fight'

See -+pekus.

piemuo

L!TH piemuo m.(n) 3• 'shepherd' (AP l seems to occur in Daukša, cf. Skardžius i935: 128, Illič-Svityč i963: 76); VAR piemuoj m.(n) 3•; piemuon m.(n) 3•

PIE *poh2i-men-IE Gk. nmµtjv m. 'shepherd'

The root is *peh2(i)- 'protect, herd', cf. Skt. pati 'protects', payu- m. 'guard, protector', Gk. nwu n. 'flock of sheep'.

pienas

LITH pienas l [ 1/3] 'milk' LATV piens [ ie, ie2] 'milk'

PIE *ph3ei-no- (> *peh3 i-no-) IE Skt. payas- n. 'milk'; LAv. paiiah- n. 'milk'; Av. paeman- n. 'mother's milk';

MoP pinu 'sour milk'

354 piesta

See -pyti for the verbal root.

piesta

LITH piesta 2/4 'wooden mortar, ( dial.) pestle'; VAR piestas 2/4 'pestle' LATV piesta 'wooden mortar, pestle'; VAR piests

BSL *p6i?tUm PSL *plst'b m. o ( b) 'pestle' SL Ru. pest m.( o) , Gsg. pesta; Cz. pist m.( o); pista f. (a) ; Slk. piest m.( o); Pl.

piasta f.(a) 'nave'; Sln. p(!sto n.( o) 'nave, hub'

PIE *pois-to-m IE MLG visel m. 'pestle' (with *-tlo-)

See -pisti.

piešti

LITH piešti 'draw, paint', 3 pres. piešia, 3 pret. piešė OPR peisai 3PL 'write'

BSL *p(e)iš-PSL *pbsati v. (b) 'write' SL OCS pbsati, isg. pišp; pisati, isg. pišp; Ru. pisat' 'write', isg. pišu, 3sg. pišet; Cz.

psati, isg. piši; Slk. pisaf; Pl. pisac; SCr. pisati, 1sg. pišem; Čak. pisati (Vrg.), 2sg. pišeš; Sln. pisati, 1sg. pišem; Bulg. piša

PIE *p(e) ik-IE Skt. piihšati 'hew, carve, form' See also: paišai

pietūs

LITH pietūs Npl. m. 4 [2/4] 'dinner'

BSL *peit-PSL *pitja f. ja (a) 'food' SL OCS pišta 'food, bliss'; Ru. pišča 'food'; Cz. pice 'fodder' ; OPI. pica 'fodder,

victuals'; SCr. pl'ca 'fodder' ; Sln. piča 'food, fodder'

The root of Skt. pitu- and related forms is sometimes reconstructed as *pei- ( cf. *peiH in Skt. pfvan- 'fat' etc.) , but *peit- seems more plausible. In view of the accentuation of PSl. *pitja, however, one may wonder whether the root *peiH may have influenced *peit- .

pieva

LITH pieva 1 'meadow' LATV pieva (Tam.) 'meadow'

PIE *poiH-uehr IE Gk. rr6a (Att.) f. 'grass'; Gk. rro['l (Hom.) f. 'grass'

pikulas 355

In my dissertation (1996: 262) I preferred to connect pieva with the root *poh2i­'protect, herd' that we find in -+piemuo, but now l am more inclined to seek a connection with the root *piH- of Gk. n[wv 'fat, fertile, rich', f. n[eipa < *piH-uen-, piH-uer-ih2, Skt. pivas- n. 'fat' ( cf. Pokorny IEW: 743).

pikis

LITH pikis 2 'pitch' LATV p*is 'pitch' OPR pyculs (EV) 'heli'; Asg. pekollin (l), pykullien (Il), pickullien (III)

BSL *piki[-; *pikul-PSL *pbcbl'b m. o; *pbk'bl'b m. o; *pbk'blo n. o (b) 'pitch, heli' SL OCS pbcbl'b (Supr.) m. 'pitch'; pbk'bl'b (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) m. 'pitch, resin'; Ru.

peklo n. 'scorching heat, (coli.) heli'; Cz. peklo n. 'heli' ; Slk. peklo n. 'heli'; Pl. pieklo n. 'heli'; OPI. pkiel m. 'heli'; SCr. pakao m. 'heli, pitch'; Čak. pakai (Novi) m. 'heli', Gsg. pakla; Sln. pak3l m. 'pitch, heli', Gsg. pakla; Bulg. p&kal m. 'heli'

PIE *pik-IE Gk. n[crcra f. 'pitch'; Lat. pix f. 'pitch', Gsg. picis

The East Baltic forms are generally regarded as borrowings from German. OPr. pyculs, on the other hand, is assumed to be a borrowing from Proto-Polish (cf. LEW: 564). Unlike Lith. pekla 'heli', which is clearly a borrowing from Polish, the Old Prussian form offers no formal clues with respect to its origin. In fact, it could just as weli be an inherited word. A complicating factor is the relationship with -+pikulas, O Pr. pickūls 'devil', which is usualiy connected with Lith. -+piktas 'angry, evil'.

piktas

LITH piktas 4 'angry, vicious, wicked, evil, malicious' LATV pikts 'angry, vexed, grim'

With full grade we find peikti 'blame, reprehend', paikas 'silly, foolish', Latv. paikt2 'be pampered'. See also: pikulas; pykti

pykti

LITH pykti 'be angry', 3 pres. pyksta, 3 pret. pyko LATV pikt [ i, i2, i2] 'be angry', isg. pres. pikstu, isg. pret. piku; VAR pikt, isg. pres.

piku

See -+piktas. The Latvian forms nicely demonstrate that the tone of the root must often be considered within the context of a certain type of formation. The forms with i originated when the glottal stop that had become part of the sta-suffix spread to the root of the Latvian verb ( cf. Derksen 2011b: 34) .

pikulas

LITH pikulas 2 'devil'; VAR pykulas 2

356 pilis

LATV pikuls (Ulm.) 'devil'; VAR pikais 'pagan god, evil one' OPR pickūls (III) 'devil', Asg. pickullan, pikullan

Originally this was the name of a Baltic god of the underworld, whose name is rendered as Picullus, Pickollos, Pykullis, Pecullis, and Pecols in Prussian chronicles. It is likely that the root is the same as in -+piktas

pilis

LITH pilis f.(i) 4 [2/ 4] 'castle' ; VAR pilis m.(i) 2; pilė 2 LATV pils f.(i) 'castle, fortress'

PIE *plH-i-IE Skt. pur- f. 'rampart, wall, stronghold, city', Gsg. purai;; Gk. n6:\1<; f., m6:\1<; f.

'stronghold, fortress, city, state'

pilkas

LITH pilkas 3 [1/3] 'grey, (Jušk.) pale yellow'

See -+pelenai.

pilnas

LITH pilnas 3 'full' LATV pilns [ il, il2] 'full'

BSL *pilrnos PSL *pbln'b adj. o (a) 'full' SL OCS pi'bn'b; Ru. p6lnyj; Cz. plny; Slk. plnj; Pl. pelny; SCr. pun; Čak. pūn

(Vrg.), f. puna, n. puno; Čak. pun (Novi), f. puna; pūn (Orb.) , f. puna, n. puno; Sln. poln; Bulg. p&len

PIE *plhrn6-IE Skt. pūr�a-; Olr. lan; Go. fulls

There are traces of barytone accentuation in Daukša and Donelaitis (Illič-Svityč 1963: 74) .

pinti

LITH pinti 'braid', 3 pres. pina, 3 pret. pynė LATV plt [ i, l, 12] 'braid', isg. pres. pinu, pii;iu

BSL *pin(-PSL *pęti v. (e ) 'stretch' SL OCS pęti, isg. pbn9; Ru. pjat' ( obs.) , isg. pnu; Cz. pnouti, isg. pnu; OCz. pieti,

isg. pnu; Slk. pnUt', isg. pnu; Pl. piqc, isg. pnę; SCr. peti, isg. penjem; Sln. pęti, isg. pnem

PIE *(s)pnH-IE Gk. ntvoµm 'toil, work'; Arm. henum 'weave, sow together'; OHG spannan

'tighten' See also: pantis; pentis

pirmas

pirkšnys

LITH pirkšnys (Žem.) Npl. f.(i) 4 'hot ashes' ; VAR pirkšnė 4

357

LATV pirkstis2 f.(i) [ ir, ir, ir2] 'spark in ashes, small piece of coal in ashes', Npl. pirkstis [ ir, ir, ir2] 'sparks in ashes, glow in ashes, hot ashes'; VAR pirkstes Npl.; pirksti Npl.

BSL *pir?tis-PSL *p6rstb f. i (e) 'dust, earth' SL OCS prbstb 'dust, earth'; Ru. perst' (arch.) 'dust, earth'; Cz. prsf 'earth, soil';

OPI. piersc 'dry earth, dust'; Sln. pfst 'earth, soil', Gsg. prsti; Bulg. prast 'earth, soil'

PSI. *p6rxb (e) 'dust' < *prs-o-, e.g. Sln. pfh 'dust from fine earth, mould', contains the same root. The development "'$ > *x did not take place before a consonant. With o­grade we find -+Latv. parsia 'flake, particle (snow, hoarfrost, ashes)', PSI. *porxb (e) 'dust'. The Balto-Slavic forms have been connected with Skt. pf$ant- 'dappled, with fine spots:

pirkti

LITH pirkti 'buy', 3 pres. perka, 3 pret. pirko; VAR pirkti (DP), 3 pres. pirka, 3 pret. pirko

LATV pirkt 'buy', isg. pres. prrku, isg. pret. pirku; VAR pirkt [ ir(?), ir2] , isg. pres. pirku, isg. pret. pirku ( isg. pres. also pirkju2, pęrku)

This verb may be cognate with Gk. rr€pv1iµ1 'sell', rrpacnc; 'sale', if we posit *prek­(-+prekė) « *per-k- alongside *per-hr. Of course, this is highly speculative.

pirmadėlė

LITH pirmadėle '34b/3• 'domestic animal that has given birth for the first time'; VAR pirmdėle 3•

See -pirmas and -+dėle.

pirmadėlys

LITH pirmadėlys 34• 'first-born' ( as an adjective also pirmiidėlis l) ; VAR pirmdėlys LATV pirmdelil',lš (BW) 'first-born son'

See -+pirmas and -+dėle.

pirmas

LITH pirmas 3 [ 1/3] 'first' LATV pirmais [ ir, ir, ir, ir2] 'first' OPR pirmas (GrA, GrF, l), pirmais (11, III) 'first'

BSL *pirrwos PSL *pbrV'b num. o 'first' SL OCS prbV'b; Ru. pervyj; Cz. prvy; Pl. pierwszy; OPl. pierwy; SCr. pfvi; Sln.

pfvi; Bulg. piirvi

358

PIE *prH-uo-

piršys

IE Skt. pdrva- 'foremost, first, previous'

The Baltic suffix *-mo- is analogical after other ordinals.

piršys

LITH piršys Npl. f. (i) l 'chest ( of a horse)'

BSL *pir?Sis PSL *p1'rsb f. i (a) 'chest, breast' SL OCS prbsi Npl. f.(i) 'chest, bosom'; Ru. persi (arch., poet.) Npl. f. (i) 'breast,

bosom'; Cz. prs m.(o) '(female) breast'; prso (rare) n.(o) '(female) breast'; prsa Npl. n.(o) 'chest, bosom'; OCz. prsi Npl. f.(i) 'chest, bosom'; Slk. prsia Npl. n.( o) 'chest, bosom'; Pl. pierš f.(i) 'breast, chest'; SCr. pfsi Npl. f.(i); prsa (Orb.) Npl. n.( o) ; Sln. pfsi Npl. f.(i)

In Derksen 2008a ( 429 ), l stated that the connection with Skt. par5u- 'rib' is better abandoned, but at least semantically the etymology is plausible ( 'ribs' ---+ 'chest'). The Balto-Slavic evidence for a laryngeal presents a problem, however.

pirštas

LITH pirštas 2 'finger' LATV pirksts 'finger'; VAR pirsts [ ir, ir2] OPR pirsten (EV) 'finger'; nagepristis (EV) 'toe'

BSL *pir$tO PSL *p1'rst'b m. o (b) 'finger' SL OCS prbst'b; Ru. perst ( obs.) , Gsg. persta; Cz. prst; Slk. prst; SCr. prst 'finger,

toe', Gsg. pfsta; pfst (Lepetane, Prčanj, Ozrinici) 'finger, toe', Gsg. prsta; Čak. prst (Vrg.) 'finger, toe', Gsg. pfsta; parst (Hvar) 'finger, toe', Gsg. piirsta; pfs (Orb.) 'finger, toe', Gsg. pfsta; Sln. pfst; Bulg. prast

PIE *pr-sthro-IE Skt. Pntha- n. 'back, mountain ridge'

In view of the Sanskrit and Old Prussian evidence l am inclined to posit a Balto­Slavic oxytone neuter o-stem. l suspect that the N sg. in *-o was replaced by * -'b at a stage when barytone masculine o-stems continuing old neuters still had a NApl. in * -aH and may have shown neuter agreement ( see Derksen 2009: 18, 2011a: 61 ). Note that there is a large-scale fluctuation between masculine o-stems continuing Balto­Slavic barytone neuters and neuter o-stems belonging to AP (b ) .

pirtis

LITH pirtis f.(i) 4 'bath-house, barn for drying en breaking flax, threshing barn' LATV pirts f.(i) [ ir, ir2] 'bath-house'

BSL *pirtis PSL *pbrtb f. i 'bath-house' SL Ru. pert' ( dial.) 'Karelian cottage'; ORu. pbrtb 'bath-house'

pyti 359

A derivative of -+perti. The connection with Skt. pft- f. 'battle, strife, fight' is uncertain.

pisti

LITH pisti 'copulate', 3 pres. pisa, 3 pret. piso; VAR pisti, 3 pres. pisa, 3 pret. pisė LATV pist 'copulate', isg. pres. pisu

BSL *pi$-PSL *pbxati v. 'push, shove' SL CS pbxati 'smite' ; Ru. pixat' 'push, shove'; pxat' (dial.) 'push, shove'; ORu.

pbxati 'push, shove'; pixati 'push, shove'; Cz. pchati 'prick, sting, stuff, poke'; pfchati 'prick, sting'; Slk. pchaf 'stuff, shove'; pichaf 'sting'; Pl. pchac 'push'; Sln. pahati 'push, shove', isg. paham; Bulg. p&xam 'push, shove'

PIE *pis-IE Skt. pina$fi 'crush'; Gk. miaaw 'winnow grain, bray in a mortar'; Lat. pinsere

'crush', isg. pinso See also: piestas

pyškėti

LITH pyšketi 'diek, snap, crack', 3 pres. pyška, 3 pret. pyškejo LATV pikstėt [ f, i2] 'squeak'

BSL *pi?k-PSL *piskati; *piščati v. (b) 'squeak, whistle' SL OCS piskati (Mar.) 'pipe', isg. piskajp; Ru. piščat' 'squeak'; Cz. pfskati

'whistle'; pfšteti 'whistle'; Pl. piskac 'whistle, squeak'; piszczee 'whistle, squeak'; Sln. pfskati 'whistle', isg. pfskam, isg. pfščem; Bulg. pfskam 'howl, cry, squeak, whistle'

It seems best to posi t an onomatopoeic root *pi- followed by the suffix *-sk-.

pyti

LITH pjti (Zem.) 'become wet, become muddy, start to give milk', 3 pres. pyja, 3 pret. pijo; VAR pjti (Zem.) , 3 pres. pjsta, 3 pret. pijo; pjti (Zem.), 3 pres. pjna, 3 pret. pijo

PIE *ph3i-IE Skt. pip&ya 3sg. pf. act. 'be swollen, overflow (with milk)' ( *pi-phroi-e) ; Av.

pipiiūši ptc. pf. act. f. 'suckling'

Lubotsky (2011: 121) argues that pjti and PSL *pi ti 'drink', which I discuss under --+OPr. pūton < *pehr, have the same origin. In his view, we may compare these verbs directly with Skt. pay-, which essentially means 'give milk'. The enlarged root arose from an i-perfect of *pehr, which formation describes the result of non-volitional action. See also: pienas

360 pjaulas

pjaulas

LITH pjaūlas 4 [3/ 4] 'mouldered tree, piece of mouldered wood' LATV prauis 'piece of mouldered wood'; VAR praulis [au, au2]

PIE *peuH-lo-IE Go. fuls 'foul, putrid'; OH G fūl 'rotten' (*puH-lo-)

Lith. pjau- (AP 3 must be original) < BSL *pjou?- reflects an e-grade *peuH- of the root found in -pdti 'rot'. Latv. prauis developed from *p/auls < *pjaulas. Lith. pjaulai Npl. 4 'sawdust' obviously derives from -+pjauti.

pjauti

LITH pjauti 'cut, saw, mow, bite, sting, torment', 3 pres. pjauna, 3 pret. pjovė; VAR pjauti 'cut', 3 pres. pjauja, 3 pret. pjovė

LATV p/aūt [aū, au2] 'mow, harvest', ISg. pres. p/aunu, ISg. pret. p/iivu; VAR p/aūt, 1sg. pres. p/iiuju, 1sg. pret. p/iivu

PIE *p(i)ehru-IE Gk. nrn[w 'nudge, crash into. stumble'; Toch. B pyakar 'they struck down';

OE a-fyran,fyran 'castrate'; OHG ar-fūrian 'castrate' ( *puH-r-)

LIV (481) reconstructs a root *piehr 'beat' with a present *piehrl *pihru-. The *i is based on Tocharian forms with py- and Gk. maiw. Schrijver (1991: 214) reconstructs the root as *peh1 u- and derives Lat. putus 'pure', cf. putiire 'prune (trees)', from *ph1u­t6-. The Baltic forms may reflect BSL *pjo(u- < *peh1 u-, but *pja(u- < *pieh2u- is also possible. The latter option seems actually preferable to me because the root under discussion always has pj-, Latv. p/-, whereas in the case of *p( e )uH- 'rot' we find pd-, Latv. pū-, alongside forms with *pj-. See also: pjova; pjill<las; pjūtis; Latv. pĮauja

pjova

LITH pjova 4 'harvest, piece of land that must be mowed, meadow' LATV p/ava 'harvest, com that must be reaped'; VAR p/iive [a, a2] 'id: ; p/ava

'meadow'

A recent formation containing a lengthened grade. See -+pjauti for the etymology of the root.

pjūklas

LITH pjdklas 1 'saw' OPR piuclan (EV) 'reaping-hook'

If we start from a root *pieh2u- ( see -+pjauti), we no longer have to assume that the *j of the zero grade was adopted from forms with e-grade.

pjūtis

LITH pjūtis f.(i) 4 [1/2/ 4] 'harvest, ( obs.) crop, (Žem.) collic, gripes'; VAR pjūtis m.(i) 4 'harvest'

See -+pjauti.

plakanas

LITH plakanas ( dial.) 3" 'flat'

plaštaka

LATV plakans 'flat'; VAR plakains; plakans; plakns (Lange) 'broad, free, empty'

PIE *plak-a-IE OHG jlah 'flat'; MDu. vlac 'id:

In Latvian, we apparently find plasks- (-+Latv. plasks) alongside plaks. We also find variation between pla(s )k- and pla(s )k-. This issue is addressed s.v. -+plakti, cf. also -+plokščias. The Germanic adjective *Jlaka- probably has *k < *kk (Kroonen 2013: 143-144).

plakti

LITH plakti 'flog, beat, flap, whet, scutch, blend', 3 pres. plaka, 3 pret. plakė LATV plakt 'becom e flat, feel flat, merge', 1sg. pres. pluoku, isg. pret. plaku

Lith. plakti is usually connected with PSl. *plakati (a) , e.g. OCS plakati (sę) 'cry, lament', Ru. plakat' 'cry', SCr. plakati 'cry', which continues PIE *pleh2k-l *pleh2g-, cf. Gk. 7tA�crcrw 'beat', Lat. plangere 'beat, beat the breast as a sign of mourning, bewail', OEjlocan 'applaud'. The formal problems which this etymology entails are dealt with in various ways. Smoczynski (2007: 467) assumes plak- < *plh2k-, where I would expect *pilrk-. LIV (285) suggests that a new zero grade *plak- replaced *pilrk-. Kroonen ( 2013: 148) considers secondary ablaut, referring to plokis, plokis 'flogging, blow with a stiek' < *pleh2k-i-, but I suspect that the variant plokis originates from Ruhig's dictionary, where the accent mark would be ambiguous, while plakis (the only accentual variant mentioned in the LKŽe) is simply the expected action noun to plakti. Latv. plakt must derive from the adjective plaks 'flat', cf. plakans, plakains 'id: (-+plakanas), and is a different formation. The question is if and how the roots of these verbs are related.

In East Baltic, we seem to find vacillation between *plak- and *plark- 'flat', e.g. : Latv. plakans : plakans (-+plakanas ). I would like to suggest that the rise of the latter root, insofar as we are not dealing with *plark- < *pleh2k- 'beat', is due to the influence of *plar- < *plehr of -+plonas l, -+ploti. Conversely, the short vowel of plakti may stem from *plak- 'flat'. See also: plaštaka; plokščias; Latv. plaka

plaštaka

LITH plaštaka 1 [ 1/3"] 'flat of the hand, hand's breadth'; VAR plaštakas 1/3h; plaštakė 1; plašteka 1; plaštekas 1

As pointed out by Būga (RR I: 456, 474), plaštaka probably goes back to *plaškata, cf. -+ Latv. plasks 'flat and wide', Ru. ploskij 'flat'. Suggesting a link with -+plakti, Fraenkel (LEW: 605) adds an earlier stage *plakškata (presumably to explain the š), which was followed by dissimilatory loss of the first *k. This does not seem convincing to me, ( cf. Stang 1966: m fn.) as in the adjectives menioned above the *k was lost in Balto-

platus

Slavic times already. A possible Slavic cognate of plaštaka is OCS plesno, Sln. plesna 'sole', if from *plesk-n- rather than *plet-n- (Derksen 2008a: 403), cf. Latv. pliiksna 'flat surface, slate, slab' ( < *pliiskna). OPr. plasmeno 'front part of the sole' may also belong here. A similar case is -+Latv. plaūksta 'flat of the hand, palm' ( < *plaūsk-ta) vs. Ru. pljusna 'metatarsus:

platus

LITH platus 4 'broad, wide' LATV plašs 'broad, wide'; VAR plats

PIE *plthru-IE Skt. p[thu- 'wide, broad'; Av. p3r38u- 'wide, broad'; Gk. nA.aTu<; 'wide, broad,

flat, level'

Baltic apparently has o-grade in this adjective. The verbal root occurs in -plesti. Examples of Slavic cognates are *pletjė 'shoulder', e.g. Ru. pleč6, and *plastb 'layer' (*plot-sk-to- or *plot-to-), e.g. Ru. plast.

plaučiai

LITH plaūtis 2 'lung', Npl. plaūčiai 2 LATV plauši Npl. [au, au2, au2] 'lungs'; VAR plaukši Npl.; plaušas Npl. [au, au2,

au2] ; plaukšas Npl. [au, au2] ; pfaukšas2 Npl.; pfaušas2 Npl. [au, au2] OPR plauti (EV) 'lung'

BSL *pl(j)outjo, Npl. *pl(j)outjar PSL *pfūtjė n. jo (b) 'lung' SL OCS pljušta (Supr.) Npl. n. 'lungs'; ORu. pljuča Npl. n. 'lungs'; Cz. plfce f.(ja)

'lungs'; OCz. plike Npl. f. (ja) 'lungs'; Slk. pluca Npl. n. 'lungs'; Pl. pluco n. 'lung'; SCr. pluta Npl. n. 'lungs'; Čak. pfūcii l plūcii (Vrg.) f. 'lungs'; plUca (Novi) Npl. n. 'lungs'; Sln. pljuča Npl. n. 'lungs'

The evidence unambiguously points to a root *pleu- (-plauti) , cf. Gk. nA.euµwv m. 'lung(s)'. The longs may have been viewed as 'the floating ones', cf. the alternative meaning 'jellyfish' in Greek.

plaukas

LITH plaukas 3 '(single) hair, colour of an animal, (pl.) hair, fur' LATV plauki Npl. [au, au2] 'fibres, flakes, waste (flax), snowflakes, dandruff, dust,

(Liv.) hair'; VAR plaukas Npl. [au, aū, au2] 'fibres, flakes, waste (flax), panicle, dandruff, colour' (the singular is less common)

At first sight it is attractive to connect this etymon with OHG flocko m., MDu. vlocke f. 'flake, tuft, fluff', which (if not from Lat. floccus 'tuft of wool') may derive from PGmc. *flukkon, *flugon, which is an iterative to *fleugon 'fly' (Kroonen 2013: 149 ). In this way plaukas would be linked to -+plaūkti. The accentual properties of the roots do not match, however. See also: plunksna

plautas

plaukti

LITH plaūkti 'swim, float, sail', 3 pres. plaūkia, 3 pret. plaūkė

PIE "plouk-IE Olc. jljuga 'fly'; OE jleogan 'fly'; OHG jliugan, jliogan 'fly' ( "pleuk-)

I regard "pleuk- as an enlarged variant of "pleu- 'float' (-+plauti) , cf. plukti 'become wet, be flooded, perspirate'. On the -g- of the Germanic forms, see Kroonen 2013: 146.

plaustas

LITH plaustas 1 [1/2] 'ferry'; VAR p/uostas 1 [ 1/ 4] LATV pluosts 'raft'; VAR p/uoste 'ferry'

The variants with a circumflex root result from a retraction of the stress in neuters in "-a, cf. Fi. lautta 'ferry'. The acute variants are due to analogy. For the root, see -+p/austi and -+plauti. E. Latv. pluts 'raft, flatboat' may be a borrowing from Slavic (ME III: 359 ), cf. Ru. plot, Pl. plet 'raft' < plid'b (b) < "plu- to-m.

plausti

LITH p/austi ( dial.) 'wash, bathe', 3 pres. p/audžia, 3 pret. p/audė LATV plaust [au, au2] 'pour out', 1sg. pres. plaužu, 1sg. pret. plaudu

PIE "ploud-IE Olc. jlj6ta 'float' ("pleud-); Olr. luaidid 'move' ("ploud-)

The root "pleud- , which was affected by Winter's law, seems to be an enlarged variant of pleu- (-+plauti) . An enlargement "-k is found in -+plaūkti.

plaušai

LITH plaūšas 4 [3/4] 'fibre, (dial.) splinter', Npl. plaušai 4 [3/4] 'fibres, bast'; VAR plauša 4 [1/4] , Npl. plaūšos 4 (also 'dandruff'); plaūšė 2 [2/4]

PIE "plous-o-IE OE jleos n., jlies n. 'fleece'; OHG vlius n. 'fleece'; MHG vlies n., vlius n.

'fleece'

According to Kroonen (2013), the Germanic evidence points to an s-stem. Illič-Svityč (1963: 54), who on the basis of plaušai 4 and Germanic reconstructs a neuter "pl6usom, Npl. "plousti, tries to explain away an attestation of AP 3 in Seredžius (W. Aukšt.) by assuming interdialectal borrowing, but this seems rather ad hoc. Among the examples in the LKŽe I find plaušas (Upyna) and plauša (Šatės, Barstyčiai), which are Žemaitian attestations. Nevertheless, Illič-Svityč may be correct in assuming that the acute is secondary. See also: pliauska; pliuskė; pluskos; p!Ū.šas

plautas

LITH plaūtas 2 [2/4] 'sweating shelf, bath shelf, sideboard ( of a bee-hive or a boat)' LATV plauts2 'shelf, Verschlu6brett des Klotzbienenstocks'; VAR plauts f.(i) ; plaute

364 plauti

BSL *plouto (*plo(uto?) PSL *plūto n. o (b) 'flotsam' SL Slnc. pl�te; SCr. plūto (Prčanj); pluto (Dubr.)

PIE *plou-to-m ( *ploh3u-to-m?) IE Ok. fleyor f. 'cross-beam' ( cf. Fi. lauta 'bath shelf, board' )

The Slavic noun clearly derives from a verb meaning 'float'. It is not entirely obvious that the Baltic forms are etymologically identical, but plaūtas 'sideboard of a boat' refers to a type of pontoon ( cf. Illič-Svityč 1963: 129-130 ). Furthermore, there is an association with bath houses, cf. -+plauti 'bathe, wash'. The fact that there are Latvian synonyms such as plaukts [au, au2, au2] , cf. Lith. -+plaūkti 'swim, float', may also be adduced in support of a connection with PSl. *plūto. In Derksen 1996 (116-117), I argued that the root may be *plou- or *ploh3u- (see also -+plauti). In the latter case we must assume that in Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position, while in Baltic AP 2 resulted from a retraction of the stress in neuters in *-a. Reconstructing a root *plou- ( cf. -+plaūčiai) is certainly the easier option.

plauti

LITH plauti 'wash, bathe', 3 pres. plauna, 3 pret. plovė; VAR plauti (Ness.) , 3 pres. plauja, 3 pret. plovė

BSL *plo(u-PSL *pluti v. 'swim, sail' SL OCS plu (Supr.) 3sg. aor. 'sailed'; Cz. plouti 'swim, sail', lsg. pluju; OCz. plUti

'swim, sail', lsg. plovu; Slk. plut"swim, sail'; Sln. pluti 'swim, sail', lsg. plujem, lsg. plovem

PIE *plohr( u-) IE Gk. nA.ww 'swim'; Ok.floa 'flood, be flooded'; OEjlowan 'flow'

It seems that Balto-Slavic offers evidence for both *pleu-, cf. Gk. n>..ew 'travel by sea, sail, navigate', and an acute variant of this root (cf. Derksen 1996: 116-117), which on an earlier occasion (Derksen 2008a: 407) I reconstructed as *pleh3u-. This reconstruction was inspired by LIV (485, 487), which distinguishes between *plehr, cf. Gk. nA.ww 'swim', and *pleu-, while entertaining the possibility of a ųe-present for the former root. My root *pleh3u- is intended as a conflation of the two PIE mentioned above, possibly favoured by a present *plehrue/o-. Beekes (2010: 1213) prefers the traditional view that n>..ww continues *plou-, pointing to Ok. Jloa, OE flowan 'flow'. One could argue that the Germanic forms also continue *pleh3u-, but a proto-form where the *u is not secondary is admittedly more convincing. On the other hand, Beekes also mentions OCS plavati 'sail', Ru. plavat"swim' as examples of a lengthened grade, though PSL *plavati (a) 'swim, sail' and *plaviti (a) 'melt, float, flood' point to an acute root ( cf. Kortlandt 1975: 67). At least for Balto-Slavic, a root *ploru- is attractive. See also: plaūčiai; plaustas; plausti; plaūtas; plūsti; pli'i.ti; Latv. pluts

p lėti

plėkai

LITH plėkaf Npl. 4 'mould'; VAR plekaf Npl. 4 LATV plęka2 'first beginning of mould, cobweb', Npl. plękas2 'cobweb, flake-ashes' ;

VAR plęgas Npl. 'flake, flake-ashes, dandruff'

The root is *plehr (see -+pelenai), as in PSL *plesn11 f. i 'mould', which is discussed under -+pe/Jsis. For the meaning of the Latvian forms, cf. -+plenis.

plėnė

LITH plėnl 4 'membrane, film'; VAR plėnis f.(i) 4 LATV piene [e, e] 'thin layer, film on a liquid' OPR pleynis (EV) 'cerebral membrane'

BSL *plen(i)ar PSL *plena f. a 'membrane' SL Ru. plena; Cz. plena

PIE *pl-en-IE Lat. pellis f. 'skin, hide' ( *pel-n i-); Olc. fjall n. 'skin'; OE fell n. 'skin'; OHG Jei

n. 'skin, pelt' (*pel-no-)

The root *pel- that we are seemingly dealing with is actually not attested ( cf. De Vaan 2008: 455). Another Slavic cognate is *pelena, *pelna 'band, bandage' < *pel-(e)n- eh2, e.g. OCS pelena, Čak. plena. I agree with Endzelins (ME III: 339) that piene 'thin layer' probably differs etymologically from piene 'white ashes on coals, snowflake' (-+plenis ), though piene 'thin layer of snow' may not be the most unambiguous example of the former etymon. The material in EH (II: 293) shows that piene (piene) also refers to skin on milk, for instance. The acute tone of this word may have been adopted from piene (piene) 'white ashes on coals, snowflake'. See also: plėv�

plėnis

LITH plenis f.(i) i 'speck, (usu. plenys Npl.) fly ash, flake-ashes'; VAR pienė i LATV piene [e, e, e2, ė2] 'white ashes on coals, snowflake'

See -+pelenai.

p lėti

LITH pllsti 'widen, develop, spread', 3 pres. plečia, 3 pret. plltė LATV plest 'spread, widen', isg. pres. plešu, plėšu [ė, ė2] , isg. pret. pletu [ė, ė2] , pletu

(inf. also plėst [ė, ė2] )

PIE *plethr IE Skt. prathate 'spread, extend (intr.)' See also: platus

366 plėvė

plėvė

LITH plėve 4 'membrane, film on soup or another liquid, (Ness.) peritoneum, (Bretk.) foreskin'; VAR plėva (Ziet.) 4 'membrane'

LATV pleve [e, e, e(?), e2, e1] 'membrane, film'

BSL *plew(i)ar PSL *pieva f. a 'membrane' SL Ru. pieva 'membrane, film'; Ukr. pliva 'id:; Slnc. plięva 'iris'; Sln. plęva 'eyelid'

Whereas the broken and the falling tone are well attested, Endzelins (ME III: 324) is not certain about the correctness of the accentuation pleve (AP). An exception is pleve (Salis) 'spark in the air', which together with pleve (Ulm.) 'flake-ashes' must be connected with piene 'white ashes on coals, snowflake' (-+plenis). In Derksen 2008a (405) I suggested a link with Gk. bdnA.oov n., ėnlnA.oo<; m. 'fold round the peritoneum, omentum', which Beekes (2010: 443-444) implicitly dismisses, as he adheres to the view that the Greek word is a derivative of ėmnA.eiv 'swim upon'. I have never argued, however, that the Greek and Balto-Slavic forms can be traced to the same proto-form. For the Balto-Slavic I still follow Būga (1922: 276) in assuming a connection with the root *pleu- 'swim, float' (-+plauti). The accentual variation that we find in Latvian may reflect the variation that is characteristic of this verb in Balto­Slavic. Thus, in my view, the nouns plėve and plėne, which came to be synonymous, have a completely different origin (pace LEW: 620 and Smoczynski 2007: 474, who assume suffixal variation) .

pliauska

LITH pliauska 4 [2/4] 'log, billet, chip, splinter'; VAR pliaucka 2/4; pliaūskė 2 [ 1/2/ 4] ; plauska 2/ 4; plaucka 4

LATV plaūskas [aū, au1] 'dandruff, squashed grain'

BSL "'pl(j)ous-k-PSL *pf uska f. a SL Ru. pljuski (Novg.) Npl. 'husks of oat grains, potato peelings'

In spite of the s, it seems best to assume a suffix *-k- and connect these forms with -+plaušai.

plikas

LITH plikas 4 'bald' LATV pliks 'bare, bald'

BSL j>loik(?) -PSL j>Uš11 f. i (e) 'bald patch' SL CS plėš11; Cz. pieš; Pl. plesz; Sln. plęš

IE Nw. flein 'bald, naked, flat'

Forms such as Ru. plexan 'bald person' suggest that the root of this etymon is *plėx-. According to Kortlandt (1994a: 112), Slavic "'x corresponding to *k points to *kh2, cf.

plunksna

Ru. soxa '(wooden) plough' vs. Lith. -+šaka. We may therefore reconstruct *ploikhr (f)o-. Another option is *ploi-ko- alongside *ploi-sjo-.

pliuskė

LITH pliuskė 2 'log, splinter, busk of an oat grain'; VAR pliaskė 2

The *j must originate from -+pliauska.

plokščias

LITH plokščias 3 [1/3] 'flat, plain'; VAR plokštas (Jušk„ dial.) 3; plokštus LATV pliikans; pliikns plasks 'flat and wide'; plaskans 'id:; plaskains 'id:; pliiskans;

pliiskains 'id:

I think that we must compare plokščias and plokštas to forms such as Latv. pliiskans (-+Latv. plasks) and assume that plarsk- became plarkš- before *-t(f)as, which would be a regular development. As argued s.v. -+plakti, PEBlt. plarsk- may have arisen alongside *plask- < BSl. *plok-sk- due to the influence of plar- < *plehr (-+plonas II).

plonas l

LITH plonas 3 'thin, slender, fine, high (voice)' LATV plans 'flat, even, thin, weak'

PIE *plehrno-IE Lat. planus 'level, flat' See also: plonas II; ploti

plonas 11

LITH plonas ( dial.) i 'floor, threshing floor' LATV pliins [ii, a2] 'floor, threshing floor' OPR plonis (EV) 'threshing floor'

A synonym of plonas is plokas (Pruss. dial.). We may also compare Olc.florr m. 'floor of a cowshed', OE flor m./f. 'floor, attie', OHG fluor m. 'field', which contain the same root *plehr. Note that in East Baltic the fixed stress of the noun, which may continue a neuter o-stem, is in contrast with the mobile accentuation of the adjective -+plonas L This may be due to a retraction of the stress.

ploti

LITH ploti 'flatten, laminate, clap', 3 pres. ploja, 3 pret. plojo LATV pliit [ii, a2, a2] 'spread out, flatten, make thin, beat', isg. pres. pliiju

See -+plonas L

plunksna

LITH plunksna i 'feather'; VAR plitksna i; plitsna (Klp.) i LATV plūksnas Npl. [ū, u2] 'smth. that has been plucked out, waste (flax), white

birchbark that flutters in the wind, fine feathers of birds'; VAR plūksnes Npl.

pluskos

'smth. that has been plucked out, waste (flax)'; plūksni Npl. 'id:; plūsnis 'white birchbark that flutters in the wind'

Since the k belongs to the root ( cf. --+plaukas), we must assume that plasna and Latv. plūsnis have lost their k on the analogy of forms with intrusive k occurring alongside forms without (cf. Stang 1966: 113).

pluskos

LITH pluskos Npl. 2 'long, dishevelled hair; luxurious vegetation' LATV pluska 'rag, bad flax'

See --+pliauska and -+plaušai.

plūsti

Lith. plasti 'flow out, overflow', 3 pres. plasta, 3 pret. plado

Intransitive verb containing the zero grade of the root of plausti. See also -+plauti.

plūšas

LITH plušas 4 ' (piece of) bast, ( dial.) splinter, tow', Npl. plūšai 4 'fibres, bast'; VAR plūša 4

See -+plaušai.

plūti

Lith. plati 'flow out, overflow', 3 pres. pluna, 3 pret. pluvo

BSL *pUu-PSL *plyti v. (a) 'swim, sail' SL Ru. plyt', lsg. plyvu, 3sg. plyvet; SCr. pli'ti, lsg. pli'jem

PIE *plhr( u-)

See --plauti. A variant pluti occurs in Šlapelis's dictionary (1938), but does not appear in the LKŽe. Gk. nA.uvw (with ū) 'wash, beat' may reflect *plu-n-je- (LIV: 486, Beekes 2010: 1212) . LIV does not exclude a set-root ( cf, Kortlandt 1975: 68).

po

LITH po prep. ' ( + L) under, (+ A.) about, over, ( + G.) after'; pa- pref. (also forms perfective aspect) ; p6- pref. (in nominal compounds)

LATV pa prep. 'under ( obs.), on, over, through'; pa- pref. 'under' OPR po prep. 'under, after'; po- pref.

BSL *po(?) PSL *po; *pa prep. l pref. 'after, by, at' SL OCS po 'after, by, at', pa pref.; Ru. po 'after, on, by, at, up to', pa pref.; Cz. po

'after, on, by, at, up to', pa pref.; Pl. po 'after, on, by, at, up to', pa pref.; SCr. po 'after, on, by, at', pa pref.

PIE *h2po

prašyti

IE Skt. apa- adv. 'away, from'; Gk. un6 'from, away from'; Lat. ab 'from, away'; Go. af'from, away from, since'

The glottal stop was probably adopted from nouns with an initial laryngeal or a glottalized stop. Like the prefix *po- in Russian and most other Slavic languages, pa­also forms perfective aspect

pra

LITH pra- pref. 'by, through'; pr6- pref. 'pre-, fore-, between'; pro prep. '( + A.) through, along, past'

BSL *pro(?) PSL *pro; *pra prep. l pref. 'through' SL OCS pro- pref. 'through'; pra- pref. 'through'; Ru. pro prep./pref. 'about'; pro­

pref. 'through, past'; pra- pref. 'through, past' (the variant pra- occurs in nominal compounds); Cz. pro- pref. 'through, past'; Bulg. pro- pref. 'through'

PIE *pro IE Skt. pra- adv. 'before, forward'; Gk. np6 adv. 'before, forwards, forth'

The variant pr6- occurs in nominal compounds. The BSl. glottal stop was probably adopted from nouns with an initial laryngeal.

pragaras

LITH pragaras 3 b 'heli, (coli.) glutton' LATV pragars 'glutton, insatiable person'

A compound of pra- and the o-grade of the root that we find in --+gerti.

prakaitas

LITH prakaitas 3b [1/3b] 'sweat, labour' OPR prakiiisnan Asg. 'sweat'

This compound contains the root kait- of --+kaisti. The Old Prussian noun is ob­viously a different formation.

prasti

LITH prasti 'acquire a habit or inclination, ( dial.) apprehend', 3 pres. pranta, 3 pret. prato

LATV prast 'understand, notice', isg. pres. prilotu, isg. pret. pratu

PIE *prot-IE Go. Jrapjan 'understand'

With the prefix --+su- we find the frequent verb suprasti 'understand'. See also: protas

prašyti

LITH prašyti 'ask', 3 pres. priišo, 3 pret. priišė

370 prausti

LATV prasit 'ask', isg. pres. prasu, isg. pret. prasiju; VAR prasit (BW), isg. pres. prasiju, isg. pret. prasiju

BSL *pros-ei/i-PSL *prosi ti v. (b) 'ask' SL OCS prasiti, 1sg. prašp; Ru. prasit', isg. prašu, 3sg. prasit; Cz. prositi; Slk.

prosif; Pl. prasie; SCr. prositi 'beg for charity, ask a girl's hand', isg. prasim; Čak. prosl'ti (Vrg.) 'id:, 2sg. prasiš; Sln. pr6siti 'ask', isg. prpsim; Bulg. pr6sja 'beg for charity, ask'

PIE *prok-eie-IE Skt. Pfcchati 'ask' ( *prk-ske! o-); prasna- m. 'question'

prausti

LITH praūsti 'wash', 3 pres. praūsia, 3 pret. praūsė

PSL *praskati v. 'splutter, splash' SL Cz. prskati 'splutter, sizzle'; Slk. prskaf 'splutter, sizzle'; SCr. pfskati 'splash';

Sln. pfskati 'splash', isg. pfskam; Bulg. pr&ska 'sprinkle, splash'

PIE *prous-IE Skt. pru$i;6ti 'sprinkle'

Endzelins (EH II: 313) wonders if prausties (Nigr.) 'sich den Kopf waschen' is a borrowing from Lithuanian. The PSL stem *prask- must be analyzed as *prus-sk-.

prekė

LITH prekė 2 [2/4] 'article, (pl.) goods, wares, (obs.) price'; VAR prekia 4 '(dial.) price, ( obs.) commerce, business'

LATV prece 'article, (pl.) goods, wares'

See ->pirkti.

prėskas

LITH preskas 3 'fresh, unleavened'

BSL *prdskos PSL *prėsm, adj. o 'fresh, unleavened' SL OCS oprėsn'bh m. 'unleavened bread'; Ru. presnyj; presen, f. presna, n.

presno 'fresh, unleavened'; Cz. pfesny 'fresh, ( obs., dial.) unleavened'; Pl. prza5ny (with secondary s); OPI. przasny 'unleavened'; SCr. prijesan 'raw, fresh', f. prijesna, n. prijesno; Sln. pręs<m 'fresh, raw, unleavened'; Bulg. presen 'fresh', f. prjasna

The original meaning of the Balto-Slavic adjective was apparently 'fresh' in the sense of 'unleavened, unfermented, unsalted'. For Slavic we must assume *prėsn'b <

*prėskn'b. The connection with OHG frisk, MDu. versch 'fresh' is unclear. The vocalism of the Lithuanian forms is incompatible with a reconstruction *proisk­(pace Franck-Van Wijk: 736). The variant prieskas, which occurs in Ruhig, Mielcke

protas 371

and Kurschat, is condemned by Būga (RR II: 522-523) on the basis of evidence from dialects and Old Lithuanian texts.

prie

LITH prie prep. 'at, with, to' ; prie- pref. 'at, with, to' LATV pie prep. 'at, with, to'; Latv. pie-, pie- pref. 'at, with, to' OPR prei prep. 'at, with, to'

BSL *prei PSL *pri prep. l pref. 'at, with, by' SL OCS pri; Ru. pri; Cz. pfi; Pl. przy; SCr. pri; Sln. pri 'at, by'; Bulg. pri 'at, with,

by, to'

PIE *prei

In Latvian, prie was ousted by pie, which may originate from dissimilation ( cf. Endzelins 1922a: 525). It is preserved in a number of nominal compounds, such as prieds (-priedas).

priedas

LITH priedas 2 'addition, bonus, supplement' LATV prieds [ ie, ie2] 'bonus'

BSL *preidum PSL *prid'b m. o (b) 'addition' SL SCr. prid 'addition, supplement', Gsg. prida; prid (Slavonia, Croatia)

'addition, supplement', Gsg. prida; Sln. prid 'use, advantage', Gsg. prida; Bulg. pridat '(the) gift to the bride'

A compound of -+prie and a neuter o-stem *dhhrom, with zero grade of the root of -+di!ti ( cf. -+padas) . A reconstruction *dhrom, with zero grade of the root of -+duoti seems attractive, but meets with the problem that the Slavic form was apparently not affected by Winter's law (cf. Kortlandt 1988: 393).

protas

LITH protas 2 'mind, intellect' LATV prats [a, a2] 'mind, intellect' OPR priitin Asg. 'counsel'

Since in my theoretical framework a lengthened grade vowel does not yield an acute, there is no need to regard this noun as an example of metatonie douce ( cf. Derksen 1996: 70 ). In Germanic, we find an adjective *froda- 'wise' < *prat-o-, e.g. Go. frops, Olc. fr6or, OE frod, alongside Go. frapi n. 'mind' < *prat-įo-. Assuming that we are dealing with an originally oxytone neuter, which would regularly become barytone as a result of the retraction of the ictus from *-a, the East Baltic *a may be due to the merger of *o and *a in unstressed syllables (Kortlandt 1977: 323).

372

pūliai

LITH puliai Npl. i 'pus'

pūliai

LATV pūlis 'wound that starts to fester', Npl. pu{i2 'black ears in barley'

IE Go.fuls 'foul'; OEfūl 'foul'; OHG.fiil 'rotten'

A derivative of -+puti.

pulti

LITH pulti 'fall, attack', 3 pres. puola, 3 pret. puolė LATV pult ( obs.) 'fall', isg. pres. puolu, isg. pret. pulu OPR aūpallai, aupallai 3sg. 'finds'

PIE *h2po-h3lhr IE Gk. arr6Huµ1 'ruin, destroy, lose'; Lat. abolere 'destroy, banish, abolish';

OHG fallan 'fall'

In Lithuanian dialects we find the altemative present forms pula, puola, puolna, pulna, pitlsta and punla. In the preterite there is a variant puola. See Praust 2005 and Neri 2007 (31-33) on the PIE form.

puodas

LITH puodas i 'pot' LATV pu6ds 'pot' OPR padalis (EV) 'pot'

PIE *pod-6m IE O E Ja: t n. 'barrel'; O H G f az n. 'container'

In view of the Germanic forms, this must be an instance of Winter's law. The correspondence between AP i and the Latvian broken tone points to an old neuter.

pūrai

LITH pūrai (Žem.) Npl. 4 [2/4] 'winter com' LATV puri2 Npl. [u2, u, it, it2] 'winter com' OPR pure (EV) 'bromegrass'

BSL *purro-PSL *p)'lb m. o; *p)'rbjb m. io (a) 'spelt' SL RuCS pyro n. 'spelt'; Ru. pyrej m.(jo) 'couch-grass'; Cz. pyr m.(o) 'quitch';

Slk. pyr m.( o) 'quitch'; Pl. perz m.(jo) 'quitch'; OPI. pyrz m.(jo) 'quitch'; SCr. pl'r m.(o) 'spelt'; Čak. pfr m.(o) 'spelt', Gsg. pl'ra; Sln. pir m.(o) 'spelt'; pira f. 'spelt, millet'

PIE *puH-r6-IE Gk. rtūp6<; m. 'wheat'; Dor. crrtūp6<; m. 'wheat'

I have no explanation for the metatony in the Lithuanian noun. In Latvian, the situation is unclear. By far the most common accented form mentioned in ME and EH is puri2. The other attestations are puri (Blieden), pitri2 (Skaista), and puri

pušis 373

(Krumberg from Odensee ), where <r> denotes either r or r. The Latvian jo-stem is probably analogical after kvieši 'wheat', rudzi 'rye', mieži 'barley'. The accentuation of the com measure -+puras, Latv. pūrs matches the Slavic evidence and must be old (see also Derksen 1996: 70-71).

pūras

LITH puras 1 'measure of dry capacity, bushel' LATV pūrs [ū, u2j 'measure of dry capacity, bushel, dowry'

SL Ru. purka; pura; pur; Bel. pur; purka; Pl. pur ( obs.); pura ( obs.) 'com measure'

Latv. pūrs 'dowry' has developed from 'Aussteuerkasten aus Lindenborke od. Holz', which is ultimately identical with 'das LofmaB, deckelloser od. bedeckelter Kasten, urspriinglich aus Lindenborke, spater aus Holz' (ME III: 449 ). For the etymology of this noun, see -+pūrai. The Slavic forms, which denote various units of weight or units of dry capacity, are borrowings from Baltic ( cf. Anikin 2005: 257).

pūslė

LITH pūs/l 4 'blister, bladder' LATV puslis [u, u2, u2j 'blister, bladder'; VAR pus[e2

In Derksen 2008a (423) I connected pūsll with PSL *puxl'b, e.g. Ru. puxlyj 'chubby, plump', Cz. pouchlj 'fruitless, barren, empty', which probably contains a root *pous­'blow ( up ), swell'. I now find it much m ore likely that pūsll goes back to *pūt-sle, cf. -+pusti.

pusti

LITH pusti 'swell', 3 pres. punta, 3 pret. puto

See -+pusti.

pūsti

urn pusti 'blow', 3 pres. pučia, 3 pret. putė LATV pust [ u, u2] 'blow', lSg. pres. pušu, pušu (Dressel 1685), 1sg. pret. piltu

This verb has analogical lengthening of u in the infinitive and the preterite, cf. -+Ukti, lekia, llkė 'fly'. The root *p( o )ut- (there is no evidence for *p( o )ut-) seems to be limited to Baltic (cf. Smoczynski 2007: 493, LIV: 481). See also: pusti

pušis

LITH pušis f.(i) 4 'pine', Gpl. pušŲ OPR peuse (EV) 'pine'

PIE *p(e)uk-IE Gk. JTEUK'l f. 'pine'; OHG.fiuhta f. 'pine'; Mlr. ochtach f. 'pine'

374 putė

See Beekes 2010: 1183 for speculations on the meaning of the root. Būga (RR II: 368) points out that the Lithuanian word is not an original i-stem, cf. E. Lith. pušes Npl.

putė

LITH pUtė 2 'chicken, bird, ( dial.) cunnus' LATV pUtns 'bird'; VAR putnis

BSL *put-PSL *p11tah m. o 'bird' SL Cz. ptak; Slk. vtak; Pl. ptak; ptak (Mal. dial.); Slnc. jt&ųx PSL *p11tica f. ja (a) 'bird' SL OCS p11tica; Ru. ptica; SCr. ptl'ca; Čak. tl'ca (Vrg., Hvar); Sln. ptica f.(ja); ptič

m.(jo ) , Gsg. ptiča; Bulg. p tie a

Cf. also Lith. putjtis 'chick'. The Balto-Slavic forms are sometimes connected with Skt. putra- 'son, child, young of an animal', Lat. putillus 'very young, tiny', pullus 'foal, chick, young of an animal'.

pūti

LITH puti 'rot, decay, decompose', 3 pres. puva, 3 pret. puvo; VAR puti, 3 pres. puna, 3 pret. puvo; puti, 3 pres. pusta, 3 pret. puvo (furthermore, there are attestations of a preterite puvė)

LATV pūt [ū, u2] 'rot, decay, decompose', isg. pres. pūstu, isg. pret. puvu; VAR pūt, isg. pres. puju, isg. pret. puvu

PIE *puH-IE Skt. puyati 'rot, stink'; Lat. pūtere 'rot'; Olc.feyja 'let rot' (*pouH-eie-) See also: pjaūlas; pill.iai; puvėsis

puvėsis

LITH puv�sis 2 [2/3b] 'piece of mouldered wood, (pl.) rotten stuff'; VAR puvesys 3b; puvėsas 2

LATV puvesis 'pus' (usually puveši or puveži Npl.)

A derivative in *-es- of -puti.

ragas

LITH ragas 4 [2/4] 'horn' LATV rags 'horn' OPR ragis (EV) 'horn'

BSL *r6gos PSL *r6gb m. o (e) 'horn'

R

rangyti 375

SL Ru. rog, Gsg. r6ga; Bel. roh, Gsg. r6ha; Ukr. rih, Gsg. r6ha; Cz. roh; Slk. roh; Pl. r6g, Gsg. ragu; SCr. rog, Gsg. roga; Sln. n)g

Assuming that AP 2 is old, we may posit a BSl. barytone masculine o-stem ( cf. Illič­Svityč 1963: 117). In Slavic, accentual mobility was generalized in masculine o-stems that did not belong to AP (a) .

raišas

LITH raišas 3 [1/3/4] 'lame'

PIE *uroik-o-IE Gk. po1K6<; 'bent, crooked'; ME wrau 'fretful, angered, cross'; Sw.vra '(dial.)

obstinate'

AP l, which is not mentioned in the LKŽe, is attested in Daukša (Skardžius 1935: 142, 164). AP 3 is widely attested, cf. also -+riešas. In view of the etymology, this is unexpected. My suggestion (Derksen 1996: 222) that the acute variant may ultimately originate from the sta-present of raišti or rjšti 'limp' is not obvious for verbs with this root structure ( cf. Derksen 2011b ). I find it more likely that the acute of these denominative verbs simply reflects the accentuation of the adjective. The verb -+rišti, which may ultimately be cognate, has a circumflex root.

raišyti

LITH raišjti 'tie, bind (iter.)', 3 pres. raišo, 3 pret. raišė LATV raisit [ai, ai, ai2, ai2] 'tear, tie, (refl.) become separated, let loose, dissolve,

thrive', lSg. pres. raisu, lsg. pret. raisiju

PIE *uroik-IE Av. uruuaesaiieiti 'turn' (*uroik-eie)

An iterative to -+rišti.

raišti

LITH raišti '(begin to) limp', 3 pres. raišta, 3 pret. raišo; VAR raišti 3 pres. raišia, 3 pret. raišė; raišti, 3 pres. raiša, 3 pret. raišo

This verb derives from -+raišas. Another denominative verb with a sta-present is rjšti (ryšti) .

rangyti

LITH rangyti 'roll up, twist, curl, wave, (K.) bend', 3 pres. rango, 3 pret. rangė

PIE *urongh-( eie-) IE OE ringan 'wring, twist'; OHG ringan 'wring, wrestle'; MoDu. wringen

'wring'

See Fraenkel (LEW: 719) on the semantic development of rengti (rengti) 'prepare, arrange, dress', which must be cognate. The reflexive rengtis is also attested with the meaning 'bend (intr.) with difficulty, arch one's back'.

ranka

LITH ranka 2 [2/4] 'hand' LATV rilaka [ iw, ua2] 'hand' OPR riinkan Asg. 'hand'

BSL *r6nkar PSL *rpka f. a (e) 'hand, arm'

ranka

SL OCS rpka 'hand, arm'; Ru. ruka 'hand, arm', Asg. ruku; Cz. ruka 'hand'; Slk. ruka 'hand'; Pl. ręka 'hand, arm'; SCr. ruka 'hand', Asg. ruku; Čak. rūka (Vrg., Hvar) 'hand', Asg. ruku; Sln. r6ka 'hand'; Bulg. raka 'hand'

PIE *urank-ehr IE Olc. ra f. 'corner, berth in a ship'

The Balto-Slavic word for 'hand' derives from a verbai root meaning 'gather' (--rinkti) . Kortlandt (1977a: 327) has argued that the Slavic mobility in this word is analogical after *naga 'foot, leg' (--naga) .

rasa

LITH rasa 4 'dew, drop' LATV rasa 'dew, drop, drizzle'

BSL *rasa( PSL *rasa f. a (e) 'dew' SL OCS rasa (Euch., Supr.) 'dew, rain'; Ru. rasa, Asg. rasu; rasa ( arch.), Asg. r6su

(AP (e) in Early Old Russian, according to Zaliznjak 1985: 138); Ukr. rasa, Asg. r6su; rasa, Asg. rasu; Cz. rasa; Slk. rasa; Pl. rasa; SCr. rasa, Asg. rosu, Npl. rose; Čak. rasa (Vrg.), Npl. rose; rasa (Orb.), Asg. rosa; Sln. r6sa; Bulg. rasa 'dew, drop of sweat, drizzle'

PIE *h1 r6s, *h1 ras-IE Skt. rasa- m. 'juice, liquid'; ras&- f. 'mythical river, moisture'; LAv. ra1Jhii- f.

'name of a mythical stream'; Lat. ras m. 'dew, liquid', Gsg. roris

It is plausible that this etymon derives from the PIE verbai root *h1 ers- 'flow', cf. Hitt. arš-zi l arš-, Skt. ar?ati. This involves Schwebeablaut.

ratas

LITH ratas 2 'wheel, circle, ring, (pl.) cart' LATV rats 'wheel, (pl.) cart'

PIE *Hr6t-a-; *Hr6t-ehr IE Skt. ratha- m. 'two-wheeled war chariot' (*Hrat-hra-); Lat. rata f. 'wheel';

Olr. rath m. 'wheel, disc'; OHG rad n. 'wheel'

raudas

LITH raūdas 4 'reddish brown, bay, reddish' LATV raūds 'red, reddish brown, light bay'

BSL *raudos PSL *rud?J adj. o (e)

raugėti 377

SL Ru. rudyj (dial.) 'blood-red'; Ru. rudoj (dial.) 'red, red-haired (S., W.), dirty (Smol.) '; Cz. rudy 'red, reddish'; Slk. rudy 'red, reddish'; Pl. rudy 'reddish'; SCr. rud 'reddish, rust-coloured', Gsg. ruda; Sln. rud 'reddish'; Bulg. rud 'blood-red'

PIE *h1 roudh-o-IE Lat. rūfus 'red-haired, reddish' (in view of the f, a borrowing from Sabellic);

Olr. ruad 'red'; W rhudd 'red'; Go. raups 'red'

For the *h1, cf. Gk. epu8p6c; 'red' < *h1 rudh-ro-. See also: rudas; ruduo

raudoti

LITH raudoti 'weep, lament', 3 pres. rauda, 3 pret. raudojo; VAR raudoti, 3 pres. rausti, 3 pret. raudojo; raudoti, 3 pres. raudoja, 3 pret. raudojo

LATV raudat 'weep, lament', lsg. pres. raudu, lsg. pret. raudiiju; VAR raudat, lsg. pres. raudiiju, lsg. pret. raudiiju

PIE *(H)roud-IE Skt. rudanti 'they weep'; Lat. rudere 'roar, bellow', lsg. rudo; OE reotan 'weep,

lament'

If this verb is cognate with PSL *ruti 'roar' (e.g. OCz. fut1), Skt. ruvati 'howl, roar', Gk. wpŪoµm 'howl, cry, wail', which point to a root *h3reuH-, we may reconstruct *h3reud- (cf. Lubotsky 2012: 162-163, where we find several examples of root-final vacillation between *h1 and *d). The Baltic acute originates from Winter's law.

raugas

LITH raugas 3 'leaven, tannin' LATV raugs 'yeast, leaven, tannin'; VAR rauga

See -+raugėti.

raugėti

LITH raugėti 'belch', 3 pres. raugėja, 3 pret. raugėjo; VAR riaugėti, 3 pres. riaugėja, 3 pret. riaugėjo

PIE *h1 reug-IE Gk. epruyoµm 'belch out, belch, bellow, roar'; Arm. orcam 'belch'; Lat.

erūgiire 'disgorge noisily'

For r(i)augėti the LKZe mentions the alternative present formations r(i)auga, r(i)augi and r(i)augti. Riaugėti is also attested with a present riaugsti. Latv. raudzet means 'pickle' and is therefore another type of formation. The meaning 'belch' is attested for raugaties [au, au2] , raugu6ties (Ulm.), raugties2 (Biel.). This acute root is another example of Winter's law. See also: raugas; raugti, nigti

raugti

raugti

LITH raugti 'leaven, pickle', 3 pres. raugia, 3 pret. rauge LATV raugt 'pickle', 1sg. pres. raudzu

See -+raugėti.

raupai

LITH raupai Npl. 4 [3/4] 'srnallpox, (SD) leprosy, rneasles' ; VAR raūpas 4 'pirnple, blotch, srnallpox, (Mielcke) leprosy'

LATV raupa 'goose burnps'; VAR raups2

BSL *(s )roupos PSL *strup11 m. o (e) 'scab' SL OCS strup11 'wound'; Ru. strup 'scab', Gsg. strupa; Bel. strup 'scab', Gsg.

strupa; Ukr. strup 'scab', Gsg. strupa; Cz. strup 'scab'; Pl. strup 'scab, crust'; Slnc. strJ.p 'scab'; SCr. strup 'scab', Gsg. strupa; Sln. strup 'poison

PIE *(s )roup-o-

AP 3, which is attested in Tverečius (Otrębski 1934: 219 ) , is not rnentioned in the LKŽe. This variant is probably secondary ( cf. Illič-Svityč i963 : 38), cf. Latv. raupjš 'coarse, rough' (-+rupus) . It is plausible that raupai is cognate with -+raūpti.

raupti

LITH raūpti 'dig, niggle', 3 pres. raūpia, 3 pret. raūpė

Cf. also ruopti (Kv.) 'dig', raupfti 'niggle, root, excavate'. The root raūp- rnay be cognate with Lat. rumpere 'burst, break open' < *Hru(n)p-, Olc. rjufa 'break (open)', OE rėofan 'break, tear' < *Hreup-. We rnay be dealing here with an enlargernent of the root *Hru- ( or rather *h3ru-) that we find in Lat. ruere 'tear apart, root, scratch', cf. -+rauti 'tear out, pull' < *h3ruH-, -+raūsti 'dig, root up' < *h3rus-, Gk. 6pUO'crw 'dig (up, in, out), scrape, bury' < *h3rugh- ( cf. Schrijver 1991: 236, Derksen 1996: 201).

rausti

LITH raūsti 'dig, root up, (refl.) burrow, rurnrnage', 3 pres. raūsia, 3 pret. raūsė; VAR rauti, 3 pres. rausa, 3 pret. rovė (another alternative present is raūsta)

LATV raust [au, au2] 'rake, poke up, root up, dig', 1sg. pres. raušu, 1sg. pret. rausu

The root rnay be reconstructed as *h3rus- (see -+raūpt1).

rauti

LITH rauti 'tear out, pull', 3 pres. rauna, 3 pret. rovė; VAR rauti, 3 pres. rauja, 3 pret. rovė

LATV raUt 'tear, pull, take', 1sg. pres. rauju, 1sg. pret. ravu; VAR raut, isg. pres. raunu, 1sg. pret. ravu

BSL *r(o)u(-PSL *ryti v. ( a) 'dig, root'

razgai 379

SL oes ryti (Euch.) '<lig, tear up', 1sg. ryjp; Serbes ryti '<lig', 1sg. ryjp; Ru. ryt' 'dig', 1sg. r6ju, 3sg. r6et; ez. ryti '<lig'; Slk. ryf 'dig' ; Pl. ryc '<lig' ; Ser. riti 'dig', 1sg. rljem; Sln. riti 'root, <lig', 1sg. rfjem ; Bulg. rija 'root, <lig'

PIE *h3r(o)uH-IE Lat. ruere 'churn, plough up', 1sg. ruo; rūta caesa Npl. n. 'minerals and

timber already quarried and felled at the time an estate is put up for sale'; Olc. ryja 'pluck wool'

According to De Vaan (2008: 531) , Latin forms which are in conflict with the reconstruction of a root-final *H result from contamination with ruere 'rush, collapse' from PIE *h3reu-. See also: ravas; raveti; Latv. rauklis

ravas

LITH riivas 4 'ditch, small river'; VAR revas 2/ 4

OPR rawys (EV) 'ditch'

BSL *rowos PSL *roV'b m. o 'ditch, pit' SL oes rov'b 'ditch, pit'; Ru. rov 'ditch, pit'; ez. rov (lit.) 'grave'; Slk. rov 'ditch';

Pl. r6w 'ditch', Gsg. rowu; Ser. rov 'ditch'; Sln. rov 'ditch', Gsg. r6va; Bulg. rov 'ditch'

The root-final laryngeal was lost in *h3rouH-o- (-+rauti) . It cannot be excluded that the Baltic nouns are borrowings from Slavic.

ravėti

LITH raveti 'weed', 3 pres. ravi, 3 pret. ravejo LATV ravet 'weed', 1sg. pres. raveju

PSL *r'bVati v. (e) 'tear' SL Serbes r'bvati, 1sg. r7>vp; Ru. rvat', 1sg. rvu, 3sg. rvet; ORu. r'bvati, 1sg. r'bvu;

ez. rvati; Slk. rvaf; Pl. rwac; Ser. rvati se 'wrestle, struggle', 1sg. rvem se; Čak. rviiti se (Vrg.) 'wrestle, struggle', 1sg. 'rvdš se; Sln. rvati 'tear out, pull', 1sg. rujem

See -+rauti.

razgai

LITH razgai ( dial.) 4 'bird-snare' LATV razga 'worn-out broom'

BSL *rozgar PSL *rozga f. a 'twig' SL oes rozga 'shoot, twig' ; razga (Zogr., Mar.) 'id.' ; Ru. r6zga 'birch (rod)' ; Pl.

r6zga 'rod'; Ser. rozga 'vine, pole'; Sln. r<)zga 'vine'

The root is *(H)rosg- (see -+regzti).

rąžytis

rąžytis

LITH rąžytis [q, q] 'stretch onself, stretch one's limbs', 3 pres. rqžosi, 3 pret. rqžėsi LATV ruozities 'stretch onself, stretch one's limbs, become warped', lsg. pres.

ru6zu6s, isg. pret. ru6zfju6s; VAR ruozities (Ulm.) , lsg. pres. ru6zfju6s, lsg. pret. ru6zfju6s

PIE *h3rog-eie-IE LAv. ražaiieiti 'draw, a line, lead'; Got. ufrakjan 'stretch out, extend'

See -+ręžti, to which this verb is an iterative.

regzti

LITH regzti 'weave, knit', 3 pres. rezga, 3 pret. rezgė; VAR regzti 3 pres. rezgia, 3 pret. rezgė

PIE *(H)resg-

Cognate Latvian verbs are režgit, režget, etc„ 'entangle, siff Apparently, the verbai root *(H)resg- is limited to Baltic ( cf. LIV: 507). For cognates outside Baltic, see -+razgai and -+regztis.

regztis

LITH regztis 2 [2/4] 'large knitted hay-sack (also regzčiai Npl.) , rack in a carriage, (dial.) shopping-bag, hammock, (DP, with AP 4) wicker basket'; VAR regztys Npl. f.(i) 2 'large knitted hay-sack'; regztė 2 [2/4] 'large knitted hay-sack'

PIE *(H)resg-IE Skt. rajju-f. 'rope, string'; Lat. restis f. 'rope, cord'

In older texts the spelling is rekstis. Apart from forms with rezg- (before consonant), we find forms such as -+rezgė, which have Latvian counterparts. See also: razgai; regzti

reižti

LITH reižti ( dial.) 'stretch, be proud', 3 pres. reižia, 3 pret. reižė

Latv. riezt 'stiek out, (refl.) become warped' probably corresponds with Lith. -+ręžti, but in principle the root may continue an i-diphthong. LIV (503) assigns reižti to a root *reig- '(sich) strecken, recken: It seems to me that this root can hardly be separated from *h3reg- (-+ręžti) . The question is whether we must reconstruct a root *h3reig-, which, like *h3reg-, may have developed from *h3rjeg- in PIE (Olsen 1993: 362) or assume that the forms on which the reconstruction *h3reig- is based arose independently. Lith. reižti could be based on a ( secondary) zero grade *rfž-of ręž-. For Oir. rigid 'stretch, distend, rule', Matasovk' (2009: 312) assumes that we are dealing with the zero grade of *h3reg-. I am unaware of attempts to account for the vocalism of OE rctcan, OHG reihhon 'reach', other than positing *(hJ )roig-.

riesti

rezgis

LITH rezgė 2 [2/ 4] 'large knitted hay-sack, wicker basket'; VAR rezgis (Ness., dial.) 2; rezginės Npl. i/3b; rezginys 3b

LATV režge 'wicker basket, sandai'; VAR režgis 'wickerwork, entangled yarn, straw cover, net for transporting hay'; regžis (Ulm.) 'id:; režgines (also pl.) 'wicker basket, (pl.) sandai'; režgene (also pl.) 'wicker basket'

See -+razgaf and -+regstis

ręžti

LITH ręžti [ę, ę] 'strech (a body-part), (refl.) exert oneself', 3 pres. ręžia, 3 pret. ręžė LATV riėzt 'stiek aut, (refl.) become warped', isg. pres. riėžu, isg. pret. riėzu

PIE *h3 reg- ; *h3r-nė/n-g-IE Skt. pijanti 3PL 'stretch, direct ( oneself)' ; Gk. optyw 'reach out, extend,

stretch aut'

Latv. riėzt may continue *renzt or *reizt/*raizt and could therefore be connected with -+rėižti. Since riėztiės 'become warped' cannot be separated from ru6ztiės 'id: ( -+r4žftis), it is clear that we are at least partly dealing with a root *renz- < *ren(i-. The Latvian broken tone confirms that the Lithuanian variant with an acute root is old, as we would expect on the basis of the etymology (Winter's law, cf. Young 2011: 239).

riekti

LITH riekti 'cut off a slice ( of bread) , plough for the first time', 3 pres. riekia, 3 pret. riekė

LATV riekt2 'cut off a slice ( of bread), plough for the first time', isg. pres. riecu2

PIE *h1 reik- ? IE Gk. ĖpEiKw 'break, bruise, crush, burst' ; W rwhygo 'tear, rupture'

The root *reik- possibly continues *h1 reik-, cf. Skt. risate, lisate 'tear off, pluck'. Problematic is the fact that we find the reflex of a plain velar.

riesti

LITH riesti 'bend, curve, warp', 3 pres. riečia, 3 pret. ritė; VAR riesti, 3 pres. rieta, 3 pret. ri tė

LATV riest [ ie, iė2, ie2] 'fall off (1sg. pres. also riestu) , shed, shoot, sprout, den Webstuhl mit Garn bespannen', isg. pres. riešu, isg. pret. rietu; VAR riest [ ie, ie2] , isg. pres. riešu, isg. pret. riesu; riest (Ulm.), isg. pres. riežu, isg. pret. rietu; riėzt2 (Karls.), isg. pres. riėžu2, isg. pret. riėzu2

PIE *ureit-IE Olc. rilJa 'turn, ring, tie' ; OE wrflJan 'twist, turn'

This root is limited to Baltic and Germanic. See also: risti

riešas

riešas

LITH riešas 3 [3/4) 'wrist, carpus, tarsus'; VAR rieša 4 [1/4)

PIE *ureik-o-IE OHG riho m. 'instep'; MDu. wrijghe, wrijch, wrijf m. 'instep'

See -+rišti and, regarding the acute root, -+raišas.

riešutas

LITH riešutas 3• 'nut'; VAR riešutys 3•; riešutis (Ruh., MZ) m./f.(i) 1; riešutis f.(i) 3•; ruošutas (Ziet.) 3•; riešas (Miež.)

LATV rieksts [ ie, ie2] 'nut'; VAR riekste OPR buccareisis (EV) 'beech-nut'

BSL *(o )roi f?-

PSL *orJX'b m. o (a) 'nut' SL OCS oreX'b; Ru. orex; Cz. ofech; Slk. orech; Pl. orzech; SCr. orah; Čak. orl'h

(Vrg., Novi); Sln. 6ręh, Gsg. oręha; Bulg. 6rex 'walnut, nut'

Fraenkel (LEW: 731) notes that there are East Lithuanian forms that point to original consonantal flexion, e.g. riešutes Npl. The Old Prussian form apparently has e-grade, while the East Baltic forms are ambiguous. l find it more likely that we are dealing with borrowing from a substratum language (the *o may be a prefix) than with a derivative of *ureis- 'turn' e cf. Mažiulis PKEZ l: 164). A connection with Gk. epetKW 'break, bruise, crush, burst' (Smoczynski 2007: 515-516) seems impossible to me for formal reasons.

rietas

LITH rietas 1 'thigh, loin' LATV rieta 'thigh, haunch'

BSL *rei(t- (re?it-?) PSL *ritb f. i 'buttocks' SL SerbCS ritb 'buttocks'; ORu. ritb 'hoof'; Cz. fif 'buttocks'; Pl. rzyc 'buttocks';

Sln. ri t 'arse', Gsg. riti

This noun is generally connected with -+riesti, in which cases we are facing a puzzling case of metatonie rude.

rieti

LITH rieti 'scold, attack intending to bite, (refl.) fight ( cats, dogs) , quarrel', 3 pres. rieja, 3 pret. riejo; VAR rieti, 3 pres. reja, 3 pret. rejo (3 pres. also rija)

LATV riet 'bark, (Ulm.) bite, (refl.) fight, quarrel', 1sg. pres. reju, 1sg. pret. reju

See --+roj6ti. The root of this verb may be *re?i-. LIV (501) argues that Lith. reju 1sg. and Latv. reju 1sg., provided that these forms are old, point to *reiH-. In my view, the conjugation of verbs of this type can hardly be used to determine the original place of the laryngeal e cf. --+lieti).

rinda

LITH rinda 4 'row, line'

rodyti

LATV rinda 'row, line'; VAR rinde2 'row, line'

BSL *rind-PSL *ręd'b m. o (e) 'row, line' SL OCS ręd'b 'row, line'; Ru. rjad 'row, line'; Cz. fad 'rank, row'; fada f. 'line,

row'; Sllc. rad 'row, line'; Pl. rząd 'row, line', Gsg. rzędu; SCr. red 'row, line', Gsg. reda; Sln. ręd 'order', Gsg. ręda, Gsg. redu; Bulg. red 'row, order'

According to ME (III: 527), the Latvian noun is either a Couronianism or a Lithuanianism, cf. rida or ridams 'in rows, in series'.

rinkti

LITH rinkti 'gather, collect, select', 3 pres. renka, 3 pret. rinko; VAR rinkti (Ziet.) , 3

pres. rinka, 3 pret. rinko LATV rinkt 'gather', isg. pres. rinkstu, rinku, isg. pret. rinku; VAR rinkt, isg. pres.

ri1)*u, isg. pret. ri1)*u (a Lithuanianism) OPR senrinka 'gathers'

See -+ranka.

risti

LITH risti 'roll', 3 pres. rita, 3 pret. rito; VAR risti, 3 pres. renta, 3 pret. ritė LATV rist (Ulm.) 'roll', isg. pres. ritu

See -+riesti.

rišti

LITH rišti 'tie, bind', 3 pres. riša, 3 pret. rišo; VAR rišti, 3 pres. riša, 3 pret. rišė LATV rist 'tie, separate, become separated', isg. pres. risu, isg. pret. risu; VAR rist,

isg. pres. ristu, ristu2, isg. pret. risu OPR perrėist 'connect'; senrists ptc pf. pass. 'connected'

PIE *ur(e)ik-IE LAv. uruuisiieiti 'turn'; OE wrion 'cover, hide'

The original meaning of *ur(e) ik- 'may have been 'twist, wrap'. The meaning 'separate, become separated' that is attested for Latv. rist and raisities (-+raišyt1) must have originated in derivatives with a prefix. See also: raišas; raišfti; raišti; riešas

rodyti

LITH rodyti 'show, indicate, demonstrate', 3 pres. rodo, 3 pret. rodė; VAR rodyti, 3

pres. r6džia, 3 pret. rodė; rodyti, 3 pres. r6dija, 3 pret. radijo LATV radit [a, a2] 'show, indicate', isg. pres. radu, isg. pret. radiju; VAR radit (BW),

isg. pres. radiju, isg. pret. radiju

PIE *(H)roh1dh-

384 rojoti

IE Skt. riidhyate 'succeed'; Olr. radid 'talk'; Go. rodjan 'talk, speak'; Oic. rreoa 'talk'

In view of Go. garedan 'plan, intend', OHG riitan 'counsel, decide, help' < PGmc. *redan, *h1 is required. With respect to the East Baltic *ii, a reconstruction with *h2 does not have any significant advantages, as we expect o-grade in this formation. It is not uncommon to find an East Baltic ablaut grade *ii where *o would be expected. Stang's suggestion (1942: 148) that rodyti is a causative to rasti 'find' does not provide a convincing explanation for the root vocalism.

rojoti

LITH rojoti 'crow', 3 pres. rojoja, 3 pret. rajojo LATV riit [ii, a2] 'scold, rebuke, (refl.) quarrel', isg. pres. riiju

BSL *ra(i-? PSL *rajati v. SL Ru. raja t' ( dial.) 'make a noise, sound'

According to LIV (501) , the root is *reh2(!)-. The main motivation for a root-final *-i is -+rieti, Latv. riet, as here we cannot be dealing with a present suffix. There are no reliable cognates outside Balto-Slavic (see Derksen 2008a: 432) .

rudas

LITH rudas 4 'dark yellow, peat-coloured, (hair) red' LATV ruds 'reddish, reddish-brown'

BSL *rudros PSL *rbdrb adj. o 'red, red-haired' SL CS rbdrb; n,dn,; RuCS rbdbr'b; Ru. redryj (dial.) 'red-haired (of cattle),

unsightly, red-haired (of people)'; redr, f. redra, n. redro; redryj (dial.) 'id:; redr, f. redra, n. redro; redra ( dial.), redra ( dial.) f.(a) 'variegated cow with a white head'

PIE *h1 rudh-ro-IE Skt. rudhira- 'red, bloody'; Gk. Ėpu0p6c; 'red'; Lat. ruber 'red'

Most Church Slavic attestations that Miklosich (1862-1865: 806) mentions s.v. n,dn, actually have rbdrb or redrb. There is one instance of rodrb. According to Meillet (Et. l: 114) , rbdrb must be analogical after rbdeti ( cf. Ru. rdet' 'glow ( of smth. red)'), where in his opinion *rbd- > rbd- is regular. A similar hypothesis is assimilation to a following b in rbdbrb (cf. Vasmer-Trubačev III: 459) . However this may be, it seems likely that the original form was *rbdrb < *h1 rudh-ro-( cf. -+raūdas) . In Baltic, the r of the suffix may have been lost as a result of dissimilation.

ruduo

LITH ruduo m.(n) 3b 'autumn'; VAR rudenis m.(io) 1/3b LATV rudens m.(n/jo) 'autumn'; VAR rudęns; rudinis; rudii;zš; rudienis; rudiens

The root of this n-stem is *h1 rudh-, cf. -+raūdas, -+rudas.

rupus

rūgti

LITH nigti 'ferment, grow sour', 3 pres. rdgsta, 3 pret. rdgo LATV rugt 'ferment, grow sour, belch (Ulm.) , smoke', 1sg. pres. rugstu, 1sg. pret.

rugu

BSL *ru?g-PSL *rygati v. 'belch' SL OCS otwigati (Supr., Ps. Sin.) 'disgorge, throw out (words)'; Ru. rygat'

'belch, ( dial.) sob, weep', 1sg. rygaju; Cz. fihati 'belch'; Slk. rihat"belch'; Pl. rzygac 'throw up'; SCr. rigati 'belch', 1sg. rigam; Čak. rl'gati (Vrg.) 'belch', 2sg. rl'gaš; Sln. rigati 'throw up, belch, bray', 1sg. rigam

PIE *h1 rug-

See -+raugėti.

rumbas

LITH rumbas 4, rumbas 3 'scar, wale, notch, edge, waist (of skirt or trousers) '; VAR rumba 4

LATV rilobs [uo, uo2, uo2] 'notch, gap'

BSL *rumbos; *rombos PSL *rŲb'b m. o (e) SL SerbCS rpb'b 'cloth'; Ru. rub 'coarse cloathing, rags'; Bel. rub 'hem, seam';

Ukr. rub 'hem, seam'; Cz. rub 'hem, the wrong side'; Slk. rub 'hem, seam'; Pl. rqb ( obs.) 'hem, border, scar', Gsg. ręba; SCr. rub 'hem, seam, edge, brink', Gsg. ruba; Čak. rub (Vrg.) 'edge, end', Gsg. ruba; Sln. rŲb 'hem, seam, cloth, plain clothing'; Bulg. rab 'hem, edge, border'

The variant rilmbas occurs in the DLKZ, but does not seem well represented in the dialects. Illič-Svityč (1963 : 140) may be correct in assuming that the · acute is secondary. The Latvian evidence points to a circumflex. According to Būga (RR III: 541), Latv. ruobs as well as ruobit 'carve, make an incision', are borrowings from Old Russian, but this is mainly based on the in my opinion incorrect view that, unlike *an, the semi-diphthong *am did not become uo before a homorganic obstruent. Endzelins (ME III: 576) does not regard ruobs as a borrowing (partly on semantic grounds), but because he holds the same view on the development of *amC, he is forced to resort to an analogical development * am > * an. An argument in favour of a borrowing is the existence of forms such as rumba 'nave, hub, knob, bud, elevation' [um, um2] , rimba 'disc', which may be cognate. Interestingly, Fraenkel (LEW: 696, 749) connects ruobs with Zem. ruobti 'carve, scoop, <lig', which implies an alternation between *romb l *rumb- and *roub-. This is not an uncommon phenomenon, e.g. PSL *l9g'b alongside *lug'b (Derksen 2008a: 288, 292) .

rupus

LITH rupus 4 'coarse, rough' LATV rupjš 'coarse, rough'; VAR rups

386 saikas

In Latvian, we find with o-grade the synonyrnous raupjš, raups2. See -+raūpti for the etyrnology of the root.

s

saikas

LITH saikas 4 (2/4] 'rneasure, unit of dry rneasure, vessel for dry rneasure'

See -+siekas.

saitas

LITH saitas 2 [2/4] 'tie, leash, cord'; VAR sietas 2/4 'tie' LATV saite [ai, ai2] 'string, cord, tie, leash'; VAR salta [ai, ai2] ; saits OPR saytan (EV) 'strap, belt'

BSL *soi-t-PSL *setb f. i (a?) 'snare, net' SL OCS setb 'snare, trap'; Ru. set' 'net', Gsg. seti (AP (a) is also attested in Old

Russian); Cz. sif'net'; Slk. sief'net' ; Pl. siee 'net'

PIE *sh2oi-t-IE Skt. setu- m. 'band, fetter, darn'; OHG seid n. 'cord'

For the reconstruction of the root, see -+sieti. I assurne that Baltic forrns continue an

oxytone neuter o-stern, which in East Baltic becarne barytone as a result of the retraction of the ictus frorn *-a (AP 4 rnust be due to the relatively recent spread of accentual rnobility), which generated the Latvian sustained tone. The accentuation of PSI. *setb is discussed in Derksen 2008a (448) .

saka

LITH saka ( dial.) 4 'tale, legend, saying' LATV saka 'tale, legend'

PIE *sokw-IE Olc. saga 'story, account, history'; OE sagu f. 'staternent, tale, story'; OHG

saga f. 'staternent, tale, story'

See -+sakyti and -+sekti II. The Gerrnanic forrns are probably an independent forrnation (cf. Kroonen 2013: 421) .

sakai

LITH sakaf NpI. 4 'resin, tar'; VAR siikas 4 LATV saki (Fur. , W. Cour.) Npl. 'resin'; VAR sakas Npl. OPR sackis (EV) 'resin'

BSL *sokos PSL *soh m. o (e) 'juice'

saldus

SL OCS sokom'b (Supr.) Isg.; Ru. sok, Gsg. s6ka; Ukr. sik, Gsg. saku; Cz. sok ( dial.); Pl. sok; SCr. sok, Gsg. soka; Sln. sŲk, Gsg. sŲka, Gsg. sokii; Bulg. sok

PIE *sokw-o-IE Gk. 6n6c; m. 'juice ( of plants )'

There are forms that point to *sy-, e.g. ->sveikas.

sakyti

LITH sakyti 'say', 3 pres. sako, 3 pret. sakė LATV sadt 'say', isg. pres. saku, isg. pret. saciju

BSL *sok-ei/i-PSL *sočiti v. 'indicate, accuse' SL SerbCS sočiti 'indicate'; Ru. sočit' (Dal') 'look for, track down, summon', isg.

soču; ORu. sočiti 'look for, search for, conduct an action ( leg.)' ; Pl. soczyč 'slander, abuse'; SCr. sočiti 'establish the guilt of, reveal, find'; Bulg. soča 'show, indicate'

PIE *sokw-eie-IE Olc. segja 'say'; OS seggian 'say'

See ->sėkti II.

sala

LITH sala 4 'island, (E. Lith„ Dzuk.) field surrounded bij meadows (or vice versa), (E. Lith.) village'

LATV sala 'island, high spot in a swamp, grove, village'

PSL *selo n. o (b) SL OCS selo 'field, abode, tabernacle, village'; Ru. sel6 'village'; OCz. selo 'field';

Pl. siolo (poet.) 'soil, hamlet, village'; SCr. sėlo 'village, country', Npl. sela; Čak. selO (Novi) 'village, country', Npl. sela; Sln. selų 'building lot, colony, hamlet, village'; Bulg. selo 'village', Npl. sela

PIE *sol-ehr IE Ok. salr m. 'hall, room, house'

The question is if and to what extent sala is cognate with ->salti II 'trickle, flow'. East Baltic *sala 'island' may have evolved from *ap(i)sala ( cf. ME III: 664), cf. OCS ostroV'b, Ru. 6strov 'island' (->sravu). It is possible that we are dealing with two etyma, viz. 'island' and 'village'. See also: atsala

saldus

LITH saldus 3 [3/4] (AP 3 also with Nsg. saldus) 'sweet' LATV salds 'sweet'

BSL *solrdus PSL *sold'bk'b adj. o (a) 'sweet'

388 salpas

SL OCS slad'bk'b; Ru. sol6dkij ( dial.); Cz. sladky; Slk. sladky; Pl. slodki; USrb. sl6dki; SCr. slatkl; sladak, f. sliitka, f. sliitka; Sln. sladak, f. sladka; Bulg. sladak 'sweet, tasty'

The root is an enlargement (with *d) of *sh2el- 'salt' (-+salti l, -+s6lymas), cf. Go. salt n. 'salt'. The *d may once have been added on the analogy of *sueh2du- 'sweet', e.g. Skt. svadu-, OE swat.

salpas

LITH salpas 4 [2/4] 'river cove, creek, backwater'; VAR salpa 4 'flood-land, river cove, creek, backwater'

BSL *salpos PSL s6lp'b m. o (e) 'rapid, waterfall' SL Cz. slap ' (usu. pl.) rapid, waterfall'; SCr. sliip 'waterfall, stream, wave', Gsg.

sliipa; Sln. sliip 'waterfall, stream, wave', Gsg. sliipa, slapu

AP 2 is not mentioned in the LKZe, but Illič-Svityč ( 1963 : 149) assumes that it is original, referring to a number of twentieth-century dictionaries. Būga (1912b: 244 =

RR l: 333) connects salpas with išselpinėti (Jušk.) 'part, disperse'. Ablaut also occurs in Slavic, cf. RuCS V'bslėpati 'flow', sh1pati 'flow, spout'. This root is apparently an extension of the root that we find in -+salti II.

salti l

LITH salti 'become sweet', 3 pres. siįla, 3 pret. salo (The LKZe mentions salsta, sala, salna and sulna as alternative present formations. In the preterite the form salė is attested.)

See -+s6lymas for the etymology of the root and cf. -+saldus.

salti 11

LITH salti ( dial.) 'trickle, flow', 3 pres. siįla, 3 pret. salo

See -+seleti. The only illustrative sentence in the LKZe involves the compound atsalti (Kv.).

sam

LITH sam- ( san-, sq-) pref. 'together' OPR sen prep. 'with'; sen- (san-) pref. 'together'

BSL *som PSL * s9- pref. 'together' SL OCS s9-; Ru. su-; Cz. sou-; Slk. su-; Pl. sq-; Sln. so-; Bulg. sa-

PIE *som IE Skt. sam prvrb./pref. 'together, at the same time'

A nominal prefix. The vocalism of Old Prussian sen is secondary (Kortlandt 2007a: 10). See also: samda; su

sargas

samda

LITH samda 4 'rent, hire, hired workers, servants'; VAR samdas 4

PIE *som-dhhrehr IE Skt. sarridh&- f. 'agreement, promise'

Compound of -+sam and the zero grade of the root of -+deti. Cf. --padas.

sapnas

LITH sapnas 4 [2/4] 'dream'; VAR sapnis m.(io) 2 [2/4] ; sapnis f.(i) 4; sapnus (Schleicher) (s.v. sapnas the LKZe mentions the Zemaitian forms sapnės Gsg., sapnė{je], sapnl[je] Lsg.)

LATV sapnis 'dream'; VAR sapinis; sapenis; sapnis; sapins; sapęns; sapns f.(i) ; sapins f.(i)

BSL *su( o )pno-PSL *s'bn-b m. o (b) 'sleep, dream' SL OCS s'bn'b; Ru. son, Gsg. sna; Cz. sen; Slk. sen; Pl. sen; USrb. s6n, Gsg. sona;

SCr. siln, Gsg. snil; Čak. s&n (Vrg.) , Gsg. snil; san (Novi), Gsg. snil; Sln. san, Gsg. sna; Bulg. san

PIE *su(e!o)p-no-; *su(e/o)p-r/n-IE Skt. svapna- m. 'sleep, dream'; Skt. svapnya- n. 'dream, vision'; Gk. unvoc; m.

'sleep'; Lat. somnus m. 'sleep, dream'; Ok. svefn m. 'sleep, dream'

A derivative of *suep- 'sleep', cf. Skt. svapati 'sleep', OCS s'bpati 'sleep', Lat. sopire 'cause to sleep'. Since PSL *s'bn'b was not affected by the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems with a non-acute root (Illič-Svityč's law), this form must in principle continue an old neuter, which is why l reconstructed a Balto-Slavic neuter o-stem in my Slavic dictionary (2008a: 481) . As l pointed out in a later publication (2009: 16-18), it is possible, however, that oxytone masculine o-stems with a first syllable closed by an obstruent also ended up in AP (b ). For Lithuanian sapnas, Illič­Svityč (1963 : 33) has argued that AP 2 is original. The evidence is limited to the Npl. sapnai in Nesselmann's dictionary (1851 : 455) and the root stress of sapnininkas 'interpreter of dreams', which is well recorded in several documents from Prussian Lithuania. All in all, it is very difficult to reconstruct a Balto-Slavic proto-form, if only because Baltic has o-grade, whereas Slavic has zero grade.

sargas

LITH sargas 3 'watchman, guard' LATV sargs 'watchman, guard' OPR apisorx (EV) 'kingfisher'; butsargs (III) 'housekeeper'

PSL *storžb m. jo (e) 'guard' SL OCS stražb; Ru. st6rož; Pl. str6:i, Gsg. str6ža; Bulg. straž

See -+sergėti. l find it more likely that the Old Prussian compound apisorx, where the first element means 'brook' (-+upė) , contains *sargas 'watcher' than an element that is

390 sargus

to be identified with O Pr. sarke 'magpie' (_.šarka) ( cf. Mažiulis PKEŽ I: 87-88, Hinze 1995 : 190).

sargus

LITH sargus 4 [2?/4] 'watchful'

The LKŽ has sargus l (retained in the LKŽe), which must be a misprint. The form sargumis Ipl. in DP points to AP l or 2. The forms sargu Nsg. n. and sargiai adv. (both attested in K.) may be taken as evidence for AP 2 (paee Derksen 1996: 162, where I interpreted sargus l as a misprint for sargus l) , which accentuation is unexpected. For the etymology, see --.sergėti.

saulė

LITH saulė l 'sun' LATV saūle [aū, au2] 'sun' OPR saule (EV) 'sun'

BSL * sa(ul-; *s(ul-PSL *s'blnbee n. jo (e) 'sun' SL OCS sl'bnbee; Ru. s6lnee; Cz. slunee; Slk. slnee; Pl. slonee; SCr. sūnee; Čak.

sunee (Vrg.) , Gsg. sunea, Npl. suned; sūnee (Orb.) , Gsg. sūnea; Sln. solnee; Bulg. sl&nee

PIE *seh2u-l, *sh2u-en-IE Skt. svar- (suvar-) n. 'sun, sunlight'; Skt. silrya- m. 'sun, deity of the sun'; Av.

huuara n. 'sun', Gsg. hva1;1g; Gk. �O.ioc; (Hom.) m. 'sun'; Lat. sol m. 'sun'; Go. sauil n. 'sun'; OE sunne f. 'sun'

I assume that the Balto-Slavic paradigm still exhibited ablaut of the root ( cf. Petit 2004a: 69-71). Subsequently, Baltic and Slavic generalized different ablaut grades. The long root vowel of the Serbo-Croatian forms results from the widespread lengthening of short vowels before resonants.

sausas

LITH saūsas 4 'dry' LATV sauss [aū, au2] 'dry' OPR sausa [sausan] Asg. f. 'dry'

BSL *sOU$0S PSL *sux'b adj. o (e) 'dry' SL OCS sux'b; Ru. sux6j; Cz. suehy; Slk. suehy; Pl. suehy; SCr. suh; Čak. suh

(Vrg„ Hvar), f. sūha, n. suho; Sln. suh, Gsg. suha; Bulg. sux

PIE *h2SOUS-O-IE Skt. SU$ka- 'dry, barren'; Gk. ui'.Joc; (Hom.) 'dry'; OE sear 'dry'

Probably based on *h2s-us-, the perfect participle of the root *h2s- (Lubotsky 1985). The o-grade must be secondary. See also: saūsinti

segti 391

sausinti

LITH saūsinti [aū, au] 'dry (tr.)', 3 pres. saūsina, 3 pret. saūsino LATV sausinat [au2, au2] 'dry (tr.)' ; VAR sausinet2

BSL ""SOU$-ei/i-PSL * sušiti v. (e) 'dry' SL OCS sušiti (Euch., Kiev Folios, Supr.) 'dry, exhaust'; Ru. sušit', 1sg. sušu, 3sg.

sušit; Cz. sušiti; Slk. sušit'; Pl. suszyc; SCr. sUšiti, 1sg. sušim; Čak. sūšl't (Orb.), 3sg. sūši; Sln. sušiti, 1sg. sušim; Bulg. suša

A derivative of -+saūsas. A similar, but independent formation is found in Skt. So$ayati 'let dry' < ""h2sous-eie-.

sėdėti

LITH sėdeti 'sit', 3 pres. sedi, 3 pret. sėdejo; VAR sėdeti, 3 pres. sedžia, 3 pret. sėdejo LATV sedet 'sit', 1sg. pres. sedu, 1sg. pret. sedeju; VAR sedet, 1sg. pres. sežu, 1sg. pret.

sedeju

BSL *sdd-d-PSL *sėdhi v. 'sit' SL OCS sėdėti, 1sg. sėžd9; Ru. sidėt', 1sg. sižu, 3sg. sidit; Cz. sedėti; Slk. sedief; Pl.

siedziee; SCr. sjedjeti; sjediti; Čak. sidl'ti (Vrg.), 2sg. sidiš; sedet (Orb.), 1sg. sedin; Sln. sędęti, 1sg. sedim; Bulg. sedja

PIE *sed-ehr IE Lat. sedere 'sit'

An example ofWinter's law, cf. also Gk. e�oµai 'sit down', Go. sitjan. See also: sesti; sodas; sodinti; sodrus; suodžiai

segti

LITH segti 'fasten, hook, clasp, pin', 3 pres. sega, 3 pret. segė LATV segt 'cover, fasten', 1sg. pres. sędzu, 1sg. pret. sedzu; VAR segt, 1sg. pres. segu,

1sg. pret. sedzu

BSL *senrg-PSL *sęgti v. 'reach for' SL OCS prisęšti sę 'touch', 1sg. prisęgo sę; Cz. dosici 'reach'; Sln. sęči 'reach for, try

to grab', 1sg. šęžem

PIE *seng-IE Skt. sajati 'adhere to, hang', 3sg. pf. sasaflja

According to Kortlandt (1988: 389, cf. 2009d: 246-247), East Baltic eliminated the *n from the root due to reanalysis as a nasal infix. The regular acute is found in PSl. *sędzati, *sęgati (a), e.g. SCr. sezati 'reach, attain', Cz. sahati 'touch, reach for', while Winter's law was blocked by a cluster *-ngn- in *sęgnŲti, e.g. SCr. sėgnuti 'reach', Cz. sahnouti 'touch, reach for' ( l.e.) .

392

sėkla

LITH sė'lcla 1 [ 1/3] 'seed, sperm' LATV sękla [ę, ę2] 'seed, sperm'

See -+si!ti.

sekti l

sėkla

LITH sekti 'observe, track down, spy on, follow', 3 pres. seka, 3 pret. sekė; VAR sekti, 3 pres. senka, 3 pret. seko

LATV sekt 'follow, succeed, thrive', 1sg. pres. sęku, 1sg. pret. secu ( 1sg. pres. also sęcu, suoku, isg. pret. also seku, suocu)

PIE *sekw-IE Skt. si:icate 'accompany, follow'; Gk. eJtoµai 'follow'; Lat. sequl 'follow,

accompany'

sekti 11

LITH sekti 'tell', 3 pres. seka, 3 pret. sekė; VAR sekti, 3 pres. senka, 3 pret. seko

PIE *sekw-IE Gk. Ėv(v)fow 'tell'; Lat. inquit 'says'

In Lithuanian dictionaries this verb is identified with -+sekti L Likewise, PIE *sekw­'follow' and *sekw- 'say, tell' are sometimes regarded as one single root (cf. LIV 525-526). See also: saka; saI<yti

sekti III

LITH sekti 'subside (water), diminish (strength)', 3 pres. senka, 3 pret. seko; VAR sekti, 3 pres. seka, 3 pret. sekė

BSL *se(n)k-PSL *sękn9ti v. 'run dry' SL OCS isękn9ti 'run dry', isg. isękn9; Ru. issjaknut' 'run dry'; Cz. saknouti 'ooze,

trickle, wet'; Pl. siqknqc 'run dry'

PIE *sek-IE Skt. sascasi 2sg. 'dry out'; Gk. EcrKEl'O <j>wv� (Hom.) 'his voice broke down'

selėti

LITH seli!ti 'lurk, sneak, prowl', 3 pres. sela, 3 pret. seli!jo; VAR seli!ti, 3 pres. seli, 3 pret. seli!jo; seli!ti, 3 pres. seli!ja, 3 pret. seli!jo

PIE *tsel-IE Skt. tsarati 'approach stealthily, sneak, creep up on'; Go. stilan 'steal'; OE

stelan 'steal, go stealthily'; Olr. sle(i)th f. 'act of surprising a sleeping woman, having intercourse with her'

septyni 393

On the basis of Lithuanian and Sanskrit forms, LIV (528) reconstructs *sel­'schleichen'. The Sanskrit root is assumed to have secondarily evolved from *(H)d­sar-, i.e. with the zero grade of the preverb *h2ed-. Kroonen and Lubotsky (2009) have argued that there was a PIE root *tsel- , which arose from an unidentified nominal element and *sel- 'start moving', cf. Skt. sar- (1) 'flow, run, hurry', sar- (2) 'extend', Gk. čiA;\oµm 'jump' (*si-) l find it plausible that this root *sel- is present in -+salti II 'trickle, flow'. See also: atsala; sala

sėmuo

LITH sėmuo (OLith., dial.) m.(n) 3• 'flaxseed, seed, sowing'; semenys Npl. m.(n) 1/3• 'flaxseed, linseed'; VAR semenes Npl. f.(n) 1/3•; semens Npl. f./m.(n) 1/3•

OPR semen (EV) 'seed'

BSL *sdmen-PSL *stmę n. n (a) 'seed' SL OCS semę, Gsg. semene, Gsg. semeni; Ru. semja; Cz. sime; Pl. siemię; SCr.

sjeme, Gsg. sjemena, Npl. sjemena; Čak. sl'me (Vrg., Hvar), Gsg. sl'mena; Sln. sęme, Gsg. sęmena; Bulg. seme, Npl. semena

PIE *sehrmen-IE Lat. sėmen n. 'seed'

See -+seti.

senas

LITH senas 4 [ 2/4] 'old' LATV sęns 'old'

PIE *sen-o-IE Skt. sana- 'old'; Lat. senex 'old man'; Olr. sen 'old'

There is evidence for AP 2 in old accented texts (Illič-Svityč 1963 : 56-57) . The LK:Ž only mentions AP 4. See also: sinteti

septyni

LITH septyni Npl. 3 'seven' LATV septil)i Npl. 'seven'; VAR septl1Ji Npl. [ i, i, i2]

BSL *sept-PSL *sedmb num. i (b) 'seven' SL OCS sedmb, Gsg. sedmi; Ru. sem', Gsg. semi; Cz. sedm; Slk. sedem; Pl. siedem,

Gsg. siedmiu; siedm ( arch.); Slnc. sltem; USrb. sydom; LSrb. sedym; SCr. sedam; Čak. sedan (Vrg., Orb.) ; sedam (Novi); Sln. sędam; Bulg. sedem

PIE *septm IE Skt. sapta; Gk. tma; Lat. septem; Lat. septem; Go. sibun

394 septintas

Stang (1966: 279) suggests that the Baltic forms are based on *septin < *septrp,. The Slavic form was influenced by the ordinal *sedm'bjb. See also: septintas

septintas

LITH septintas 4 'seventh'; sekmas (arch., dial.) 4 (2/4) (according to Illič-Svityč (1963: 57) , there is marginal evidence for AP 2 in the 1735 bible) .

LATV septits 'seventh' OPR septmas 'seventh'

BSL * septmos PSL *sedm'b num. o 'seventh' SL OCS sedm'b; Ru. sed'm6j (AP (b) in Old Russian); Cz. sedmy; sedmy (dial.);

OCz. sedmy; Slk. siedmy; Pl. si6dmy; SCr. sedmi; Sln. sędmi

PIE *septm-6-IE Skt. saptatha- (RV); Skt. saptama- (VS+ ) ; Gk. e�Soµoc;; Lat. septimus; OHG

sibunto

See -+septyt;1i.

sergėti

LITH sergėti [er, er] 'watch over, guard', 3 pres. sergi, 3 pret. sergėjo; VAR sergėti (OLith.) 'watch over, guard', 3 pres. sergti, 3 pret. sergėjo ( other alternative present formations are sergia, serga, sergsti, sergsta and sefgėja); sargoti e dial.) 'watch over, guard', 3 pres. sargo, 3 pret. sargojo

LATV saigat 'watch over, guard', 1sg. pres. sargu, 1sg. pret. sargiiju; VAR sargat, 1sg. pres. sargiiju, 1sg. pret. sargiiju

OPR apsergisnan Asg. 'protection'

BSL *ster(g-PSL * stergti v. (e) 'guard' SL OCS strešti, 1sg. streg9; Ru. stereč', 1sg. steregu, 3sg. sterežet; Cz. stfici, 1sg.

stfehu; OCz. stfieci, 1sg. stfehu; Pl. strzec 'guard', 1sg. strzegę; Sln. stręči, 1sg. stręžem

The etymological connection with the Slavic verb is uncertain. If we start from *sterg-, it is possible to seek a connection with Gk. o--rtpyw 'show affection, love tenderly' and attribute the Baltic acute to Winter's law. The loss of the *t would remain unexplained. Another possibility is to posit a root *serg-, which could be an enlargement of the root *ser- that we find in Av. haraiti 'heed, protect', Lat. serviire 'watch over, protect, save' ( *ser-u-). In that case we could assume that the Slavic root has secondary *t or is not cognate at all. See also: sargas; sargils

sėti 395

sėsti

LITH sesti [e, l] 'sit down', 3 pres. si!da, 3 pret. sedo (3 pres. also sedžia, sesta, sesti, 3 pret. also sedė)

LATV sedet 'sit', 1sg. pres. sęstu, sėžu (Ulm.), 1sg. pret. sędu (Rutzau), sedu OPR sindats (I) ptc. pres. act., syndens (II) ptc. pres. act., sidons (III) ptc. pret.

act., sidans (III) ptc. pret. act. 'sitting' (Kortlandt 2001: 70)

BSL *sdd-PSL *sėsti v. 'sit down' SL OCS sėsti 'sit down', 1sg. sęd9; Ru. sest' 'sit down', 1sg. sjadu, 3sg. sjadet; Cz.

siesti, 1sg. sadu, 2sg. sėdėš; Pl. siqsc, 1sg. siqdę; SCr. sjesti, 1sg. sjedėm; Čak. sesti (Vrg.), 2sg. sedeš; Sln. sęsti, 1sg. sędem; Bulg. sjadam

See -+sėdeti.

sesuo

LITH sesuo f.(r) 3b 'sister', Gsg. sesers; VAR sesė 2 [2/4] ; sesuva 3b (Gsg. also sesers, seseriės ); sesva

OPR swestro (EV); schostro (GrA, GrF) 'sister'

BSL *ses-( e )r-PSL *sestra f. a (b) 'sister' SL OCS sestra; Ru. sestra, Asg. sestru; Cz. sestra; Slk. sestra; Pl. siostra; SCr.

sestra, Asg. sestru; Čak. sestra (Orb.), Asg. sestro; Sln. sestra; Bulg. sestra

PIE *sues-r-IE Skt. svasar- f.; Lat. soror f.; O Ir. siur f.; Go. swistar f.

Among the case-forms attested in old texts and dialects are Gsg. seseres, Dsg. sėseri, Npl. sėseres. According to Illič-Svityč (1963: 64) , evidence for AP 1 is attested directly in Universitas 1737 and indirectly in eastern Dzuk dialects by the existence of a mixed paradigm seso < *sesuo, Gsg. sėseres, which may also be reflected in Ruhig's grammar. I agree with Mažiulis (PKEŽ IV: 173) that the w in OPr. swestro is due to Germane influence and that it is unnecessary to start from a borrowing from German or (Old) Polish. The form schostro, however, must be a borrowing from Polish.

sėti

LITH seti 'sow', 3 pres. seja, 3 pret. sejo; VAR seti, 3 pres. seja, 3 pret. sejo LATV sėt [ė, e2] 'sow', 1sg. pres. sėju

BSL *sd-PSL *shi v. (a) 'sow' SL OCS sėti, 1sg. sėj9; sėjati, 1sg. sėj9; Ru. sejat' 'sow', 1sg. seju; Cz. siti; Slk. siaf;

Pl. siac; USrb. syc; LSrb. se5; SCr. si'jati, 1sg. si'jėm; Sln. sęjati, 1sg. sęjem; Bulg. seja

PIE *sehr IE Lat. serere 'sow', 1sg. sero; Go. saian 'sow' See also: sekla; sėmuo

siauras

LITH siaūras 4 'narrow, tight'

siauras

LATV šiiurs [au, au2, au2] 'narrow, tight'

PIE *seu-ro-

It seems plausible to me that siaūras derives from the root *seu- 'squeeze, press' that we find in Skt. sun6ti, LAv. hunaoiti (thus also Smoczynski 2007: 545).

siausti

LITH siaūsti 'rage, be rampant, wrap, surround, winnow, fling, ( dial.) beat', 3 pres. siaūčia, 3 pret. siaūtė; VAR siaūsti, 3 pres. siaūsti, 3 pret. siaūtė

LATV šaust [au, au2, au2] 'flog, beat', isg. pres. šaušu, 1sg. pret. šautu

BSL *sjout-PSL *šutiti v. SL Ru. šutit' 'joke, jest, play', 1sg. šuču, 3sg. šUtit

PIE *h2seut-IE Olc. sj6oa 'boil, seethe'; OE seooan 'id:; OHG siodan 'id:

For the laryngeal, cf. Gk. aiiTµt'j f. 'breath, scent'. According to Endzelins ( apud Fraenkel LEW: 780 ), the meaning 'wrap' may originate from apsiaūsti 'umschlagen'. See also: siusti

sidabras

LITH sidabras 2 'silver'; VAR sudiibras; sidrabas (OLith.) LATV sidrabs 'silver'; VAR sudrabs; sudarbs OPR siraplis (EV) 'silver'; Asg. sirablan (III)

PSL *sbrebro n. o (b) 'silver' SL OCS Sbrebro; sorebro; Ru. serebr6; Cz. stfibro; Slk. striebro; Pl. srebro; OPI.

srzebro; SCr. srebro; Sln. srebr(j; Bulg. srebr6

IE Go. silubr n.; Olc. silfr n.; OHG silabar n. (PGmc. *silubra- n.); Celtib. silabur

A Wanderwort of non-Indo-European origin ( cf. Boutkan and Kossmann 2000 ).

siekas

LITH siekas 1, siekas 2 'unit of dry measure, vessel for dry measure' LATV sieks [ ie, iė2, ie2] 'unit of dry measure, vessel for dry measure'

PIE *soik-o-IE Olc. sar m. 'large tub'; OE sa m. 'bucket' (PGmc. *saiha- m.)

The variant with an acute root seems to be metatonical. On the other hand, siekas and -+saikas are sometimes considered to be cognate with -+siekti 'try to reach'. The tone of the latter verb, which occurs alongside a circumflex, by the way, is problematic, however.

sieti 397

siekti

LITH siekti [ ie, ie] 'try to reach, strive for, reach', 3 pres. siekia, 3 pret. siekė; VAR siekti, 3 pres. siekia, 3 pret. sieko

PIE *seik-IE Gk. tKW 'come, reach'

The acute variant is problematic. The expected circumflex is well attested. See also: saikas; siekas

siela

LITH siela l [1/ 4] 'soul, heart' OPR seilin Asg. 'diligence'; seilins Apl. 'senses'; noseilis 'spirit'

BSL *serilai' PSL *sila f. a (a) 'strength, force' SL OCS sila 'strength, force, miracle'; Ru. sila; Cz. sila; Slk. sila; Pl. sila; SCr. sl'la;

Sln. sila 'force, mass, need'; Bulg. sila

Etymology unknown.

sietas

LITH sietas l [ 1/2/ 3] 'sieve' LATV siėts 'sieve'

BSL *serito 'sieve' PSL *sito n. o (a) 'sieve' SL Ru. sito; Cz. sito; Slk. sito; Pl. sito; SCr. sl'to; Čak. si'to (Vrg., Novi, Orb.); Sln.

sitQ; Bulg. sito

The root stress of the Balto-Slavic form originates from Hirt's law. The original forms must have been *sehd-to(d). Barytone neuter o-stems with an acute root became mobile in Latvian (see Derksen 1995) . For the root, see -+sijoti.

sieti

LITH sieti [ie, ie] 'bind, link', 3 pres. sieja, 3 pret. siejo; VAR sieti, 3 pres. seja, 3 pret. siejo (for sieti are recorded the alternative present formations siena, seja and sina as well as the preterits sienė, sijo and sinė)

LATV siet [ ie, ie2] 'bind, tie', lsg. pres. sienu, lsg. pret. sėju

PIE *shr(o)i-IE Hitt. išbai;_ l išbi- 'bind, wrap, obligate with, impose upon'; Skt. sinati 'bind',

aor. sat

The reconstruction of this root has been the subject of debate. Insler's *seH- along­side *sei- (1971: 581ff) was superseded by *seH- alongside *seHi ( *sHei-) (Schrijver 1991: 519-520 ) , while LIV (544) abandoned the root *sehl))- 'tie' of the first edition in favour of *seh1(D- 'let go' alongside *sh2ei- 'tie'. In my opinion, the most satisfactory solution is to start from the Hittite state of affairs as analyzed by Kloekhorst ( 2008:

sijoti

392-393), i.e. *shr alongside *shr(o) i-, e.g. išbamin- e. 'cord', išbai- 'bind, wrap, 3Pl. išl,zianzi ( cf. already Schrijver l.e., where it is suggested that the i of the Hittite verb is part of a suffix). The majority of the Baltic forms are consistent with *shr(o)i-, which may be assumed to have developed into a root *s(oi- > *soi- , giving rise to new apophonic grades *sei- and *si-, cf. the rare variant seitas 'tie, cord' for -+saitas and OCz. sit 'twining', Sln. sft 'rush'. See also: atsailė

sijoti

LITH sijoti 'sift', 3 pres. sijoja, 3 pret. sijojo LATV sijat 'sift', isg. pres. sijaju

BSL *s(e) (i-PSL *shi; *sejati v. (a) 'sift' SL OCS seti, isg. sej9; sejati, isg. sej9; proseati (Supr.); Ru. prosejat'; SCr. sljati,

isg. sljem; Čak. sejat (Orb.), isg. siejen; Sln. sęjati, isg. sęjem; Bulg. seja; Bulg. proseja

PIE *s(e)hd-

There are very few traces of an unextended root *sehr 'siff An example is Ok. sald n. 'sieve, riddle' < *sehrtlo- ( cf. Kroonen 2013: 430 ). See also: sietas

sintėti l

LITH sinteti (Zem.) 'think, consider', 3 pres. siflti, 3 pret. sintejo; VAR sinteti [ in, in] , 3 pres. sinteja, 3 pret. sintejo

BSL *sint-PSL *sętjb adj. jo 'sensible, wise' SL CS sęštb

PIE *snt-IE Lat. sentfre 'feel'

See -+siųsti for the possibility that this root derives from the meaning 'go'.

sintėti 11

LITH sinteti (Zem.) 'breathe heavily, gain the upper hand (illness)', 3 pres. siflti, 3 pret. sintejo; VAR sinteti [ in, in] , 3 pres. sinteja, 3 pret. sintejo; sinteti (Vn.) 'breathe heavily', 3 pres. siflta, 3 pret. sintejo

l have followed Fraenkel (LEW: 786) in separating sinteti 'think, consider' from the verb discussed here. Fraenkel claims that we must start from an abstract noun *sintis < *sn-ti- ( cf. sintis 'shortness of breath') , with the root of -+senas 'old'. l find it diffi­cult, however, to link 'breathe heavily' to 'become stronger, gain the upper hand' ( said of an illness). Note that the meaning 'alt, schwach werden, ableben, veralten', which Fraenkel presents at the beginning of the lemma, is apparently the reconstructed meaning.

siųsti 399

sirgti

LITH sirgti 'be ill', 3 pres. serga, 3 pret. sirgo; VAR sirgti, 3 pres. sergsta, 3 pret. sirgo; sirgti, 3 pres. sirga, 3 pret. sirgo; sirgti, 3 pres. sirgsta, 3 pret. sirgo; sergti, 3 pres. serga, 3 pret. serga

LATV sirgt [ ir, ir, ir2, ir2] 'be ill, be ailing', lsg. pres. sirgstu, sęrgu, lsg. pret. sirgu; VAR sergt (Fi.ir.) 'be ailing'

PIE *su(e)rgh-IE Go. saurgan 'take care of; OHG sorga f., sworga f. 'care'

As pointed out by LIV (614), we must take into account that in Baltic the *u of the root may have been lost before a full grade, cf. -+sesuo. The new zero grade sirg­could easily be analogical. A Slavic cognate is CS sragb 'frightful' < *sorgb.

siusti

LITH siusti 'go mad, rage', 3 pres. siunta, 3 pret. siuto LATV šust 'become angry, rage, frolic, go mad', lsg. pres. šutu, lsg. pret. šutu

The *j originates from the e-grade siaūt < *h2seut- (-+siaūst1).

siųsti

LITH siiįsti 'send', 3 pres. siunčia, 3 pret. siuntė; VAR siiįsti (Ness.) , 3 pres. siunta, 3 pret. siuntė

LATV sutit [u, ū(?)] 'send', lSg. pres. sutu, lsg. pret. sutiju

PIE *snt-IE Go. sandjan 'send'; OE sendan 'id:

It is unattractive to separate this verb from PGmc. *sandjan, but the etymology is not completely straightforward. Firstly, *un seems to occur alongside *in (in -+sinteti I) , which is the expected reflex of vocalic n in this position. Secondly, tlie anlaut [s ' ] of the Lithuanian verb is hard to explain if the root was *sent-. A connection witli sinteti 'think, consider' is assumed by LIV (533), where we find a tentative recon­struction *sent 'gehen' -+ 'wahrnehmen', the intermediate steps being 'go after', 'track down'. Kroonen (2013) apparently shares this view, as he connects PGmc. *sandjan 'send' witli PGmc. *sinnan (< *sent-ne-), which he translates as 'go, travel' (o.e. : 426) and 'head for, long for' (o.e. : 437) . The latter meaning is closer to what is actually attested, e.g. OHG sinnan 'consider, strive'. De Vaan (2008: 554) is sceptical of a connection between Lat. sentfre 'sense, feel', BSI. *snt- 'think', etc: and *sent- 'go'. Whether or not we are dealing with separate roots, it is unclear why we should find the vocalizations *un and *in in identical environments. As to the Lithuanian anlaut, Būga (RR III: 850) has argued that it is analogical after -+siaūsti 'rage' and siaūbti 'devastate', which forms he considers to be cognates. Smoczyriski ( 2007: 552) proposes that Lith. siunt- is a contamination of the zero grades *sint- and *sunt-, which seems rather ad hoc. In view of Latvian sut- < sunt- , it is plausible that the Lithuanian anlaut is secondary, but I regard its origin as unclear.

400 siūti

siūti

LITH sidti 'sew', 3 pres. siuva, 3 pret. siuvo (3 pres. also siuna, 3 pret. also siuvė) LATV šūt 'sew', isg. pres. šuju, isg. pret. šuvu; VAR šūt [ū, u2] , isg. pres. šūnu, isg.

pret. šuvu; šūt, ISg. pres. šuvu, isg. pret. šuvu

BSL *sju(-PSL *ši ti v. (a) 'sew' SL SerbCS šiti, isg. šijp (OCS nešwen'b 'without a seam', šwen'b 'embroidered');

Ru. šit', isg. š'ju, 3sg. š'et; Ukr. šjty, isg. šjju; Cz. šiti, isg. šiji; Slk. šif; Pl. szyc, isg. szyję; SCr. šl'ti, isg. šljem; Čak. šl'ti (Vrg.), 2Sg. šlješ; Sln. šiti, isg. šijem; Bulg. šija

PIE *sih2u- ( < *shri-u-) IE Skt. sfvyati; Lat. suere, ptc. pret. pass. sūtum; Go. siujan

The Balto-Slavic forms point to a metathesized root *siuhr ( cf. Lubotsky 2011: 105, 113) . According to Lubotsky (o.e. : 109-m), we are dealing with a denominal verb deriving from a u-stem. The u-stem is based on the i-present of *sehr, cf. Skt. sa­'fasten, fetter'.

skaidyti

LITH LATV

BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

skaidyti 'separate, divide, distribute', 3 pres. skaido, 3 pret. skaidė skaidit 'dilute, spill', isg. pres. skaidu, 1sg. pret. skaidfju

*(s )koi?d-*cediti v. (e) 'strain, filter' CS cediti; Ru. cedit', 1sg. cežu, 3sg. cėdit (AP (e) in Old Russian); Cz. cediti; Slk. cedif; Pl. cedzic; Slnc. cię3ec; USrb. cydžic; SCr. cijediti, 1sg. cljedim; Čak. cidl'ti (Vrg.), 2sg. cidiš; Sln. cęditi, 1sg. cędim; Bulg. cedja

*(s)koid-Skt. chinatti 'split, break, cut off' (*ski-nė!n-d-) ; Gk. crxl(w 'split, cut, separate'; Lat. scindere 'split', 1sg. scindo

If Vaillant (Gr. III: 418) is correct in assuming that PSl. *cediti originates from reanalysis of *jbscediti (*jbs-scedit1), it may not be necessary to posit mobile s, but note that we also find *čist'b 'clean, pure'. Lith. skisti 'disperse', 3 pres. skinda, is not a counter-example to Winter's law, as it conforms to a productive pattern ( cf. Young 2011: 239 ). A direct comparison with Skt. chinatti and Lat. scindo would be pointless ( cf. Stang 1966: 339 ) . See also: skaidras; skaistus; sky-stas; skiesti

skaidrus

LITH skaidrus 4 [1/ 4] 'bright, clear, transparent'; VAR skaistas 1/3 'bright'; skaidras 4 [1/ 4] 'bright'

LATV skaidrs [ai, ai2] 'bright, clear'

See -+skaidyti.

skelėti

skaistus

LITH skaistus 4 [3/4] 'bright'; VAR skaistas 1/3 [1/3/4] LATV skaists [ai, ai, ai2, ai2] 'beautiful, pretty'; VAR skaiksts2; skaistrs

401

This adjective must be analyzed as *skaird-to- from PIE *(s )koid-, cf. RuCS cestiti 'clean'. With zero grade we find -->skystas. See -->skaidyti for the etymology of the root.

skaityti

LITH skaityti 'read, count', 3 pres. skaito, 3 pret. skaitė LATV skaitit [ai, ai, ai2, ai2] 'count, recite, read', lsg. pres. skaitu, lsg. pret. skaitiju

BSL *(s )keit-; *(s )koit-PSL *čitati v. 'read, count' SL Ru. čitat"read', lsg. čitaju; Cz. čftati 'read, count, suppose'; Slk. čftaf'read'; Pl.

czytac 'read'; SCr. čitati 'read', lsg. čitiim; Sln. čftati 'read', lsg. čftam

PIE *(s)kweit-; *(s)kwoit-IE Skt. cetati 'perceive, take notice of' See also: Latv. šlpst

skala

LITH skala 4 'match, rod attaching the warp to the weaver's beam, small stiek for braiding, chip'; VAR skalas 2

LATV skala 'match'; VAR skals

A derivative of ->skelti. An Old Prussian cognate is stolwo (EV) 'chip', which is usually emended to scolwo.

skalnas

LITH skažnas ( coll.) 4 'indebted'

See -+ skeleti.

skardis

LITH skardis 2 [2/4] 'steep slope, steep bank'; VAR skardis 4

See -->skersti.

skardyti

LITH skardyti [ar, ar] 'slaughter, chop, maul, crush', 3 pres. skardo, 3 pret. skardė LATV sk&.rdit2 'pound, crush', lsg. pres. sk&.rdu2, lsg. pret. sk&.rdiju2

See __.skersti.

skelėti

LITH skeleti ( obs.) 'owe', 3 pres. skeli, 3 pret. skeli!jo; VAR skeleti (OLith.) , 3 pres. skela, 3 pret. skelejo

OPR skelliints 'guilty'

402

PIE *(s)kel-

skelti

IE Go. skulan 'owe, have to', 1sg. skal

The root *skel-, which if linked to -+kaltas has mobile s, appears to be limited to Baltic and Germanic. See also: skalnas; skilti III; skola

skelti

LITH skelti 'split, cleave, strike fire', 3 pres. skelia, 3 pret. skė1ė; VAR skelti (Ziet.), 3 pres. skelti, 3 pret. skė1ė

LATV š�eit 'split, cleave, strike fire', 1sg. pres. š�efu, 1sg. pret. š�ėlu

PIE *skelh21r IE Hitt. iškalia- ; l iškali- 'slit, split, tear'; Gk. OKUAAW 'stir up, hoe'

The Baltic accentual evidence points to a root-final laryngeal, which is narrowed down to *h213 on the basis of the Hittite verb (see Kloekhorst 2008: 399). According to Beekes (2010: 1341) , Gk. crKUAAW does not necessarily point to a root *skel-. See also: skala; skilti l ; skilti II

skerbti l

LITH skerbti ( dial.) 'cut deeply into, make an incision', 3 pres. skerbia, 3 pret. skerbė

The root of this verb seems to be an enlargement *(s)kerbh- of *(s)ker(H) 'cut' (-+kerti, -+skirti). LIV (557-558) has a root *(s)kerbh- 'be sharp', which is assumed to have a Germanic variant with *b. There is no need, however, to project the Germanic variation into the proto-language (cf. Kroonen 2013: 444) . On the other hand, we find Latvian cognates pointing to an acute, viz. -+Latv. skarbs 'sharp, strict, rough, quarrelsome' (possibly backed up by the accentuation of PSl. *xorbT"b (a) 'brave'), -+Latv. š�ęrbs 'astringent, bitter and sour', š�ifba 'gap, crack' (-+skifbis) . For the adjectives it might be possible to postulate influence of skabs 'sour' (-+sk6bas).

Though they most probably have a common origin, it may on a Baltic level make sense to distinguish a root *skerb- 'cut' < *(s )kerbh- ( cf. *skerd- 'cut' < *skerdh- in -+skersti) from the root of -+skrebeti, which l reconstruct as *skreb- 'scrape, scoop' <

*skrebh-. Both semantically and formally this is not without difficulties, however. See also: skirbis; skirbti l; skirbti II; skrebti; skribti; skurbti

skerbti 11

LITH skerbti (Jušk. , Als.) 'shrink, weaken, <ledine', 3 pres. skerbsta, 3 pret. skerbo

This verb can be connected with -+skerbti l.

skėrys

LITH skėrys 4 [2/4] 'locust, (dial.) dragon-fly, (Bretk.) ram'; VAR skerys 4; skėre 4; skėras

skersti 403

LATV š�ėris 'ram'; š�irgailis2 'lizard'; VAR š�irgalis (a?); š�irgale; š�irgalis; š�irgata [ ir, ir2] ; š�irgate2; š�irzaka2; š�irzata2; š�irzate2; š�irzgalis; š�irzgalis; š�irzgata

OPR estureyto (EV) 'lizard'

PSL *aščerb m. o; *aščerica f. ja (a) 'lizard' SL OCS aštera (Supr.) Gsg. m. 'lizard' ; Ru. jaščer ' inflammation of the tongue

( cattle, horses )' ; jaščerica 'lizard'; Cz. ješter saurian, dragon'; ješterka 'lizard'; ještėfice (rare) 'lizard'; Pl. jaszczur 'salamander, saurian'; jaszczurka 'lizard'; jaszcz6r ( dial.) 'lizard' ; Slnc. vješčięfiica 'lizard'; SCr. jaster ( obs.) 'lizard'; jašterica 'vesicle on the tongue'; čak. jaščerica (Vrg.) 'vesicle on the tongue'; Sln. jaščerica 'green lizard'; jaščarica 'green lizard'

IE Gk. ČtcrKap[� f. 'worm in the intestines, larva of a mosquito'; Gk. oxap[8e�· d8o� V1.µlv8wv (Hsch.)

There is a possibility that this is a substratum word that under hitherto unspecified circumstances shows prefixation of a non-Indo-European type (cf. Schrijver 1997: 307-312) . The etymon could be reconstructed as *(ti)sk(e)r- (note that the Old Prussian form is probably a borrowing from Slavic) . Traditionally, the element *sk(e)r- is regarded as a verbai element meaning 'jump', cf. Gk. crKalpw 'hop, jump, dance', which has also been connected with Ru. sk6ryj 'quick' ( cf. LEW: 802 ). Vey (1953) daringly accounts for the apparent prefixation in Slavic by reconstructing *h1oh1ku-sker-, where the first element means 'quick' ( cf. Derksen 2008a: 29-30 ) .

skersas

LITH skersas 4 'transverse, cross'; skersai 'across'; VAR kersas 4 'transverse, cross'; kersaf 'across'

LATV š�ęrss 'transverse, cross, bad'; š�ęrsam [ę, ę2, ęzi 'across'; š�ęrsu [ę, ęzi 'across'

BSL *( s )kerso-PSL * čers'b; * čerz'b prep. 'over, through' SL CS črės'b 'through'; Ru. čerez 'over, through'; ORu. čerez'b prep. 'id.'; ORu.

čeres'b 'id.'; SCr. črez ( dial.) 'through, by means of'; Sln. čręz ( dial.) 'over, beyond, against'

The root is *(s )kert-, for which see -+kirsti.

skersti

LITH skersti 'slaughter, ( dial.) maul, peel, grind coarsely', 3 pres. skerdžia, 3 pret. skerdė; VAR skersti, 3 pres. skersta, 3 pret. skerdo

LATV skerst [er, er2, h2] 'split, cut up, dissect', 1sg. pres. skhžu, 1sg. pret. skerdu

PIE *skerdh-IE MHG scherzen 'cut off, shorten ( ?)' ; MoDu. scharten ( dial.) 'scratch'

The Baltic accentual evidence points to *skerdh-. Kroonen (2013: 444) argues that the *t of PGmc. *skertan points to an iterative *skurton < *skrdh-nehr, cf. OHG schurz, OE scort, sceort 'cut off, short'. Another Germanic cognate is the adjective *skarda <

404 skiaurė

*skordh-o-, e.g. Olc. skaror 'damaged', OHG scart 'cut, hurt'. Among the Slavic cognates are Ru. skoroda 'harrow' < PSL *skarda and OCS oskrbd'b 'stone cutter's tool, pickaxe' < PSl. *o(b)sk'brd'b (-+O Pr. scurdis 'dibstone, mattock').

skiaurė

LITH skiaūrė 2 [2/ 4] 'box with holes or an enclosure to keep freshly caught live fish'

See -+kiauras. The circumflex tone could easily be metatonical.

skiesti

LITH skiesti 'separate, dilute', 3 pres. skiedžia, 3 pret. skiedė LATV š*iėst [ iė, iė2] 'scatter, spill, cut', isg. pres. š*iėžu, isg. pret. š*iėdu

See -+skaidyti.

skietas

LITH skietas 2 [1/2/ 4] 'reed (in a loom)' LATV š*iėts2 [ iė2, ie2] 'reed (in a loom)'; VAR š*ieta (also 'breastbone of a goose');

š*iete OPR staytan [scaytan] (EV) 'shield'

BSL *skeitum; *sk6itum PSL *ščit'b m. o (b) 'shield' SL OCS štit'b; Ru. ščit, Gsg. ščita; Cz. štit 'shield, fa<;:ade, top' ; Slk. štit; Pl. szczyt

'top, summit'; Slnc. ščft; SCr. štft, Gsg. štita; Sln. ščit, Gsg. ščita; Bulg. štit

PIE *sk6i-to-m IE Lat. scūtum n. 'shield' ; Olr. sciath m. 'shield'; W ysgwyd f. 'shield'

Illič-Svityč, who omits the superscript 2, unnecessarily regards š*iėts as metatonical. The (rare) Lithuanian variant with AP l, on the other hand, seems to be a case of secondary metatony after other forms in -tas.

skilti l

LITH skilti 'split (intr.), crack, disintegrate', 3 pres. skyla, 3 pret. skilo (3 pres. also skilsta, skilna, skjilna)

LATV š*ilt 'cleave'

See ..... skelti.

skilti 11

LITH skilti 'strike fire', 3 pres. skilia, 3 pret. skylė LATV š*ilt [ il, if2, il2] 'strike fire', isg. pres. š*ifu, isg. pret. š*flu, š*ilu

See -+skelti.

skirbis

LITH skirbis 2 'gap'

skystas

LATV š*irba [ir, ir2] 'gap, crack'; VAR š*irbe; š*irbis

BSL *skirba? PSL *ščbrba f. a

405

SL Ru. ščerbci 'indentation, gap, crack'; Cz. šterba ( obs.) 'crack'; Pl. szczerba ' indentation, gap'; Sln. ščfba ' indentation, gap (between teeth)'

See -+ skerbti L

skirbti l

LITH skirbti (Žem.) 'turn sour', 3 pres. skirbsta, 3 pret. skirbo

See -+skerbti l and cf. -+Latv. š*ęrbs 'astringent, bitter and sour'. The etymology is supported by kirpti ( dial.) 'turn sour', 3 pres. kirpsta, cf. -+kirpti 'cut' (LEW: 807).

skirbti 11

LITH skirbti 'shrink, become wrinkled', 3 pres. skirbsta, 3 pret. skirbo

See -+skerbti II and -+skrebti.

skirti

LITH skirti 'separate, divide, distinguish, assign, impose, appoint', 3 pres. skiria, 3 pret. skyrė

LATV s*irt [ ir, ir2] 'separate, divide, sever', isg. pres. š*iru, isg. pret. škiru

PIE *(s)krH-IE Ketpw 'cut (off), shave, cut down'; Olr. scaraim 'separate'; Ok. skera 'cut,

slaughter'; OE sceran 'shave, shear, cut' See also: kerti

skystas

LITH skystas 3 [3/ 4] 'liquid, thin ( of liquids or fabric ), sparse' LATV š*ists [ i, i, i2, i 2] 'thin ( of liquids or fabric ) , clean, clear, pure, chaste' OPR skijstan Asg. 'pure'

BSL *(s )ki?stos PSL *čist'b adj. o (a) 'clean, pure' SL OCS čist'b; Ru. čistyj; Cz. čisty; Slk. čisty; Pl. czysty; SCr. či'st; Čak. člst (Vrg.),

f. čista, n. či'sto; čl's (Orb.) , n. čl'sta, n. čl'sto; Sln. čist; Bulg. čist

This adjective continues *(s )kid-to- (-+skaidyti) . Endzelins (EH II: 639) notes that in Jumpraweeten š*ists2 'thin' is reported to be distinct from š*ists 'clean'. The accentual evidence mentioned in ME II: 49-50 suggests a distinction between š*ists 'clean' and š�ists 'pure, chaste' in Wolmar and the speech of Schmidt (from Ronneburg = Rauna) and Cirulis (from Drostenhof = Drusti) , as well as a distinction between š*ists 'thin' and š�ists2 'pure, chaste' in the speech of Kaulių.š (from Saussen = Sausneja). This is an indication that š�ists 'clean, pure', which matches PSl. *čist'b (a) both semantically and formally, is old. The broken tone of š�ists 'thin' may have been adopted from verbs such as skalsit 'dilute'.

406 sklanda

sklanda

LITH sklanda (Žem.) 4 [1/4] 'fenee-pole, bolt'; VAR sklandas (Zem.) 4 'bolt' LATV sklanda 'bar, fenee-pole'

BSL *sklond-PSL *xlpd'b m. o (b/e) 'stiek, pole' SL RuCS xlpd'b 'staff'; Ru. xlud ( dial.) 'pole, truneheon, yoke'; xlut ( dial.) 'pole';

Cz. chloud 'stiek'; OCz. chlud 'stiek'; Pl. chlqd 'stalk, twig', Gsg. chlędu; SCr. Čak. hlud ( ?) 'pole, bar'; hl"ot (Orb.) 'beam on a waggon (plaeed lengthwise on top of the hay)', Gsg. hl"oda; Sln. hl(id 'sawed off bloek, bar of a plough'; hlpd 'bar of a plough'

This is one of those eases where PSl. *x- seems to eorrespond to Baltie sk- ( cf. Rejzek 2008: 55). See also: sklembti; sklęsti

sklembti

LITH sklembti (Žem.) 'slide sideways, slide down', 3 pres. sklembia, 3 pret. sklembė; VAR sklembti, 3 pres. sklembsta, 3 pret. sklembo

BSL *(s)klemb-PSL *xlębb f. i SL OCS xljębei (Ps. Sin.) Gpl. 'waterspouts'; xlębb (Eueh. MS 1/N) 'waterfall';

RuCS xljabb 'waterfall, rapid'; Ru. xljab' 'abyss, mud, muddy ground'; SCr. hl(j)eb ( obs„ areh.) f. (i) 'rapids, waterfall'

Following the ESSJa (VIII: 32-33), I eonneet sklembti, which seems to be a variant of -+sklęsti, with PSl. *xlębb. It must be admitted, however, that this etymology is obviously not roek-solid. Rejzek (2008: 54) prefers an onomatopoeie origin for the Slavie noun.

sklęsti

LITH sklęsti 'slide sideways, hover, bolt', 3 pres. sklendžia, 3 pret. sklendė (3 pres. also sklenda, sklęsta)

LATV sklenst 'slide sideways, slip', 1sg. pres. sklenžu, 1sg. pret. sklendu

See -+sklanda.

skola

LITH skola 4 'debt'

See -+skeleti. Other forms with this ablaut grade are skolingas 'indebted', skolinti 'lend, owe'.

skobas

LITH sk6bas 3 'sour' LATV skabs 'sour'

BSL *skarb-

PSL *xab'b adj. o

skrebti

SL Cz. chaby 'weak, faded, bad'; Slk. chaby 'weak, faded, small, timid'

See -+skobti.

skobti

LITH skobti 'turn sour', 3 pres. skobsta, 3 pret. skobo LATV skabt 'turn sour', 1sg. pres. skabstu, 1sg. pret. skabu

BSL *skarb-PSL *xabiti v. 'spoil'

407

SL CS xabiti 'spoil, corrupt'; Ru. xabit' (arch.) 'seize, snatch'; Cz. chabiti (Jg.) 'spoil, damage'; chabif 'snatch, steal'; Slk. chabif 'fool'; SCr. habiti 'spoil'; Sln. habiti 'spoil, damage', 1sg. hiibim; habfti 'spoil, damage', 1sg. habfm; Bulg. xabja 'spoil'

For the origin of the secondary meaning 'seize, snatch' attested in Slavic, see Derksen 2008a: 201.

skrabėti

LITH skrabeti 'scratch, rustle, crackle, chatter', 3 pres. skraba, 3 pret. skrabejo LATV skrabėt 'rustle, crackle, chatter', 1sg. pres. skrabu, 1sg. pret. skrabeju; VAR

skrabėt 'scratch', 1sg. pres. skrabeju

See -+skrebeti.

skrebėti

LITH skrebeti 'scratch ( of mice ), rustle, crackle', 3 pres. skreba, 3 pret. skrebejo; VAR skrebeti (SD), 3 pres. skrebi, 3 pret. skrebejo

LATV skrebet (Warkl.) 'rattle, creak, rustle'

The original meaning of the root must have been 'scrape, scoop', cf. -+Latv. skrabt 'chisel, scrape, scratch', Ru. skresti 'scrape, scratch', 1sg. skrebu, Pl. skrobac 'id:, OE sceorfan, sceorpan, screpan 'scratch, bite', Lat. scrobis m.lf. 'hole in the ground, pit'. On the basis of OE screpan, LIV (562) reconstructs *(s)kreb- 'schaben, kratzen', but in a footnote it is correctly observed that this would be in conflict with Winter's law, which suggests that the Germanic *p is secondary and that the correct reconstruction is *(s )krebh- e cf. Kroonen 2013: 444). See also: skrabeti; skrebti; skribti; skrobti l; skrabti; skurbti

skrebti

LITH skrebti 'freeze, congeal, stiffen (as a result of drying out), burn (food), be dry, live in poverty', 3 pres. skremba, 3 pret. skrebo; VAR skrebti, 3 pres. skrebia, 3 pret. skrebė; skrembti, 3 pres. skrembsta, 3 pret. skremba

Kossarzewski ( apud Būga RR II: 569) has skreabti 'crunch, freeze a little'. It seems that the meaning of this verb is essentially 'obtain a crust, become crunchy', which suggests a connection with -+skrebeti. LIV (557) assigns skrebti to *(s )kerb- 'sich

408 skreplys

krfunmen, schrumpfen', cf. MHG schrimpfen 'shrivel'. More obvious Lithuanian cognates are skerbti (Jušk., Als.) 'shrink, weaken, <ledine' and skirbti 'shrink, become wrinkled'. I doubt that it is necessary to reconstruct a separate root to accommodate verbs meaning 'shrink, shrivel'. Instead, we may identify this root, which must be reconstructed as *skerbh- ( cf. Kroonen 2013 : 448), with the root of -+skerbti, cf. Ok. skarpr 'sharp, hard, desiccated, shrivelled'. A possible parallel to skrebti may be -+skresti (Ness„ K.) 'become hard (as a result of drying out, burning or freezing)', which probably belongs to the root *(s )kert- 'cut'. In both cases the root shape *skreC­seems to originate from the nasal present. For the meaning 'live in poverty', see -+skurbti.

skreplys

LITH skreplys 4 '(also skrepliai Npl.) phlegm'; VAR skreplė (Jušk.) 2 (usu. skreplės Npl.); kreplės Npl. 2/4

LATV krępas 'phlegm, saliva'; VAR krępala (also pl.); krepeči Npl.; krępuči Npl.

PSL *kropiti v. 'besprinkle' SL OCS kropiti (Euch., Supr.) 'besprinkle, asperse', lsg. kroplj9; Ru. kropit'

'besprinkle, asperse, trickle', lsg. kroplju, 3sg. kropit; Cz. kropiti 'besprinkle, splash'; Slk. kropif 'besprinkle, splash'; Pl. kropic 'besprinkle, drip'; SCr. kropiti 'pour, besprinkle', lsg. kropim; Čak. kropi'ti 'pour, besprinkle', 2sg. kropiš; Sln. kropiti 'besprinkle, asperse', lsg. kropim

Cf. also Lith. skrepliuoti 'spit, slime', Latv. krepat 'spit thick slime', krępafat 'spit'. The evidence points to a BSL root *(s )krep-, but otherwise the etymology is unclear.

skresti

LITH skresti 'become dirty, (Ness., K.) become hard ( as a result of drying out, burning or freezing)', 3 pres. skrenta, 3 pret. skreto

Probably cognate with -+kirsti 'hew', which belongs to the root *(s )kert- . Cf. -+skrebti.

skriebti

LITH skriebti 'draw circles, draw lines, draw, cut', 3 pres. skriebia, 3 pret. skriebė

PIE *(s )kreibh-IE Lat. scribere, lsg. scribo 'write'

According to Būga (apud Trautmann 1923 : 267), skriebti 'Striche ziehen, zeichnen' is attested in Žemaitian. At least in this meaning skriebti may be cognate with Lat. scribere. For the meaning 'draw circles', cf. -+skrieti. See also -+skribti.

skribti

LITH skribti (Žem.) 'perish, croak', 3 pres. skrimba, 3 pret. skribo

Fraenkel (LEW: 816) states that skribti contains the zero grade of -+skriebti. In my opinion, this is at best a misleading representation of the facts. The root skrib- may have arisen from *skirb- < *skrbh- on the analogy of the full grades *skreb- and

skrobti II

*skrab-. Būga (RR 11: 244) draws attention to the role played by nasal presents of the type brifida (from -+bristi 'wade', cf. Ru. bresti 'id:) or indeed skrimba, which he links to skrebinti 'scratch, rustle' (-+skrebi!ti) and Latv. skribinat 'gnaw, nibble, scratch'. It seems to me that a connection with -+skerbti is a serious alternative (see -+skrebti, -+skurbti).

skriesti

LITH skriesti (Ness.) [ ie, ie] 'rotate, circle', 3 pres. skriečia, 3 pret. skrietė

See --+skrieti.

skrieti

LITH skrieti [ ie, ie] 'rotate, circle, fly', 3 pres. skrieja, 3 pret. skriejo; VAR skrieti [ ie, ie] , 3 pres. skreja, 3 pret. skrejo; skrieti (Dsn.) , 3 pres. skriena, 3 pret. skrlnė

LATV skriet [ ie, ie2] 'go, run, fly', isg. pres. skrienu, isg. pret. skreju; VAR skriet, isg. pres. skreju, isg. pret. skreju

PSL *krfdlo n. o (b) 'wing' SL OCS krilo 'wing, roof'; Ru. kryl6 'wing' ( with analogical y after kryt' 'cover') ;

Ukr. kryl6 'wing' ; Cz. kfidlo 'wing'; Slk. kridlo 'wing'; Pl . krzydlo (dial.) 'wing'; Slnc. kffdle 'wing'; SCr. krilo 'wing, fin, nostril, lap'; Čak. krflo (Orb.) 'lap'; Sln. kril9 'wing, fin, nostril'; Bulg. kril6 'wing'

The Lithuanian variant with a circumflex is supported by the Latvian evidence and must therefore be old. The root is apparently *(s)krei-. The verbai root seems to be limited to Baltic (cf. LIV: 562). With dental enlargements we find -+skriesti and -+skristi. A labial enlargement occurs in -+skriebti 'circle'. See also: skritulys

skristi

LITH skristi 'fly', 3 pres. skrenda, 3 pret. skrido

See -+skrieti.

skritulys

LITH skritulys 3b 'wheel, circle, disc, ball, globe' LATV skritulis 'wheel, disc'; VAR skrituls; skritelis OPR scritayle (EV) 'rim'

The stem is *skrit- (-+skriest1). See also -+skrieti.

skrobti l

LITH skrabti (DūnŽ) 'hollow, gouge, scoop', 3 pres. skraba, 3 pret. skrabė

See -+skrebeti.

skrobti 11

LITH skrabti (Jušk.) 'grow thin', 3 pres. skrabsta, 3 pret. skrabo

410 skubus

The meaning may have developed from 'become hollowed out' (-+skrabti I). See -+skrebeti for the etymology of the root.

skubus

LITH skubus 4 'urgent, hasty'; VAR skubrus 4 'lively, active' LATV skubrs 'hasty'

It is possible that skubus is cognate with Go. afskiuban 'push away, reject', OE sceofan, scūfan 'shove'. LIV (560) assigns these forms to an exclusively Balto-Slavic and Germanic root *skeubh-. Kroonen (2013: 444-445) also connects Skt. k§6bhate 'shake, tremble, stumble' and Pl. chybac ( dial.) 'sway, rock, run, rush' and reconstructs *kseubh- (cf. Derksen 2008a: 207) . He rejects the connection with Slavic verbs meaning 'tear, pluck', e.g. Ru. skubti (skubi t; skubsti, skust') ( dial.) , SCr. skupsti 'tear, pluck'. LIV ( l.e.) hesitantly includes Ru. skust' under *skeubh- ("semantische Entwicklung unklar") . A semantic development 'tear' -+ 'rush' does not seem implau­sible, cf. MoDu. scheuren 'go fast (with a vehicle)', but the relationship between 'tear' and shake' is unclear to me.

skuja

LITH skuja 4 [2/4) 'needle of a coniferous tree, (dial.) twig of a pine tree, cone, fish-scale'; VAR skujas 2/4 'needle of a coniferous tree, cone'

LATV skuja 'needle of a fir-tree'

BSL *skuja?; *skwoja( PSL *xvoja f. ja; *xvojb m. jo 'needles or branches of a coniferous tree' SL Ru. xv6ja; xvoja; Cz. chvoj 'needles or branches of a coniferous tree'; Slk.

chvoja 'brushwood, branch of a fir-tree' ; Pl. choja 'needles ( of a conifer), branches ( of a conifer)'; SCr. hvoja 'branch, sprout'; hv6ja 'id.'; Sln. h(Jja 'fir­tree, coniferous tree, brushwood of a coniferous tree' ; hpja 'id.'; hv(Jja 'id.'

PIE *skui-ehr IE Olr. sce m. 'hawthorn'; W ysbyddad m. 'hawthorn'; Bret. spezad m. 'goose­

berries'

As to the evolution of the Celtic forms, see Schrijver 1995: 291-292, 337.

skurbti

LITH skurbti ( dial.) 'be poor, languish, pine away, grieve, be flat (beer)', 3 pres. skurbsta, 3 pret. skurbo; VAR skiurbti (Jušk.) 'become sickly, become weak', 3 pres. skiurbsta, 3 pret. skiurbo

LATV skurbt [ ur, ur, ur2] 'become dizzy, faint', lsg. pres. skurbstu

BSL *skurb-PSL *skwbeti v. 'grieve, mourn' SL OCS skrbbeti; Ru. skorbet', lsg. skorblju, 3sg. skorbit; Sln. skrbęti 'care,

worry', lsg. skrbim; Bulg. skarbja

PSL *shrbiti v.

slanka 411

SL Ru. skorbit' (Dal') 'grieve, be distressed', isg. skorblju, 3sg. skorbit; SCr. skfbiti (se) 'care, worry', isg. skfbim (se)

LIV (557-558) assigns skurbti and OCS skrbbeti to the root *(s )kerbh- 'be sharp', the meaning of which l would rather describe as 'cut' (-+skerbt1). This is certainly an option, cf. -+skursti 'live in poverty, become poor, grow poorly, fade away, weaken, grieve', which derives from *skerdh- 'cut'. A full grade *skorbh- is attested in Latv. skarbt2 'swoon: On the other hand, we must take into account that we may partly be dealing with a zero grade of *skorbh- 'scrape, scoop', cf. -+skrabti 'grow thin'. The whole range of secondary meanings of the Baltic verbs onder discussion is present in Ru. sk6rbnut' (Dal') 'be ill, be sickly, be weak, whither, dry out, become stale, become hard, shrivel', cf. also sk6rblyj (Dal') 'stale, shrivelled'.

skursti

LITH skursti 'live in poverty, become poor, grow poorly, fade away, weaken, grieve', 3 pres. skursta, 3 pret. skurdo

This verb contains the zero grade of -+skersti, cf. -+skurbti.

slabnas

LITH slabnas (Žem.) 4 'weak'; VAR slobnas (E. Lith.) 4 LATV slabs [a, a2] 'weak'; VAR s[abęns; s[abans

PSL *slab'b adj. o (a) 'weak' SL OCS slab'b; Ru. slabyj; Cz. slaby; Slk. slaby; Pl. slaby; SCr. sli:ib 'weak, bad', f.

sli:iba; sli:ib 'weak, bad', f. slaba; Čak. sli:ib (Vrg.) 'weak', f. slaba, n. sli:ibo; sli:ip (Orb.) 'weak, bad', f. sli:iba, n. sli:ibo; Sln. slab 'weak, bad', f. slaba; Bulg. slab 'weak, bad'

PIE *slob-no-? IE MLG slap 'weak, slack'

According to Fraenkel (LEW: 834) , the vocalism of slobnas may be due to an East Lithuanian development ( cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 103 ), which reduces the Lithuanian evidence to slabnas, with a historically short vowel. Though Latv. slabs matches the Slavic etymon perfectly, l am inclined to regard tlie Baltic forms as borrowings ( cf. Derksen 1996: 83) . Rasmussen (1992: 72) mentions slabnas as an example of his blocking rule, according to which Winter's law, did not operate for resonants. Since he also claims that Winter's law applied exclusively to the syllable immediately preceding the stress, his version of Winter's law cannot account for PSL *slab'b (Derksen 2003a: 9). A problem any hypothesis involving Winter's law is confronted with is the fact that the Germanic evidence seems to point to *slobh-no- (Kroonen 2011b: 258-259, 2013: 453).

slanka

LITH slanka i [1/4] 'woodcock'; VAR slankė 2; slinka LATV sluoka [uo, uo, u62, uo2] 'woodcock, snipe' (the variant sluoka (Biel.) receives

a question mark in ME)

412 slėgti

OPR slanke (EV) 'groBe Schnepfe'

BSL *slanka? PSL *slŲka f. a (a) 'snipe, woodcock' SL Ru. sluka 'woodcock'; Cz. sluka 'snipe, (s. lesm) woodcock'; Slk. sluka 'snipe';

Pl. slomka 'snipe' ; SCr. šljuka 'snipe, (šumska š.) woodcock'; Sln. slpka 'woodcock'

Since a name corresponding to OHG slango m. 'snake', cf. slanka (Lc.) 4, slinkė (Ggr.) 2 'viper', would be an apt designation of the elusive snipe, it seems likely that we are dealing with a derivative of -+slinkti 'sneak, creep'. The variant slanka may very well show mėtatonie rude, cf. pečialanda 'leaf-warbler' from pečius 'oven' and -+lfsti 'crawl' (Derksen 1996: 240, 263-265). The real problem is the acute of the Slavic etymon (see also Derksen 1996: 137, 2008a: 454).

slėgti

LITH slegti 'weigh down ( on), oppress', 3 pres. slegia, 3 pret. sllgė; slegti, 3 pres. slegia, 3 pret. slegė (3 pres. also slegia, 3 pret. also slego)

LATV slegt 'close, lock, lock up, suppress', isg. pres. slędzu, isg. pret. sledzu

If we wish to connect this verb with Gk. A.uµ�avw 'take, grasp', A<l(oµm 'seize, grasp, take hold of' from PIE *sleh2gw-, we must assume secondary e-vocalism. Further­more, the etymology is semantically unconvincing. See also -+sloga.

slidus

LITH slidus 4 'slippery'; VAR slydus (Žem.) 4 LATV slids 'slippery'

See -+slysti.

sliekas

LITH sliekas 3 [3/4] 'earth-worm, ( dial.) snail'; VAR slieka LATV slieka [ ie, ie, ie2] 'earth-worm'; VAR slieks2 OPR slayx (EV) 'earth-worm'

This etymon must be connected with -+Latv. sliekas Npl. and -+Latv. slienas Npl. 'saliva' < *sleh1 i- ( *sleiH-?), cf. OCS sliny Npl. , SCr. sli'na 'id: < *slina (a). Further cognates are Ru. slimak ( dial.) 'snail, slug' and Ok. slim 'slime'.

slinkti

LITH slinkti 'sneak, creep', 3 pres. slenka, 3 pret. slinko LATV slikt [ i, l, l, 12, i2] 'reel, lean over, descend, go under, drown', isg. pres. slikstu,

isg. pret. sliku; VAR slikt, isg. pres. slikstu, isg. pret. sliku

PIE *slnkw- ( *slnk- ?) IE Ok. slyngva 'sling'; OHG slingan 'swing, wind'; OE slincan 'creep, crawl'

The accentuation of the Latvian verb was apparently influenced by slfgt [ l, 12] 'slide, fall, descend, lean over'.

smakras 413

slysti

LITH slysti 'slip, slide, glide', 3 pres. slysta, 3 pret. slydo; VAR slysti, 3 pres. slefzda, 3 pret. sljido

LATV slist [ i] 'slip, slide, glide', ISg. pres. slfstu; VAR slist, lsg. pres. slistu

PIE *slidh-IE OE slfdan 'slip, slide' ; MHG slltan 'id:

The acute of slysti and Latv. slist (Warkl.) originates from the sta-present ( cf. Derksen 2011b: 34). The rise of a secondary root slid- led to the co-existence of, for instance, slidęns and slidęns 'slippery'. The Germanic verb *slfdan reflects *sleidh-. Zero grade occurs in Olc. sleoi m., OHG slito m. 'sled'. See also: slidus

sloga

LITH sloga 4 [l/ 4] 'cold ( med.) , burden, misfortune, hardship' LATV slaga [a, a2, a2] 'damage, misfortune, illness, plague, (pl.) cold (med.)'

I do not consider it plausible that this derivative of -+slegti is cognate with Gk. :\w�'l f. 'outrage, dishonour, damage, mutilation', whose original meaning may have been 'seizure' and which belongs to :\a�oµai 'seize, take hold' (Ragot apud Beekes 2010: 882) .

smagenys

LITH smagenys (dial.) Npl. m.(n) l/3b 'brain, marrow, gum'; VAR smagens Npl. m.(n) l/3b; smagenes Npl. m.(n) l/3b; smagenes Npl. f.(n) 3b; smagenai Npl. 3b; smagenos Npl. l/3b; smagenės Npl.; smaginai Npl.; smaginiai Npl.; smaginės Npl.

LATV smadzenes Npl. 'brain, marrow, gum'; VAR smadzenis Npl. f.(n); smadzei;ii Npl.; smadzęni Npl. ; smadzii;ii Npl.; smadzini Npl.; smaganas Npl.; smaganes Npl. 'gum'

OPR mulgeno [musgeno] (EV) 'marrow'

BSL *mozg-en-PSL *moždženb; *moždženo m. i?; n o 'brain' SL RuCS moždeni m.(i?); Plb. muzdin m.(i?); muzdenu n.; SCr. moždena ( dial.)

Npl. n.

PIE *mosgh-en-IE Skt. majjan- m. 'marrow'; Av. mazga- m. 'brain, marrow'; Ok. mergr m.

'marrow'

Cf. also OCS mozg?> 'marrow', Ru. mozg 'brain, marrow', Cz. mozek 'brain', SCr. mozak 'brain, (Dubr.) marrow', Sln. mŲzg 'marrow, (pl.) brain' < mosgh-o-. See also: mazgas; smegenys

smakras

LITH smakras 4 'chin'; VAR smakra 4; smakrjis

414 smardas

LATV smakrs 'chin'; VAR smakris

PIE *smakur (> *smakru-) IE Hitt. zama(n)kur n. 'beard'; Skt. smafru- n. 'beard'; Alb. mjekre f. 'chin,

beard'; Olr. smech f. 'chin'

For the implications of the Hittite form l refer to Kloekhorst 2008: 1029.

smardas

LITH smardas l 'odour, stench' LATV smards 'smell, odour'

BSL *smarrd6s PSL *smord'b m. o (e) 'stench' SL Ru. sm6rad ( dial.); Ukr. sm6rid, Gsg. sm6rodu; Cz. smrad; Slk. smrad; Pl.

smr6d, Gsg. smrodu; SCr. smrad, Gsg. smrada; Čak. smrad (Orb.) 'dirt, dust', Gsg. smrada; Sln. smrad, Gsg. smrada, Gsg. smradu; Bulg. smrad

See -+smirdeti.

smegenys

LITH smegenys Npl. f.(n) 3b 'brain, marrow, gum'; VAR smegenys Npl. m.(n) 3b; smegens Npl. f.(n) 3h; smegenes Npl. f.(n) 3b; smegenaf Npl. 3h; smegeniai Npl. 3b; smegenas Npl. l/3b

A variant of -+smagenys.

smėlys

LITH smllis 2, smėljis 4 'sand' LATV smelis 'fine sand'

BSL *(s)mel(r)- i-PSL *mėlb f. i; *mėl'b m. o SL OCS mėla (Supr.) Gsg. m.(o) 'lime'; Ru. mel' f.(i) 'sand-bank, shoal'; mel m.

'chalk'; Cz. mėl (SSJČ) f. (i) 'spit'; mėl (Jg.) f.(i) 'pebble, dust, shoal'; mėl (Kott) f.(i) 'loose earth, powder, pebble'; OCz. mėl m.(i) 'shoal, sand-bank, fodder'; Pl. mial, miel ( dial.) m. 'dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder'; OPI. miel f.(i) 'sand-bank'; mial m. 'finely ground substance'; SCr. melj (Čak.), Gsg. melja m.(jo) 'fine sand'; mel (Čak.) m. 'dust, powder', Gsg. mela; Sln. męlj m.(jo) 'sand-bank'

PIE *(s )melH-? IE Olc. melr m. 'sand-bank'; Sw. mjag (dial.) m. 'sand-hill, high riverbank';

smula m. 'chunk'; Nw. smala (dial.) 'smash'; smal (dial.) m. 'dust'

Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute, e.g. smiltis 1/3/ 4 'fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smilts and smiltis 'sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). The Baltic and Slavic forms mentioned are formally compatible with the root *melH- 'grind' (-+meltz) , the Baltic

snausti 415

word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Ok. melr and Sw. mjag (dial.) < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang (1972: 36) in connection with Ru. mel' etc. According to Stang, these words point to *melha-/*melga- . The possible etymological relationship with the Baltic and Slavic forms is therefore limited to the root. Semantically, the etymology does not seem implausible to me (pace Stang (l.e.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).

smirdėti

LITH smirdeti 'stink', 3 pres. smirdi, 3 pret. smirdejo; smirdeti, 3 pres. smirda, 3 pret. smirdejo

LATV smifdet 'stink, ( coll., bibl.) smell', lsg. pres. smifdu, lsg pret. smifdeju

BSL *smirrd-ei/i-PSL *smbrdeti v. (e) 'stink' SL OCS smrbdėti, lsg. smTbždų, 2sg. smrbždiši; Ru. smerdet', lsg. smeržu, 2sg.

smerdiš'; Cz. smrdėti; Slk. smrdief; Pl. smierdziee; SCr. smfdjeti, lsg. smfdim; Čak. smrdeti (Vrg.) 'dirt, dust', 2sg. smrdiš; Sln. smrdęti, lsg. smrdim; Bulg. smardja

PIE *smrd-

We seem to be dealing here with an example of Winter's law, cf. Lat. merda f. 'ex­crement'. See also: smardas

smukti

LITH smukti 'slip down, fall down, fall out (hair), subside, <ledine', 3 pres. smunka, 3 pret. smuko

LATV smukt 'slide down, come off'

See -+mukti.

snapas

LITH snapas 4 'beak, bill' LATV snaps (PlKur., Dunika) 'beak, bill'

IE OHG snabul m. 'beak, bill'; MLG snavel m. 'beak, bill'

Apparently a Baltic-Germanic "Sonderubereinstimmung" ( cf. Stang 1972: 51) .

snausti

LITH snausti 'snooze, be lazy', 3 pres. snaudžia, 3 pret. snaudė LATV snaūst 'snooze', lsg. pres. snaūžu, lsg. pret. snaūdu

The connection with Gk. vucn:a�w 'slumber, be sleepy' is not invalidated by the Baltic acute root (pace Smoczynski: 581) because the acute can be accounted for by Winter's law. Beekes ( 2010: 1029) seems inclined to accept the etymology.

416 sniegas

sniegas

LITH sniegas 4 [2/4] 'snow'; VAR sniegU,s m. 4 LATV sniegs [ ie, ie2] 'snow', Npl. sniegi 'id.' OPR snaygis (EV) 'snow'

BSL *snoigos PSL *snJglJ m. o (e) 'snow' SL OCS sneglJ; Ru. sneg, Gsg. snėga; Ukr. snih, Gsg. snihu; snih ( dial.), Gsg.

sniha; Cz. snih, Gsg. snehu; Slk. sneh; Pl. 5nieg; Slnc. sneg, Gsg. snięgH; SCr. snljeg, Gsg. snljega; Čak. snig (Vrg.), Gsg. sniga; Sln. snęg, Gsg. snęga, Gsg. snęga; Bulg. snjag

PIE *snoigwh_o-IE Go. snaiws m. 'snow' See also: sniegė; snigti

sniegė

LITH sniegė (Žem.) 2 'bullfinch'; VAR snaigė (Žem.) 2 [2/4] ; sniegena l '(juodgalvė s.) bullfinch, (raudongalvė s.) common rosefinch, (pušinė s. ) pine grosbeak'

LATV sniedze [ ie, ie, iė2, ie2] 'bullfinch, snow bunting, blue tit'; VAR sniedzitis; sniedzenis

A derivative of -+sniegas 'snow'. The metatonical sustained tone attested in Latvian results from the East Baltic retraction of the stress from prevocalic i in * -i-ar and is therefore of the same type as the metatony in Lith. -+vilkė ( cf. Kortlandt i977a: 328) . In Lithuanian and part of the Latvian dialects, the circumflex was analogically restored. A Lithuanian form retaining mėtatonie rude is snaigė 'snowdrop'. The vocalism ai (as opposed to ie) is what one would ideally expect in an originally unstressed syllable.

snigti

LITH snigti 'snow', 3 pres. sninga, 3 pret. snigo LATV snigt 'snow', 3 pres. snieg, 3 pret. sniga; VAR snigt, 3 pres. snig, 3 pret. sniga;

snigt, 3 pres. snigst, 3 pret. sniga

PIE *snigwh_ IE Lat. ninguit 'snows'; Oir. snigid 'drip, rain'

See -+sniegas.

sodas

LITH sodas 2 [2/4] 'orchard, garden, park, ( dial.) plant' LATV sads2 'garden, orchard'

PSL *sad'b m. o (e) 'plant, garden' SL OCS sad11 'plant'; Ru. sad 'garden'; ORu. sad11 'tree, plant, garden'; Cz. sad

'orchard, (pl.) park'; Slk. sad 'garden, park'; SCr. sad 'new planting', Gsg. sada; Sln. sad 'fruit, plantation', Gsg. sada, sadii

sotus 417

Both the Lithuanian and the Latvian forms may have been borrowed from Slavic ( cf. LEW: 844-845, Derksen 1996: 72, Smoczynski 2007: 581). For the root of the Slavic noun and Lith. --+sodinti 'set, plant', see --+sėdeti.

sodinti

LITH sodinti [o, 6] 'set, plant', 3 pres. sodina, 3 pret. sodino LATV sadinat 'plant' OPR saddinna 3sg. 'sets'

BSL *sord-ei!i-PSL *saditi v. (e) 'set, plant' SL OCS saditi 'plant', 1sg. sažd9; Ru. sadit', 1sg. sažu, 3sg. sadit (AP (e) in Old

Russian); Cz. saditi (arch.) 'set, plant'; Slk. sadif 'set, plant'; Pl. sadzic 'set, plant'; Slnc. sii3tk 'set, plant', 1sg. s&ų3a; SCr. saditi 'plant, seat', 1sg. sadim; Čak. sJ.dl'ti (Vrg.) 'plant', 2sg. sddiš; sadl't (Orb.) 'plant', 1sg. siidin; Sln. saditi 'set, plant', 1sg. sadim; Bulg. sadja 'sow, set, plant'

PIE *sod-eie-IE Skt. sadayati 'set'; Go. satjan 'set'

A causative to --+sėdi!ti 'sit'.

sodrus

LITH sodrus 3 [1/3/ 4] 'lush, fertile, abundant, copious'

Probably a derivative of --+sodinti 'set, plant' ( cf. LEW: 855, Petit 2004b: 270 ), which implies that there is no etymological connection with --+siidrus. Smoczyri.ski (2007: 582) proposes that the root is identical with *sehr in sotus 'satisfied, full'. As in the case of siidrus, he assumes that the d originates from a * -dhe! o- present. This seems highy doubtful to me.

solymas

LITH solymas (Žem., N. Lith.) 1 'brine' LATV siilims [a2] 'brine'; VAR salims

The root sol- may continue *sehrl- 'salt', cf. --+Latv. sals 'salt', where the falling tone may be due to the loss of the laryngeal after a lengthened grade vowel. According to Būga (1923-1924: 141 = RR II: 418, RR II, 584), however, it cannot be excluded that solymas is a borrowing from Latvian. He assumes that siilims has developed from salijums 'salting, brine', a derivative of salit 'salt'. Nevertheless, the prevailing view seems to be that solymas derives from an unattested verb *solyti (e.g. Skardžius 1941: 210, LEW: 759 ), which does not account for the intonational difference between Lithuanian and Latvian. Mažiulis (PKEŽ IV: 42-43) suggests that the fact that solymas was preserved in the North of the Lithuainian territory is due to Latvian influence.

sotus

LITH sotus 3 [1/3/ 4] 'satisfied, full, copious'; VAR sotas 3 'copious'

418 spagas

LATV sats 'satisfied, copious'

BSL *sartos PSL *syt'b adj. o (a) 'satiated, full' SL OCS syta (Supr.) Ndu. m. 'satiated'; Ru. sytyj 'satisfied, full'; Cz. syty; Slk.

syty; Pl. syty; SCr. sl't; Čak. sl't (Vrg.), f. sitii, n. sl'to; sl't (Hvar, Orb.), f. sl'ta, n. sl'to; Sln. sit, f. si ta; Bulg. sit 'satiated, full, filling'

PIE *s(e)hrto-IE Lat. satis adv. 'enough'; Go. saps 'satisfied, full'

The origin of the Slavic *y is obscure.

spagas

LITH spagas (Žem.) 2 ( 2/ 4) 'drop'; VAR spakas (Ness.) 2

A connection with Gk. \f'UKac; f. 'drop (esp. of rain)', also 'f!eKac;, seems only possible within a substratum context, which is exactly what is suggested by Beekes ( 2010: 1658).

spainė

LITH spainė ( dial.) 1 'foam ( on waves )' OPR spoayno (EV) 'foam ( of fermenting beer)'

BSL *(s)p6?ina? PSL *p�na f. a (a) 'foam' SL OCS pena; Ru. pėna; Cz. pena; Slk. pena; Pl. piana; USrb. pena; SCr. pjena;

spjena (Dalm.) ; Čak. pl'na (Vrg„ Hvar); pena (Orb.); Sln. pęna; Bulg. pjana

PIE *(s )peh3i-mn- ((s )poHi-mn-?) IE Skt. phėna- m. 'foam, froth'; Lat. spūma f. 'foam'; OE jam m. 'foam'; OHG

feim m. 'foam'

In view of Skt. phėna- < Ilr. *pHaina-, the laryngeal must have preceded the *i. The Balto-Slavic accentual evidence points to a different position of the full grade vowel. According to De Vaan (apud Lubotsky 2011: 115), we may actually be dealing with a derivative of *(s )peh1 i-, an extended root originating from the i-present of *spehr (-+spi!t1) . The meaning of the latter root may have been 'be filled to the rim' rather than 'succeed, prosper' (Lubotsky o.e.: 114) .

spalis

LITH spalis 2 [2/4] 'boon (of flax or hemp), October', Npl. spaliai 2 'waste of flax or hemp'

LATV spafi Npl. 'waste of flax or hemp' OPR spelanxtis (EV) 'splinter'

The root may be *(s)pel(H)- 'split, tear off', cf. Gk. an6:\1a (Hsch.) 'wool plucked off the legs of sheep', Lat. spolium 'hide, (pl.) spoils', OCS pol'b 'sex, half' ( cf. Beekes 2010: 1386).

sparnas

LITH sparnas 4 'wing, ( dial.) fin' LATV sp&rns [&r, &r2] 'wing'

PSL *pero n. o (b) 'feather'

spėkas 419

SL CS pero; Ru. pero; ORu. pero; Cz. pero; pero; Slk. pero; Pl. pioro; SCr. pero, Npl. pėra; čak. pero (Vrg.), Npl. pera; pero (Novi) , Npl. pera; pero (Hvar), Npl. pera; Sln. per{) n.(s) 'feather, leaf', Gsg. peręsa; per1;i 'feather, leaf', Gsg. pera; Bulg. pero

PIE *perli-o-IE Skt. pan;ui- n. 'wing'; OE fearn m. 'fern'; Olr. raith m. 'fern'

The reconstruction of a laryngeal is based on the acute of forms such as Lith. papartis and Latv. papiirde (->papartis) as well as on evidence from Celtic (see Derksen i996: 78-79 ). Gk. mep6v n. 'feather, wing' does not belong here unless the form does not actually derive from the zero grade of nfroµai 'fly' but was influenced by it (Derksen: l.e.) . We are dealing here with an atypical example of metatonie douce. A possible explanation is the so-called "Saussure effecC in this case the loss of a laryngeal in the constellation *oRIIC, but for Balto-Slavic this seems ad hoc.

spauda

LITH spauda 4 'print, press, pressure'

PIE *spoud-ehr IE Gk. onou<5� 'effort, zeal, haste'

See ->spausti. Of course, the Lithuanian and Greek forms may be independent formations.

spausti

LITH spausti 'press, squeeze', 3 pres. spaudžia, 3 pret. spaudė

PIE *spoud-IE Gk. anfo6w 'hurry'

The acute is not secondary (pace Smoczynski 2007: 585), but results from Winter's law. See also: spauda

spėkas

LITH spekas ( dial.) 2/ 4 'power'; VAR speka 2/ 4

LATV spęks [ę, ę2] 'power'

PSL *spįxb m. o (e) 'haste' SL OCS spen (Supr., Euch.) 'diligence, aspiration'; Ru. spex (coll.); Cz. spech;

USrb. spech; Sln. spęh, Gsg. spęha, Gsg. spęhu

Since the root is *spehr (->speti), the East Baltic forms are examples of metatonie douce (in Slavic, we may be dealing with Meillet's law), for which there is no obvious

420 spenys

explanation. In spite of the fact that the verb has fixed stress, it is possible to posit an oxytone neuter that was affected by the East Baltic retraction from *-a, cf. spetas 'leisure' (cf. Derksen 1996: 123). This would render the formai connection with the Slavic noun even more remote. Germanic derivatives of the same root are OE sped f. 'success, power, speed', MDu. spoed 'progress, success', MoDu. spoed f. 'rush' < *spodi­f. ( cf. Kroonen 2013: 469 ) .

spenys

LITH spenys 4 [2/4] 'nipple, teat, (Ruh., Ness.) uvula' LATV spenis (Ar.) 'uvula' OPR spenis (EV) 'nipple, teat'

PIE *psten-IE Skt. stana- m. 'breast of a woman, nipple'; LAv. fštana- m. 'breast of a

woman'; Arm. stin 'breast of a woman'; Oic. speni m. 'nipple, teat'; sine m. 'nipple, teat'

spęsti

LITH spęsti [ę, ę] 'set a trap', 3 pres. spendžia, 3 pret. spendė; VAR spęsti, 3 pres. spenda, 3 pret. spendo

LATV spiest 'press, squeeze, weigh on, compel, force', isg. pres. spiėžu, isg. pret. spiėdu

BSL *spen(d-PSL *pędb f. i (e) 'span' SL OCS pędb (Euch., Ps. Sin.) ; Ru. pjad'; Cz. pid'; Slk. piad'; Pl. piędi; SCr. ped;

Sln. pęd, Gsg. pedf

PIE *(s)pend-IE Lat. pendere 'weigh, judge, pay', isg. pendo

An instance of Winter's law.

spėti

LITH speti 'be in time, guess, suppose', 3 pres. speja, 3 pret. spejo LATV spet [ e, e2] 'be able, (refl.) fight', isg. pres. speju

BSL *spe?-PSL *sphi v. (a) 'advance, ripen, hurry' SL OCS spėti 'advance', isg. spėj9; Ru. spet' 'ripen', isg. speju; Cz. spėti 'hurry';

Slk. spief 'approach'; SCr. dospjeti 'ripen, manage, succeed'; Sln. spęti 'hurry, increase, ripen', isg. spęjem, isg. spęm

PIE *(s)pehr IE Hitt. išpai- ; l išpi-; Skt. sphayatai 3sg. subj. med. 'be abundant, overflow';

sphira- 'fat' ; OE spowan 'prosper, succeed'

Kloekhorst (2008: 404) reconstructs a present stem *sph1 -(o) i-. For a note on the original meaning of the root, see --spainė.

spirgti 421

See also: spėkas

spingėti

LITH spingeti (Bretk. , dial.) [ ifi, in] 'shine, glimmer', 3 pres. spifigi, 3 pret. spingejo; VAR spingeti, 3 pres. spinga, 3 pret. spingejo

Latvian cognates are spigat or spigu6t 'shine', spigulis [ f, l 2] 'smth. that shines', spuogat '( uo) trickle ( of fat or sweat), ( ito2) shine'. O Pr. soanxti (EV) 'spark' also belongs here, provided that the emendation spanxti is correct. IEW (990) connects OE spincan 'spark', which form l have not been able to verify, but cf. MoE spunk 'tinder'. If the correct reconstruction of the root is *speng- , for which the English form is insufficient proof, the Baltic acute may result from Winter's law.

spirginti

LITH spirginti 'fry, frizzle, be very hot, freeze hard', 3 pres. spirgina, 3 pret. spirgino LATV spirdzinat [ ir, ir2] 'refresh, torment'

Kroonen (2013: 471) states that MoDu. spokken, sprokken (Flem.) 'roast' < *spurkon <

*sprg1'-nehr is identical with Lith. spirginti, but the acute of the latter verb seems old, cf. -+spirgti and -+sprogti.

spirgti

LITH spirgti 'frizzle, suffer from cold, ( dial.) be hot, become hotter, becom e dry', 3 pres. spirgsta, 3 pret. spirgo

LATV spirgt [ ir, ir2] 'become fresh, recuperate, recover', 1sg. pres. spirgstu, 1sg. pret. spirgu

BSL *(s)pirrg-PSL *p1'ržiti v. (a) 'fry, roast' SL CS pwžiti (Mikl.) 'fry', 1sg. pwž9; SCr. pržiti 'fry, roast', 1sg. pfžim; Sln. pfžiti

'braise, fry, roast', 1sg. pfžim; Bulg. p&rža 'braise, fry, roast'

PIE *sbhrh2g-IE Skt. sphdrjati 'burst forth, roar, thunder'; Gk. acpapayfoµm 'crackle, sizzle (1

390 ), groan with fullness, be full to bursting ( 1 440 )'

The reconstruction *sbhrh2g- (cf. Beekes 1969: 197-198, 2010: 1428-1429) seems quite satisfactory (see also -+sprogti), but the *bh implies that the absence of initial s in the Slavic forms is secondary. The root is essentially onomatopoeic. The Balto-Slavic forms designate the sound made by objects that are heated, frozen, or dry. The meaning of the Latvian verb may have developed from 'crack' vel sim., cf. spręgans 'brittle, lively, fresh, fierce, fiery'. The latter forms, which must derive from *spregh­( -+sprageti 'crackle, sputter'), shows that we must reckon with formally and semantically similar onomatopoeic roots. It cannot be excluded that Latv. spirgt contains a root *sprg1'-, as metatonie rude in sta-presents with a root of this structure is not uncommon ( cf. Derksen 2011b: 32 ) . See also: spurgas

422 spirti

spirti

LITH spirti 'kiek, compel, support', 3 pres. spiria, 3 pret. spyrė LATV speft 'kiek, strike (lightning)', 3 pres. spqu, 3 pret. spėru

PIE *sp(e)rli-IE Lat. spernere 'rejeet, spurn', 1sg. sperni5; Olc. sperna, sporna 'kiek, spurn'; OE

spornan 'id:

A Prussian eognate is spertlan (EV) 'ezeballe [Zehballen] '. Lubotsky (2006) reeon­structs the root as *Tsperli- < *pd- 'foot' (-+pėda) and *per(Ii)- 'beat, kiek' (-+perti).

spjauti

LITH spjauti 'spit', 3 pres. spjauna, 3 pret. spjovė; VAR spjauti, 3 pres. spjauja, 3 pret. spjovė

LATV spfaūt [aū, au2] 'spit', 1sg. pres. spfaūju, 1sg. pret. spfiivu

BSL *(s )pjaru-PSL *pjbVati v. (a) 'spit' SL OCS pfbVati, 1sg. pljuj9; Ru. plevat"spit', 1sg. pljuju, 3sg. plujet (AP (a) in Old

Russian); Cz. pliti, 1sg. pliji; plvati, 1sg. pliji; Slk. pl'uti, 1sg. pl'ujem; Pl. pluc, 1sg. pluję; plwac (areh.), 1sg. pluję; SCr. pljuvati, 1sg. pljujem; Sln. pijuvati, 1sg. pljuvam, 1sg. pljujem; Bulg. pljuja; pljuvam

PIE *(s )ph1 i-u-? IE Lat. spuere 'spit' ; Go. speiwan 'spit'

Lubotsky (2011: 114) speeulates that this verb derives from a u-stem *(s)ph1 i-u-, where *(s )ph1 i- is an extended root originating from the i-present of *spehr ( --+speti) . If this is eorrect, spjauti is cognate with --+spainė. The Balto-Slavic forms seem to reflect *(s )piehru-, with metathesis.

spragėti

LITH sprageti 'eraekle, sputter', 3 pres. spraga, 3 pret. spragejo

The East Baltic root *sprag- occurs alongside *sprarg- (--+sprogti) , e.g. Lith. spraga 4 'gap, erack', Latv. spraga 'id: : Lith. spraga 4 'gap, crack, bud' or Latv. spradzinat : spradzinat2 'make smth. burst'. I cannot accept the idea that we are dealing with different apophonic grades, nor do I find it plausible that the voealism of sprag- is seeondary. We must therefore start from two roots, which subsequently became confused (cf. Kortlandt 1988: 392). A root *spregh-, which would match sprageti, is reconstrueted by Kroonen (2013 : 469, 471), to aeeount for such Germanie forms as Olc. spraka 'crackle', MDu. sproc 'brittle (esp. of twigs)' (see also --+spirginti). The more common reeonstruetions with *g do not take the effeets of Kluge's law into aeeount. Other Germanic forms that eome to mind are Olc. springa 'spring, burst, break', OE springan, sprincan 'spring, burst out, grow', which may belong to *spreft-, however (Kroonen 2013: 470) . LIV (583) reeonstructs *(s)prengh- 'jump'.

spurgas

spręsti

LITH spręsti [ę, e] 'stretch, spread, squeeze, solve, judge', 3 pres. sprendžia LATV spriest 'stretch, press, judge, discuss', 1sg. pres. spriežu, 1sg. pret. spriedu

BSL *(s)prenrd-PSL *pręsti v. ( c) 'spin'

423

SL OCS pręd9t'b (Zogr. , Mar., Ass., Sav.) 3pl.; Ru. prjast', 1sg. prjadu, 3sg. prjadet; Ukr. prj<isty, 1sg. prjadu; Cz. pfisti, 1sg. pfedu; OCz. priesti, 1sg. pfadu; Slk. prias(, 1sg. pradiem; Pl. przqsc, 1sg. przędę; USrb. pfasc, 1sg. pfadu; LSrb. psesc, 1sg. psedu; SCr. presti, 1sg. predem; Čak. presti (Vrgada), predeš [ 2sg] ; Sln. pręsti, 1sg. prędem; Bulg. pred<i

PIE *( s )prend-

Apart from the root under discussion, whose meaning is given as 'stretch', LIV (583) has a root *(s )prend- 'jump up', cf. Olc. spretta 'jump, jump up: According to Vaillant (Gr. IU: 153-154) this may be the same root.

sprogti

LITH sprogti 'burst, explode, crack, croak', 3 pres. sprogsta, 3 pret. sprogo LATV spragt 'burst, explode, open (bud), croak', 1sg. pres. spragstu, 1sg. pret.

spragu

BSL *(s)prarg-PSL *pragti; *pražiti v. 'fry, roast' SL CS pražiti (Mikl.) 'fry', 1sg. praž9; Ru. prjači ( dial.), prjač' ( dial.) 'fry', 1sg.

prjagu; prj<ižit' ( dial.), prjažit' ( dial.) 'fry', 1sg. prjagu ( with secondary ja); Cz. pražiti 'burn, roast'; Slk. pražif 'roast'; Pl. pražyc 'roast, scorch'; Sln. pr<ižiti 'braise, fry, roast', 1sg. priižim

The root seems to continue a full grade *sbhreh2g- (-+spirgti). The fact that the e­grade sprėg- is not attested supports the reconstruction with *h2. The Latvian variant spregt must be secondary. LIV (582) considers a root *spreg- for both sprogti and -+sprageti, which is made possible by a dubious formulation of Winter's law ( cf. Derksen 2003a) . A root *sperg- 'strew, spout' is reconstructed by Beekes (2010: 1376) for Gk. crrrapyaw 'be bursting, swell ( of milk etc.), be full of desire and lust, desire intensely'. Among the forms that in his opinion may belong here are sprogti and -+spurgas. I regard this as a not very plausible alternative. Slavic *pragn9ti, e.g. Cz. prahnouti 'become dry, thirst for, yearn, (rarely) burn', Pl. pragnqc 'thirst for, desire, yearn', is to a certain extent reminiscent of crrrapyaw, but the verb cannot be separated from *pražiti 'fry, roast'.

spurgas

LITH spurgas 3 'cone, ( dial.) bud, catkin, (E. Lith.) fringe, tassel'; VAR spurga 1 [1/3) ; spurgana 1 'cone, catkin, (.'Žem.) bud'

The root spur- seems to be another zero grade of the root of -+sprogti, cf. -+spirgti.

424 sraigė

sraigė

LITH sraigė l, sraigė 2 'snail'; VAR straigė l [1/2] ; straigis l [ 1/2/4]

See -+sriegas.

srauja

LITH srauja 4 'stream'; VAR sraujas LATV strauja 'stream, main stream'

BSL *sraujai' PSL *struja f. ja 'stream' SL OCS struja (Supr.); Ru. struja 'stream, jet'; SCr. struja 'stream, current'; Sln.

struja 'arm of a river, canal, stream, current'; Bulg. struja 'stream, jet'

The root is *srou- 'flow' (-+sraveti), cf. Gk. p6o� m. 'stream'.

sraumuo

LITH sraumuo 3b 'main stream, rapid'; VAR straumuo 3b; sraume 4 LATV straume (au, au2, au2] 'stream'; VAR strauma2

BSL *sroumen-PSL *strumy m. n 'stream' SL Ru. strumen' m. 'stream'; Cz. strumen m. (dial.), strumen m. (dial.) 'well'; Pl.

strumien m. 'stream'; Sln. strumen 'stream, arm of a river'; Bulg. struja 'stream, jet'

PIE *sre/ou-men-IE Gk. peūµa n. 'current, stream'; Olc. straumr m. 'stream'

See -+sraveti.

srava

LITH sravit ( dial.) 4 'flowing, bleeding, menstruation' LATV strava (Ulm.) 'flowing, stream'

See -+sraveti. We find the same formation in Gk. po� f. 'river, stream, flowing, flux' <

*srou-eh2. PSl. *ostroVb m. o (e) 'island', e.g. OCS ostroV'b (Zogr., Supr.), Ru. 6strov, SCr. ostrov, is a compound of *ob 'around' and *stroV'b < *srou-o-.

sravėti

LITH sraveti 'flow slowly, trickle', 3 pres. sriivi, 3 pret. sravejo; VAR sraveti, 3 pres. sraveja, 3 pret. sravejo

PIE *srou-IE Skt. sravati 'flow'; Gk. ptw 'flow'

The present participle srawqncžio (DP) Gsg. may be considered evidence for original thematic flexion ( cf. Stang 1966: 33, LEW: 888). An a-present is also given by Otrębski (1965: 358). Furthermore, a preterite sriivo is attested, e.g. pasravo nosis (Mielcke 1800: 255) , srawo nosis (Nesselmann 1851: 496) 'the nose began to bleed'.

srutos

See also: srauja; sraumuo; srava; srove; srŪti; srutos

sreigti

LITH sreigti 'stiek (into ), stab', 3 pres. sreigia, 3 pret. sreigė

See -+sriegti.

sriegas

425

LITH sriegas (dial.) 3 [3/4] 'seale (of a fish), slough, slime (of a fish)'; VAR striegas 3 'seale ( of a fish), dorsal fin'; sriega (Chyl.) 'seale ( of a fish)'

This noun is usually eonneeted with -+sriegti (cf. LEW: 889, Smoezynski 2007: 595), but this does not seem evident to me. The same holds good for -+sraigė.

sriegti

LITH sriegti [ ie, ie] 'serew, thread, stab, stiek (into ), reaeh', 3 pres. sriegia, 3 pret. sriegė

In the meaning 'stab, stiek (into ) ' sriegti (sriegti) has a variant -+striegti (striegtt), cf. also -+strigti and -+streigti alongside -+srigti and -+sreigti. It is unclear if the variants with sr- are original or result from a dialeetal development str- > sr- ( ef. LEW: 921-922, Zinkevičius 1966: 180 ) .

srigti

LITH srigti 'stiek (into ) , pieree', 3 pres. sriflga, 3 pret. srigo

See -+sriegti.

srovė

LITH srove 4 [1/4) 'stream, flow, eurrent' LATV strava [a, a2, a2] 'stream, flow, eurrent'; VAR strave

These forms may eontinue an original root noun *srou- (-+sraveti). Lengthened grade also oecurs in sroveti 'flow steadily', 3 pres. srovi.

srūti

LITH srdti 'flow, stream', 3 pres. sruva, 3 pret. sruvo; VAR srdti, 3 pres. sruna, 3 pret. sruvo; srdti, 3 pres. sruja, 3 pret. srujo

This formation, whieh has an unexpeeted aeute zero grade, seems to be seeondary ( cf. -+sraveti).

srutos

LITH srutos Npl. 2 'sewage, liquid manure' LATV strutas Npl. 'pus'

We may eompare this formation with Skt. sruta- n. 'stream' < *sru- to- (see also -+ sraveti) .

426 stagaras

stagaras

LITH stagaras 3b '( dry) stalk, switeh'; VAR stagarys 3b LATV stagars '?'

BSL *stog-PSL *stogt> m. o (b/e) 'staek, riek' SL OCS stogt> (SPbOkt.) 'haystaek, riek'; Ru. stog 'haystaek, riek', Gsg. st6ga; stog

( dial.) 'id:, Gsg. stoga; Bel. stoh 'id:, Gsg. st6ha; Ukr. stih 'id:, Gsg. st6hu; stih ( dial.) 'id:, Gsg. stoha; Cz. stoh 'staek, riek'; Slk. stoh 'id:; Pl. st6g 'id:, Gsg. stoga; SCr. stag (Vuk) 'haystaek, pile', Gsg. stoga; stog (Piva, Poeerje) 'id:, Gsg. stoga; Sln. stog'staek, riek, barn', Gsg. st6ga

PIE *stogi'-IE Gk. crr6x0<; m. 'briek pillar'; Ok. stakkr m. 'haystaek'

The meaning of Latv. stagars in stav ka stagars (Wolmarshof, Ruj.) must be similar to stagaras (ME III: 1038).

stalas

LITH stalas 4 [2/4] 'table' OPR stalis (EV) 'table'; Asg. stallan (III)

BSL *stolo-PSL * stol11 m. o (b) 'table' SL OCS stol11 'throne'; Ru. stol, Gsg. stola; Bel. stol, Gsg. stala; Ukr. stil, Gsg.

stalu; Cz. stitl; Slk. stol; Pl. st6l, Gsg. stalu; SCr. st6, Gsg. stola; Čak. st6 (Vrg.), Gsg. stola; Sln. stOl 'ehair, table', Gsg. st6la; Bulg. stol 'ehair'

PIE *sthrel-IE Go. stols m. 'throne'

For the etymology of the root, see -+stoti.

stambas

LITH stambas 3 [3/ 4] 'stem, stalk, ( dial.) trunk' LATV stambans2 'fallen tree trunk'

Illič-Svityč (1963: 38-39) eompares stambas with Skt. stamba- m. 'bush' < *stomb6s 'stalk', but I consider it doubtful if this form, whieh is more aeeurately translated as 'tuft of grass, buneh' (Mayrhofer KEWA III: 512), is eognate. A more eonvineing alternative seems Skt. stambha- 'pole, pillar' from stabhn<iti 'fix, support'. LIV (595) reconstruets the root of this verb as *stembhH- (-+stembti I), whieh in all likelihood eannot aeeount for the acute of stambas. Illič-Svityč (l.e.) attributes AP 3 to inter­dialeetal borrowing, whieh seems far-fetehed. See also: stemberys; stembti II

steigti

LITH steigti 'organize, (Žem.) want, (refl.) hurry', 3 pres. steigia, 3 pret. steigė LATV steigt [ei, ei, ei2, ei2] '(tr„ intr.) hurry, rush, urge', isg. pres. steidzu

BSL *steig-

stengti

PSL *stigti v. 'attain, reach, catch up with'

427

SL Ru. postič' 'grasp, overtake'; SCr. sfiCi 'catch up with, reach, arrive', isg. sti'gnem

PIE *steig"-IE Gk. CJTELXW 'walk, march'; Go. steigan 'climb' See also: stigti

stemberys

LITH stemberjis 3b [1/3b] (i.e. stemberis i) 'stem, stalk'; VAR stembrjis 4 [2/4] LATV stiebrs 'stem, stalk, rush'; VAR stiebris [ ie, ie2] ; stęmbrs 'tree trunk'; stęmbęns

'id.'; stembis2 'id.'

See -+stambas.

stembti l

LITH stembti (dial.) [em, em] 'grow, sprout', 3 pres. stembsta, 3 pret. stembo; VAR stembti, 3 pres. stembia, 3 pret. stembė

See -+stambas and cf. -+stemberjis.

stembti 11

LITH stembti ( dial.) [ em, em] 'oppose, resist', 3 pres. stembia, 3 pret. stembė

According to Fraenkel (LEW: 900), this verb has the same origin as -+stembti I (see also -+stambas).

stenėti

LITH steneti 'moan, groan', 3 pres. stena, 3 pret. stenejo; VAR steneti, 3 pres. steni, 3 pret. stenejo

LATV stenet 'sink, get stuck in', isg. pres. stenu, isg. pret. steneju; VAR stenet, isg. pres. stęnu, isg. pret. steneju; stenet, isg. pres. steneju, isg. pret. steneju

BSL *sten-PSL *stenati v. 'moan, groan' SL OCS stenati, isg. pres. stenjp Ru. stenat' ( obs.); Cz. stenati; SCr. stenjati; Sln.

stenjati

PIE *sten-e/o-IE Skt. stan- 'moan, groan'; Gk. aTevw 'moan'; OE stenan 'groan'

stengti

LITH stengti 'be able, make an effort, oppose, (refl.) endeavour, strive', 3 pres. stengia, 3 pret. stengė

Latvian forms with e-grade are stęngs (Ulm.), stęfigrs 'strong, strict, stiff'. A synony­mous Lithuanian verb with zero grade is stingti ( dial.), stingsta (stingia), stingo 'wish,

428 stiegti

endeavour, strive', which may be cognate with -+stingti 'harden, stiffen, freeze, congeal'.

stiegti

LITH stiegti 'cover with straw', 3 pres. stiegia, 3 pret. stiegė

This variant of --+striegti (striegtz) may have been influenced by *stifgti < *steg-, cf. -+stogas 'roof'.

stigti

LITH stigti 'lack, be absent', 3 pres. stinga, 3 pret. stigo

This meaning is related with the meaning 'want, desire' attested for -+steigti. The entry stigti2 'lack, endure' in the LKŽ suggests an alternative inflexion stigti : stygsta : stigo, but l wonder if it is actually attested.

stygti

LITH stygti [y, y] 'keep quiet, stand still', 3 pres. stygsta, 3 pret. stygo; VAR stigti, 3 pres. stinga, 3 pret. stigo

LATV stigt 'sink, get stuck in', ISg. pres. stiegu, isg. pret. stigu (3 pres. also stig2, stigst)

PIE *stig-IE Olc. stinga 'stab'

Since verbs with a nasal present and i or u in the root are inconclusive with respect to the question whether the root was originally acute or circumflex and since metatonie rude is possible in verbs with a sta-present and a root of the structure *Cilu T- (where T denotes a stop, cf. Derksen 2011b: 34) , it is difficult to reconstruct the East Baltic root. l am inclined to regard the acute of -+stygti as original and seek a connection with Latv. stigt 'sprout, shoot' (-Latv. stigt) < *stig- 'stiek'. The original meaning of the verb under discussion could be rendered as 'be stuck, get stuck'. As to the accentual pattern, we may draw a comparison with a case like skisti, skinda, skido 'get thinner, disintegrate' : skysti, skysta, skydo 'become liquid, soft', -+skystas 'liquid', Latv. š�ist, š�istu 'disintegrate, sprinkle', š�ists 'thin, watery (liquid), pure', where the root is *skid- < *skid-.

stingti

LITH stingti 'harden, stiffen, freeze, congeal', 3 pres. stingsta, 3 pret. stingo LATV stingt [ in, in, in2] 'stiffen, congeal', isg. pres. stingstu, ISg. pret. stingu

A reconstruction of the root as *stengw- (thus Smoczynski 2007: 601), cf. Go. stigqan 'hit', Lat. exstinguere 'extinguish', would account for the acute tone. The semantics are totally unclear to me, however. See also: stengti

stirna

LITH stirna l 'roe'

stonas

LATV stirna 'roe' (the existence of a variant sirna is uncertain)

BSL * siri'nar PSL *sbrna f. a 'roe'

429

SL RuCS sn,na; Ru. sėrna 'chamois'; ORu. sbrna; Cz. srna; Slk. srna; Pl. sarna; SCr. sfna; Sln. sfna; Bulg. sarna

PIE *krhrnehr

The root may very well be identical with the root *korhr 'horn' of -+karvė, cf. Lat. cervus 'stag, deer'. Other possible reconstructions are *krH-nehn cf. -+šernas 'wild boar' (if not from *krhr), -+širvas 'dapple-grey', and *srH-nehr, cf. Lith. sartas 'fox­red', Latv. siirts 'reddish'. The anlaut is problematic. See also: širšuo

stogas l

LITH stogas 3 'roof' LATV stags2 'roof' OPR stogis (EV) 'roof'

PIE *stog-o-IE Olc. pak n. 'roof'; OHG dah n. 'roof'

This noun is convincingly derived from the root *(s) teg- 'cover', cf. Gk. oTeyoc;, Teyoc; 'roof, house' (Kortlandt 1988 : 392). The acute originates from Winter's law. Instead of the expected *stegti, we find a verb stiegti, which must somehow result from two roots being mixed up ( cf. Trautmann 1910: 288).

stogas II

LITH stogas (E. Lith., Dz.) i [1/2] 'build, physique'

It seems plausible to me that this noun contains the root of -+stoti, cf. Latv. stavs 'stature, figure'. We may reconstruct *stehrg"o-. The suffix is rare but not unique ( cf. Ambrazas 1993: 94-95).

stonas

LITH stonas (OLith., dial.) l [ 1/2] 'state, condition'

PSL *stan'b m. o (e) SL OCS stan'b (Ps. Sin., En.) 'camp'; Ru. stan 'figure, torso, camp'; Cz. stan 'tent';

Slk. stan 'tent'; Pl. stan 'state, condition'; SCr. stan 'habitation, loom, (mil.) headquarters'; Sln. stan 'building, habitation, enclosure', Gsg. stana, Gsg. stanu; Bulg. stan 'loom, camp'

PIE *stehrno-IE Skt. sthcina- n. 'abode, place'

This noun is usually considered a borrowing from Slavic or Belorussian ( cf. Briickner 1877: 137, Skardžius 1931: 265), which is probably correct. Alternatively, it is a deriva­tive of -+ stoti.

430

storas

LITH storas 3 'thick, fat'

BSL *sta(ros PSL *staT'b adj. o (a) 'old'

storas

SL OCS staT'b; Ru. staryj; star, f. stara, n. staro (AP (a) in Old Russian); Cz. stary; Slk. stary; Pl. stary; SCr. starl; stiir; Čak. stdrl (Vrg.); stJr (Vrg.), f. starii, n. stiiro; stiir (Orb.), f. stiira, n. stiiro; Sln. star, f. stara; Bulg. star

PIE *stehrro-IE Olc. storr 'big' (*steh2uro-, according to Kroonen 2013: 482)

We are probably dealing with the root of -+stoti.

stoti

LITH stoti [o, o] 'stand', 3 pres. stoja, 3 pret. stojo LATV stat 'stand, stop, begin', 1sg. pres. staju OPR postat 'become'

BSL *sta(-PSL *stati v. (a) 'stand, become' SL OCS stati 'stand, become', 1sg. stan9; Ru. stat' 'stand, begin, become', 1sg.

stanu, 3sg. stanet; Cz. stati se 'happen, become'; Slk. staf sa 'happen, become'; Pl. stac się 'happen, become', isg. stanę się; SCr. stiiti 'stand', 1sg. stiinem; Sln. stati 'stand, step, cost', 1sg. stanem; Bulg. stana 'stand up, become, happen'

PIE *stehr IE Skt. tf?thati 'stand'; Gk. i'.an1µ1 'place'; Lat. stare 'stand' See also: stogas 11; stonas; storas; stoveti, stuomas; stuomuo

stovėti

LITH stovi!ti 'stand', 3 pres. stovi, 3 pret. stovi!jo (alternative present formations are stovia, stovna, stauna, stovi!ja)

LATV stavet [ii, a2] 'stand', 1sg. pres. stavu, 1sg. pret. staveju

BSL *staw-PSL * staviti v. (a) 'place, put' SL OCS staviti, 1sg. stavlj9; Ru. stavit', 1sg. stavlju, 3sg. stavit; Cz. staviti 'stop,

halt, ( obs.) prevent', 1sg. stiivim; Slk. stavif sa 'bet' ; Pl. stawic 'place, put'; SCr. stiiviti, 1sg. stiivlm; Sln. staviti, 1sg. stavim

PIE *sthreu-IE OE stowian 'keep from'

The acute must originate from forms with *st(e!o)hr (Kortlandt 1989: m). For the root, see -+stoti.

strigti 431

strazdas

LITH strazdas 4 'thrush, (juodasis s. ) blaekbird, (dial.) starling'; VAR strazas 4;

strazda 4; straza 4

LATV strazds 'thrush, (melnais s.) blaekbird, (majas) starling'; VAR strads OPR tresde (EV) 'thrush'

BSL *trozd6s PSL *drozd'b m. o (e (/b?)) 'thrush' SL Ru. drozd 'thrush, (černyj d.) blaekbird', Gsg. drozda (AP (e) in Old

Russian); Ukr. drizd 'thrush', Gsg. drozda; Cz. drozd; Slk. drozd; Pl. drozd; Slne. droyzd; SCr. drozd; drozak, Gsg. drozga; drozak, Gsg. drozga; Čak. drozak, Asg. drozga; Sln. dr(Jzd; dr(Jzg 'thrush, (črni d.) blaekbird'; Bulg. drozd 'thrush, e eoll.) blaekbird'

PIE *trozd-o-IE Lat. turdus m. 'thrush'; Olr. truit f. 'thrush' (also truid, druid); Olc. pr9str m.

'thrush' ( cf. Fi. rastas 'thrush')

In order to explain why PSl. * drozd'b was only partly affeeted by the generalization of aeeentual mobility in maseuline o-stems, Illič-Svityč (1963: 118) reconstruets a u­stem, referring to Olc. pr9str < PGme. *prastu-.This is obviously a more attraetive solution than positing a neuter o-stem. Sinee the sequenee *-zd- would prevent the Balto-Slavie retraction of the stress from final syllables in disyllabie forms, l would rather eonsider the possibility that *drozd'b belonged to a marginal oxytone type that in prineiple merged with AP (b ). ln that ease it is no longer neeessary to posi t a u­stem ( cf. Derksen 2009: 17). This seenario is not in eonfliet with the Baltic evidenee, as fixed stress on the root is only eharacteristic of originally oxytone neuter o-stems. It must be said, by the way, that the evidenee for AP (e) seems to outweigh the evidenee for AP (b ).

streigti

LITH streigti ( dial.) 'stiek into, hammer into, throw, abandon, eover with straw', 3 pres. streigia, 3 pret. streigė

See .... strigti.

striegti

LITH striegti [ ie, ie] 'put on, bait a hook, eover with straw, dash', 3 pres. striegia, 3 pret. striegė

LATV striėgt2 'bait a hook', 1sg. pres. striėdzu2

See .... strigti. Here and in the ease of ..... striegti the meaning 'eover with straw' is probably seeondary, cf . ..... stiegti.

strigti

LITH strigti 'stiek (into ), pieree, squeeze through, refrain (from)', 3 pres. stringa, 3 pret. strigo; VAR strigti, 3 pres. strefiga, 3 pret. strigo

432 strujus

LATV strigt 'sink, get stuck in', lsg. pres. striegu2, lsg. pret. strigu; VAR strigt, lsg. pres. strigu, lsg. pret. strigu

PSL * stręgti v. SL Pl. zastrzqc 'stiek, get stuck', 3sg. pret. zastrzqgl; ustrzqc 'id:

Vasmer-Trubačev (II: 82) suggests that Ru. zastrjat"stick, get stuck' continues a root in *p and therefore does not belong here, but l am not convinced. Dal' ( s.v. zastrevat') mentions zastrjagnut' besides zastrjanut' and has an example Svin'ja zastrjagla v plote. Anyhow, the meaning 'stiek, get stuck' is attested both in Baltic and Slavic and must be old. As far as l can see, the root could be either *stri-n-gh- or *stri-n-g-. The latter would be closer to the synonymous -+stygti < *stig-, though this not essential. LIV (604) reconstructs the root as *streig- and discusses the connection with Lat. strigare 'come to a standstill, stop, halt (often of draught animals)', which would require original *str- rather than *sr- ( cf. -+sriegti) . This issue may be irrelevant, as it is very likely that strigare is a denominative verb to striga 'line, row' ( cf. Ernout­Meillet: 656), which derives from the root *strig- 'brush, strip' (LIV 603-604). See also: sreigti; streigti; striegti

strujus

LITH strujus 2 (OLith., dial.) 'grandfather, (1ih/181h e.) old man, (LEW, NdZ) uncle'

BSL *strujos PSL *strbjo; *stryjo; *stryco m. jo 'uncle' SL SerbCS strbi 'uncle'; Ru. stroj m.(jo) '( arch. ?) father's brother, ( dial.) cripple,

beggar'; ORu. str'bi 'uncle'; ORu. stryi m.(jo) 'uncle'; Bel. stryj 'uncle', Gsg. stryja; Ukr. stryj 'uncle', Gsg. stryja; Cz. stryc 'uncle, cousin'; Slk. stryc 'uncle'; Pl. stryj 'uncle', Gsg. stryja; SCr. stric 'uncle (father's brother)', Gsg. strica; Čak. stric (Vrg.) 'uncle (father's brother)', Gsg. stricii; Sln. stric 'uncle (father's brother)'

PIE *stru-io-IE Olr. sruith 'old, venerable'; OW strutiu m. 'old man'

The existence of a variant strūjus is uncertain. Būga (RR l: 486, II : 716, 722, III: 655) corrects strujus to strūjus, but we may be dealing here with an etymological interpretation of inconclusive spellings in older texts (e.g. ftruius in DK and SD). Fraenkel's distinction (LEW: 926) between strūjus 'grandfather, old man' and strujus 'uncle' is refuted by the attestations of strnjus 2 'grandfather' mentioned in the LKZ. The hypothesis that strujus and its Slavic cognates have *str- < *ptr- < *ph2tr- is un­warranted (Kortlandt 1982: 26) .

stumbras

LITH stumbras 2 'wisent, aurochs' LATV sumbrs 'aurochs'; VAR stumbrs; stumbris; sūbrs OPR wissambs' [ wissambris?] (EV) 'aurochs'

PSL *zpbrb m. o 'wisent'

stuomuo 433

SL Ru. zubr, Gsg. zubra; Cz. zubr; Slk. zubor; Pl. :iubr; OPl. ząbr m.(o) ; ząbrz m.( jo); zubr m.( o)

A eonneetion with the root *gombh- of -Latv. zuobs 'tooth', PSl. *z9b'b, eannot be ruled out, but it is possible that we are dealing with a migratory term, ef. Osset. dombaj 'bison' (see also Kroonen 2013: 588-589). The meanings of wissambs 'Ewer' and tauris 'Wesant' (-taūras) are seemingly reversed (cf. Van der Meulen 1956: 10-11, Young 1998: 201-203) . Young (o.e. : 204-205) eonneets the element wis- with OPr. wissene 'wild rosemary' and OHG wisa 'meadow'. Aeeording to Van der Meulen (o.e. : 17), who aeeepts the reading wissambris, we are dealing with a eontamination of German Wisent and an element zambris, which is a borrowing from Old Polish. As a parallel he adduees Kash. hazajce (Gdynia region) 'small dark clouds on the horizon of the Baltie Sea', a contamination of MoHG Hasen 'hares' and the synonymous zajce (Sychta 1955: 4) .

stuomas

LITH stuomas 1 'stature, figure, trunk, piece of linen for a shirt'

PSL *stam'b adj. o SL Ru. stam6j (N. dial.) 'constant, stable, (s. led) lasting the whole year round,

steep' ( cf. also Ru. stamik (N. dial.) 'supporting squared beam, cliff, huge ice­floe')

PIE *stohrmo-IE Gk. cnwµ1� (Hsch.) f. 'piece of wood'

This etymon must be discussed in connection with -stuomuo.

stuomuo

LITH stuomuo m.(n) 3• [1/3•} 'stature, figure, trunk, piece of linen for a shirt, shirt without sleeves, stem of a plant with leaves and branches' (AP l occurs in Mielcke's dictionary as well as in the East Aukštaitian dialect of the Pušalotas region (Illič-Svityč 1963: 70 )); VAR stuomenis m.(io) 1 [ 1/3•} 'stature, figure, piece of linen for a shirt, (W. Zem.) support of a loom'; stuomenys Npl. m.(n) 3• 'pieee of linen for a shirt'; stuomenė l 'stature, figure'; stomuo (E. Aukšt., S. Aukšt.) m.(n) 3• 'stature, figure, piece of linen for a shirt'; stomenis m.(i) 3• [ 1/3•] 'stature, figure, piece of linen for a shirt'; st6menys Npl. m.(i) 3• 'piece of linen for a shirt'; st6menas 3• 'stature, figure'

LATV stamen (Fiir. I) 'trunk, (krękla s.) shirt without sleeves' (according to ME (III: 1051) , this is a mistake for stamen(i)s or stamene) ; VAR staminis2 'shirt without sleeves, fabric needed for a men's shirt'

PIE *stehrmen-IE Gk. cr<�µwv m. 'warp in the upright standing loom'; Lat. stamen n. 'warp in

the upright standing loom'

434 su

Petit (2ooob: 272) follows Fraenkel (LEW 933-934) in assuming that stomuo < *stehr men- was influenced by stuomas < *stohrmo-. He claims that the original meaning of both forms was "piece de bois dressee': in particular as a part of a loom. Contamination of these forms, whose formations were no longer transparent, apparently led to the introduction of *6-vocalism in *sta-men-. Later, after the development of the meaning 'stature', stuomuo could be interpreted as a derivative of -+stoti 'stand', deverbatives in -muo being a productive class. As a consequence, sto­was substituted for stuo- in part of the dialects ( cf. Būga RR II: 344). As Petit points out, the noun in -mas always has uo-vocalism.

One the whole l find Petit's well-reasoned scenario very attractive. However, since from a morphological point of view stomuo is the expected form, l cannot help but wonder if in spite of the dialect-geographical evidence some of the reflexes of *stam­en- are old. It should be noted that the Latvian forms have a.

su

LITH su ( + I.) 'with'; su- pref.

The form su, which is comparable to PSl. *s11(n) prep./pref. 'from, with', must have developed from a secondary zero grade *sum to -+sam- (Kortlandt 2007a: 10, cf. Vaillant Gr. l: 173).

sūdrus

LITH sudrus 3 [ 1/3/ 4] (AP 3 also with a Nsg. sūdrus) 'thick, dense, solid, tight, ( dial.) lush, fertile'; VAR sudras (E. Aukšt.) 3 'tight'

PIE *h1su-dru-IE Skt. sudru- 'made of strong wood' ( only sudrvam Asg. f. (2x))

The etymology *h1su- 'good, well' (cf. -+sveikas) + dru- 'wood' (cf. -+derva) no longer meets with formal difficulties, as the Lithuanian u can now be attributed to Winter's law (thus also Petit 2004, which is an exhaustive treatment of the etymon under discussion) . Note that the form sudrus, which resurfaces in the scholarly literature from time to time (e.g. IEW: 217), ultimately originates from dictionaries that do not use the character ū (Būga 1912b: 236 = RR l: 326, cf. Petit 2004: 261). The analysis *sūd-ro- (Smoczynski 2007: 613), where the root would go back to a present *suhr dhe/o- 'fill', cf. Hitt. šunna_; l šunn- 'fills' (the root seems otherwise limited to Anatolian), seems implausible to me. The dialectally attested meaning 'lush, fertile' must be due to influence of -sodrus (Petit 2004: 268-271). Note that PSL *s11dorV1J (a) 'healthy', e.g. OCS s11dorV1J, Ru. zdorovyj, probably continues *h1su-dhor-uo- ( cf. Meillet Et. II : 364, Le Feuvre 2006: 240-241, Derksen 2008a: 478-479).

sula

LITH sula 4 [2/4] 'sap from birch or maple' LATV sula 'juice, sap' OPR sula (EV) 'curdled milk'

PIE *su-lehr

suolas

IE Skt. sura- f. 'an alcoholic beverage'; LAv. hura- f. 'id:

435

Illič-Svityč (1963: 25) reconstructs AP 2 on the basis of the adjective sulinis, but the LKZ now actually mentions an attestation of sula 2 in Laukuva. The root is PIE *seu­'press', cf. Skt. sun6ti.

sūnus

LITH sūnus m. 3 [ 1/3/4] (AP 1 is attested in Daukša's Postilla and the Catechism of 1605) 'son'

OPR souns (III) 'son', Asg. sunun (l) , sounon (11), soūnon, soūnan (III)

BSL *su(nus PSL *syno m. u (e) 'son' SL OCS syno; Ru. syno, Npl. synov'ja; Cz. syn; Slk. syn; Pl. syn; SCr. sin, Gsg.

sina; Čak. sin (Vrg„ Hvar, Orb.), Gsg. sina; Sln. sin, Gsg. sina, sinu; Bulg. sin

PIE *suH-n-u-IE Skt. sūnu- m.; Go. sunus m.

In case-forms where the stress was on the second syllable, one expects initial stress as a result of Hirt's law. The restoration of the original accentuation cannot be dated to Balto-Slavic, cf. OLith. s{mus.

suodžiai

LITH suodžiai Npl. 1 'soot' (in dialects also suodis Nsg.); suodys Npl. f. (i) 1; VAR suodės Npl. 1

LATV suodreji Npl. [uo, uo2] 'soot' ; VAR suodraji Npl.; suodeji Npl.; suodri Npl„ suodri Npl. [uo, uo2]

BSL *so(d-i-PSL *sadja f. ja (a) 'soot' SL CS sažda; Ru. stiža; Cz. saze; OCz. sazė; Slk. sadza; Pl. sadza; Čak. siiji (Orb.)

Npl. ; Sln. saja; Bulg. sažda 'particle of soot', Npl. stiždi 'soot'

PIE *sod-i- ? IE Ok. s6t n. 'soot'; OE sat n. 'soot'

It is often assumed that this noun contains the root of -+sėdi!ti 'sit' ( cf. IEW: 886). In view of Winter's law, there is no need to reconstruct *o to account for the Balto­Slavic acute. A reconstruction with *o may in fact even be incorrect, though we must keep in mind that the acute may have been restored. MatasoviC (2009: 358-359) rejects this etymology and reconstructs *seh3wd-. For MW huddygl m. and Bret. huzel f. he reconstructs *seh3wd-, while for O Ir. suide, which he interprets as suide ( cf. MoFr. suie), he posits *sh3ud- > *suHd-.

suolas

LITH suolas 3 [1/3/4] 'bench' LATV suols 'bench'; VAR suola (Mane.)

sūpoti

This noun has been adduced in support of the traditional view that a PIE lengthened grade vowel yields an acute (e.g. Rasmussen 1989b: 161). Following Pokorny (IEW: 898), he compares suolas with Gk. aO.µa-ra Npl. 'planks, deck', eA.µa-ra (Hsch.) Npl. 'planking', OS seimo m. 'basis of a bed', but the connection with the Greek evidence, which does not match the Old Saxon form, seems doubtful ( cf. Beekes 2010: 1320 ) . Smoczynski (2007: 615) advocates a connection with OHG swelli n. 'beam, threshold' ( cf. Schmidt 1875: 78), which implies suoi- < *sųol- ("akut niejasnego pochodzenia"). Whatever the etymology may be, there is always a possibility that the tone of the East Baltic forms was influenced by the acute root of --+sėdeti 'sit' (Kortlandt 1997a: 27) .

sūpoti

LITH siipoti (Ruh., Ness., dial.) 'rock, cradle', 3 pres. siipoja, 3 pret. siipojo; VAR sūpuoti [ū, ii] , 3 pres. sūpuoja, 3 pret. sūpiivo; supuoti, 3 pres. supuoja, 3 pret. supilvo

LATV šūpat [ ū, u2] 'rock, cradle', isg. pres. šūpiiju; VAR šūpu6t [ū, u2] PSL *sypati v. (a) 'pour, strew' SL Ru. sjpat'; Cz. sypati; Slk. sypat'; Pl. sypac; SCr. si'pati 'pour', isg. si'piim, isg.

si'pljėm; Čak. si'pati (Vrg.) 'pour', 2sg. si'p/eš; si'pat (Orb.) 'pour, scatter', isg. sl'pan; Sln. sipati, isg. sipam, isg. sipljem; Bulg. sipja

The Latvian š- must originate from forms with e-grade, cf. Lith. siaūptis 'throw on a garment'. The acute roots of both the Baltic and Slavic verbs originate from developments that must be dated to the individual branches ( cf. Derksen 1996: 307-308, 341-344) . For the etymology of the root, see -+supti.

supti

LITH supti 'rock, cradle', 3 pres. supa, 3 pret. supo; VAR supti, 3 pres. supa, 3 pret. sup ė

BSL *s( o )up-PSL *suti v. 'pour, strew', isg. *s'bp9 SL Cz. souti (obs.) 'pour, strew'; Pl. sue (obs.) 'pour, strew'; SCr. sasūti 'pour,

strew', isg. saspėm; Sln. suti 'pour, strew', isg. spem, isg. sujem

PIE *s( o )up-IE Lat. supare (Paul. ex F.) 'throw'; dissipiire 'scatter' See also: sfipoti

sūras

LITH siiras (K., Chyl., SD, dial.) 3 'salt, salted, salty'; VAR sūrus 3 [3/4] LATV sūrs [ū, u2] 'salt, salty, bitter'

BSL *su(ros PSL *syr'b adj. o 'damp, raw' SL OCS syr'b (Zogr., Mar.) 'damp, fresh'; Ru. syr6j 'damp, raw' (AP (a) in Old

Russian); Cz. syrj 'damp, raw'; SCr. si'rov 'raw, crude, damp'

PIE *suH-ro-

svečias

IE Olc. surr 'sour, bitter' ; OE sūr 'sour'

437

With o-grade we find PSL *suroV'b, e.g. OCS surov'b (Zogr.) 'severe', Ru. sur6vyj 'severe, stern, unbleached', Sln. surŲv 'raw, fresh', and Olc. saurr 'damp earth, filth'. The barytone stress of the Balto-Slavic noun may be due to Hirt's law, but in view of PGmc. *sūra- (without pretonic shortening) it is probably old (cf. Kroonen 2013: 493). See also: sfrris

sūris

LITH suris l 'cheese' OPR suris (EV); sur (GrA, GrF, GrG) 'cheese'

BSL *surr(i)os PSL *syr'b m. o (a) 'cheese' SL OCS syr'b (Supr.); Ru. syr; Cz. syr; Slk. syr; Pl. ser; SCr. si'r, Gsg. sl'ra; Čak. sfr

(Vrg., Orb.), Gsg. si'ra; sir (Novi), Gsg. si'ra; Sln. sir, Gsg. sira

PIE *suH-ro-IE Olc. surr m. 'leaven'

See -+suras.

svainis

LITH svainis l (1/2/3] 'brother-in-law'; svainė 1[ 1/2] 'sister- in-law' LATV svains [ai, ai, ai2] 'brother-in-law'; svaine [ai, ai] 'sister-in-law'

PIE *suo-i-n(i)o-IE Olc. sveinn m. 'boy, servant'; OHG swein 'servant'

It is generally assumed that we are dealing with a derivative of the reflexive possessive pronoun *suos, cf. Ru. svojak 'husband of wife's sister', svojačenica 'wife's sister' from svoj (Vasmer-Trubačev III: 584). Other Slavic comparanda are Ru. svest' ( dial.), ORu. svbstb, svėstb, SCr. svast 'wife's sister', Gsg. sviisti, Sln. svęst 'wife's sister, wife of one's husband's brother', svast 'wife's sister, husband's sister', which point to PSL *svbstb alongside *svėstb. I have no explanation for the solid acute of the Baltic forms.

svečias

LITH svečias 4 'guest, (adj.) strange, foreign'; VAR svetys 4 'stranger, guest' LATV svešs 'strange, unknown, foreign, ( subst.) guest'

PIE *sue-tio-IE Gk. ETT]<; 'clansman (Hom.) , citizen, private person' (Beekes 2010: 475)

Possibly a derivative of the reflexive *sue, cf. OCS posėtiti 'visit' < *suė- t-, Ru. svat 'son-in-law's father, daughter-in-law's father' < *suo- t- , Gk. ernpo<; (Il., Dor.) 'comrade' < *se-t- (Beekes 2010: 473-474). Smoczynski (2007: 617-618) rejects this

438 sveikas

etymology and posits a compound *h1su-h2et- 'he who comes with good intentions' (cf. -+sveikas). His proposal involves an irregular development a > e.

sveikas

LITH sveikas 4 'healthy, sound' LATV sveiks [ei, ei, ei2] 'healthy, sound'

According to Fraenkel (LEW: 950-951), sveikas must be analyzed as *su-eikas, where the first element means 'well' ( cf. --+ sddrus) and the second element derives from the verb -+eiti 'go'. We may reconstruct *h1su-h1 ei-ko-.

svekas

LITH svekas (M., KŽ) 'resin, tar' LATV svęki Npl. 'resin'; VAR svękri Npl.; sve�i Npl.; svakas Npl.

See -+sakai.

š

š ai va

LITH šaiva 4 'spool'; VAR šeiva 2/4 'spool, forearm, shin(-bone)' LATV saiva [ai, ai2, ai2] 'bobbin'; VAR salve [ai, ai2, ai2]

BSL *koiwa(; *koiwa( PSL *clva f. a (b) 'shin-bone, tube, bobbin, spool' SL Ru. cevka 'bobbin, spool, (esp. hollow) bone, (dial.) shin-bone'; kevka

(Arkh., Psk.) 'id:; Cz. ceva 'vein'; OCz. ceva 'tube, spool'; cieva 'tube, spool'; cievka 'small tube'; Slk. cieva 'tube, vein'; USrb. cywa 'spool, reed'; Čak. civa (Vrg.) 'bobbin, spool'; Sln. cęvka 'bobbin, spool'

PSL * cįvb f. i (e) 'tube, spool' SL Ru. kev' (Psk.) f. 'handle of a flail'; cev'e n.(io) 'fore-end (of rifle-stock),

pivot'; ORu. cevb f. 'spool'; cevije n.(io) 'handle'; OCz. cev f. 'tube, spool'; ciev f. 'tube, spool'; SCr. cl'jev f. 'tube, spool, shin-bone'; Sln. cęv f. 'tube, pipe, spool, thigh-bone, blood vessel', Gsg. cęvi; Bulg. cev f. 'tube'

PIE *koi-u-; *skoi-u-IE Skt. a§thiva(nt) - m. 'shin'; OHG scina f. 'shin'; OE scia m. 'shin'; Est. kiiiiv

'spool'

The Latvian variants with conflated tones are much better attested than the variants with sustained tone. PSl. *clva suggests a non-acute root. The *k reflected by the Slavic forms (the North Russian attestations of this root showing initial k- are presented in Nikolaev 1988: 142-143) must originate from forms with s mobile. Skt. a§thiva(nt)- may be a compound containing *ast- and *(s)ciya- (Lubotsky 2002).

šalti

šaka

LITH šaka 4 'braneh'; VAR šakė 2 (also šakės Npl. 2) 'fork, pitehfork, dungfork' LATV saka 'branehing off, bifureation'; sakas Npl. 'horse's eollar'

BSL *fok(a( PSL * soxa f. a (e) 'forked stiek'

439

SL Ru. soxa '(wooden) plough', Asg. soxu; soxa (dial.) 'id:, Asg. s6xu; ORu. soxa 'stake, club, braee, plough'; Cz. socha 'statue, seulpture'; Slk. socha 'eolumn'; Pl. socha 'two-pronged fork'; SCr. soha 'forked stiek', Asg. sohu; Čak. sohii (Vrg.) 'forked stiek', Asg. sohu; Sln. s6ha 'pole, pole with a eross-beam'; Bulg. soxa 'forked stiek'

PIE *kok-ehr IE Skt. s&kha- f. 'braneh, twig'; Go. hoha f. 'plough'

The Slavie *x arose in forms where the suffix had zero grade, e.g. Gsg. *kok-hros ( cf. Skt. s&kha-).

šalna

LITH šalna 4 'light frost, ( dial.) hoarfrost' LATV salna 'frost, light frost, hoarfrost'

BSL *5ol?na( PSL *solna f. a (e?) 'hoarfrost' SL OCS slana (Ps. Sin.) ; RuCS slana; SCr. slana, Asg. sliinu; Čak. slanii (Vrg.)

'dew'; Sln. slana; Bulg. slana

A derivative of the root *kolH- 'be cold' that we find in -+šalti, cf. Oic. hela f. 'hoarfrost', whieh Kroonen (2013: 226) reeonstruets as PGmc. *hihelon < *ki-kelhr, cf. Skt. sisira- m./n. 'eool season'.

šaltas

LITH šaltas 3 [1/3] 'eold' LATV salts [a{, af2, ai2(?) ] 'eold'

See -+šalti. Endzelins (EH 11: 427) questions the eorreetness of the variant salts2 (Lubn.), but it may be a form eorresponding to Lith. šaltas i. An Indo-Iranian eognate of this etymon is LAv. sarata- 'eold'.

šalti

LITH šalti 'freeze', 3 pres. šijla, 3 pret. šalo (3 pres. also šafila, šalna, šala, šalsta, 3 pret. also šalė)

LATV salt 'freeze, clot', lsg. pres. salstu, lsg. pret. salu; VAR salt, lsg. pres. sa/u, lsg. pret. salu

The root is *kolH-, whieh may be of denominative origin ( cf. LIV: 323) . Unclear is the relationship between this root and the root of -+šilti 'beeome warm'. While in Baltic the latter was originally cireumflex ( cf. Derksen 1996: 84) , there is evidenee for both

440 šamas

*kelhr and *kel- in other branches of Indo-European (cf. Schrijver 1991: 206-207). LIV (l.e.) distinguishes between *kelH- 'kalt werden, frieren' and *kel- 'warm werden'. See also: pašalas; šalna; šaltas; šiltas

šamas

LITH šiimas 2/ 4 'sheat-fish' LATV sams 'sheat-fish'

BSL *š6mum PSL som'b m. o (b) 'sheat-fish' SL Ru. som, Gsg. soma; Ru. som ( dial.), Gsg. s6ma; Ukr. som, Gsg. s6ma; Pl.

sum; OPI. som; SCr. som, Gsg. soma; Sln. som, Gsg. s6ma; Bulg. som

The sometimes advocated connection with Gk. Kaµaa�v m. 'a fish' might be characterized as a shot in the dark. Formally impossible is the connection with the colour adjective -+šernas (pace Illič-Svityč 1963: 139) .

šapas

LITH šiipas 2/ 4 'straw, blade, dry twig, chip, speck'

PIE *kop-o-? IE Skt. š&pa- m. 'drift-wood, floating substance'

An old, but highly uncertain etymology.

šarka

LITH šarka 1 'magpie' OPR sarke (EV) 'magpie'

BSL *š6rrkar PSL *svorka; *sorka f. a (a) 'magpie' SL CS svraka; Ru. sor6ka; Cz. straka; OCz. straka; Slk. straka; Pl. sroka; Slnc.

sarkii; USrb. sroka; sr6ka ( dial.) ; SCr. svraka; Čak. sraka (Orb.); Sln. sraka; Bulg. svraka

ln Slavic, an original noun *sorka may have been influenced by *svbrčati 'whistle'. Smoczynski (2007: 624) reconstructs *korh2k-, while endorsing the old hypothesis that šarka is cognate with Gk. Kopa� 'raven'. The latter form he reconstructs as *kor-1}-k-, however, which leaves us wondering what was the motivation for *h2. The connection with Skt. š&ri- f. (i) 'a kind of bird' has nothing to commend itself.

šarma

LITH šarma 4 [3/ 4] 'hoarfrost, ( dial.) frost'; VAR šarmas 4 [3/ 4] LATV sarma [ar, ar2] 'hoarfrost'; VAR sęrma; safms

This noun is to be connected with the colour adjectives širnas and širvas 'grey, dapple-grey', cf. MoE hoar 'grey, greyish white' (PGmc. *haira-) in hoarfrost. The root is apparently *korH-.

šeima 441

See also: šarmas; šerkšnas l; šerkšnas Il; šermuo; šermuonėlis; šernas; šii'kšnas l; širkšnas Il; širmas; širvas

šarmas

LITH šarmas 3 [1/3] 'lye, alkali'; VAR šarma 1 LATV siirms [ii, a2] 'lye' OPR sirmes (EV) 'lye'

Unlike Fraenkel (LEW: 965) and Smoczynski (2007: 624-635) , who connect this noun with MHG harn, harm m. 'urine', l subscribe to Būga's view (RR III: 712) that we are dealing with the root of -+šarma ( cf. Derksen 1996: 87-90, 138, 2001b: 136-137) . Lye is leached from wood ashes.

šauti

LITH šauti 'shoot, ( dial.) strike, hurl, push, shove', 3 pres. šauna, 3 pret. šovė (3 pres. also šauja, 3 pret. also šiivo, šiivė)

LATV šaūt [aū, au2] 'shove, strike, shoot', 1sg. pres. šaūju, šaūnu, 1sg. pret. šiivu; VAR saūt (PlKur., E. Latv.) [aū, au2] 'shoot', 1sg. pres. saūnu, 1sg. pret. savu

BSL *š(j)ou(-PSL *sovati v. 'shove' SL OCS sovaat'b (Supr.) 3sg. 'overtlows'; Ru. sovat' 'shove, thrust', 1sg. suju, 3sg.

suet; Cz. souvati ( obs.) 'shove' ( still common in prefixed verbs ); OCz. suvati 'shove', 1sg. suju; Pl. suwac 'shove, slide'; Sln. suvati 'thrust, knock', 1sg. suvem, 1sg. sujem; suvati 'thrust, knock', 1sg. suvam; sovati 'thrust, knock', 1sg. sujem

The root may be reconstructed as *keuH-, but it seems to be limited to Balto-Slavic ( cf. LIV: 330 ). Latv. šaūt alongside saūt retlects *šjou(- : *šou?- < *keuH- vs. *kouH-.

šeima

LITH šeima 4 'family'; VAR šeiml 4 'family, household'; šeimas 'migration (of birds), nest, offspring'

LATV saime [ai, ai2, ai2] 'members of a household, ( extended) family'

BSL PSL SL

*šoi-m­*sėmbja f. ia RuCS sėmija 'servants'; Ru. sem'ja 'family, (folkl.) wife', Asg. sem'ju (AP (e) in Old Russian); ORu. sėmija 'servants, members of a household, family, husband, wife'; Ukr. sim'ja

The root of this noun is probably PIE *kei- 'lie'. In view of the Slavic evidence, l assume that the Lithuanian e-vocalism is secondary. We may compare Go. haims f. 'village', Olc. heimr 'home, world', OHG heim < *koi-mo-. Forms such as -+kiemas 'courtyard, farmstead, village', OPr. caymis, are probably borrowings from Germanic. Sabaliauskas (1990: 24) notes that in spite of the fact that in old texts we exclusively find --+šeimyna, Fi. heimo and Est. hoim, which are borrowings from Baltic, testify to the antiquity of šeima.

442 šeimyna

See also: Latv. sieva

šeimyna

LITH OPR

šeimyna 1 'family, household, servants' seimins 'servants', Asg. seiminan

BSL PSL SL

*foi-m­*sėmin'b m. o RuCS sėmin'b 'servant, slave'

See -+šeima.

šeirys

LITH šeirys (W.) 4 [2/ 4] 'widower', f. šeire 'widow'; VAR šeiria 'widow'; šeira 'id.'

BSL *seiros PSL *sir'b adj. o 'orphaned' SL OCS sir'b; Ru. siryj; Cz. siry; Slk. siry

PIE *kei-ro-IE Skt. 5ayu- 'orphan, fatherless one' ( < *kei-u-)

Sabaliauskas (1990: 24) informs us that šeirys 'widower' is a word that fairly seldom occurs in West Lithuanian dialects. ln the meaning 'Camberwell Beauty (Nymphalis antiopa)', cf. MoHG Trauermantel, Pl. žalobnik, Ukr. žalibycja, it belongs to the standard language.

šėkas

LITH šė1cas 1 [ 1/3/4] 'freshly mown green crops for feeding animals, soilage'; VAR šė1ca 1

LATV sęks [ę, ę2] 'freshly mown grass (also clover, vetch) for feeding animals, soilage'; VAR sęka2

Fraenkel seems to accept the connection with Skt. šaka- n. 'potherb, vegetable' and Ok. ha f. 'hay of second crop'. I doubt that the latter word belongs here.

šelbtis

LITH šelbtis (18th- 19th e.) 'try to cope', 3 pres. šelbiasi, 3 pret. šelbėsi

Fraenkel (LEW: 971) may be right in assuming that this word is a contamination of the synonymous šėbtis and -+šelpti 'help' due to the influence of -+gelbėti.

šelpti

LITH šelpti 'help, support', 3 pres. šelpia, 3 pret. šelpė

In spite of the imperfect formal correspondence ( cf. Kroonen 2013: 219 ), this etymon is often connected with Go. hilpan, Olc. hjalpa, OHG hilfan 'help' (e.g. IEW: 554). Equally unclear is the relationship with -+gelbėti. See also: šelbtis

šerkšnas I

šėmas

LITH šernas 3 [3/4] 'light grey, dark grey, bluish grey' LATV sęrns2 'variegated'

PIE *kiehrrn6-IE Skt. syarna- 'black, dark-coloured'; LAv. stirna- 'black'

443

In order to account for the Latvian s, we may assume that in East Baltic the *j was lost before *d. The connection between šernas, -+šjvas, and their Sanskrit counter­parts was recognized a long time ago (e.g. Trautmann 1923: 306).

šerdis

LITH šerdis f.(i) 3 (1/3/4] 'core, kernel, pith'; VAR šerdl 3/4 LATV serde 'core, kernel, pith' ; VAR serds (Pilda) f.(i) OPR seyr (EV) 'heart'

BSL *sedd-PSL *serda f. a (c) 'middle, Wednesday' SL OCS sreda 'middle, community, Wednesday'; Ru. sereda (obs.) 'Wednesday',

Asg. seredu; Cz. stfeda 'Wednesday'; Slk. streda 'Wednesday'; Pl. sroda 'Wednesday'; USrb. srjeda 'Wednesday'; SCr. srijeda 'Wednesday', Asg. srl'jedu; Čak. srldii (Vrg.) 'Wednesday', Asg. sridu; Sln. sręda 'middle, centre'; sręda 'Wednesday'; Bulg. sreda 'middle, centre, environment'; srjada 'Wednesday'

PIE *kerd-, Gsg. *krd-6s IE Skt. hfd- n.; Gk. KiiP m.; Gk. Kap81a f.; Arm. sirt; Go. hairto n.

See -+širdis, which originates from the same paradigm. In dialects we find forms such as Gsg. šerdes, Gpl. šerdij, which point to an earlier root noun.

šerys

LITH šerjis 4 'bristle'; VAR širjis 4 LATV sęrs (usu. sęri Npl.) 'bristle'; VAR seris; sars (usu. sari Npl.)

This etymon has been connected with Ok. har n„ OHG har n. < PGm. hcera-. In view of -+šerti II, the root is *kerH-. See also -+šiurkštus. Fi. harja 'bristle, brush' is a borrowing from Baltic.

šerkšnas l

LITH šerkšnas 4 'hoarfrost, ( dial.) frost, frozen crust of snow'; VAR šerkšna 4 LATV sęrsna 'hoarfrost, nightly frost in spring, crust of ice' ; VAR sęrsns; sęrsnis;

sęrsni Npl. [ęr, ęr2] ; sęm;zi Npl. [ęr, ęr2] sęrsnes Npl.; sęrksna2 'crust of ice'; serksne 'id:; serksnis 'id:; sarksnis (Ulm.) 'id:

BSL *ser(s )nos PSL * sern'b m. o; * serr;ib m. jo (b) 'hoarfrost, crust of ice' SL Ru. seren (dial.) m.(o) 'crust of ice'; seren (dial.) m.(o) 'crust of ice'; seren'

( dial.) f.(i) 'crust of ice'; Ukr. seren m.( o) 'frozen hard snow'; Cz. stfin ( dial.)

444 šerkšnas II

m.( o) 'ice on branches'; stfin ( dial.) f.(i/ja) 'ice on branches'; Slk. srien m.( jo) 'hoarfrost'; Pl. szran m.( o) 'hoarfrost' ( older spellings sran, srzon); szren ( dial.) m.( jo) 'frozen crust of snow, thin layer of ice on a brook' (also sren, sren) ; Sln. sręn m.( o) , sręnj m.(jo) 'hoarfrost, frozen crust of snow'

PIE *ker(s ) -na- ? IE Arm. safn 'ice'; Ok. hjarn n. 'frozen snow'; Nw. hjarn f. 'frozen snow'

(PGmc. *herzna-)

Its seems obvious that šerkšnas is cognate with -+šarma, but while the latter etymon clearly has an acute root, the root of the former seems to be circumflex ( cf. Derksen 1996: 89). In Baltic, I find no trace of an acute. The Slavic evidence, too, seems to point to a non-acute root, but the situation is not entirely clear, as some forms are ambiguous. Illič-Svityč ( 1963: 136) reconstructs (b) and regards forms reflecting (e) as secondary. In my view, some forms may also be interpreted as evidence for (a). Hrinčenko (1909: II 625), for instance, has Ukr. seren, Gsg. serena. Nevertheless, it seems best to reconstruct *ker(s ) -na- alongside *kerH- in -+šarma.

šerkšnas 11

LITH šerkšnas 4 'grey, whitish'

BSL *ser(s)nas PSL *sern'b adj. o SL CS sren'b 'white, greyish white (horses)'

To be identified with -+šerkšnas I.

šermenys

LITH šermenys Npl. f. (n) 3b 'funeral, funeral banquet'; VAR šermens Npl. f.(n) 3b; šermenes Npl. f.(n) 3b; šermua f.(n) 3b

OPR sirmen (Ness. 1873) 'funeral banquet', Npl. sirmenes

See -+šerti. According to Bielfeldt (1970: 46) , MoHG Zerm or Zarm 'id: is attested from the 151h to the 17th century in the German dialects of East Prussia. Frischbier (1882-1883: II 487-488) has an entry Zarm and mentions the variants Zi:irm (Ober­land) and Zerm (Elbing) .

šermukšnis

LITH šermukšnis 2 'rowan tree, rowan berry' LATV srrmukslis [ rr, rr2, rr2J 'rowan tree, rowan berry'; VAR srrmuksis [rr, ęr] ;

srrmukša [rr, rr2J ; srrmukšs [rr, ęr] ; srrmauksis2 [rr2, ęr2] ; sęrmaukšs [rr, ęr] ; srrmaukša [rr, rr2J ; srrmuokslis [rr, ęr2]

BSL *serm-( a )u�-; *kerm-( a )u�-PSL *serm'bša; *sermuša f. ja 'ramsons, bird cherry' SL SCr. srljemuša 'ramsons' ; Sln. sręmša f.(ja) 'bird cherry'; sręmsa 'bird cherry'

The etymology of this etymon is discussed s.v. -+kermušl, where I have presented the forms with initial *k-. With respect to the Latvian accentual evidence, it should be

šerti II 445

noted that in those areas where e before tautosyllabic r was not lengthened under the broken tone er2 must continue *er. Notwithstanding a few formations that occur with a sustained tone, the evidence is in favour of a circumflex root.

šermuo

LITH šermuo ( dial.) 3•/3b 'ermine, wild cat', Gsg. šermeiis, Gsg. šermuonies; VAR šermuonis m.(i) 3•/3h; šermuonl 3•; šarmuo; šarmuonis m.(i) 3•; širmonas (Chyl.)

A Germanic n-stem *harman- is reflected by OHG harmo m. 'weasel, ermine', OS harmo m. 'ermine'. The root of this animal name may be reconstructed as *k(e!o)rH-. It is highly plausible that this is the root of -+šarma and the colour adjective -+širvas. The name probably referred to the ermine's winter coat.

šermuonėlis

LITH šermuonllis 2 ermine, (Jušk.) weasel'; VAR šermunllis 2; šermūnllis 2; šermunelis 2; šarmuonllis 2; širmuonllis 2; širmonllis 2; širmunllis 2; širmūnllis 2

LATV sęrmulis [ęr, ęr2, ęr2] 'ermine'; VAR sęrmuls; sęrmulitis; sęrmulii;iš; sęrmuolitis; sarmulis 'ermine, weasel, rabbit'

The Lithuanian forms derive from an n-stem (-+šermuo), while the Latvian forms are close to Germanic diminutives such as OHG harmilin.

šernas

LITH šernas 3 [3/ 4) 'wild boar'

The Latvian counterpart sęrns 'ermine' (ME III: 820) is abandoned in EH (II: 478) . It is possible that šernas derives from a colour adjective (-+šarma). An alternative etymology may be *kerhrno-, where the first element is the word for 'horn' (referring to the tusks of the wild boar), cf. -+stirna. Smoczynski (2007: 631) assumes šernas < *šerinas and seeks a connection with -+šerys 'bristle'.

šerti l

LITH šerti 'feed', 3 pres. šeria, 3 pret. ši!rė LATV sert (Rutzau) 'feed, look after'

PIE *kerhr IE Gk. Kopevvūµ1 'satiate' See also: šermenys

šerti 11

LITH šertis 'shed hair or feathers, moult', 3 pres. šeriasi, 3 pret. šerėsi LATV sertiės 'shed hair or feathers, moult', isg. pres. squos, isg. pret. seruos

See -+šerys.

šeši

LITH šeši 4 'six', f. šešios LATV seši 'six'

BSL *$e$ PSL *šest11 num. (c) 'six'

šeši

SL OCS šest11; Ru. šest'; Cz. šest; Slk. šesf; Pl. szešc; Slnc. šięsc; USrb. šesc; SCr. šest; Čak. šest (Vrg.); Sln. šęst; Bulg. šest

PIE *(s )ueks IE Skt. $d$-; LAv. xšuuaš; Gk. e�; Lat. sex; OHG sehs

According to Stang (1966: 278), the initial š of the Lithuanian form is due to assimilation, cf. -+šešuras. Note, however, that initial *$ seems to be Balto-Slavic and, in view of the Indo-Iranian forms, the assimilation may be even older (cf. Lubotsky 20oob: 260 ) . See also: šeštas; ušios

šeštas

LITH šeštas 4 'sixth' LATV sęsts, sęstais 'sixth' OPR wuschts (l) , usts (11), uschts (III) 'sixth'

BSL * $e$tOS ( *u$tOS) PSL *šest'b num. o (e) 'sixth' SL OCS šest'b; Ru. šest6j; Cz. šesty; šesty ( dial.); OCz. šesty; Slk. šiesty; Pl. sz6sty;

USrb. šesty; SCr. šesti; Čak. šesti (Vrg.); Sln. šęsti; Bulg. šesti

PIE *(s )uks-(th2)0-IE Skt. $a$fha-; Lat. sextus; OHG sehsto

The oldest Balto-Slavic form must have been *u$tOs (-+ušios). The form "'$e$tOs may have arisen when the cardinal "'$e$ (-+šeši) was introduced into the ordinal.

šešuras

LITH šešuras 3b [2/3b] 'father-in-law (husband's father), (a.o. Ruh., Ness.) father­in-law (wife's father), (DP) brother-in-law'; VAR šešuoras; šešuris l [1/2/3b] ; šešiuras 3b [2/3b) ; šešiuras 2

BSL * swešuros PSL *svekT'b m. o 'father- in-law (husband's father)' SL CS svekT'b; Ru. svekor; ORu. svekT'b; Cz. svekr; Slk. svokor; Pl. šwiekr; SCr.

svekar (Vuk), Gsg. svekra; Čak. s(v)ekar (Vrg.) , Gsg. s(v)ekra; Sln. svękJr, Gsg. svękra; Bulg. svekar

PIE *suekur-o-IE Skt. švašura- m. 'father- in-law'; Gk. eKup6<; m. 'father-in-law'; Lat. socer m.

'father- in-law'; OHG swehur m. 'father-in-law'

šienas 447

The initial š of the Lithuanian form is due to assimilation (Stang 1966: 278). In Slavic, *swesur- was replaced by *swekur on the analogy of *svekry 'mother- in-law (husband's mother)', for which see -švašva. In a number of documents from Prussian Lithuania šešuras is also used instead of ->uošvis 'wife's father'. In Modern Standard Lithuanian and its dialects it is actually the latter word that tends to become a generic term for father-in-law (Buivydienė 1997: 94) . The meaning 'brother-in-law' attested in Daukša (Kudzinowski 1977: II ) seems to be isolated.

šiaurė

LITH šiaurė l [1/3] 'North'

BSL *serwer-; *sjorur-PSL *sJveT'b m. o (a) 'North' SL OCS seveT'b 'North, north wind'; Ru. sever 'North'; Cz. sever 'North'; Slk.

sever 'North'; USrb. sowjer ' (high altitude) haze'; SCr. sjever 'North'; Sln. sęver m.(jo) 'north wind, North', Gsg. sęverja; sęver 'north wind, North', Gsg. sęvera; sęvar 'north wind, North', Gsg. sęvra; Bulg. sever 'North'

PIE *keh1 uer-o-IE Lat. caurus m. 'northwestern wind' See also: šiaurus

šiaurus

LITH šiaurus 4 'sharp, biting, cold, rude, frightful' ; VAR šiaūras 4 [3/ 4] 'sharp, biting, cold'

Adjective belonging to ->šiaurė. We also find šiūrus 4, šiuras 4 'sharp, biting', with zero grade.

šienas

LITH šienas 4 'hay' LATV siens [ ie, ie2] 'hay'

BSL *s6ino PSL *s�no n. o (e) 'hay' SL OCS seno 'hay, grass'; Ru. seno; Cz. seno; Slk. seno; Pl. siano; SCr. sl'jeno, Gsg.

sl'jena; Čak. seno (Vrg., Novi), Gsg. sena; Sln. sęn{J; Bulg. seno

The Balto-Slavic etymon, which seemingly reflects PIE *kainom, corresponds nicely with Gk. KO LVU· xopTO� (Hsch.) 'pasture, fodder', but we may simply be dealing here with a form of Ko1v6� 'common, public', allowing an interpretation as 'common ground' ( cf. Beekes 2010: 731). Fi. heina, Liv. aina, and North Saami suoidni 'hay' are borrowings from Balto-Slavic ( cf. Kallio 2008: 274). The identification of the root as PIE *kei- 'lie' (Apanavičius 2003) is formally possible, but holds no appeal in any other respect.

šilcti

šilcti

LITH šikti 'defecate', 3 pres. šika, 3 pret. šiko (3 pres. also šiiika); VAR šikti, 3 pres. šika, 3 pret. šikė

PIE *kekw-IE Skt. sakrt n. 'dung', Gsg. saknal) (*kakw-r/n-); Gk. K6np0<; f. 'excrement,

ordure, dung, filth'

The vocalism of šik- is secondary zero grade. A Latvian cognate is šekšėt 'soil, defile, become dirty'.

šiltas

LITH šiltas 4 'warm' LATV silts [ i l, il2, il2] 'warm'

It seems that we must reconstruct the root as *kl- ( cf. Derksen 1996: 84), which is in contrast with *kolH- in -šaltas 'cold' (see also -šalti). We find a laryngeal in Mok. hlar, OHG lao, MDu. laeu 'lukewarm' < *klehruo-. LIV (323), which has a root *kel­'become warm', calls the appurtenance of the Germanic adjective doubtful.

šilti

LITH šilti 'become warm', 3 pres. šjla, 3 pret. šilo; VAR šilti, 3 pres. šilsta, 3 pret. šilo (3 pres. also šila, šilsta, šilšta, šilna, šjlna, šinla)

LATV silt [ ii, il2] 'become warm', 1sg. pres. silstu, 1sg. pret. silu

l agree with LIV (323) that the acute may be secondary here, cf. -šiltas vs. -šaltas (see also -šalti). In roots of this structure the sta-present is often accompanied by metatonie rude (cf. Derksen 1996: 287, 291). Lat. calere 'be warm', which Schrijver (1991: 106-107) reconstructs as *klhrehr, is traced to*kJ-hde- by LIV (l.e .) .

šimtas

LITH šimtas 4 [2/4] 'hundred' LATV simts [ im, im2] 'hundred'; VAR simt

BSL *simto PSL *s11to num. (e) 'hundred' SL OCS s11to; Ru. sto; Cz. sto; Pl. sto; Slk. sto; SCr. sto; Čak. sto (Vrg., Hvar); Sln.

st(j; Bulg. sto

PIE *dkmt6m IE Skt. §ata-; Gk. eKa-rov; Lat. centum; Go. hunda; OHG hunt

The vocalism of the Slavic proto-form must be secondary (Kortlandt 1979a: 59, cf. Trautmann 1923b, where we find a discussion of the apophonic patterns *eN : *iN and * oN : *uN). The word for 'hundred' is cognate with -dešimt.

širdis

LITH širdis f.(i) 3 'heart' LATV sifds f. (i) 'heart'

BSL *sir?d-PSL *siJrdbce n. jo (e) 'heart'

širšuo 449

SL OCS srodbce; Ru. serdce; Cz. srdce; Slk. srdce; Pl. serce; OPI. sierce; SCr. sfce, Gsg. sfca; Čak. sfce (Vrg.) , Gsg. sfca; Sln. srcę; Bulg. siircė

PIE *kerd-, Gsg. *krd-6s IE Skt. hfd- n.; Gk. Kfip m.; KapS(a f.; Arm. sirt; Go. hairto n.

In dialects, we find forms such as Gsg. širdes, Npl. širdes, Gpl. širdŲ, which point to an earlier root noun. See also: šerdis; širšti

širkšnas l

LITH širkšnas ( dial.) 4 'hoarfrost'; VAR širkšna

A synonym of -+šerkšnas L

širkšnas 11

LITH širkšnas 4 ' ( dial.) grey, whitish'

A synonym of -+šerkšnas II.

širmas

LITH širmas 3, širmas 4 'grey, dapple-grey' LATV sirms [ ir, ir2] 'grey, silver grey'

The Lithuanian adjective is often used to designate the colour of animals, but it may also designate the colour of human hair or peas and the like. Ndž (s.v.) presents the meanings 'weiB, schimmelfarbig, grauschimmelig, blaugrau, schwarz- bzw. rot­schimmelig, grau, angegraut'. With the suffix -vas we find -+širvas. An adjective with yet another suffix is -+Latv. sirks 'grey-haired, greyish, skewbald'. For the etymology of the root, see -+šarma.

širsti

LITH LATV

širsti [ ir, ir] 'be angry', 3 pres. širsta, 3 pret. širdo sirties (Karls.) 'be annoyed, be angry', lsg. pres. sirstu6s (with analogical elimination of the s in the infinitive ) ; VAR sirstisties (Lis.) ; sifstu6ties (Bers.)

The origin of the metatonie douce shown by the Lithuanian verb lies in the circumstance that Winter's law did not operate before the s of the present suffix. It later became productive in Lithuanian denominative verbs. In Latvian, the original metatony was obscured by the spread of the glottal stop that had become part of the suffix as a result of reanalysis (Derksen 2011b: 36-37)

širšuo

LITH širšuo (OLith.) m.(n) 'hornet, wasp' (širšuo 3• in the LKŽe, but cf. Būga RR II: 619 ) ; VAR širšė l [1/ 4] 'hornet, ( dial.) wasp'; širšuonas 3•; širšuonis (Bretk.);

450 širtva

širšuolas 3•; širšūnas l; širšinas 3• [3•/3h] , širšilas 3• [3•/3h] ; širšalas 3• [3•/3h] ; širšlys 3•/3h; širkšlys (OLith.) ; šaršas (Bretk.)

LATV sirsenis [ ir, ir, iT2] 'hornet'; VAR sirsuonis [ iT, iT2] ; siTsuons; sirsuons; sirsūnis2; sirsūns; sirsins; sifsnis2

OPR sirsilis (EV) 'hornet'

BSL *sirr�en-PSL *svršenv m. jo 'hornet' SL CS srvšenv m.(jo ) ; strvšenv m.(jo ); Ru. šeršen' m.( jo) ; ORu. svršenv m.(jo ) ;

švršenv m.(jo ); Cz. sršen m.(jo ); Slk. sršen m.(jo ) ; Pl. szerszen m.(jo ); OPI. sierszen m.( jo); SCr. sfšljenj m.(jo ) ; Čak. sfšen (Orb.) m.( o) 'big wasp, hornet'; Sln. sfšen m.(o) , Gsg. sršęna

PIE *krhrs(-r)-en-IE Lat. crabro m. 'hornet' ( < *krasron); OHG hornuz m. 'hornet'

The root *krhr 'horn' may also occur in -+karvė and -+stirna. Since the s-stem *krhr s- means 'head', we might assume that the n-stem under discussion derives from an adjective *krhrs-r6- 'what is on the head'. The original meaning of the substantive *krhrs-r-en- would in that case be 'the one with headgear' (Nussbaum 1986, cf. De Vaan 2008: 140 ). In Balto-Slavic the second r was apparently lost. As for Balto-Slavic, a more straightforward reconstruction would be *krhrs-en-. In view of the variants with an 1-suffix, where the l may have originated from r through dissimilation, one may consider an r/n-stem ( cf. Schrijver 1991 : 176) .

širtva

LITH širtva (:Žem.) l 'den, lair, (Dauk.) hut'; VAR širta (:Žem.) l; širtas (:žem.) l (the ghost-form skirtas originates from Leskien 1891)

On the basis of burlas 'mud' (Fraenkel actually has burlas) and burlungis (burliungis) 'puddle, marsh' vs. Ru. berl6ga 'den, lair', SCr. bflog 'pig's lair, garbage heap', Fraenkel (LEW: 989) suggests that širtva is cognate with words meaning 'filth'. He is apparent­ly thinking of words such as Latv. sdn;zi 'slag, dross' and Ru. srat' (*svrati') 'defecate' <

*krH-. Karaliūnas (1995: 192), on the other hand, assumes that širtva, širta, and širtas are distorted variants of -+irštva, *iršta, and *irštas.

širvas

LITH širvas 3, širvas 4 'grey, dapple-grey'

A synonym of -+širmas, which is cognate with šarma. A variant with o-grade is šarvas 3 (Šiauliai) , whose meaning is in an enlightening fashion defi.ned as arklys plauko juodo ir širkšno širmo 'a horse with a black coat and grey hoarfrost'.

šis

LITH šis 'this', f. ši LATV šis 'this', f. ši OPR schis 'this'

BSL *sis PSL *s11 prn. 'this'

šlakas

SL OCS s11, f. si, n. se; Ru. sej, f. sija, n. sije; ORu. s11, f. si, n. se; Sln. sej

PIE *ki-IE Hitt. ka- l kū- l ki- 'this'; Go. hina Asg. m., hita Asg. n.

šiurkštus

LITH šiurkštus 4 (also šiurkštus) 'rough, coarse'; VAR šiurkštas 4; šiurgždus 4

BSL *sir�-t-PSL * s11rst11 f. i 'hair ( of animals ) '

451

SL SerbCS srbst11; Ru. šerst"hair ( of animals ) , wool, ( dial.) feathers of geese and ducks'; ORu. serst11; ORu. serest11; ORu. šerst11; Cz. srst; Slk. srst'; Pl. siersc; Sln. sfst, Gsg. srstf

Cf. also Pl. szorstki 'rough, coarse' (Būga RR l: 280, Briickner 1927: s.v.). The root vocalism of the Lithuanian adjective must be secondary. One may assume influence of šiūrus 'sharp, biting' (-+šiaurus) and šiurpus 'rough, coarse, sharp, biting (wind)', frightful', in particular because the word may have been reanalyzed as containing a suffix -(k)štas rather than a root *šir(k)š- and a suffix - tas (cf. Būga RR l: 334). The unextended root occurs in -+šerti 11.

šyvas

LITH šjvas 3 'light grey' OPR sywan (EV) 'grey'

BSL *Si(wos

PSL *siVb adj. o (a) 'grey' SL Ru. sfvyj; Cz. sivy; Slk. sivy; Pl. siwy; SCr. sl'v; Sln. siv, f. siva; Bulg. siv

PIE *kihru6-IE Skt. syava- 'dark brown, dark' (*kiehru6-)

See -+šernas.

šlaitas

LITH šlaitas 2 [2/4] 'slope, hillside'

See -+šlfeti.

šlajos

LITH šlajos Npl. 2 'sleigh, sledge'; VAR šlaja 2; šiajai Npl. 2 [2/4] ; šlajės Npl. 2 OPR slayan (EV) 'runner'; slayo (EV) 'sleigh, sledge'

The root is PIE *kloi-, cf. -+šlfeti.

šlakas

LITH šlakas 4 'drop, freckle, spot' LATV slaka 'drop, sprinkle, moistening'

452 šlaunis

According to Boutkan (2003) , this etymon is a borrowing from a North European substratum etymon, cf. Olc. slag n. 'wetness'.

šlaunis

LITH šlaunis f.(i) 4 'thigh, hip'; VAR šlaunl 4

LATV slaūna 'hip'; VAR slaCme2; slauns, Npl. slaūni

PIE *fdou-ni-IE Skt. sr61;1i- f. 'buttock, hip, loin'; Av. sraoni- f. 'buttock, hip'; Lat. clūnis m./f.

'buttocks, haunch'; Olc. hlaun n. 'loin, buttock'

šlavė

LITH šlavė (E. Lith.) 2 [ 2/ 4] 'honour, respect, fame' LATV slava 'rumour, reputation, fame'; VAR slave

BSL *slaw-es-PSL *slavo n. s (e) 'word' SL OCS slavo n.( s ); Ru. sl6vo; Cz. slavo; Slk. slavo; Pl. slowo; SCr. slavo 'letter ( of

the alphabet)'; Čak. slavo (Vrg.) 'id:, Npl. slOva; Sln. slov(j 'good-bye, farewell' n.( s ), Gsg. slavęsa; sl6v9 'letter ( of the alphabet), word', Gsg. sl6va; Bulg. sl6vo 'word'

PIE *kleu-es-IE Skt. sravas- n. 'fame, honour'; Gk. KAfoc; n. 'fame'; Olr. clu f. 'fame, rumour'

The depalatalization of *k before a resonant unless the latter was followed by a front vowel (cf. Meillet 1894: 298) was anterior to the Balto-Slavic development *eu > *ow l_ V. An example of depalatalization is -+klausyti.

šleivas

LITH šleivas 4 'bow-legged'

See -+šlieti. With depalatalization we find -+kleivas.

šlieti

LITH šlieti 'lean, rest ( against)', 3 pres. šlieja, 3 pret. šliejo; šlieti, 3 pres. šlieja, 3 pret. šliejo; VAR šlieti, 3 pres. šliena, 3 pret. šliejo; šlieti, 3 pres. šleja, 3 pret. šlljo

LATV sliet [ ie, ie2, ie2] 'support, erect, (-ties) lean', 1sg. pres. slienu, 1sg. pret. sleju; sliet (Ulm.) , 1sg. pres. sieju, 1sg. pret. sieju

PIE *klei-IE Skt. srayate 'lean'

The acute of šlieti and-šlyti must be an innovation (cf. Būga 1923-1924: 252 = RR II: 430). See also: kleivas; kljvas; pašlitas; šlaitas; šlajos; šleivas; šlyt:i; šlitis; šlyvas; Latv. klelns

šluoti 453

šlyti

LITH šlyti 'incline, lean', 3 pres. šlyja, 3 pret. šlijo ( alternative present formations are šlija, šleja, šlyna, šlifita, šlysta and šlyva)

See -+šlieti.

šlitis

LITH šlitis f.(i) 4 'shock, stook'; VAR šli tė 2; šlytė 1; šlytis f.(i) 4 [1/4]

Alongside forms with šli- < *kli- (see -+šlieti) , we fmd forms that reflect the secondary acute of -+šlyti.

šlyvas

LITH šlyvas 4 'bow-legged'

A synonym of -+klyvas. See also -+šlieti.

šlovė

LITH šlove 3 [ 1/3/4] 'honour, fame' LATV slave ( 171h e.) 'fame'

BSL *slaur-PSL *slava f. a (a) 'glory, fame' SL OCS slava 'glory, fame, magnificence'; Ru. slava; Cz. slava; Slk. slava; Pl.

slawa; SCr. slava; Čak. slava (Vrg. , Orb.) 'glory'; Sln. slava; Bulg. slava

The root-finai laryngeal reflected in Baltic as well as Slavic is a Balto-Slavic innova­tion. According to Kortlandt (1985: 120), we must assume an original root noun *kleuhr ( cf. -+klausti) . For the distribution of the accent paradigms attested in Lithuanian, see Skardžius 1935: 181. Evidence for a Latvian noun slave (slave and Latv. slava are mentioned under -+šlavė) seems to be limited to an Asg. slahwe in a 1ih century text (EH II: 523).

šluota

LITH šluota 1 'broom' LATV sluOta 'broom'

See -+šluoti.

šluoti

LITH šluoti 'sweep', 3 pres. šlUoja, 3 pret. šlavė (3 pres. also šlUona, šluona, (Žem.) šlava, 3 pret. also šluoja)

PIE *kleh3U-IE OLat. cluere 'clean'

According to Kortlandt 1995, the East Baltic *uo must have developed here from a stressed u-diphthong containing an o-colouring laryngeal. An e- or a-colouring

454 šmulas

laryngeal would have yielded *(j)au, cf. -+saulė and -+šiaurė. In Latin, we may be dealing with a secondary full grade *kleh3u- ( cf. De Vaan 2008: 122) . See also: šluota

šmulas

LITH šmitlas (Zem.) 4 'hornless, bald'

PIE *k(e)m(H)-IE Skt. sama- 'hornless', Gk. Keµac; f. 'young deer, young dog', Gsg. Keµa6oc;;

OHG hinta f. 'hind'

The reconstruction of the root as *kemhr (Lubotsky 1988: 76) is based on Gk. Keµac;, which seems speculative.

šokti

LITH šokti 'jump, dance', 3 pres. šūka, 3 pret. šoko; VAR šokti, 3 pres. šoksta, 3 pret. šOko

LATV sakt 'begin, resume', ISg. pres. saku, lsg. pret. šoko; VAR sakt, lsg. pres. sacu; sakt, lSg. pres. sakstu

Beekes (2010: 685) rejects the traditional connection with Gk. KTjK(c; f. 'anything gushing forth, ooze', which he regards as Pre-Greek in view of the variant KayKuA.ac;. Considering the absence of reliable cognates, the reconstruction of the Baltic root as *keh2k- (e.g. LIV: 319) may be called mechanical. OPr. soakis

š o na

LITH šonas l 'side, flank' LATV siins [ ii, a2] 'side'

BSL *sa(nos; *sa(nis PSL *sanb f. i 'sleigh, sledge' SL RuCS sanb f.(i) 'snake'; Ru. sani Npl.; ORu. sani Npl.; Ukr. sany Npl.; Cz.

sane Npl. ; sane Npl.; san 'dragon, tapeworm'; Pl. sanie; OPI. sani Npl.; SCr. saoni Npl. ; saone Npl. f.(a); siini (NW. dial.) Npl.; Sln. sani Npl.

The mechanical reconstruction *keh2no- does not yield any plausible cognates outside Balto-Slavic. See also: šonkaulis

šonkaulis

LITH šonkaulis l 'rib' LATV siinkaūls 'rib'

See -+šonas.

šulas

LITH šulas 4 'post, pole, stave'

švašva 455

LATV šuls 'wooden block with a grove used for constructing an annex, (pl.) poles, (Klp.) girder'

OPR sulis (EV) 'stave'

BSL *$ulo-; *$joulo-PSL *šulo n. o 'post, pole' SL Ru. šulo (W. dial.) n. 'fence post'; šula (Smol.) f. 'fence post'; Bel. šula f. block,

pole with grooves; Ukr. šula f. 'fence post'; OPI. szulo n. 'wooden pole'; SCr. šuij m. 'block'; Sln. šuij m. 'sawn-off trunk, block'

PIE *ksul-o-/*kseul-o-IE Gk. �u;\ov n. 'wood, beam'

There is indirect evidence for AP 2, viz. šulinis, šulinė 'well' (Illič-Svityč 1963: 35), cf. šulė 'barrel: Latv. šuls must be a borrowing from Lithuanian. The Lithuanian form, in turn, is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Polish (e.g. Smoczynski 2007: 651) or from German, whereas Būga (RR 11 : 620-622) claims that the Polish word is a borrowing from Lithuanian ( cf. also Anikin 2005: 306-307). l prefer to treat the Baltic and Slavic forms as inherited, though it seems evident that to a certain extent we are dealing with the spread of a technical term in a situation of language contact.

šuo

LITH šuo m.(n) 4 'dog', Gsg. šufis; VAR šunis m.(i) 2 [2/4] LATV suns 'dog', Gsg. sw;ia, Npl. sw;ii OPR sunis (EV) 'dog'

PIE *kuon, Gsg. kun-6s IE Skt. švan- m.; Gk. Kuwv m.; Lat. canis m.; Olr. cu m. Go. hunds m.

švašva

LITH švašva ( dial.) '(Pln.) daughter, (Dt.) sister'

BSL *swekrur PSL *svekry f. ū 'mother- in-law (husband's mother)' SL OCS svekry (Mar., Zogr.) f.(ū), Gsg. svekrbVe; Ru. svekr6v' f.(i); svekrj ( dial.)

f.(ū); ORu. svekry f.(ū); OCz. svekrev f.(i); SCr. svekrva f.(a); Čak. svekrvii (Novi) f.(a) , Asg. svekrvu; Sln. svękrva f.(a); svękrv f.(i) ; Bulg. svek&rva f.(a)

PIE *suekr-uH-IE Skt. švasrd- f. 'mother-in-law'; Lat. socrus f. 'mother-in-law'; OHG swigar f.

'mother-in-law'

According to Karaliūnas (1999: 86-88, 2006), švašva 'daughter (Plungė district), sister (Dotnuva, Kėdainiai district)' continues the Lithuanian counterpart of PSL *svekry, which is generally believed to have been ousted by -+anyta. Karaliūnas's etymology deserves serious consideration, but involves a number of difficulties. First of all, there is the semantic shift. Karaliūnas suggests an intermediate stage 'mother-in-law's daughter', which does not seem unreasonable, cf. MDu. swager 'father-in-law, brother-in-law, son-in-law'. Formally there are multiple issues. As in the case of

456 šventas

-+šešuras, the initial š may be due to assimilation. The medial š would have to be analogical after šešuras, as before r we would expect depalatalization, cf. OCS svekry. Unexplained remains the fact that in švašva the *u of the initial constellation was retained, wheras in šešuras it was not. The a of the root, Karaliūnas argues, may have developed from unstressed e. A formation *švešr(u)va (cf. sesuva, sesva 'sister') , which amounts to *-uH- being replaced by *-uH-ehr, is natural enough and directly comparable to the South Slavic forms. In the case of švašva, however, there is no trace of an r, which weakens the hypothesis.

šventas

LITH šventas 4 [2/4] 'holy, sacred' LATV svęts 'holy, sacred' OPR swints 'holy, sacred'

BSL *swentos PSL *svęt11 adj. o 'holy, sacred' SL OCS svęt11; Ru. svjat6j; Cz. svaty; Slk. sviity; Pl. swięty; SCr. svet, f. sveta, n.

sveto; Čak. svet (Vrg.), f. sveta, n. sveto; Sln. svęt, f. svfta; Bulg. svet

PIE *kuen- to-IE Av. spanta- 'holy'

The Latvian word is a borrowing from East Slavic. OPr. swints is often assumed to have originated from Polish, but Smoczynski regards this form as the prime example of his rule that *eNC was raised to *iNC in Old Prussian, the so-called swints-rule (Smoczyriski 1989: 99ff„ 2ooob: 13, on which see Derksen 2003c: 155-156). The vocalism en is found in hydronyms and toponyms, e.g. Swent, Swentegarben. Interestingly, the zero grade of the root may be present in -+ Latv. svinet 'celebrate'.

šviesti

LITH šviesti 'shine', 3 pres. šviečia, 3 pret. švietė

The root is PIE *kueit-, cf. Skt. sveta- 'white, bright', PSl. * svit11 m. o (e) 'light, world' <

*kuoit-o-, e.g. OCS svet11, Ru. svet. The initial *s of the Slavic noun must be analogi­cal, as we would expect to find depalatalization in forms with o-grade, cf. OCS cvčt11, Cz. kvėt 'flower' < *kvit11. In turn, we find analogical k- in -+Latv. kvitet. See also: šviteti

švitėti

LITH šviteti (Žem.) 'shine, shimmer', 3 pres. švita, 3 pret. švitejo; VAR švyteti, 3 pres. švyti, 3 pret. švytejo

BSL *swite?-PSL *svbtčti v. (e) 'shine' SL ocs SVbtėti sę, isg. SVbštų sę

PIE *kuit-IE Skt. svit- 'become bright'

See -+šviesti.

takas

LITH takas 4 '(foot-)path' LATV taks '(foot-)path'

BSL *tokos PSL *tok'b m. o 'current, course'

talka

T

SL OCS tok'b; Ru. tok; Cz. tok; Slk. tok; Pl. tok; Sln. tok

PIE *tokw-o-IE Av. taka- m. 'course'

A derivative of -+teketi.

taldyti

LITH taldyti ( dial.) 'silence, calm', 3 pres. taldo, 3 pret. taldė

BSL *tol?-eie-PSL *toliti v. 'calm, soothe'

457

SL OCS utoliti 'convince', isg. utolj9; Ru. utolit' 'quench, satisfy, soothe', isg. utoiju, 3sg. utolit; Pl. utulic 'soothe'; OPI. utolic 'id:; SCr. utoliti 'calm down'; Sln. t6liti 'calm, soothe, quench', isg. tplim

A causative to -+tilti. As for its meaning, cf. MoDu. stillen 'satisfy, quench, soothe', which is a derivative of stil 'quiet' < PGmc. *steija-. This may very well be the same root ( cf. IEW: 1061f.) .

talka

LITH talka 4 'unpaid work, party of workers ( called together for help )' LATV talka [al, af2, al2] 'party of workers'

BSL *tolka? PSL *tolka f. a (e) 'neighbourly help ( of farmworkers ), corvee' SL Ukr. toloka 'occasional help by fellow villagers, fallow land, pasture', Asg.

toloku; Pl. tloka 'neighbourly help ( of farmworkers ), crowd'; tl6ka ( dial.) 'id:; OPI. tluka 'id:; Slnc. tlwęka 'corvee'; SCr. tlaka 'corvee'; Sln. tlaka 'corvee'

OPr. tallokinikis (EV) 'free man' is reminiscent of Lith. talkininkas 'one who participates in talka, helper'. Mažiulis (PKEŽ IV: 182) emends the attested form to talkinikis, which seems ad hoc. Alternatively, the form could be connected with Lith. talokas (OLith., dial.) 'mature, adult (also subs.)', which has no etymology. The proposed connection between talka and Toch. B telki n. 'sacrifice' ( cf. Adams 1999: 306) is interesting but highly speculative. See also: telkti

458 talžyti

talžyti

LITH talžyti 'flog, thrash, fling', 3 pres. talžo, 3 pret. talžė; VAR talžyti, 3 pres. talžo, 3 pret. talžė

LATV taizit2 [al, ai2] 'flog, thrash', lsg. pres. taizu2, taiziju2, lsg. pret. taiziju2

See -telžti II. It is likely that the circumflex variant is original.

tamsus

LITH tamsus 3 [113/4] 'dark' LATV tumšs 'dark'; VAR timšs2 (E. Latv.)

BSL * tim?-; *tom?-PSL * tbmbn'b adj. o (b/c) 'dark' SL OCS tbmbn'b; Ru. temnyj; temen, f. temna, n. temn6; Cz. temnj; Slk. temnj;

Pl. ciemny; USrb. cemny; SCr. taman, f. tamna, n. tamno; tdman, f. tcimna, n. tdmno; Čak. t&man (Vrg.), f. tamnii, n. t&mno; Sln. t;:nnm, f. t;:nnna; Bulg. t&men

The root is *t(o)mH-, cf. Skt. timira- 'dark' < *t1'ĮIH-. See also: temti; Latv. tima

tanas

LITH tanas 4 [2/4] 'swelling, tumour, dropsy'

AP 2 is not mentioned in the LKZe, but Illič-Svityč (1963 : 34) points out that barytone accentuation is attested in Nesselmann 1851 (89 ). See ->tinti II for the etymology of the root.

tandus

LITH tandus (SD, dial.) 4 'stiff, rigid, lazy' (also tafldus 4) ; VAR standus

It is attractive to connect this adjective with Skt. tand- 'be paralyzed, become tired'. The root may be an enlargement of *ten- 'stretch', cf. Lat. tendere, lsg. tendo. I wonder if Latv. tuOžaties [ UO, uo2] 'linger, stammer' may belong here.

tarpa

LITH tarpa 4 [1/4] 'thrift, growth, (dial.) harvest, abundance, recovery' (AP l is recorded in Šlapelis 1940)

LATV tarpa 'power, ability, thrift, maturity'; VAR tęrpa 'power'

PIE *torp-ehr IE Go. parba f. 'lack, need'; Ok. p9rf f. 'want, need, necessity' ; OHG darba f.

'lack, need' ; OE pearf f. 'need, want, necessity, benefit'

A deverbative to -tarpti. The acute of the Lithuanian variant with AP l, if correct, and the Latvian forms may be metatonical ( cf. Derksen 1996: 233-251) .

taukai 459

tarpti

LITH tarpti [ar, ar] 'thrive, flourish', 3 pres. tarpsta, 3 pret. tarpo (here, too, Š}apelis i940 is the source of the acute)

OPR enterpo 3sg. 'is useful'

PIE *torp-IE Skt. tarp- 'satisfy oneself, enjoy, be pleased'; Gk. -repnw 'satisfy, refresh' See also: tarpa

tas

LITH tas 'this, that', f. ta, n. tai LATV tas 'this, that', f. tii OPR stas 'the, this, that', f. sta(i), n. sta

BSL *tos PSL *t'b prn. SL OCS t'b, f. ta, n. to; Ru. tot, f. ta, n. to; ORu. t'b, f. ta, n. to; Cz. ten, f. ta, n. to;

Slk. ten, f. ta, n. to; Pl. ten, f. ta, n. to; USrb. ton, f. ta, n. to; SCr. tiij, f. ta, n. to; Čak. ta, ta (Orb.), f. ta, n. to, n. to; Sln. ta, f. ta, n. t(>

PIE *so IE Skt. sa, f. s&, n. tad

The PIE demonstrative pronoun *so, f. *seh2, n. tad, was remodelled to Balto-Slavic *tos, *ta(, *tad.

tašyti

LITH tašyti 'hew', 3 pres. tiišo, 3 pret. tiišė LATV test 'hew, smoothen, beat', isg. pres. tešu, isg. pret. tesu; VAR tėst [ė, e2, ė2] , isg.

pres. tėšu, isg. pret. tėsu; tėst2 (Golg., Schwaneburg), isg. pres. tešu, isg. pret. tėsu2

PSL *tesati v. (b) 'hew' SL OCS tesati (Supr.), isg. teš9; Ru. tesat', isg. tešu, 3sg. tešet; Cz. tesati; Slk.

tesat'; Pl. ciosac; SCr. tėsati 'cut, trim, polish', isg. tešem; Čak. tesat (Orb.) 'cut, polish, hew, trim', isg. tešen; Sln. tesati 'hew, chisel', isg. tęšem

PIE *tetk-IE Skt. tak�ati 3pl. 'cut, manufacture'

taukai

LITH taukai Npl. 3 'fat'; VAR taukas (coli.) 3 LATV tauki Npl. [au, au2] 'fat' OPR taukis (EV) 'lard'

BSL *tourkos PSL *tako m. o (e) 'fat' SL OCS tuk'b (Ps. Sin. En.); Ru. tuk; ORu. tuk'b; Cz. tuk; Slk. tuk; Pl. tuk; Čak.

tilk (Novi, Orb.) , Gsg. tUka

460 taukinas

PIE *touHk-o-IE OHG dioh m. 'thigh'

The Balto-Slavic evidence points to a root *touHk-, which may be a contamination of *teuH- ( cf. SCr. tl'ti 'become fat' < *tuH-) and *teuk- or an enlargement of the former. Since -+tukti cannot be regarded as evidence for a non-acute root, LIV's root *teuk­'stark/fett werden, schwellen' ( 641) lacks a solid base. See also: taūkinas; tūkstantis; tū.Ias

taukinas

LITH taukinas 3•, taukinas 3b 'fat ( adj.) '

BSL *tourkinos PSL *tučbn'b adj. o 'fat, rich' SL OCS tučbn'b (Euch., Ps. Sin.) 'fat, rich'; Ru. tučnyj 'fat, rich, succulent'; Cz.

tučny 'fat' ; Slk. tučny 'fat'; Pl. tuczny 'fat'; Sln. tuč;m 'fat', f. tučna; Bulg. tučen 'fertile, rich, succulent'

A derivative of --+taukal. Lith. taukinas is a classic case of metatonie douce ( cf. Derksen 1996: 72).

tauras

LITH tauras 4 'aurochs' LATV taurir;iš [au, au, au, au2, au2] 'butterfly'; VAR taurenis OPR tauris (EV) 'wisent'

BSL * tauros PSL *tUT'b m. o (e) 'aurochs' SL OCS turom'b (Supr.) Isg. 'bull'; Ru. tur, Gsg. tura; Ukr. tur, Gsg. tura; Cz. tur;

Slk. tur; Pl. tur; SCr. tUr, Gsg. tara; Sln. tUr; Bulg. tur

PIE *th2euro- (tauro-) IE Gk. rnupo<; m. 'bull'; Lat. taurus m. 'bull'

In the Elbing Vocabulary, the meanings 'aurochs' and 'wisent' (--+stumbras) may have been reversed (cf. Mažiulis 1981: 40 fn., Young 1998: 201-203). The above-mentioned Latvian words for 'butterfly' must be interpreted as diminutives of the word for 'aurochs', the antennae being similar to horns, cf. Latv. dieva versis 'long-horned beetle' (-+versis 'ox') . Būga (RR II: 418) also mentions a variant taurs (Schm.). See also: taur�; taurus

taurė

LITH taure 4 'goblet, glass, cup, cupping glass, calyx' LATV taure [au, au, au, au2, au2] 'hunting horn'

See -+tauras. For the meaning, cf. the compound tauragė drinking horn.

taurus

LITH taurus 4 'noble, decent' ; VAR tauras

tauta II

See --+taūras.

tausti

LITH taūsti (Dauk., Kos.) 'long for, be homesick, feel nostalgic', 3 pres. taūčia, 3 pret. taūtė

This verb became secondarily associated with -+tauta l. According to Petit (20ooa: 140 ), the original meaning of the Balto-Slavic root *teut- was 'care for, take care of', which is reminiscent of Lat. tueri 'watch, protect' < *teuH-. See also: čiutnas, tauta II

tauta l

LITH tauta 4 'people' LATV tauta [au, au2, au, au2] 'people' OPR tauto (EV) 'people'

PIE *teut-ehr IE Osc. touto f. 'civitas'; Olr. tuath f. 'people'; Go. piuda f. 'people'

The widely accepted connection with the root *teuhr 'be strong' (cf. IEW: 1080-1085) must in my opinion be rejected. From a semantic point of view the etymology is not particularly strong and apart from the isolated Latvian form taUta (Raipole), the evidence points to a non-acute root (cf. Beekes 1998: 463). Equally doubtful is the connection with --+čiutnas 'neat, orderly' and --+taūsti 'be sad' (pace Karaliūnas 1975, where all these words are derived from * teuhr, by the way) . It therefore seems that in Baltic the etymon is isolated. As a matter of fact, this seems to be true for *teut-ehr in general. According to Beekes (o.e.: 464-465), we are probably dealing with a substratum word.

In view of the evidence from the other branches ( cf. also persona! names such as Gk. Teurnµl<'>ąc; (Hom.), Mac. Teurnµoc;), the Baltic vocalism is unexpected. One would expect to find *čiauta < *tjeutar. I agree with Petit (20ooa: 142) that Pedersen's suggestion (1935 : 151) that we are dealing with a case of assimilation is unconvincing. In Beekes's view, the only formal characteristic to support the hypothesis of a substratum origin may be a non-IE ablaut eu : au (cf. the Thracian name Tautomedes), comparable to Gk. rnūpoc; 'bull' vs. PGmc. *steuros 'id:. He admits that this is highly speculative.

The closest Slavic cognate of tauta is * tjudjb (e) 'foreign', cf. OCS štuždb, tuždb, stuždb, Ru. čuž6j, Cz. cizi, Slk. cudzi, SCr. tad, Sln. taj. The fact that some of the aforementioned forms seem to reflect * tadjb is often attributed to dissimilation. In principle *tjudjb points to *teud(h)_jo- , with an unexpected root-final stop. For this reason, *tjūdjb is usually considered a borrowing from Germanic (cf. Pronk-Tiethoff 2013: 203).

tauta 11

LITH tauta (Kos.: Pšl.) 4 'homesickness, nostalgia'

BSL *toutar

PSL *tuta f. a

te

SL Ru. tuta (Dal' : Kaluga) 'dejection, melancholy, sadness, boredom' (Dal' adds a question mark to this form); Sln. tuta 'sulky, morose person, oaf'

A derivative of -+taūsti. Būga (RR l: 381) states that tauta cannot be separated from Ru. toska 'melancholy, anguish' < * t'bska, implying a reconstruction *tut-sk-ehr rather than the generally accepted * tus-sk-eh2, cf. *t'bščb, Lith. -+tuščias 'empty'.

te

LITH te 'here! , here you are! ' LATV te 'here! , here you are! '

PIE *tehr IE Gk. -rfj interj. (always with the imper.) 'there! here! take this! '

According to Beekes (2010: 1476), we are dealing with the original Isg. of the demonstrative pronoun *to-.

tekėti

LITH teketi 'flow, run', 3 pres. teka, 3 pret. tekifjo LATV tecet 'flow, run', 1sg. pres. tęku, 1sg. pret. teceju

BSL *tek-PSL * tekti v. (e) 'flow, run' SL OCS tešti 'run', 1sg. tek9; Ru. teč', 1sg. teku, 3sg. tečet; ORu. teči 'flow, move,

run', 1sg. teku; Cz. teei, 1sg. teku; Slk. tiecf, 1sg. tečiem; Pl. ciec, 1sg. ciekę; SCr. teCi, 1sg. tečem; Čak. teCi (Vrg.), 3sg. teče; Sln. teči, 1sg. tečem; Bulg. teka, 2sg. tečeš

PIE *tekw-IE Skt. teikti 'rush'; Olr. techid 'flee'

On the origin of the formation teketi : teka, see Jakulis 2004, Kortlandt 2005b. A Latvian infinitive tekt is reportedly attested in Perwelk (Endzelins 1922a: 568), cf. ietekt 'ripen'. See also: takas; Latv. tęks

tekti

LITH tekti 'fall to, fall on, suffice, happen, have to', 3 pres. tenka, 3 pret. teko LATV tikt 'become, attain, arrive (at), reach', 1sg. pres. tieku [ ie, ie2, ie2] , 1sg. pret.

tiku; VAR tikt, 1sg. pres. tiku [ i, i2, i2] , 1sg. pret. tiku

PIE *tek-IE Olr. ad·teich 'call on, entreat'; Olc. piggja 'obtain, accept'; OS thiggian 'ask,

request, endure'; OHG dicken, digen 'beg for, request'

LIV (618) has *tek- 'die Hand ausstrecken, empfangen, erlangen', which seems satisfactory. An interesting Slavic cognate is apparently Ukr. tjaknuty 'touch' (Hrin­čenko 11: 812, where the meaning receives a question mark). The flexion of the Latvian verb may have been influenced by tikt 'please' (-+tikti) .

temti

telkti

LITH telkti 'assemble for collective assistance', 3 pres. telkia, 3 pret. telkė OPR tlaku 3sg. 'threshes'

PSL *telkti v. (e) 'pound' SL OCS tlešti, lsg. ti'bk9; Ru. tol6č', lsg. talku, 3sg. tolčet; Cz. tlouci, lsg. tluku;

Slk. tlcf, lsg. tlčiem; Pl. tluc, lsg. tlukę; SCr. tuCi 'beat, hit, (refl.) fight', lsg. tučem; čak. tūCi (Vrg.) 'id:, 2sg. tūčeš; Sln. tlęči 'beat', lsg. t6lčem; t6lči 'id:, lsg. t6lčem

It is undear if PSL *telkti is in any way connected with PSL *talka, Lith. -+talka 'unpaid work, party of workers', and therefore with telkti. OPr. tlaku has been regarded as a borrowing from Pl. tloczyc 'stamp, tread' (e.g. Trautmann �910: 450 ) , but Endzelins's emendation talku (1943 : 265) is accepted by Mažiulis (PKEZ IV: 196).

telžti l

LITH telžti [el, el] 'pour ( rain ), wet, urinate, ( dial.) gulp down', 3 pres. telžia, 3 pret. telžė

LATV telzt [el2, eP] 'eat or drink a lot at once, talk a lot of nonsense', lsg. pres. teižu, lSg. pret. telzu; VAR teist [ el, el2] , lsg. pres. telšu, lsg. pret. te/su

The etymon must probably be identified with -+telžti II.

telžti 11

LITH telžti ( coll.) [ el, el] 'flog, thrash, fling', 3 pres. telžia, 3 pret. telžė LATV telzt 'thrash', lsg. pres. teižu, lsg. pret. telzu

PIE *( s ) telf'-IE Skt. tarh- 'crush, shatter'

Though the DLK.'Ž has separate entries telžti 'pour, wet, urinate' and telžti 'flog', these words may very well be historically identical, in which case the circumflex tone is original. The LK.'Ž has one single entry telžti (not considering telžti, telžta 'soak, dissolve') , presenting telžti as an accentual variant. See also: talžyti; telžti

tempti

LITH tempti 'pull, stretch', 3 pres. tempia, 3 pret. tempė LATV tiept [ ie, ie2, ie2] 'stretch, stiffen, maintain, (refl.) be obstinate', lsg. pres.

tiepju, lsg. pret. tiepu

The root is also attested outside Baltic, cf. Olc. p9mb f. 'bow-string' ( < *tomp-ehr) or SCr. tetiva '(bow)-string, sinew' (< *t(e)mp-), which may be compared with Lith. timpa 'string, catapult, sinew'. See also -+OPr. tempran.

temti

LITH temti 'get dark', 3 pres. temsta, 3 pret. temo; VAR temti (LzZ), 3 pres. temia; temti (Zt.) , 3 pres. temia

tenėti

The root is PIE *temH- , cf. -+tamsus.

tenėti

LITH teni!ti 'thicken, clot', 3 pres. tena, 3 pret. tenejo

See -+tinti IL

tepti

LITH tepti 'smear, grease, soil', 3 pres. tepa, 3 pret. tepė LATV tept 'smear', 1sg. pres. tepju, 1sg. pret. tepu

PSL *teti v. SL OCS teti 'flog, bea t', 1sg. tepp; Ru. tepti ( obs.) 'beat' ; Ru. utepti ( obs.) 'kili'; Cz.

tepati 'beat', 1sg. tepu, tepam; SCr. tepsti se (Vuk) 'roam about', 1sg. tepem se; Sln. tepsti 'bea t, (se) roam about', 1sg. tepem

For the semantic development from 'smear' to 'beat', see -+milžti.

tęsti

LITH tęsti 'continue, proceed, stretch, extend', 3 pres. tęsia, 3 pret. tęsė; VAR tęsti, 3

pres. tęsia, 3 pret. tęso LATV tiest2 'flash (one's teeth)', 1sg. pres. tiešu2, 1sg. pret. tiesu2 (usu. attiest2) OPR tienstwei 'provoke', 2pl. imper. tenseiti

PIE *tens-IE Skt. tarris- 'shake, move to and fro, tug'; Go. atpinsan 'draw to oneself'

LIV ( 629) considers a desiderative *ten-s- (-+tinti II) as the origin of this root.

tėvas

LITH ti!vas 3 [ 1/3] 'father' LATV tęvs ' [ ę, ę2] father, old man' OPR thewis (EV) 'cousin'

Etymology unclear. I see no possibility to connect this etymon with PIE *ph2ter 'father'. Note that the Old Prussian word for 'father' has o-vocalism, cf. --+OPr. towis (EV).

tęvas

LITH tęvas (Žem.) 3 'thin, slender, (voice) high' LATV tievs [ ie, ie2] 'thin, slender'

BSL *ten(-u- ; *tinr-u-PSL *tiJnbh adj. o (e) 'thin' SL OCS t'bn'bčaje Nsg. n. 'thinner' ; Ru. t6nkij 'thin, slender, fine'; t6nok, f. tanka,

n. t6nko; Cz. tenkf; Slk. tenkf; Pl. cienki; SCr. tanak 'thin, slender, fine', f. tanka, f. tanka; Čak. tiinak (Vrg.) 'id.', f. tanka, n. tanko; Sln. tanJk 'thin, meagre, exact', f. tanka; tanki 'id.', f. tanka; Bulg. t&nak 'thin, slender, fine'

PIE *tnhru-

tilės

IE Skt. tanu- 'thin, slender'; Gk. rnva6c; 'outstretched'; Lat. tenuis 'fine, thin'; O Ir. tanae 'thin, slender'

tikėti

LITH tiketi 'believe, trust', 3 pres. tiki, 3 pret. tikejo; VAR tiketi, 3 pres. tikia, 3 pret. tikejo

LATV ticet 'believe, trust', 1sg. pres. ticu, lsg. pret. ticeju

It is likely that this verb is cognate with OHG dingan, MHG dingen 'believe' < *pingjan (cf. Kroonen 2013: 542) . According to Jegers (1966: 98-103) , tiketi must be connected with -+tikti.

tikras

LITH tikras 4 'true, authentic, correct, right, certain' LATV tikrs 'good, sound' OPR tickars 'right'

A derivative of the root found in -+tiketi.

tikti

LITH tikti 'suit, match, please, ( dial.) agree, meet, find, reach, happen, suffice', 3 pres. tinka, 3 pret. tiko

LATV tikt 'please', lsg. pres. tiku, lsg. pret. tiku

Kroonen (2013: 542, cf. Fick III: 184) connects tikti with PGmc. *pinhan ( < *tenk-e-) 'thrive, prosper', e.g. Go. peihan, OHG dlhan, which Fraenkel (LEW: 1092) prefers to connect with -+tekti. It seems plausible, however, that tikti and tekti are ultimately cognate. The i-vocalism may originate from a nasal present *tink < *tnk-. I find it less likely that the root is *tekw-, as in -+teketi 'flow' (pace Smoczynski 2007: 677) .

tilės

LITH tilės Npl. 2 'bottom of a barge, flooring'

BSL *tili'-PSL *tblo n.o; *tbla f. a (b) 'ground' SL OCS na tblex'b (Supr.) Lpl. n. 'on the ground'; Ru. tlo (obs.) n. 'foundation,

bottom'; ORu. tblo n. 'foundation, bottom'; Cz. tlo (dial.) f. 'ceiling'; tla (dial.) f. 'ceiling'; Pl. tlo n. 'ground, background'; SCr. tlo n. 'ground, earth, soil', Gsg. tlii, Npl. tlii; tie Npl. f. 'soil, earth'; Čak. tlii (Novi) Npl. n. 'ground, earth, soil', Gpl. tai; Sln. tla Npl. n. 'ground, earth', Gpl. tai

PIE *tlhr

The root of this etymon is *tlhr 'bear', cf. Gk. TAJivai (Dor. TAiivai) 'endure, dare'. A Germanic cognate is OS thili 'floor, plank of a floor', MDu. dele, deel 'plank, floor, threshing floor'. See also: patalas; tiltas

tylėti

tylėti

LITH tylčti 'be silent', 3 pres. tyli, 3 pret. tylčjo

See -+tilti. The root has lengthened zero grade.

tiltas

LITH tiltas l [1/3] 'bridge' LATV tilts [ il, i/2] 'bridge'

PIE *tlhrt6-m IE Skt. tlrtha- n. 'passage, ford, stairs for landing or for descent into a river'

See -+tilės. Fi. silta 'bridge' is a borrowing from Baltic, indicating original neuter gender.

tilti

LITH tilti [ il, iT] 'fall silent, abate, subside', 3 pres. tyla, 3 pret. tilo (3 pres. also tilsta, tylna, tiTlna, tifila)

PIE *(s ) tlH-IE Olr. tuilid 'sleep'; OHG stillen 'silence, suckle' See also: taldyti; tyleti

tingėti

LITH tingčti 'be lazy', 3 pres. tingi, 3 pret. tingčjo; VAR tingčti, 3 pres. tingia, 3 pret. tingčjo

BSL *ting-PSL *tęgnųti v. (b) 'pull' SL Ru. tjanut', isg. tjanu, 3sg. tjanet; Cz. tahnouti; Slk. tiahnouf; Pl. ciqgnqc; Sln.

tęgniti 'provide, stretch', isg. tęgnem

PIE *tngi'-

PSl. *tęgnųti, which obviously represents a different type of formation, is included to show that the verbal root is also attested in Slavic (see also -+tingits). We seem to be dealing with an extended variant of PIE *ten- 'stretch, extend'. As in the case of -+tingti, it does not seem possible to attribute the acute root to a specific develop­ment. There may be a link with the fact that -+tinti also has an unexpected acute.

tingti

LITH tingti 'become slow', 3 pres. tingsta, 3 pret. tingo

A derivative of a verb with a sta-present may have a metatonical acute, but in roots of this structure metatonie rude is common in Latvian, not in Lithuanian (Derksen 2011b: 32-33). See also -+tingčti.

tingus

LITH tingits 4 'lazy'

BSL *ting-PSL *tęfakb adj. o 'heavy'

tinti II

SL OCS tęž11kb 'heavy, difficult, serious'; Ru. tjažkij 'heavy, severe'; Ukr. tjažkyj 'heavy'; Cz. težky 'heavy'; Slk. fažky 'heavy'; Pl. cięžki 'heavy'; SCr. težak 'heavy, difficult, serious', f. teška; Čak. težak (Vrg.) 'id.', f. teška; Sln. težak 'heavy', f. težka; težak 'heavy'; Bulg. težak 'heavy, difficult, serious'

PIE *tng"-IE Ok. pungr 'heavy'

Bammesberger (2000: 81-82) advocates a connection with Lat. tongere (Paul. ex F.) 'know' and Go. pagkjan, MoHG denken 'think', Go. pugkjan 'suppose, appear' from PIE *teng-. See also: tingeti; tingti

tinklas

LITH tinklas 2/ 4 'net' LATV tikis [ i, 12] 'net' OPR sasintinklo [sasnitinklo?] (EV) 'Hasengarn'

PSL *teneto n. o (b) 'net, snare' SL RuCS teneto 'net, snare'; tonoto 'net, snare'; Ru. teneto 'snare'; teneto ( dial.)

'snare'; Cz. teneto 'net, snare'; Sln. tenęt m. 'net'; tenętva f. 'net'

PIE *ten-IE Skt. tantra- n. 'loom'

In Derksen 1996 (76-77), l argued that the circumflex of the Baltic noun is original. From an Indo-European perspective this is unproblematic, but the acute of Lith. -+tinti II and Latv. tit 'wrap, wind' requires an explanation. If the word for 'net' derives from a verb with an acute root, we are dealing with a typical example of metatonie douce in an originally neuter noun in * -klas.

tinti l

LITH tinti 'whet, ( coll.) beat', 3 pres. tina, 3 pret. tynė

BSL *tin(-PSL *tęti v. SL Ru. tjat' (arch.) 'beat', lsg. tnu; ORu. tjati 'chop, cut', ISg. t11nu; Cz. titi 'cut',

ISg. tnu; Pl. ciqc 'cut', lsg. tnę; Sln. tęti 'chop', ISg. tnem

PIE * tmhr IE Gk. Teµvw 'cut'

The root-final n may originate from a present formation with a nasal suffix.

tinti 11

LITH tinti 'swell, bloat', 3 pres. tinsta (tfsta), 3 pret. tino LATV tit [ i, i, i2] 'wrap, wind', lsg. pres. til')U, tinu, lsg. pret. tinu

468 tirti

PIE *tn-IE OE punian 'stretch, swell'

The acute of the Lithuanian verb may be attributed to metatonie rude originating from the sta-present (cf. Derksen 1996: 76). The same explanation does not apply to the Latvian verb, however. Apparently, we are dealing with an innovation. The question is to which period this innovation must be dated. The semantic shift from 'stretch' to 'swell' is also found in Nw. temba 'bloatedness' vs. Ok. ppmb f. 'guts, womb, bow-string' (->tempti, cf. Kroonen 2013: 532) . See also: tanas; teneti; tifiklas

tirti

LITH tirti 'investigate', 3 pres. tiria, 3 pret. tyrė LATV tirt (Lange) 'question'

BSL *tirr-; *terr-PSL *terti v. 'rub' SL SerbCS treti, 1sg. t11rp; Ru. teret', 1sg. tru, 3sg. tret; Cz. tfiti, 1sg. tfu; tfiti

( arch.), 1sg. tru; Slk. trief; PI. trzee, 1sg. trę; SCr. trti, 1sg. trem; SCr. tfti, 1sg. tarem; Sln. tręti, 1sg. trem; Sln. tręti, 1sg. tarem

PIE *terhr

IE Gk. TEipw 'oppress, distress, weaken'; Lat. terere 'rub', 1sg. tero; OHG draen 'turn'

Closer to the original meaning of the root ( 'drill, rub' according to LIV: 632) is ->trinti.

toks

LITH toks 3 [1/3] 'such', f. tokia; taks (K., dial.) 4, f. tokia; VAR tokis 3/4, f. tokia; tokis 1, f. tokia; tokys (Zt.) 4, f. tokia (a Nsg. f taki is attested in all accentual variants of toks and tokis)

BSL *tarkos PSL *tah prn. 'what (kind of)' SL OCS tah; Ru. takoj; Cz. takf (lit.) ; Pl . taki (arch.); SCr. taki; Sln. taki

PIE *tehrko-IE Lat. talis

Cf. ->koks.

tranas

LITH tranas 4 [2/4] 'drone, ( dial.) bark beetle'; VAR tranys 4 'drone'; tranė 'drone' LATV trans 'drone'; VAR tranis

BSL *tron-PSL *trpto m. o 'drone'

trapinėti

SL SerbCS trut'b 'wasp'; Ru. trUten' m.(jo) 'drone, parasite'; Slk. trut; Pl. truten; trut; trąt ( obs.) ; OPI. trant; Slnc. triJ,Ųd; SCr. trut 'drone', Gsg. trata; Sln. tr(it 'drone, parasite'

Etymology unclear. The Balto-Slavic forms are strongly reminiscent of Germanic forms such as OS drena, MoE drone, OHG treno, MoHG Drohne, which point to PGmc. * drenan- m. and therefore have a different anlaut. In Latvian dialects, we also find drans and dranis, where the anlaut may have been influenced by German (ME I: 489, EH I 329 ). Furthermore, there was apparently a certain amount of confusion between the word for 'drone' and -+trandis 'bark beetle', cf. also trandas 'drone'.

trandis

LITH trandis f.(i) 4 'bark beetle, moth, (Jušk.) worm in meat, cheese or flour, (dial.) hairworm'; VAR trandis m.(io) 2 [2/4] ; trandė i [1/3/4] ; trundė 2 'bark beetle, pupa of a moth'

See -+trandys. The acute of trandė may be old.

trandys

LITH trandys Npl. f.(i) 4 'remains of wood eaten away by bark beetles, rotten wood, ( dial.) mould on cheese' ; VAR trundys Npl. f.(i)

LATV trudi Npl. 'mould'

BSL *tronr-d-? PSL *trpd'b m. o 'tree fungus, tinder, mould' SL OCS trpd'b 'illness'; CS trpd'b 'tree fungus'; Ru. trut 'tinder, amadou'; ORu.

trud'b 'tree fungus'; Cz. troud 'mould'; Pl. trąd 'leprosy', Gsg. trądu; SCr. trud 'punk, tinder', Gsg. truda; Sln. tr(id 'punk, colic'

In view of -+tryne 'bark beetle, (dial.) caterpillar (of a moth), sawdust' (see also -+trandis), which is a derivative of -+trinti 'rub', we may identify East Baltic *tran(- as the o-grade of the root of the latter verb (note that in the iterative trainioti the i is analogical). It is uncertain, however, if this is a viable solution for the Slavic forms. We must keep in mind here that we also have a root *trun- 'rot, decay' ( -+trūni!ti) , which to a certain extent runs paratiel, cf. Latv. trinet = trunet 'weather, erode'. I assume that the existence of this root accounts for the Lithuanian variants with trun­and probably for Latv. trudi. For Slavic, it may be possible to assume that *tron-d- > *trpd- arose secondarily beside *trun-d- .

trapinėti

LITH trapini!ti ( dial.) 'stamp one's feet', 3 pres. trapini!ja, 3 pret. trapini!jo; VAR trepini!ti

OPR trapt 'step'

PIE *trop-IE OE prafian 'urge, press'; OS thrabon 'trot'; MHG draben 'trot'

470 trečias

According to Kroonen (2013: 545), PGmc. *prapp!bon 'trot' < *trop-nėhr, is formally identical with trapineti. Of course, it may still be a recent iterative in -inėti. A Slavic verb with o-grade is *tropati, e.g. Ru. tropat' (Novg., Arkh.) 'stamp, trample', Sln. tropati 'beat, knock'. See -+trepseti for forms with e-grade.

trečias

LITH trečias 4 'third' LATV trešs 'third' OPR tirts (I), tirtis (II), firts (III) 'third'

BSL *tirtios (> > *tretios) PSL *tretb num. jo 'third' � � � h � � � � � N � � � � � �

(Vrg., Novi); Sln. trętji; Bulg. treti

PIE *tr- t- io- ( << *trio-) IE Skt. trtiya-; Lat. tertius

The form *tretios must have arisen on the analogy of the cardinal *treies (-+trys) . See also: trys

tremti

LITH tremti [em, ėm] 'banish, drive away, (Ness.) trample, (K.) destroy', 3 pres. tremia, 3 pret. tremė

LATV tremt [em, em] 'trample, drive away', 1sg. pres. tremju, 1sg. pret. tremu

PIE *trem(H)-IE Gk. Tpeµw 'tremble ( of fear ), shiver'; Lat. tremere 'tremble', 1sg. tremo

The original meaning may have been 'instil fear, scare'.

trenėti

LITH treneti ( dial.) 'rot, decay', 3 pres. trena, 3 pret. trenejo (3 pres. also treneja, treni)

LATV trenet 'rot, decay', 1sg. pres. trenu, 1sg. pret. treneju; VAR trenet, 1sg. pres. tręnu, 1sg. pret. treneju

See -+trinti.

trepsėti

LITH trepseti 'stamp one's feet', 3 pres. trepsi, 3 pret. trepsejo (3 pres. also trepsia) OPR ertreppa 3PL 'infringe'

PIE *trep-IE Gk. Tpanew 'press (grapes )' (*trp-eie-)

According to Būga (RR II: 154), the verb trepti (Ness., K.) is not sprachwirklich. See also: trapineti

triūsas 471

tridė

LITH tridė ( dial.) 2 'diarrhoea'; VAR tryda 4

See -+ triesti.

triesti

LITH triesti ( dial.) [ ie, iė] 'suffer from diarrhoea', 3 pres. triedžia, 3 pret. triedė

The relationship with PSL *driskati 'suffer from diarrhoea' and PGmc. *dritan 'defecate' is unclear, as is the original tone of the root. Kroonen (2013: 104), who reconstructs *treidh- for Lithuanian, considers metathesis, provided that the Ger­manic form is based on an iterative *dritton < *dhreit-neh2. See also: tridė; trysti

trynė

LITH trynl 4 'bark beetle, ( dial.) caterpillar ( of a moth), sawdust'; VAR trynėll 3b

See -+trinti.

trinti

LITH trinti 'rub, grind, grate', 3 pres. trina, 3 pret. trynė (3 pres. also trėna, 3 pret. also tryno)

LATV trft [ i, i 2] 'rub, sharpen', 1sg. pres. trinu, 1sg. pret. trinu (1sg. pres. also tril',IU, 1sg. pret. also trinu)

The origin of this verb must be a nasal present to PIE *terhr (-+tirti). See also: trandis; trandys; treneti; tryne

trys

LITH trys 4 'three' LATV tris 'three' ( according to EH II: 696, tris (Rutzau) is a Lithuanianism)

BSL *trejes PSL *trbje; *tri num. 'three' SL OCS trije, f.!n. tri; Ru. tri; Cz. tfi; OCz. tfie, f.!n. tfi; Slk. tri; Pl. trzy; SCr. tri;

čak. tri (Vrg., Hvar, Orb.); Sln. triję, f./n. tri; Bulg. tri

PIE *trei-es IE Skt. tray- 'three'; Gk. l'pEi� 'three'; Lat. trės See also: trečias

trysti

LITH trysti ( dial.) 'begin to suffer from diarrhoea', 3 pres. trysta, 3 pret. trydo

The acute could originate from the sta-present, but we also find -+triesti.

triūsas

LITH triusas 2/4 'work, effort, pains'; VAR trusas 2

472 triūšis

PSL *trud'b m. o (b/c) 'labour, trouble' SL OCS trud'b 'labour, work'; Ru. trud 'labour, work, difficulty, trouble', Gsg.

truda; Cz. trud 'difficulty, trouble'; Slk. trud ( eccl.) 'pains, grief'; Pl. trud 'trouble, labour, work, pains'; Slnc. tritd 'labour, trouble', Gsg. tritdu; SCr. trud 'effort, labour, work', Gsg. truda; čak. trud (Vrg.) 'effort, labour, work', Gsg. trūda; trud (Novi, Hvar) 'effort, labour, work', Gsg. trūda; trūt (Orb.) 'work, labour, effort, fatigue', Gsg. trūda; Sln. trud 'effort, difficulty'; Bulg. trud 'labour, work, effort'

IE Olc. praut f. 'trial of strengh, distress'; MHG droz m. 'distress, burden'

Cf. also also triūsa 4, trūsa 4 'housekeeping' and denominative verbs such as triusti, 3 pres. triusia, and triūsuoti 'toil'. It is generally assumed that triusas must be analyzed as triud-sas. Since the Germanic evidence points to a root * treud- , e.g. Go. uspriutan 'harass, persecute', OE preotan 'weary', the fact that the Slavic evidence predomi­nantly points to AP (b) is problematic. The Lithuanian circumflex could be meta­tonical. Latv. traust2 'climb with difficulty, move forward with difficulty' ( q.v.) is attested with unambiguous au, but may not belong here.

triūšis

LITH triušis (K.) f. (i) 4 'reed' ; VAR triušis m.(io) 2; triusis m.(io) 2; trušis f.(i) 4; trušis m.(io) 2

LATV trusis 'reed'

BSL *trU$( t) is PSL *triJstb f. i (e) 'reed' SL OCS tT'bstb; trbstb; Ru. trost' 'cane'; trest' ( dial.); Cz. tresf ( obs.) ; trst ( obs.);

OCz. tresf; trest; Slk. trsf; Pl. tresc; SCr. tfst; Sln. tfst, Gsg. tfsta, Gsg. trstū; tfst, Gsg. trsti; Bulg. trast

The connection with Gk. 0pfov n. 'reed', which has a different anlaut, is dubious.

troba

LITH troba 3 'cottage, farmhouse' LATV triiba [ii, a2] 'hut, hovel'

IE Lat. trabs f. 'beam'; Olr. treb f. 'hamlet, village'; Go. paurp n. 'farmland'; Oic. parp n. ' isolated settlement'

As the other languages point to *tr( e )b-, the Baltic acute long vowel may be attributed to Winter's law. De Vaan (2008: 626) considers a non-Indo-European origin for this root "in view of the difficulties of reconstructing common preforms for more than one subbranch, of the presence of *-b-, and of the European distribution of the root''.

tūkstantis 473

trūnėti

LITH trūneti 'rot, decay', 3 pres. truni, 3 pret. trūnejo (3 pres. also truni, trūneja) ; VAR truneti, 3 pres. trima, 3 pret. trūnejo; truneti, 3 pres. trunejo, 3 pret. trunejo

LATV trunet 'rot, decay', lsg. pres. trunu, lsg. pret. truneju; VAR trūnet

BSL *truni'-

The root *trun- must have originated from the nasal present *tru-ne/n-H- of *truH-, cf. CS tryti 'rub' < *truH- (LIV: 653 fn.).

trupėti

LITH trupeti 'crumble, break into small pieces (intr.)', 3 pres. trupa, 3 pret. trupejo; VAR trupeti, 3 pres. trumpa, 3 pret. trupejo

LATV trupet 'rot, become soft, crumble', lsg. pres. trupu, lsg. pret. trupeju; VAR trupet, lsg. pres. trupeju, lsg. pret. trupeju

Other forms deriving from this root are Lith. trupUtis 2, truputis l 'a little bit', OPr. trupis (EV) 'log', and Ru. trupit' (Psk.) 'crush'. According to LIV (653), the verbal root *treup- is exclusively Balto-Slavic. The evidence for the Slavic verbal root seems to be remarkably limited, however, and one may wonder if Ru. trupit' is not a borrowing from Baltic. Gk. -rpūmiw 'bore, pierce (through)' may continue *truH-p- (Beekes 2010: 1513), cf. --+trūneti.

tu

LITH tu 'you' LATV tu 'you' OPR tu (I), thou (I), tau (II, III), toū (III), tau (III) 'you'

BSL *tui' PSL *ty prn. 'you' SL OCS ty; Ru. ty; Cz. ty; Slk. ty; Pl. ty; SCr. ti; Čak. ti; ti (Hvar); ti (Orb.); Sln. ti;

Bulg. ti

PIE *tuH IE Lat. tū 'you'

tūkstantis

LITH tukstantis l 'thousand' LATV tūkstuotis, tūkstu6tis [ u2] , tūkstuotis [ū, u, u2] 'thousand'; VAR tustuotis2

(Lubn.); tūkstu6šs [ u6, u62] , tukstuošs2 (Klp.) OPR tūsimtons Apl. 'thousand'

BSL *tui'$onti- (>> *tui'fomti-, *tui'simti- ?) PSL *tys9tjb; * tysętjb num. f. i (a) ; *tys9tja; *tysętja num. f. ja (a) 'thousand' SL OCS tys9šti f.(i) ; tysęšti f.(i); tys9šta f.(ja) ; tysęšta f.(ja) ; Ru. tfsjača f.( ja);

Cz. tisic m.( jo); Slk. tisic m.(jo ); Pl. tysiqc m.(jo ); SCr. ti'suca ( dial.) f. (ja) ; Sln. tispča f.(ja)

474 tukti

PIE *tuH-s-ont-IE Go. pusundi f. 'thousand'

See -+taukaf for the etymology of the root. l find it easier to start from *tuH-, with intrusive k in East Baltic, than from *tuH-k-. The exact formation is unclear. In order to account for the fact that Lithuanian has *s rather than š, Kortlandt (1979a: 59) suggests kst < *tsk, but this raises new questions. In my view, the Lithuanian s is not a decisive argument against *tuHs-, as exceptions to the ruki-rule are by no means exceedingly rare ( cf. Stang 1966: 94-100 ). Moreover, Fi. tuhat 'thousand' was apparently borrowed from a form with *š ( cf. Liukkonen 1999: 15, 89-90 ) , which could be regarded as an indication that the Lithuanian s is be secondary. More problematic is the Proto-Slavic *s, which points to *k. It seems that we cannot avoid assuming that the word for thousand was influenced by BSl. *simto < *dkmtom 'hundred' (-+šimtas), a development which has a parallel in Germanic ( cf. Kroonen 2013: 554). In this way, OPr. tūsimtons and the vocalism *ę of part of the Slavic forms can be accounted for ( cf. Kortlandt: l.e.).

tukti

LITH tukti 'grow fat', 3 pres. tunka, 3 pret. tuko LATV tukt 'grow fat, swell', lsg. pres. tuku, lsg. pret. tuku; VAR tukt, lsg. pres. tūkstu,

lsg. pret. tuku

The non-acute root vocalism of tukti conforms to the pattern of verbs with an n­

infix: in the present ( cf. Young 2011 : 239) and cannot therefore be regarded as evidence for LIV's hypothesis (LIV: 641) that the acute of -+taukaf 3 is secondary, cf. Latv. tukt, lsg. pres. tūkstu, tukstu 'grow fat, swell'. Adolphi has tūkt, lsg. pres. tūkstu 'swell' vs. tukt, lsg. pres. tūku 'grow fat' (Endzelins 1922a: 584) .

tūlas

LITH tdlas 3 (1/3] 'many' OPR tūlan 'much'

BSL *tu?l-PSL *tyl'b m. o (a) 'back of the neck' SL SerbCS tyi'b 'neck'; Ru. tyl 'back'; Cz. tyl m. 'back of the neck, nape'; Slk. tyla

n. 'id.'; Pl. tyl m. 'back'; Sln. til m. 'back of the neck, nape, rear part', Gsg. tila; Bulg. til m. 'back of the neck, nape'

PIE *tuH-1-IE Skt. tdla- n. 'tuft, bundle'; Gk. TDA'l f. 'bulge, lump, hump'

The root may be identified as *tuH- 'swell, become fat, become strong' (-+taukal). The etymological relationship with the Sanskrit and Greek forms is uncertain. The Slavic noun probably continues a Balto-Slavic neuter *tu?lum, cf. Slk. tyla.

tulžis

LITH tulžis f.(i) 4 'bile' ; VAR tulžys 4 LATV žufts f.(i) 'bile'; VAR žufkts f.(i) ; zufkte2 [už, u[2] ; zu[kts f.(i); zulktis

BSL *žulr-PSL *zblČb f. i 'bile'

tuščias 475

SL OCS zl'bčb; zlbčb (Zogr., Supr.) ; Ru. želč', Gsg. želči; Cz. žluč; Slk. žlč; Pl. žole; SCr. žuč, Gsg. žuči; čak. žuč (Vrg.), Gsg. žuči; žilč (Hvar) , Gsg. žuči; Sln. ž6lč, Gsg. žolči; ž6lč m.(jo ); Bulg. zlač

PIE *ghlhr IE Gk. xoXoc; m. 'bile'; Lat. jei n. 'bile, gall-bladder'

I agree with Fraenkel (LEW: 1138) that the Lithuanian form arose from metathesis under the influence of -tulžti. The Slavic forms with ž- must be analogical after *žblt'b 'yellow', e.g Ru. želtyj ( see also -geltas 'yellow' and -žalias 'green' ). In turn, the Latvian forms with ž- may be due to Slavic influence or to the influence of žuldze2 'blister, bile', cf. žufga2 'swelling, blister, bladder' (ME IV: 831) .

tulžti

LITH tulžti 'become wet, swell, be angry', 3 pres. tulžta, 3 pret. tulžo LATV tulzt [UI, uf2, u/2] 'swell', lsg. pres. tulstu, lsg. pret. tulzu

It is likely that this verb is cognate with PSI. * t'blst'b, e.g. Ru. t6lstyj 'fat'. The meaning 'be angry' must be secondary (-tulžis) .

turėti

LITH tureti 'have, hold', 3 pres. turi, 3 pret. turejo LATV turet 'hold, keep', lsg. pres. turu, lsg. pret. turi!ju OPR turrettwei (I), turryetwei (II), turritwei (III), turrit (III) 'have'

The root is the zero grade of *tuerH- (-tverti). I see no need to assurne a vocalization *tųrH-hije- (LIV: 656), where the root is presumably assumed to have developed to *tųurH- > *turH-. Note that we find BSI. *twir?- in -tvirtas.

tuščias

LITH tuščias 4 'empty, hollow, idle, vain'; VAR tuštas (K., NdŽ) 4 LATV tukšs 'empty, poor'; VAR tušks (High Latv.); tušks (High Latv.) [u, u2] (N.B. k

= k or �)

BSL *tu$ktios PSL *t'bščb adj. jo (b) 'empty' SL OCS t'bšt'b 'empty'; Ru. t6ščij 'gaunt, empty, poor'; t6šč, f. tošča, n. t6šče (AP

(b) in Old Russian); OCz. tšti 'empty'; Pl. czczy 'empty'; OPI. tszczy 'empty'; SCr. tašt 'empty, vain, conceited'; Čak. taše (Vrg.) 'empty', f. tašea, n. tašeo; Sln. tjšč 'empty', f. t3šča; tašč 'empty'

PIE *tus-sk-tio-IE Skt. tucchya- 'empty, vain'

Lubotsky (2001: 42-43) concedes that Skt. tucchya- may continue Ilr. *tušcjo- < *tusk­tjo-, but points out that forms with the suffix - tjo- are usually adjectives derived from local adverbs. Moreover, he considers the tradional analysis *tusk- < * tus-sk- unlikely.

tušnas

For this reason, he posits a jo-derivative of * tusk( o)-, cf. Ru. toska 'melancholy, anguish'. As a proto-form *tuskjo- would also work for PSL *t'bščb but not for Baltic (pace Būga 1922: 252, who reconstructs *tuškjas < * tuskj6-s), Lubotsky is inclined to revert to the generally abandoned hypothesis that the Baltic forms are borrowings from Slavic. In this connection he refers to Kurylowicz (1935: 20) , but the same view, albeit with hesitation, was already held by Bri.ickner ( 1877: 148) , who refers to the third edition of Fick's Vergleichendes Worterbuch. If tuščias is a borrowing, it may be consistent to regard forms such as -+tušnas 'hollow' and Latv. tuksna 'desert', which may continue *tu$(k)nos, as secondary formations, but this seems unattractive. Smoczynski (2007: 696) derives tuščias from BSL *tuš- tja- and compares Lith. stačias 'upright'.

tušnas

LITH tušnas (Ness.) 'empty, hollow'; VAR tušnias (SD, KŽ)

Latvian cognates are tuksna (Elger), tuksnesis (Ulm.), tuksnese (Mane . , Gli.ick) 'desert', tuksnešains 'desolate', tuksnis 'empty place'. See -+tuščias.

tvaras

LITH tviiras 2 (OLith., dial.) 'creature, creation'

BSL *twor(()-o-PSL *tvoT'b m. o 'creation, creature' SL OCS tvoT'b (Ps. Sin. , Euch.) 'creation, ulcer'; ORu. tvoT'b 'appearance'; Cz. tvor

'creation, creature'; Slk. tvor 'id:; Pl. tw6r 'id:, Gsg. tworu; Sln. tvŲr 'creation, furuncle'

PIE *tuorH-o-IE Gk. crop6c; f. 'urn'

See also -+tverti.

tverti

LITH tverti 'seize, form', 3 pres. tveria, 3 pret. tverė LATV tvert 'seize, hold', lsg. pres. tvqu, lsg. pret. tveru

A Slavic verb from this root is * tvoriti (e) 'make', e.g. Ru. tvorit; SCr. tvoriti. A possible cognate from outside Balto-Slavic is Gk. crnpa f. 'cord, rope, snare, lasso' <

*tuerH-ihr ( cf. Beekes 2010: 1316) . See also: tureti; tvaras; tvirtas; tvora

tvirtas

LITH tvirtas 3 'strong, firm, solid' LATV tvirts 'strong, firm, solid'

PSL *tv6rd'b adj. o (e) 'hard, firm, solid'

ūgis 477

SL OCS tvrbd'b; Ru. tverdyj; tverd, f. tverda, n. tverdo; Cz. tvrdy; Slk. tvrdy; Pl. twardy; SCr. tvfd, f. tvfda; Čak. tvfd (Vrg.), f. tvrdii, n. tvfdo; tfd (Orb.) , f. trda, trdii, n. tfdo; Sln. tfd, f. tfda; tvfd, f. tvfda; Bulg. tviird

The Baltic and Slavic suffixes do not match ( cf. Meillet Et II: 319 ). For the root, see -+tverti and ---+ turiiti.

tvora

LITH tvora 4 'fence'

BSL *twor(?)-PSL *tvarb f. i (e) 'creation, creature' SL OCS tvarb 'creation, creature'; Ru. tvar' 'creature', Gsg. tvari; Cz. tvar 'face,

cheek'; Slk. tvar 'face, cheek'; Pl. twarz 'face, cheek'; SCr. tvar m.( o) 'creation, creature'; Sln. tvar 'matter', Gsg. tvari; Bulg. tvar m.( o) 'creature'

PIE *tuorH-

See ---+ tureti. The length attested in Czech and Slovak is irregular, cf. Cz. tvar, Slk. tvar 'form'.

u, ū, ų

ūdra

LITH udra 1 'otter'; VAR udras 2 [ 2/3] LATV udris [u, u2] 'otter'; VAR udrs [u, u2] OPR udro (EV) 'otter'

BSL *u?dra? PSL *vydra (a) f. a 'otter' SL Ru. vydra; Cz. vydra; Slk. vydra; Pl. wydra; SCr. vl'dra; Sln. vidra

PIE *ud-r-ehr IE Av. udra- m. 'otter'; Gk. i\Opa f. 'watersnake'; OHG ottar m.

A derivative of the word for 'water' (-+vanduo). The acute originates from Winter's law.

ūdroti

LITH ūdr6ti 'be with young, grow fat, swell (pigs, dogs, cats), be in heat (sow)', 3

pres. ūdr6ja, 3 pret. ūdr6jo; VAR ūdruoti 'be with young, grow fat, swell (pigs, dogs, cats)', 3 pres. ūdruoja, 3 pret. ūdriivo

See ---+paudrė.

ūgis

LITH ugis 2 'height, stature'

See -+augti.

ugnis

ugnis

LITH ugnis f.(i) 4 [2/4] (ugnis 2 as well as ugnis 2) 'fire'; VAR ugnis (Ziet.) m.(i) 2; ugnė 2 [2/ 4]

LATV uguns f.(i) ; uguns m.(i); VAR uguns m.(io ); uginš (Tam.)

BSL *ungnis PSL *og1)b m. i (b) 'fire' SL OCS ognb m.(i), Gsg. ogni; ogn'b m.( jo), Gsg. ognja; Ru. og6n' m.(jo ), Gsg.

ognja; ogon' (N. dial.) m.?(i), Gsg. ogni; Ukr. oh6n' (dial.) m.(jo), Gsg. ohnju; ohen' ( dial.) m.(i) , Gsg. ohnj; Cz. ohen m.(jo ); Slk. ohen m.(jo ); Pl. ogieri m.(jo ); Slnc. vwęg6l,Įn m.(jo ); USrb. woheri m.( jo); LSrb. wogeri m.(jo ); SCr. oganj m.(jo ), Gsg. ognja; Čak. ogari (Vrg.) m.( jo) 'fire, hearth', Gsg. ogria; ogari (Novi) m.(jo ), Gsg. ogriii; ugiinj (Orb.) m.( jo), Gsg. ugnjii; Sln. 6ganj m.( jo), Gsg. 6gnja; Bulg. 6giin m.( jo)

PIE *h1 ngw-ni-IE Skt. agni- m. 'fire, Agni'; Lat. ignis m. 'fire'

According to Kortlandt (1979a: 60-61, 1988: 388-389, cf. Hamp 1970), ugnis continues a Balto-Slavic noun *ungnis, where * -ngn- blocked the operation of Winter's law ( cf. Thurneysen 1883) . Both in Baltic and in Slavic, the first nasal was lost as a result of dissimilation, cf. -+vanduo 'water' vs. PSL *vada. In Slavic, the loss of the nasal was preceded by lowering of the sequence *un to *on before a tautosyllabic stop. The expected reflex of Winter's law is found in Cz. vjhen 'forge, hearth', SCr. vl'ganj 'forge', < *vyg?>1)b.

ūksmė

LITH ūksml 4 [2/ 4] 'shade, shady place'; VAR padksnė I, paūksml 3 LATV ūksme 'place where something is hidden, hiding-place'

A variant of -+ūksnl. ALEW (s.v. ukas) suspects that High Latvian ūksme is a bor­rowing from Lithuanian.

ūksnė

LITH ūksnl 4 [2/4] 'shade, shady place'; VAR padksnė i; padksnis m. l; ūksna (Sirv.) 'shadow'

Specht (1929: 61) claims that uxnoy Lsg. in Sirvydas (PS 11 2434) must be read as unksnoy. Since unksna occurs twice in PS l (Palionis 2004: 504) , this is not implausi­ble, but cf. the Ill. sg. vksnen (presumably from ūksnė) in Bretke's bible translation. Most words for 'shade, shadow' with a root ūk- seem to have a counterpart with unk-. Fraenkel (LEW: 1164) accepts the relationship between unksml etc. and Lat. umbra, but at the same time connects both the forms with unk- and the forms with ūk- with ukas 'fog', which in his opinion is cognate with -+vakaras. Unless there is an explanation for the variation in the root, it seems best to start from two nouns which at some point were confused, e.g. ūksmė and unksna.

unksnė 479

ulbuoti

LITH ulbUoti 'chirp, twitter, coo', 3 pres. ulbuoja, 3 pret. ulbavo; VAR ulbauti 'chirp, twitter, coo', 3 pres. ulbauja, 3 pret. Ulbauja

PIE *h3[bh-IE Gk. 6;\.ocjn'.ipoµm 'lament, (be)wail'; Arm. olb 'lament (subst.)'

See Beekes 2010 (1073) on Gk. 6;\.ocj>-. In view of the vocalization to *ui-, it is attrac­tive to reconstruct *h3 ( cf. Derksen 1996: 110 ) .

ungurys

LITH ungurys 3b [ 1/3b] (i.e. unguris 1) 'eel'; VAR ungerys 3b [ 1/3b] (i.e. ungeris 1) OPR angurgis (EV) 'eel'

BSL * angurios PSL *pgor1> m. jo 'eel' SL Ru. ugor"eel, blackhead', Gsg. ugrja; Cz. uhof 'eel'; Slk. uhor m.(o) 'eel'; uhor

m.(o) 'pork tapeworm, blackhead', Gsg. uhra; PI. węgorz 'eel'; USrb. wuhor 'eel'; LSrb. wugof 'eel'; SCr. ugor m.(o) 'eel' ; Čak. ugor (Vrg.) m.(o) 'conger eel', Gsg. ugora; ugor (Novi) m.( o) 'conger eel', Gsg. ugora; Sln. ogpr 'eel', Gsg. ogprja

PIE *h2engwh_ur-io-IE Lat. anguilla f. 'eel'; OHG angar f. 'maggot' ( cf. also Fi. ankerias, Est.

angerjas)

The first attestation of ungurys occurs in Sirvydas. Here initial un- may be an in­stance of E. Lith. an- > un-. The vocalism un- is attested in alle dialects, however, and must therefore have originated at an older stage. The root of this etymon is the same as in -+angis.

unksmė

LITH unksme 4 [1/ 4] 'shade, shady place'; VAR paunksmė 1

See -+unksnė.

unksnė

LITH unksnė 2, unksne 4 'shade, shady place'; VAR paunksnė 1, paunksnė 2; paunksnis m. 1; unksna l, unksna 4

IE Lat. umbra f. 'shade, shadow'

The connection with Lat. umbra seems possible if the latter reflects *unksra, cf. tenebrae < *temHsrehr. The fact that the Lithuanian root appears to be acute is not in conflict with a root *(H)unk-, as there are more instances of initial *(H)u- yield­ing a Balto-Slavic acute ( cf. -+jaukinti, -+junkti) . See also: ūksme, ūksne, unksme

uodas

uodas

LITH uodas 3 'rnosquito' LATV uods 'rnosquito'; VAR uode; uoda

This noun is usually thought to contain the o-grade of the root *h1 ed- of -+esti 'eat', the zero grade of which is sornetirnes assurned to be present in -+dantis 'tooth', where I prefer *h3d- 'bite'. In rny view, uodas must be reconstructed as *h3e/od-o- ( cf. De Vaan 2008: 166) . Problernatic is the connection with Cz. ovad, Pl. owad, SCr. obiid, Sln. obad 'gadfly', where the vacillation between *v and *b rnay point to *ob-vad'b. This would still enable a connection with the East Baltic word (where *v- would be lost before *uo), but rule out an etyrnology involving PIE *h3ed- or *h1ed-. This drawback is avoided by Srnoczyri.ski's reconstruction *ay-od-a- (2007: 704), where the prefix is identified as PIE *h2eu-, which norrnally yields *u- in Slavic. Bari.kowski ( 2ooob: 469) suggests that *ov- must be identified with the word for 'sheep' (-+avis) .

uoga

LITH uoga l 'berry' LATV uoga 'berry'

BSL *6rga( PSL *agoda f. a (a) 'berry' SL OCS agoda 'fruit'; Ru. jagoda 'berry' ; Cz. jahoda 'strawberry'; Slk. jahoda

'strawberry'; Pl. jagoda 'berry'; SCr. jagoda 'wild strawberry, berry'; čak. ja goda (Vrg.) 'blackberry'; Sln. ja goda 'berry' ; Bulg. ja goda 'strawberry'

PIE *h2og-eh2? IE Go. akran n. 'fruit ( of trees, com)'

Adams (1999: 109-110) connects Toch. B ako n. 'fruit, effect' with this etyrnon and clairns that we are dealing with "a rernarkable Balto-Slavo-Tocharian correspon­dence" (Gerrnanic being rnore rernote). The vocalisrn of the Tocharian forrn, which Adams reconstructs as *h26g-eh2, is not without problerns, however. Oir. airne m. 'sloe, fruit of the blackthorn', W eirin 'plurns' rnay contain *h2eg-, but there are rnore possibilities. Here, as well as in the case of akran, a connection with *h2eg-ro- 'field' rnay be taken into consideration.

uoksas

LITH uoksas l 'opening, cavity, hollow (tree, bee-hive), entrance of a bee-hive' LATV uoksts [ uo, iw2] 'die Vertiefung zwischen den H iiften, Scharn, ( uoksts) die

vorn Specht fiir die Brut gernachte Hohlung'

PIE *h30h1 -S-O-IE Hitt. aiš l išš- n. 'rnouth'; Skt. as- n. 'rnouth'; Lat. OS n. 'rnouth'; Ok. 6ss n.

'rnouth of a river'

In rny view, this noun rnay have unfluenced the original anlaut of -+uostas (see also Derksen 2002: 41 ). Latv. iwksts ( or uoksts) 'Spiirbiene, suchende Biene' is rnore convincingly connected with uost 'srnell' (-+uosti) .

uostas

uola

LITH uola 4 [ i/ 4] 'rock, ( dial.) whetstone, limestone' LATV uola [uo, uo2] 'small round stone, egg'; VAR uole2 'egg' ; uolis2 'round

sandstone, (uolis) pebble', Npl. uo/i [uo, uo, uo; uo2] 'limestone(s), big stones'

The traditional etymology, which involves a connection with -+velti 'felt, tousle', does not seem to present any serious formal difficulties. Initial *v- would be lost before uo and the falling tone of the Latvian variant uolis may result from a retraction of the stress from prevocalic i. As to the semantics, it is not at all obvious that the etymol­ogy is correct.

uolektis

LITH uolektis f.(i) l 'ell' LATV uolekts f.(i) 'ell, forearm'; VAR uolekte [uo, uo2] OPR woaltis (EV) 'ell'; woltis (EV) 'forearm'

See -+alkdnė for the reconstruction of the root. It is possible that the Old Prussian word (I assume that we are dealing with two spelling variants) originally contained a sequence *-kt-.

uosis

LITH uosis l 'ash-tree' LATV uosis 'ash-tree' OPR woasis (EV) 'ash-tree'

BSL *o?s-en-; *o?s-i-o-PSL *asenb m. jo; *asen'b m. o (a) 'ash-tree' SL Ru. jasen'; Cz. jasan; jasaii ( dial.); jesen ( obs.) ; jeseii ( dial.) ; Slk. jaseii; Pl.

jesion; jasien (arch., S. dial.) ; jesien (arch.) ; jasion (arch., S. dial.) ; OPl. jasien; Slnc. jasoyn; USrb. jasen; SCr. jasen, Gsg. jasena; Čak. jasen (Vrg.), Gsg. jasena; jesen (Novi); jesen (Orb.), Gsg. jesena; Sln. jasen, Gsg. jasęna; jėsen, Gsg. jesęna; Bulg. jasen; 6sen (N.)

PIE *Hehrs-IE Lat. ornus f. 'mountain-ash'; Olr. uinnius m. 'ash-tree'; Oic. askr m. 'ash-

tree'; OHG ase m. 'ash-tree' ; Arm. hac 'i 'ash-tree'; Alb. ah m. 'beech'

In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- (je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *o?s- < *Hehrs- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- ( cf. Slawski SP I: 159) , Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hhres-. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of "Rozwadowski's change" (see Andersen 1996: 142-143) .

uostas

LITH uostas l [1/2] 'port, harbour, ( dial., arch.) mouth of a river'; VAR uosta 2 'port, harbour, mouth of a river'

482 uosti

LATV uosta [ uo, uo, uo2, uo2] 'port, harbour, mouth of a river' OPR austo (EV); austin (III) Asg. 'mouth'

BSL *oust- (*aust-?) PSL *ūsta Npl. n. o (b) 'mouth' SL OCS usta; Ru. usta ( obs., poet.) ; Cz. usta; Slk. usta; Pl. usta; SCr. usta; Čak.

ūstd (Vrg.) ; usta (Novi); ūsta (Orb.); Sln. usta; Bulg. usta Npl. n. 'mouth, opening'; usta f. 'mouth, opening'

PIE *Hous-t- (h2;3eus-t- ?) IE Skt. 6$fha- m. '(upper) lip'

The vocalism of the East Baltic nouns may have been adopted from *h3ohr(e!o)s-, cf. Hitt. aiš l išš- n., Skt. as- n., Lat. OS n. 'mouth' (-+uoksas). The same has been assumed for Lat. ostium 'mouth of a river, entrance' (EIEC 387, Derksen 2002: 40-41). The original vocalism is possibly preserved in the verb -+ausčioti 'gossip, talk nonsense'.

uosti

LITH uosti [uo, uoj 'smell, sniff', 3 pres. uodžia, 3 pret. uodė; VAR uosti, 3 pres. uodžia, 3 pret. uodo

LATV uost 'smell', isg. pres. u6žu, isg. pret. uodu

BSL *o�d-PSL * adati v. 'investigate, explore' SL OCz. jadati

PIE *h3ed-IE Gk. o(w 'smell'

An example ofWinter's law. See also: uostyti

uostyti

LITH uostyti 'smell, sniff', 3 pres. uosto, 3 pret. uostė LATV uostit [uo, uo uo2] 'smell, sniff, scent', isg. pres. uostu, isg. pret. uostiju

An iterative to -+uosti.

uošvė

LITH uošvė l 'mother- in-law (wife's mother)' LATV uose2 'mother- in-law'

See -+uošvis.

uošvis

LITH uošvis l 'father- in-law (wife's father)' LATV uosvis 'father- in-law'; VAR uosis2

Klingenschmitt (2003) proposes *6-pkų-iio-, with *o- ( *ohr) as in Skt. a-manas 'das Denken zugewendet habend' or Av. apu&ra- 'pregnant ("Kinder herbeibringend").

ūšra

The element * -pky-, cf. also Skt. puruk?u- 'possessing much livestock' < *plhrpku-, is the zero grade of the noun that is continued by Lith. -+pekus. The original meaning of uošvis is 'wife's father', but the word seems to be gaining ground at the expense of -+šešuras. See also: uošvė.

upė

LITH upė 2 [2/4] 'river, stream'; VAR upis f.(i) 4 [2/4] (upis 2 as well as upis 2); upis m.(i) 4; upis (Žem.) m.(io) 2

LATV upe 'river, stream'; VAR upis 'brook, little stream, hollow in the woods' OPR ape (EV) 'brook, stream'; apus (EV) 'well'; apewitwo (EV) 'osier'; apisorx

(EV) 'kingfisher'

PIE *h2ep-IE Skt. ap- f. 'water'; Toch. B iip f. 'water'

The East Baltic u- is unclear.

urvas

LITH urvas 3 [1/3/4] 'hole, burrow, cave'; VAR urva 1 [1/3] LATV urva 'hole in the ground, pit'

PIE *(H)urH-uehr? IE Skt. ūrva- m. 'container, enclosure, dungeon'

ušios

LITH ušios Npl. (Pruss. Lith.) 'the first six weeks after giving birth, childbed'; VAR ušės Npl.; ušai Npl.

Derivatives of this noun are ušaunykė (Bretk.), ušininkė, ušininkė (East Prussia) 'a woman that is confined to the bed until six weeks after giving birth'. These forms obviously contain an element 'six' (-+šeši), cf. the corresponding nouns šešios Npl., šešiauninkė, Latv. sešas Npl., sešiniece. It is likely that the etymon was borrowed from a Prussian substratum, cf. OPr. uschsts (III) 'sixth' vs. Lith. -+šeštas (cf. Būga RR II: 316, Sabaliauskas 1966: 113) . In his Deliciae Prussicae (1ih e.), Pratorius (apud Vater 1821: 155) informs us that uszininka is "ein recht Preussisch Wort, welches aber auch noch in Nadrawen gar gemein ist" (cf. also Young 2004: 281) . According to Vitkauskas (2006: 246), ušės (KŽ) is based on a dialect form uš'es which should have been transposed to ušios.

ūšra

LITH dšra (dial.) 1 [1/4] 'dawn'

The variant belonging to AP 1 occurs in Juškevič's dictionary (I : 178) , while the mobile variant is found in Alexander Kurschat's dictionary. The acute root is remi­niscent of PSL *utro (a), for which see -+aušra. If we assume that we are dealing with an inherited zero grade rather than a secondary development ( cf. Skt. U?as- f. 'dawn') ,

ūšti

the ablaut in this hysterodynamic s-stem must have been preserved until the East Baltic period (cf. Smoczyri.ski 2006: 101).

ūšti

LITH ūšti (Jušk.) 'dawn, break ( day)', 3 pres. ūšta, 3 pret. ūšo

Juškevič's example is Yra apyūšris, kad ūšta, i. e. diena daros rytmetį. The relationship between ūšti and -+ušra may be the same as between -+aūšti and -+aušra, in which case ūšti is probably of nominal origin. It is not impossible that the verb is old, cf. Skt. ucchciti 'dawn, break ( day)' < *h2us-ske/o-, but the long vowel of the root is not easily explained from unaccented initial *u ( cf. Kortlandt 1977b ).

v

vadyti

LITH vadyti ( dial.) 'call', 3 pres. vado, 3 pret. vadė; VAR vadinti 'call, invite', 3 pres. vadina, 3 pret. vadino

LATV vadit 'lead, direct, conduct, accompany', lsg. pres. vadu, lsg. pret. vadiju; VAR vadinat e also 'urge, persuade')

BSL *wod-ei/i-PSL *voditi v. (b) 'lead, conduct' SL OCS voditi, lsg. vožd9; Ru. vodit', lsg. važu, 3sg. v6dit; Cz. voditi; Slk. voditi;

Pl. wodzic; SCr. voditi, lsg. vodfm; Čak. voditi (Vrg.), lsg. vodfm; Sln. v6diti, lsg. vpdim; Bulg. v6dja

PIE *uodh-ei/i-IE Olr. fedid 'go, bring'

For Lith. vadinti (vadjti) there are basically two etymologies (cf. LEW: 1177-1178). According to the first ( cf. Trautmann 1923a: 227, Būga RR II: 642 ), we are dealing with a derivative of *uedh- 'lead' (-+vesti). The alternative etymology (e.g. Smoczyri.ski 2007: 710) is a connection with *h2uedH- 'sound, speak', cf. Skt. vcidati 'speak, talk', OCS vaditi 'accuse'. Since this would be in conflict with Winter's law, I regard the connection with vesti as the only possibility ( cf. Derksen 2008a: 512 ).

vaikas

LITH vaikas 4 'child, young' LATV vaiks 'boy', Npl. vaiki 'children' (probably a borrowing from Lithuanian) OPR wayklis (EV) 'son'; woikello (GrG), woykello (GrA), waykello (GrF) 'man­

servant'; waix (III) 'manservant', Asg. waikan (I, III), waykan (II)

PSL *čelovėk11 m. o 'man' SL OCS človėk'b; Ru. čelovėk, Gsg. čelovėka; Ukr. čolovik; Cz. človėk; Slk. človek;

Pl. czlowiek; SCr. čovjek, Gsg. čovjeka; čovjek, Gsg. čovjeka; Čak. čovl'k (Vrg.), Gsg. čovl'ka; Sln. čl6vęk, Gsg. človęka; Bulg. čelovėk; čovėk

valdyti

This noun is usually connected with -+veikti. One could think of a child as an 'agile creature' (cf. Smoczynski 2007: 712). Mažiulis (PKEŽ IV: 213) argues that the original meaning was 'a child that is old enough to work'. The Slavic noun, borrowed into Latvian as cilvęks, is traditionally regarded as a compound of *čelo- , cf. -+kelias 4 'family, tribe, generation', and *veh. The latter element may be identified with valkas (cf. also -+viekas). The meaning of the compound may have been 'co-worker in a household' ( cf. Havlova 1966) .

vaisius

LITH vaisius 2 [2/4] 'fruit' OPR weisin Asg. 'fruit'

IE Ok. visir m. 'bud, sprout'

Cf. also vaisingus, OPr. weijsewingi Npl. 'fruitful'. For the root, see -+veisti.

vakar

LITH vakar 'yesterday' LATV vakar 'yesterday'; VAR vakar

See -+vakaras. We are probably dealing with a Lsg. that underwent apocope.

vakaras

LITH vakaras 3b [1/3b] 'evening' LATV vakars 'evening'

BSL *wekeros PSL *večera m. o (e) 'evening' SL OCS večerb; Ru. vėčer, Gsg. vėčera; Bel. večar, Gsg. večera; Ukr. vėčir, Gsg.

večera; Cz. večer; Slk. večer; Pl. wiecz6r; SCr. veče, Gsg. večera; Čak. večer (Vrg.) f.(i) , Gsg. večeri; večer (Hvar) f.(i) , Gsg. večeri; Sln. večęr; Bulg. večer

PIE *uekspero-IE Gk. fonepoc; m.; Arm. gišer; Lat. vesper m.; MW ucher m.

See Beekes 2004 for an analysis of the PIE form. See also: vakar

valas

LITH valas 4 [2/4] 'fishing-line, (E. Lith.) horse-hair'

PIE *uol-o-IE Skt. vdra- m.!n. 'tail hair, hair-sieve'; vdla- m. 'id.'

PSl. *volsb 'hair', e.g. OCS vlas'b, Ru. volas, continues *uolk-o-, cf. LAv. varJsa- 'hair ( on the head)'.

valdyti

LITH valdyti 'rule, govern, wield', 3 pres. valdo, 3 pret. valdė (3 pres. also valdžia) LATV valdit [ai, al, ai2, al2] 'rule, govern, wield', lsg. pres. valdu, 3 pret. vaidiju

486 valga

BSL *wol?d-PSL *voldeti; *voldati v. 'rule' SL CS vladeti 'rule'; Ru. vladet' 'own, control, wield'; volodet' (dial.) 'own,

control, wield'; Slk. vladaf 'be able'; Pl. wladaC 'rule, reign'; OPI. wlodac 'rule, reign'; SCr. vladati 'rule', lsg. vladam; Čak. vlJdati (Vrg.) 'rule', 2sg. vlddaš; Sln. vladati 'lead, direct, rule, own', lsg. vladam; ladati 'id:, lsg. ladam

PIE *uolhrdh-IE Go. waldan 'rule'; OHG waldan 'rule'

Apparently, the present suffix became part of the root. The basic root is usually reconstructed with a laryngeal (cf. LIV: 676) or more specifically with *h1 (Kloek­horst 2008: 358), which seems to be confirmed by -+veldeti (3 pres. veldi). The etymon under discussion has a circumflex root, however.

val g a

LITH valga (E. dial.) 4 'food, victuals'; VAR pavalgi! 3b 'food, victuals, additional ingredient, side-dish' ; pavalgas 3b [2/3b] 'food, snack'

LATV pavalga 'additional ingredient, side-dish'; VAR pavalgs OPR welgen (EV) 'cold' ('snuppe']

BSL *wol?ga( PSL *volga f. a (a) 'moisture, liquid food' SL OCS vlaga 'moisture'; Ru. vol6ga ( dial.) 'moisture, liquid food, additional

ingredients, side-dish, butter, bacon, fat'; v6loga ( dial.) 'moisture, liquid food, additional ingredients, side-dish, butter, bacon, fat'; ORu. vologa 'liquid food or additions to it, butter, fat'; Cz. vlaha 'moisture'; Slk. vlaha 'moisture'; USrb. wloha 'humidity'; SCr. vlaga 'moisture, dampness'; Čak. vlaga (Vrg., Orb.) 'moisture, dampness'; Sln. vlaga 'moisture, rain, soup'; Bulg. vlaga 'moisture'

PIE *uolg-IE OHG wolchan n. 'cloud'

See -+valgyti.

valgyti

LITH valgyti 'eat', 3 pres. valgo, 3 pret. valgė LATV valgi t 'eat in a hurry, gobble' (a borrowing from Lithuanian) OPR walgeit (GrG), walge (GrA, GrF) 'eat ! '

BSL *wol?g-ei/i-PSL *volžiti v. 'wet, moisten' SL Ru. voložit' ( dial.) 'wet, become wet, pour'

PIE *uolg-

The semantic aspects of this etymology were discussed by Eckert (1982-1983). See also: valga; vilgšnas; vilgti; Latv. valgans

valia

LITH valia 2 'will, freedom' LATV va/a 'freedom, spare time, will'

BSL *w6lei?; *wolj-PSL *va/a f. ja (b) 'will, wish'

valtis

SL OCS volja; Ru. v6lja 'will, wish, freedom'; Cz. vule; Slk. vol'a; Pl. wola; OPI. wola; USrb. wola; LSrb. wola; SCr. volja; Čak. vofa (Vrg„ Novi) 'wish, desire'; volja (Orb.); Sln. vplja; Bulg. v6lja

PIE *uol(h1)-(e)ih1 IE OHG wala f. 'choice'

According to Kortlandt (1997b: 162), we may be dealing with a proterodynamic ihr stem. For the root, see -+velti l.

valka

LITH valka ( dial.) 2 'draught' LATV valka2 'draught'; VAR valks

See -+viikti.

valkas

LITH vaikas 4 'rod for drying hides' LATV valka 'floating piece of wood as part of a net'

BSL *wolk6s PSL *volh m. o (e) SL Ru. v61ok 'portage', Gsg. valoka; Cz. vlak m. 'drag-net'; vlaka (Mor. dial.) f.

'drag-net'; Slk. vlak 'drag-net'; Pl. wlok 'seine, sweep-net'; wl6k 'seine, sweep­net'; SCr. vlak 'portage'; Sln. vlak 'tug, drag-net'; Bulg. vlak 'train'

See -+viikti.

valtis

LITH valtis f.(i) l 'panicle ( of oats)' OPR wolti (EV) 'ear'

BSL *woUtis PSL *v6ltb f. i SL Ru. v6lot"thread, fibre, ear'; Cz. v1af 'panicle (of oats)' ; OCz. vlaf 'ear' ; SCr.

vlat 'ear, panicle'; Sln. vliit 'ear, panicle'

PIE *uol(H)-t-IE Olr.folt m. 'hair'; W gwallt m. 'hair'

On the basis of such forms as E. Lith. valkšnis f. (i), valkšna 'panicle ( of oats )', it has been suggested that valtis continues a form with root-final k (cf. Trautmann 1923a: 341, Būga RR II: 669). This leads to formal problems, cf. OCS nošt11, Ru. noč"night' <

BSl. *naktis.

vanduo

vanduo

LITH vanduo m.(n) 3• [1/3•] (i.e. vanduo 1/3•; vanduo 3•) 'water' LATV udens 'water' OPR wundan (EV); wunda (Gr); unds (III) 'water', Asg. undan

BSL *wondor, Gsg. *undnes PSL voda f. a (e) 'water' SL OCS voda; Ru. voda, Asg. v6du; Cz. voda; Slk. voda; Pl. woda; SCr. vada, Asg.

vadu; Čak. voda (Vrg., Novi, Hvar), Asg. vadu; Sln. v6da; Bulg. vada

PIE *uod-r!n-IE Skt. udan- n.; Hitt. yatar l yiten- n.; Gk. Mwp n.; Go. wato n.; Ok. vatn n.;

OS watar n.

The Balto-Slavic nasal info: originates from a suffix, cf. Lat. unda 'wave' (Thurneysen 1883). The acute of the East Baltic forms must be attributed to Winter's law. The law was blocked in the case of a sequence *ndn, which is ultimately the origin of the vocalism of PSI. *voda ( cf. Kortlandt 1979a: 60-61, 1988: 388-389, Derksen 2008a: 523). Parallel developments can be pointed out in the case of -+ugnis and its cognates. See also: iidra

vanga

LITH vanga (Bretk.) 'field' OPR wangus (EV) 'dameraw'

IE Go. waggs 'paradise'; Ok. vangr m. 'field'; OE wang m. 'field, land'

Nesselmann (1873: 199) describes the meaning of Damerau as 'slecht bestandener Eichwald, halb ausgerodete Waldflache: Frischbier (1883: 455) assigns the same meaning to MoHG Wange (E. Pruss.) . We may reconstruct *uongh- and note that this etymon has a limited distribution.

vapsva

LITH vapsva 2/4 'wasp'; VAR vapsa 2/4; vapsas (OLith., dial.) 2/4 LATV vapsene 'wasp' ; VAR vapsine; lapsene; lapsil}a OPR wobse (EV) 'wasp'

BSL *w6ps( w)ai' PSL *osa f. a (b) 'wasp' SL RuCS osa; Ru. osa, Asg. osu; osva ( dial.); Bel. osva; Ukr. osa, Asg. osu; osa

( dial.) , Asg. 6su; Cz. vosa; Slk. osa; Pl. osa; SCr. asa, Asg. asu; čak. osa (Vrg.) 'prickle of an ear of grain', Asg. asu; čak. asa (Orb.), Asg. oso; Sln. 6sa; Bulg. osa

PIE *(h1) uobh-s-ehr; *(h1) uebh-s-ehr IE Lat. vespa 'wasp'; W gw(y)chi Npl. f. 'wasps'; OBret. guohi Npl. f. 'wasps';

OHG wafsa 'wasp'

The root may be *(h1)uebh- 'weave' ( cf. De Vaan 2008: 670 ) .

vardas

LITH vardas 4 'name' LATV vdrds [ar, Jr2] 'word, name'

vargus

OPR wirds, wirds 'word', Asg. wirdan

PIE *u(e!o)rdh-o-IE Lat. verbum n. 'word'; Go. waurd n. 'word'; OE word n. 'word'

Like the PGmc. etymon *wurda- n„ O Pr. wirds has zero grade of the root. Hackstein's analysis *ų(e!o)rhrdhhro- (Hackstein 2014: 14), with the root of Gk. epew 'will say', is in view of the Baltic circumflex only attractive if one accepts his hypothesis that here the laryngeal was lost in PIE times already. An alternative etymology is *h2 u( o )rdh-o-, cf. Hitt. buųart- ; l hurt- 'curse' (Sturtevant 1930, cf. Kroonen 2013: 600 ) . For semantic reasons, Kloekhorst (2008: 373) prefers to connect the Hittite verb with OPr. wertemmai 'we swear'.

vargas

LITH vargas 4 [2/4] 'hardship, misery' LATV vdrgs2 'misery' (usu. pl.) OPR wargan Asg. 'misery, suffering, danger'

Already Būga (RR II: 670) suggested that vargas may be an instance of metatonie douce belonging to the aūkštas 'floor, storey' : aukštas 'high' type. l assume that we are dealing with a neuter o-stem that was oxytone when the East Baltic retraction from *-a operated, causing metatony. It follows that AP 2 must be old ( cf. Skardžius 1935 : 33, 37). For PSl. *v6rg7> (e) 'foe', which is an original masculine o-stem, see -+vargils, where we shall also discuss the etymology of the root.

vargti

LITH vargti 'live in poverty, suffer hardships, take pains, torment oneself', 3 pres. vargsta, 3 pret. vargo

LATV vargt [ar, Jr, ar2, Jr2] 'be ailing, pine away', lsg. pres. vargstu

The accentuation of this denominative East Baltic verb cannot be separated from -+vargas, -+vargils and its Latvian counterparts. For this reason l should perhaps not have included this verb in a list of verbs with a sta-present showing a metatonical circumflex (2011b : 35) , even though it is certainly the case that in Lithuanian we would have expected a circumflex regardless of the tone of the adjective. An Old Prussian verbal form deriving from this root is OPr. warge mien 'I regret', cf. pawargan 'remorse'.

vargus

LITH vargus 4 [ 2/ 4] 'hard, difficult, tiresome' LATV vargs [ar, ar2, Jr2] 'pining, miserable' OPR wargs 'evil'

BSL *worrgos

490 varmas

PSL *v6rg'b m. o (e) 'foe' SL OCS vrag'b 'foe'; Ru. v6rog (folk poet.) 'foe, fiend'; Cz. vrah 'foe'; Slk. vrah

'murderer'; Pl. wr6g 'foe', Gsg. wroga; USrb. wr6h 'murderer', Gsg. wroha; SCr. vrag 'devil', Gsg. vraga; Čak. vrag (Vrgada) 'devil', Gsg. vraga; Sln. vrag 'devil'; Bulg. vrag'enemy'

PIE *(h1)uorg-o-IE Go. wrikan 'persecute'; OHG rehhan 'avenge'

The initial laryngeal hinges on Gk. eipyw 'shut in, shut out', which may or may not be cognate (cf. Derksen 1996: 73 -74) . The original acute, which must be attributed to Winter's law, is attested in Latv. vargs, Lith. varginas gyvenimas (Būga: Kv.) 'a life in poverty', and in -+vergas, Latv. vęigs 'slave' (ibid.) . I assume that vargus was created on the basis of -+vargas (cf. Skardžius 1941: 59), which would account for the variant with AP 2. I suspect that the Latvian forms with unambiguous a, of which I could only find attestations in the denominative verb (-+vargti), may have adopted the tone of the noun vargs, but this is uncertain, as for the latter ME and EH only provide vargs2 (Zvirgzdine). Note that most variants with ar2 are from the Tamian area, where lengthening before r also occurred under the broken tone. PSl. *v6rg'b 'foe' may be interpreted as 'the bad one, the evil one'. The reflex of the laryngeal was eliminated when this mobile noun underwent Meillet's law.

varmas

LITH varmas 4 [2/3/4] '(žem.) mosquito, (Dz.) horse-fly'

PSL *vbrmbje n. io SL ORu. vermije n. 'harvestman, insects'

PIE *urmi-IE Lat. vermis m. 'worm'; Go. waurms m. 'snake'; OE wyrm m. 'snake, worm'

Though varmas has full grade and deviates semantically, it seems likely that there is a connection with *urmi- 'worm'. O Pr. wormyan 'red' ( q.v.) also belongs here.

varna

LITH varna l 'crow' LATV varna [ar, ar2] 'crow'; VAR varne OPR warne (EV) 'crow'; bucawarne (EV) 'holckro (jay?)'

BSL *w6r?nai' PSL *varna f. a (a) 'crow' SL RuCS vrana; Ru. vor6na; Cz. vrana; Slk. vrana; Pl. wrona; SCr. vrana; Čak.

vrana (Vrg., Novi, Orb.) ; Sln. vrana; Bulg. vrana

I have little to add to what I wrote in Derksen 2008a (528) . I dismiss the prevailing view that varna 'crow' vs. -+varnas 'raven' is an instance of Balto-Slavic metatonie rude resulting from vrddhi (e.g. Pedersen 1933: 45) . Instead, I am inclined to accept Kortlandt's hypothesis (1985b: 121) that in Balto-Slavic the root *kar-, cf. Gk. Kopa� : Kopwvri, Lat. corvus : cornfx (both 'raven' : 'crow'), was replaced with *wor- . I am

vartai 491

hesitant about assigning the meaning 'burn' to both roots, however, because the former may very well be onomatopoeic ( cf. De Vaan 2008: 136, 139 ). In Kortlandt's view, the acute of BSl. *w6ri'nai' stems from the suffix * - i'n-.

varnas

LITH varnas 4 'raven' LATV varns (Lange) 'crow' OPR warnis 'raven'; colwarnis (EV) 'rook'; warnins (III) Apl. 'ravens'

BSL *worwos >> *wornos PSL *v6rn'b m. o (e) 'raven' SL OCS vran'b; Ru. v6ron; SCr. vran; Sln. vran PSL *v6rn'b adj. o (e) 'black' SL RuCS vran'b (Hval. , Rumj.); vranyi; Ru. voron6j; ORu. voronyi; Sln. vran, f.

vrana; Bulg. vran

See -+varna.

varpa

LITH varpa l 'ear, penis' LATV varpa [ dr, dr2] 'ear, swinging part of a flail, ( dim. varpi'}a) penis'

A derivative of -+verpti. The metatonie rude in this a-stem may be comparable to maiša alongside -+maišas 'sack'. The expected circumflex occurs in varpas 4 'bell'.

varpyti

LITH varpyti 'dig, make holes, perforate', 3 pres. varpo, 3 pret. varpė

An iterative to -+verpti.

varstas

LITH varstas 2 'turn of the plough, verst' OPR ainawarst (III), ainawawarst (III) 'once'

PSL *vbrsta; *vbrstva f. a 'row, line, age, kind' SL OCS vrbsta (Euch., Supr.) 'age, generation'; Ru. versta 'verst'; ORu. Vbrsta

'age, pair, person of the same age, verst'; Cz. vrstva 'layer'; Slk. vrstva 'layer'; Pl. warstwa 'row, layer'; SCr. vfsta 'kind, species' ; Čak. vrsta (Vrg.) 'id.'; Sln. vfsta 'row, line, sort, age'; vrsta 'id.'; vfst f.(i) 'id.', Gsg. vrsti

PIE *urt- to-IE Lat. versus m. 'row, line, furrow' ( < *urt-to-)

The root is PIE *uert- 'turn' (-+vartyti, -+versti).

vartai

LITH vartai Npl. 2 'gate' LATV vdrti Npl. 'gate'; VAR vartis Npl. OPR warto (EV) 'gate'; wartin (III) Asg. 'door'

492 vartyti

BSL *worta( Npl. n. PSL *varta Npl. n. o. (b/c) 'door, gate' SL OCS vrata Npl. n.; Ru. vor6ta Npl. n.; Ru. vorota (coli.) Npl. n.; Cz. vrata

Npl. n.; vrata ( dial.) Npl. n.; Slk. vrata ( dial.) Npl. n.; Pl. wrota Npl. n.; USrb. wrota Npl. n.; SCr. vrata Npl. n.; Sln. vrata Npl. n.; Bulg. vrata f.

See -versti.

vartyti

LITH vartyti 'turn, turn over', 3 pres. varto, 3 pret. vartė LATV vartit [ar, ar2] 'turn, turn over', lsg. pres. vartu, lsg. pret. vartfju OPR wartint 'turn'

BSL *wort-ei/i-PSL *vorti ti v. (b) 'turn, return' SL OCS vratiti sę 'return, turn', lsg. vrašt9 sę; Ru. vorotit' 'bring back, turn aside',

lsg. voroču, 3sg. vor6tit; Cz. vratiti 'return, send back'; Slk. vratit' 'return, send back'; Pl. wr6cic 'return'; SCr. vratiti 'return', lsg. vrdtim; Čak. vratl'ti (Vrg.) 'return', 2sg. vratiš

PIE *uort-eie-IE Skt. vartayati 'turns' See also: varstas; vaitai; versti; virsti

varus

LITH varus 4 'simmering'

See -virti.

varža

LITH varža l [ 1/3/ 4] 'fishing-basket, fishing-trap made of osiers'; VAR varžas 3 [1/3] LATV varza [ar, ar2] 'fishing-basket, fishing-trap, basket'; VAR varzis2 'fish-weir';

VARZi Npl. 'Setzkorbe'

PSL *vbrša f. ja (a) 'fishing-basket, fishing-trap made of osiers' SL Ru. verša; Cz. vrše; Pl. wiersza; SCr. vfša; Čak. vfša (Vrg.); Sln. vfša

PIE *urg-IE OHG werc n. 'work'; wirken 'manufacture by sowing, stitching or weaving'

This acute root, which had the meaning 'twine, braid' in Baltic, must be distinguished from *uerf'- in -veržti 'tighten' ( cf. Derksen 1996: 213-214). The Slavic forms may contain a suffix *-sja. Alternatively, they could be derived from *vbrx'b 'top', in view of the conical shape of the fishing-trap (Vasmer-Trubačev I : 302).

vasara

LITH vasara l [ 1/3b] 'summer'; VAR vasera (Chyl., Nm.) l LATV vasara 'summer'

BSL *wes-n/(e)r-

PSL *vesna f. a 'spring'

važioti 493

SL OCS vesna; Ru. vesna, Asg. vesnu (AP (e) in Old Russian); Cz. vesna; Pl. wiosna; SCr. vesna; Sln. vęsna

PIE *ues-r!n-IE Skt. vasanta- m. 'spring'; Skt. vasar- adv. 'in the early morning'; Gk. fop n.

'spring'; Lat. uer n. 'spring'

The a of the suffix seems to be comparatively recent, cf. paviiseris (E. Lith., :Žem.) 'spring', vaseris (:žem.) 'February', corresponding to Standard Lithuanian paviisaris and vasiiris, and the :Žemaitian family name Vaseris (Būga RR III: 853). For this reason, I cannot accept the hypothesis that the a of the root originates from assimilation to the vocalism of the suffix (pace Skardžius 1938 : 32 and others) . It seems that we are dealing with an o-grade whose origin is difficult to determine. Petit (2003a: 116) posits BSL *uos-r/n- vs. *ues-r/n-.

vąšas

LITH vqšas 4 [2/4] 'hook'; VAR iįšas 2; lqšas 4

The fact that the initial v- could be secondary has inspired some scholars to seek a connection with Gk. oyKoc; m., Lat. uncus m. 'hook'. Illič-Svityč (1963: 4) , for instance, reconstructs *h2onk-o-. The latter root is usually reconstructed as *h2enk-, however, cf. Lith. anka 'loop, ring', ORu. ukotv 'claw, anchor', Skt. anka- 'hook, clamp', and Skt. aiic- 'bend', acati 'bends'. Moreover, the variant qšas seems to be a transposition of dialect forms which may show regular loss of v- (Vitkauskas 2006: 53) and can therefore not be used as evidence for an original form without v-.

vaškas

LITH viiškas 4 [2/4] 'wax'; VAR vaška LATV vasks 'wax'; VAR vaski Npl. ; vaska

BSL *wosko PSL *vosk-b m. o (b?/c) 'wax' SL OCS vosk-b (Ps. Sin., Supr.); Ru. vosk, Gsg. voska; Ukr. visk, Gsg. vosku; Cz.

vosk; Slk. vosk; Pl. wosk; SCr. vosak, Gsg. voska; čak. ( v)osak (Vrg. , Orb.), Gsg. (v)oska; Sln. v(Jsak, Gsg. v(Jska; v(Jsk; Bulg. vosiik

PIE *uoks-ko-m ? IE Ok. vax n.; OHG wahs n.; OE weax n. (cf. Fi. vaha, Est. vaha)

For the reconstruction, see Kortlandt 1979a: 59.

važioti

LITH važioti 'lead, cart, convey', 3 pres. važioja, 3 pret. važiojo

BSL *vož-ei/i-PSL *voziti v. (b) 'cart, lead, convey' SL CS voziti sę (Christ.) 'sail', 1sg. vož9 sę; Ru. vozft' 'cart, convey', 1sg. važu, 3sg.

vozit; Cz. voziti 'lead, convey'; Slk. vozif 'lead, convey'; Pl. wozic 'lead,

494 vėdaras

convey'; SCr. voziti 'lead, convey', 1sg. vozim; Čak. vozl'ti (Vrg.) 'lead, convey', 2Sg. voziš; Sln. v6ziti 'cart, drive', 1sg. vpzim; Bulg. v6zja 'cart, drive'

PIE *uogz-eie-IE Gk. oxfoµat 'drive, ride'

An iterative to -+vežti.

vėdaras

LITH vedaras 3• 'sausage, (coli.) belly, intestines'; VAR vedarai Npl. l

LATV vędęrs [ę, ę2] 'belly, stomach'; VAR vędars [ę, ę, ę2] OPR weders (EV) 'belly'

BSL *wdd(e)ro PSL *vedro n. o (b) 'bucket' SL OCS vėdro (Euch„ Supr.) 'barrel'; Ru. vedr6; Cz. vėdro; Slk. vedro; Pl. wiadro;

SCr. vjedro; vijedro (Montenegro ) ; vi'dro (Vrg.); Sln. vędr9; Bulg. vedr6

PIE *ud-ero-m IE Skt. udara- n. 'belly, womb'; Gk. Mepoc; m. 'dropsy'; Lat. uterus 'belly, womb'

Though a connection with *uod-r!n- 'water' offers a better explanation for the Balto­Slavic full grade, I prefer the etymology presented above. The Baltic acute originates from Winter's law (see also the discussion under -+paddrė) . For my view on the accentuation of the Slavic etymon, I refer to Derksen 2008a: 519.

veidas

LITH veidas 3 (1/3/ 4) 'face, look, appearance, (pl.) cheeks' LATV veids [ei, ei2] 'form, appearance, manner'

BSL *weirdos PSL *vfd'b m. o (e) 'sight, view, appearance' SL OCS vid'b; Ru. vid 'appearance, species, sort'; Cz. vid; Slk. vid; SCr. vfd, Gsg.

vfda; Čak. vfd, Gsg. vfda; Sln. vfd; Bulg. vid

PIE *ueid-os-IE Skt. vedas- n. 'knowledge, insight'; Gk. ei<'\oc; n. 'appearance'

AP 1 occurs in old texts and some dialects (Skardžius 1935 : 40, Illič-Svityč 1963: 69 ). See -+veizdeti.

veikti

LITH veikti 'do, work, function, have an effect (on), (dial.) fight, wear out', 3 pres. veikia, 3 pret. veikė

LATV veikt [ei, ei, ei2, ei2] 'accomplish, defeat, overcome, (refl.) thrive, succeed', 1sg. pres. veicu

PIE *ueik-IE Lat. vincere 'defeat', 1sg. vinco; Olr. fichid 'fight'; Go. weihan 'fight'

veizdėti 495

It seems to me that we must start from an original meaning 'overcome' ( cf. LIV: 670 ) , which may develop into 'achieve, perform, do, work' or 'defeat, fight'. De Vaan ( 2008: 680) traces 'overcome, conquer' to 'bend' (cf. -+Latv. vikt), which entails connecting Lat. vincere with vincire 'tie up, bind'. A serious forma! problem are the Baltic forms that point to an acute root, e.g. --+veikus. In my dissertation ( 1996: 218), l assumed a contamination of *ueiH- (-+vyti) and *ueik- , cf. the semantic similarity of vyti 'drive away, chase, pursue' and vaikyti 'chase, hunt, frighten'. See also: vaikas, veikus; viekas; vikrus; vykti; Latv. vikt

veikus

LITH veikus 3, veikus 3 [1/3) 'quick, strong, firm'; VAR veikas 3 [3/4] 'quick'; veiklus 3 'active, energetic'

LATV veikis [ei, ėi, ei2] 'quick, swift, diligent, agile, skilful, limited'

See -+veikti. The Latvian variant veikis (Linde) is isolated. It is striking that in the adjective the sustained tone is clearly more widespread than in the verb.

veisti

LITH veisti 'breed, rear, ( dial.) bear fruit', 3 pres. veisia, 3 pret. veisė (3 pres. also vifisa, vifista)

LATV viest [ ie, ie2, ie2] 'rear, raise, increase, (refl.) be fertile, thrive', lsg. pres. viešu, lsg. pret. viesu

PIE *ueis-IE Lat. virere 'be green, fresh' See also: vaisius; visti

veizdėti

LITH veizdi!ti (Žem.) 'look, look for', 3 pres. veizdi, 3 pret. veizdi!jo (3 pres. also veizdžia, veizčia, veiza, veizti, veima, veina); VAR veizdi!ti (DP, Drskž), 3 pres. veizdi, 3 pret. veizdėjo; veizeti (Zem.), 3 pres. veizi, 3 pret. veizejo

LITH viedet [ ie, ie, ie2, ie2] 'have the ability to see, see with difficulty, discern', lsg. pres. viedu, viedeju lsg. pret. viedeju

BSL *weird-PSL *videti v. (a) 'see' SL OCS videti, lsg. vižd9, 3sg. vidit'b; Ru. videt', lsg. vižu, 3sg. vidit; Cz. videti;

Slk. videf; Pl. widziee; SCr. vl'djeti, lsg. vl'dim; Čak. vl'dit (Novi), 2sg. vl'diš; Sln. vidęti, lsg. vidim; Bulg. vidja

PIE *ueid-IE Gk. d<Sov isg. aor. 'saw'; Lat. videre 'see'; Go. witan 'observe'

The -zd- of the Lithuanian verb has been traced to the imper. sg. veizd(i) 'see' or a 3sg. pres. *veisti < *veid-ti (see LEW: 1215) . See also: veidas

vėjas

vėjas

LITH vejas l 'wind'; VAR vejis 1; vejus l [ 1/3] LATV vejš [e, e] 'wind'

PIE *h2uehriu-IE Skt. vayu- m. 'wind, air, god of the wind'

See -+veti for the root.

veldėti

LITH veldčti [el, el] ' inherit, (OLith., dial.) acquire, attain, rule', 3 pres. veldi, 3 pret. veldčjo (3 pres. also velda, veldčja, veldžia)

OPR weldisnan Asg. 'inheritance'

See -+valdyti.

vėlė

LITH vėll 4 [2/4] 'soul, ghost (of a dead person)'; VAR vell 4 (M., K., NdZ) LATV velis 'ghost (of a dead person)', Npl. veli 'the period between Michaelmas

and Martinmas, when the ghosts of the dead are about'

IE Olc. valr m. 'the slain'; OE wrel n. 'the slain, battle-field'

The root is usually identified as PIE *uelhr, cf. Hitt. yalb-z; 'hit, strike', Gk. ė<lAwv 1sg. aor. 'was captured'. The Lithuanian circumflex must be secondary. The variant vllės Npl. 2, which does not occur in the LKZe, is mentioned by Būga (RR l: 582). See also: velnias

velnias

LITH velnias 3 'devil, demon'; VAR velnjis 3 [1/3] ; velinas 3b (DP, SD, WP, K., dial.) LATV vęlns [ęl, ęl2] 'devil'

In my view, there is no need to attribute the Lithuanian (and Latvian) acute to syn­cope, the root being *uelhr (-+vėlC).

velti l

LITH velti (OLith.) 'let, allow', (refl.) prefer', 1sg. pres. velmi; pavelti (Bretk.) 'let, allow'

BSL *weli'-PSL *velhi v. (e) 'want, order' SL OCS veleti 'want, order', 1sg. velj9; Ru. velet' 'want, order', 1sg. velju, 3sg. velit;

Cz. veleti 'command, order'; SCr. velim 1sg. 'say'; velju (S. dial.) 1sg. 'say'; Čak. veli (Vrg.) 3sg. 'says'; Sln. velefti 'want, order, say', 1sg. velim; Bulg. velja 'say'

PIE *uelhr IE Lat. velle 'want', 1sg. volo; Go. wiljan 'want'

A derivative of the same root is veltui 'in vain, for free'. See also: valia

verpti

velti 11

LITH velti 'felt, full, tousle', 3 pres. velia, 3 pret. velė LATV veft [e{, el] 'roll, felt', lsg. pres. ve/u, lsg. pret. velu

PIE *uelH-IE Go. wulan 'seethe' (*ulH-) See also: apvalus; vole

vemti

LITH vemti 'vomit', 3 pres. vemia, 3 pret. vemė

497

LATV vemt [em, em2] 'vomit', lsg. pres. vemju, lsg. pret. vemu; VAR vemt (Dobi., Dunika, Siuxt), lsg. pres. vemju2

PIE *uemhr IE Skt. vamiti; Gk. ėµew; Lat. vomere, lsg. varno

vergas

LITH vergas 3 [1/3/ 4] 'slave' LATV vęrgs [ęr, ęr2, ęr2] 'slave'; VAR vargs

See -+vargils.

verkti

LITH verkti 'cry, weep', 3 pres. verkia, 3 pret. verkė

BSL *werk-PSL *verskjati v. 'cry, scream' SL CS vreštati; Ru. vereščat' 'squeal, chirp', lsg. verešču, 3sg. vereščit; Cz. vfeštėti;

Pl. wrzeszczee; SCr. vrištati 'shriek', lsg. vrištatlm; Sln. vręščati, lsg. vręščim; Bulg. vreštja

PIE *uerk-IE Olc. var n. 'rheum'; Nw. var n. 'rheum'; OSw. var n. 'mucus, rheum, pus';

OHG warah n. 'pus, liquid manure' (all from PGmc. *u6rk-o-)

Like the Slavic verb, Lithuanian forms such as verkšnoti 'sob' point to *wersk- <

*werk-sk-. For the appurtenance of the Germanic forms, l refer to Kroonen 2013: 574.

verpti

LITH verpti 'spin, ( dial.) stab, <lig', 3 pres. verpia, 3 pret. verpė LATV verpt [er, er2] 'spin', lsg. pres. verpju, lsg. pret. verpu OPR etwierpt 'forgive'; powierpt 'leave'

PIE *uerp-IE Hitt. ųarp-zi 'wash, bathe, rub(?)'

For the etymology of the Hittite verb, l refer to Oettinger 1979: 234 and Kloekhorst 2008: 965. Gk. pamw 'sew together, stitch' cannot belong here in view of Mycenaean

versti

forms that exclude initial *ų- (Beekes 2010: 1275-1276). A Slavic cognate is RuCS Vbrpsti 'pluck, tear off, rake' (-+virpti). See also: varpa; varpy-ti; virpeti; virpti

versti

LITH versti 'fell, turn over, pile up, turn to, reduce to, translate', 3 pres. verčia, 3 pret. vertė

LATV verst [er, er2] 'turn, turn over, plunge', lsg. pres. veršu, lsg. pret. versu; VAR verst, lSg. pres. veršu, lsg. pret. vertu

PIE *uert-IE Skt. vartate 'turn, roll'; Lat. vertere 'turn', lsg. verto; Go. wairpan 'become';

OHG werdan 'become' See also: varstas; vartai; vartyti; virsti

veršis

LITH veršis 2 [ 2/ 4] 'calf, bull calf, ( dial.) bull, ox' LATV versis ( er, er2] 'bull, ox' OPR werstian (EV) 'calf'

PIE *uers-IE Skt. vf�an- adj ./m. 'manly, powerful, male animal (bull, stallion)'; Gk. apOT]V

'manly'

See Beekes 2010: 141 for the intricacies of the PIE reconstruction.

verti

LITH verti 'pierce, string', 3 pres. veria, 3 pret. Verė LATV vert [ er, er, er2] 'pierce, string, stitch, open, close', lsg. pres. vqu, lsg. pret.

veru

BSL *wer(-PSL *zaverti v. 'close, enclose' SL OCS zavbri 3sg. aor. 'closed' ; Ru. zaveret' ( dial.) 'mend, patch, wrap, roll up',

lsg. zavru, 3sg. zavret; Cz. zavfiti 'close, lock, incarcerate'; Slk. zavriet"close, lock'; Pl. zawrzee 'contain, enclose, ( dial.) close'; SCr. zavrijeti 'hide', lsg. zavrem; Čak. zavriti (Vrg.) 'hide', 2sg. zavreš; Sln. zavręti 'detain, obstruct', lsg. zavrem

See -+atverti.

veržti

LITH veržti 'string, tighten, squeeze', 3 pres. veržia, 3 pret. veržė LATV verzt2 'turn', lsg. pres. veržu2, lSg. pret. verzu2

BSL *werž-PSL *ot'bverzti v.

vėtra 499

SL OCS otvresti 'open, reveal', isg. otvrbZ9 (less frequently oto-); Ru. otverzt' (poet.) 'open', isg. otverzu, 3sg. otverzet

PIE *uerg"-IE OHG erwergen ( *-wergan); wurgen 'strangle' (*wurgjan)

Latv. verzt2, which is the forma! counterpart of Lith. veržti, has apparently adopted the meaning of verst 'turn' (-+versti) .

vesti

LITH vesti 'lead', 3 pres. veda, 3 pret. vedė LATV vest 'lead', isg. pres. Vfdu, isg. pret. vedu OPR westwey (II), westwei (III), west (III) 'lead', 3 pret. wedde (III)

BSL *wed-PSL *vesti v. (e) 'lead, conduct' SL OCS vesti, isg. ved9; Ru. vest{, isg. vedu, 3sg. vedet; Cz. vėsti, isg. vedu; Slk.

viest; Pl. wie5c; Sln. vėsti, isg. vėdem

PIE *uedh-IE Olr. fedid 'go, bring' See also: vadyt:i

vėsus

LITH vėsus 4 [3/4] (i.e. vesus 3) 'fresh, cool' LATV vęss [ę, ę2] 'fresh, cool'

See -+vėti for the etymology of the root.

vėti

LITH veti ' (Chyl.) blow ( of wind), ( dial.) winnow', 3 pres. veja, 3 pret. veja

BSL *wd-PSL *vJjati v. (a) 'blow ( of wind), winnow' SL OCS vejati (Supr.) 'blow ( of wind)', isg. vej9, 3sg. vejet11; Ru. vejat' 'winnow,

blow ( of wind)', isg. vėju, 3sg. vėet; Cz. vati 'blow ( of wind)', isg. veji; OCz. vati 'id:, isg. veju; vieti 'id:, isg. veju; Slk. viat' 'id:; Pl. wiac 'id:; SCr. vi'jati 'winnow, fall heavily (snow), isg. vi'jem'; Čak. vi'jati (Vrg.) 'rise (steam), winnow', 2sg. vi'ješ; vejat (Orb.) 'sieve, winnow', 3sg. vieje; Sln. vęti 'blow ( of wind), winnow', isg. vęjem; vęjati 'id:, isg. vęjam, isg. vęjem; Bulg. veja 'blow ( of wind), blow away, winnow'

PIE *h2uehr IE Skt. vati; Gk. a11µ1 (Hom.); OHG waen See also: vejas; vėsus; vetra

vėtra

LITH vetra l [ 1/4] 'storm' LATV vętra [ę, ę2] 'storm'; VAR vętri Npl. 'tempestuous weather'

500 vetušas

OPR wetro (EV) 'wind'

BSL *wdtro-PSL *vJfrb m. O (a ) 'wind' SL OCS vetrb; Ru. veter; Cz. vitr; Slk. vietor; Pl. wiatr; SCr. vjetar, Gsg. vjetra;

Čak. vl'tar (Vrg.), Gsg. vl'tra; Sln. vętJr, Gsg. vętra; Bulg. vjatar

PIE *h2ueh1 - tr-o-IE Skt. vdti 'blow (of wind)'; Gk. a11cri 'blows (of wind)'; OHG waen 'blow (of

wind)'

See -+vėti.

vetušas

LITH vetušas ( obs.) 3 b 'old, archaic'

BSL *wetU$0S PSL *vetax'b adj. o 'old, ancient' SL OCS vetax'b 'old, ancient'; Ru. vetxij 'old, ancient, decrepit'; vetx, f. vetxa, n.

vetxo; Cz. vetchy 'feeble, decrepit'; Bulg. vetxi 'old'; vext 'old'

In view of Lat. vetus, Gsg. veteris, the Balto-Slavic adjective is a thematized form *uet-us-o- (Beekes 1985: 59-61) .

vežti

LITH vežti 'lead, convey', 3 pres. veža, 3 pret. vežė

BSL *wež-PSL *vezti v. (e) 'cart, lead, convey' SL OCS vesti (Supr.), isg. vez9; Ru. vezti 'cart, convey', isg. vezu, 3sg. vezet; Cz.

vezti 'lead, convey', isg. vezu; Slk. viezf 'id', isg. veziern; Pl. wiežc ' id:, isg. wiozę; SCr. vesti 'lead, convey', isg. vezern; Sln. vesti 'id:, isg. vezern

PIE *uegh-IE Skt. vahati 'carry, drive, lead'; Lat. vehere 'drive, lead'; Ok. vega 'move,

swing, lift' See also: važioti

vidus

LITH vidus m. 4 'middle, interior, inside' LATV vidus m. 'middle, interior, inside'; VAR vids

PIE *uidh-u-IE Olr. fid m. 'tree, wood, forest'; W gwydd pl. 'woods, trees' ; Ok. vilfr 'tree,

wood'; OE widu m. 'tree, wood'; OHG witu m.!n. 'tree, wood'

Kroonen (2013: 585) suggests an analysis *h1 ui-dhhru- 'set apart, abandoned', cf. W gWydd 'wild'. This would allow a connection with Lat. dfvidere 'separate' (where the prefix is a later reinforcement) and -+OPr. widdewū 'widow' (cf. Lubotsky 1994, De Vaan 2008: 174, 677) .

viesulas 501

viekas

LITH viėkas ( dial.) 2 [ 1/2/ 4] 'physical strength, century, age, lifetime'; VAR vieka l

[ 1/4] 'vigor, strength'; viekė (Būga) l 'vigor, coeundi cum femina potentia'

BSL *woikos PSL *vįh, m. o (e) SL OCS vėko 'age, lifetime'; Ru. vek 'century, age, lifetime'; Cz. vėk 'age, lifetime';

Slk. vek 'eternity, age, ( lit.) lifetime'; Pl. wiek 'age, century, lifetime'; SCr. vljek 'age, century, lifetime'; Sln. vęk 'strength, age'

PIE *uoik-o-IE Ok. veig f. 'pith strength'

Būga (RR II: 647) daims that vieka 4 does not exist, but cf. Illič-Svityč 1963: 28. According to the LKŽ, viėkas, vieka, and viekė are borrowings from Slavic. This may be true for vieka(s) 'century, age, lifetime', but vieka(s) 'strength' and viekė 'vigour, pateney' must be inherited. For the prosodic praperties of the root, see -+veikti.

vienas

LITH vienas 3 'one' LATV viens [ ie, iė] 'one' OPR ainan Asg. 'one'

BSL *(o)irnos PSL *ji>no prn. (a) 'other' SL OCS ino 'some(one), other'; Ru. in6j 'different, other'; Cz. jiny 'other,

different'; Slk. iny 'other, different'; Pl. inny 'other, different'; SCr. l'n 'other, different' ; Sln. in 'other'

PIE *Hoi-no-IE Gk. 0'1v11 f. 'one ( on dice)'; Lat. ūnus 'one'

The acute tone of the root may originate from -+ynas ( cf. Kortlandt 1977b: 39, where this seems to be implied, and Derksen 2003b: 99, 103) .

viesulas

LITH viesulas 3• 'whirlwind'; VAR viesula l; viesulys 3b LATV viėsulis [ iė, ie, ie2, ie2] 'whirlwind'; VAR viėsuls; viesuls2; viesals2

BSL *wdi$Ulos; *wdi$UTOS PSL *vixwo m. o 'whirlwind' SL Ru. vixr' m.(jo) 'whirlwind'; vix6r m.(o) 'forelock'; vixor (dial.) m.(o)

'whirlwind'; vix6r (dial.) m.(o) 'whirlwind'; ORu. viX'bTb m.(jo) 'whirlwind'; Cz. vichr m.(o) 'stormwind'; Slk. vichor m.(o) 'stormwind'; Pl. wicher m.(o) 'whirlwind, storm'; USrb. wichor m.(o) 'storm'; LSrb. wichor m.(o) 'storm'; wichar (arch.) m.(o) 'storm'; SCr. vl'har m.(o) 'whirlwind'; Sln. vih<JT m.(o) 'storm, lock of hair', Gsg. vihra; vihar m.(jo) 'storm', Gsg. viharja; vfhra f.(a) 'storm'; Bulg. vixar m.(o) 'stormwind'

502 viešpati

The root is *ueh1 i- 'twist' (-+vft1) . Here we are apparently dealing with *ueh1 i-s-.

viešpati

LITH viešpati 1 [1/3b] 'queen, mistress, lady'; VAR viešpatė 1; viešpačia 1; viešpačia 3b; viešpatni (WP) 'mistress, lady'

OPR waispattin Asg. 'mistress'

PIE *uik-potnihr IE Skt. vispatni- f. 'female ruler, mistress'

See -+viešpats and -pats L

viešpats

LITH viešpats m.(i) 1 'lord'; VAR viešpats m.(io) 1; viešpats m.(i) 3b; viešpatis m.(i) 1; viešpatis m.(i) 3b; viešpatis m.(i) 2

PSL *v11s11 f. i 'village' SL OCS v11s11; Ru. ves' (obs.), Gsg. vesi (in Old Russian both AP (b) and (e) are

attested); Cz. ves; Slk. ves; Pl. wies; Sln. vas, Gsg. vasi

PIE *uik-poti-IE Skt. vispati- m. 'lord, master, ruler'; vis- f. 'settlement, community, tribe';

vesa-m. 'house, brothel' ; Gk. OlKOc; m. 'house, dwelling of any kind, house­hold, native land'; Lat. vicus m. 'neighbourhood, street, village'; Go. weihs n. 'village'

For the second element of this compound, see -+pats L In view of OPr. waispattin Asg. 'mistress' (-+viešpati), Lith. vieš- probably reflects *uoik-.

vieta

LITH vieta 2 [2/ 4] 'place, spot, space' LATV vieta [ ie, ie2] 'place, spot, space'

It is likely that vieta is cognate with Slavic verbs such as OCS vitati, obitati, Ru. obitat ' 'live, reside', Pl. witac 'greet', which may very well be denominative. The etymology is otherwise unclear.

vikrus

LITH vikrus 4 'agile, swift, skilful'

An adjective containing the zero grade of the root of -+veikti.

vykti

LITH vykti 'make one's way, be a success, happen, (dial.) thrive', 3 pres. vyksta, 3 pret. vyko

LATV vikt 'thrive', ISg. pres. vikstu, ISg. pret. viku

See -+veikti.

vilkė

vilgšnas

LITH vilgšnas (Žem.) 3 'moist, wet'; VAR vilgšnus l [ 1/4] LATV vilgans 'moist, wet'

BSL *wilrg-PSL *vblgbh adj. o 'moist'

503

SL Ru. (W. dial.) v6lgkij; Ukr. v6hkyj; Cz. vlhky; Slk. vlhkf; Pl. wilgi; Sln. v6lgak, f. v6lhka; v6lhak, f. v6lhka; volgiik, f. volhka; Bulg. v6xkyj

PIE *u[g-IE OHG welc 'moist, mild, withered'

See -+valgyti. In Latvian, valgans is much more common.

vilgti

LITH vilgti 'become wet', 3 pres. vilgsta, [3gpt] vilgo LATV vilgt 'become wet', lsg. pres. vilgstu, lsg. pret. vilgu

See -+valgyti.

vilkas

LITH vilkas 4 'wolf' LATV vilks [ il, il2] 'wolf' OPR wilkis (EV) 'wolf'

BSL *wilk6s PSL *v6lh m. o (e) 'wolf' SL OCS vlbh; Ru. volk, Gsg. v6lka; Cz. vlk; Slk. vlk; Pl. wilk; SCr. vuk, Gsg.

vuka; Čak. vuk (Vrg., Hvar), Gsg. vuka; Sln. volk, Gsg. volka, volka; Bulg. valk

PIE *ulkw-o-IE Skt. vfka- m.; Go. wulfs m. See also: vilkė

vilkė

LITH vilkė l [ 1/2] 'she-wolf'

BSL *wilkf( PSL *vblčica f. ja 'she-wolf' SL Ru. volčica; Pl. wilczyca; SCr. vučica; Sln. volčica

PIE *ulkw-iH-IE Skt. vrki- f. 'she-wolf'; Ok. ylgr f. 'she-wolf'

Lith. vilkė is a perennial favourite of scholars who are inclined to attribute metatonie rude directly or indirectly to vrddhi (e.g. Pedersen 1933: 58, Stang 1966: 158- 159 ). In my view, the accentual difference between vilkė and -+vilkas receives a convincing explanation if we assume that the metatony results from a retraction of the stress

504 vilkti

from prevocalic i in an East Baltic form *wilki-a( < *wilk-i r-a( ( cf. Kortlandt 1977a: 328, Derksen 1996: 208-211). Other examples can be found s.v. -+sniegė.

vilkti

LITH vilkti 'drag', 3 pres. velka, 3 pret. vilko LATV vilkt [ i l, if2, il2] 'drag', lsg. pres. Vflku, lsg. pret. vilku; VAR viikt2, lsg. pres.

viiku2

BSL *welk-; *wilk-PSL *veikti v. 'drag' SL OCS vlešti 'drag', lsg. vlek9; Ru. vol6č' ( coll.), lsg. valoku, 3sg. voločet; vleč',

lsg. vleku, 3sg. vlečet (from Church Slavic); ORu. voloči, lsg. valoku; Cz. vlėci, lsg. vleku; Slk. vliecf, lsg. vlečiem; Pl. wlec, lsg. wlokę; SCr. vuCi, lsg. vucem; Čak. vūCi (Vrg.), 2sg. vūceš; Sln. vlęči, lsg. vlęčem; Bulg. vlekti, 2sg. vlečėš

PIE *u(e)lk(w)_ IE Av. var<Jk- 'draw'

On the etymology of Gk. CiAoĘ f., aij:\aĘ (Hes.) 'furrow', which have been considered evidence for a root *h2uelk-, see Beekes 2010: 73-74 ( cf. Derksen 2008a: 514). See also: valka; valkas

vilna

LITH vilna l 'wool', Npl. vilnos 'id.' LATV vilna [ il, il2] 'wool'; VAR viUa [ il, il2] OPR wilnis (EV); wilna (GrA) 'skirt'

BSL *wil?na? PSL *vblna f. a (a) 'wool' SL OCS vlbna; Ru. v6lna ( dial.); volnti ( dial.); Ukr. v6vna; Cz. vlna; Slk. vlna; Pl.

welna; SCr. vuna; Čak. (v)una (Vrg., Orb.) ; Sln. v6lna; Bulg. v&lna

PIE *Hulhrnehr IE Skt. drva- f.; Lat. lana f.; Go. wulla f.

vilnis

LITH viln is f.(i) 4 [2/ 4] 'wave'; VAR vilnia (E. Lith., DP) f. (i) 2 LATV vilnis [ if, il, if2, il2] 'wave'; VAR vi/r;za; vilna

BSL *wil?n-PSL *vblna f. a (e) 'wave' SL OCS vlbna; Ru. volnti, Asg. volnu (AP (e) in Old Russian, occasionally (b));

Cz. vlna; Pl. welna; Bulg. valnti

PIE *ulH-n-IE Skt. ūrm{- m. 'wave'

From an accentological point of view, the situation is unclear. In Baltic, only the Latvian variant with a broken tone points to the original presence of a laryngeal ( cf. Derksen 1996: 134) .

vyris

vilpišys

LITH vilpišys 3b 'wild cat' ; VAR viŽpišas; vilpišius

PIE *ulp-

505

IE Lat. volpes m. 'fox', Gsg. volpis; MP gurbag 'cat' ; MoP gurba 'cat' (*ulpaka-)

Many attempts have been made to connect vilpišys with -+[iipė 'fox', but the forma! difficulties are considerable. Forms such as Skt. lopiisa- 'jackal' and Av. raopi- 'fox' <

*loup- can more easily be accounted for, as here we can assume metathesis of *ulp- to *lup- in Indo-Iranian (De Vaan 2008: 688) .

viras

LITH viras 4 'tapeworm larva, pimple'; VAR viris 2 [2/ 4]

PIE *u(o)rH-o- ? IE Lat. varus m. 'pimple, inflamed spot on the skin'

See De Vaan 2008: 654 for more possible cognates.

vyras

LITH vyras l 'man' LATV virs [ f, FJ 'man' OPR wijrs, wirs 'man', Asg. wijran, wiran, Npl. wijrai

PIE *uiHr6-IE Skt. vlra- m.; Lat. vir m.; Olr. fer m.; Go. wair m.

An example of Hirt's law.

virbas

LITH virbas 4 'twig, switch, rod, ( dial.) stalk, thin iron bar' LATV virbs2 [ ir, ir2, ir2] 'bar, stiek, knitting-needle, spit'; VAR virba [ ir, ir, ir2] 'iron

or wooden bar, spit'; virba [ ir, ir2] 'knitting-needle'

BSL *wirba? PSL *vbrba f. a (a) 'willow' SL OCS VTbbije n. 'willows'; Ru. verba; verba (dial.) ; Ukr. verba; Cz. vrba; Slk.

vfba; Pl. wierzba; SCr. vfba; Čak. vrba (Vrg.); Sln. vfba; Bulg. varba

PIE *urbh-IE Lat. verbera Npl. n. 'whip' (*uerbh-es- ?)

vyris

LITH vyris 2 'whirlpool'; VAR viris 2; vyrius 2

PSL *virb m. o 'whirlpool' SL Ru. vir 'whirlpool, deep spot in a river or a lake'; Cz. vir 'whirlpool'; Slk. vir

'whirlpool'; Pl. wir 'whirlpool'; SCr. vir 'whirlpool, deep spot in a river', Gsg. vira; Sln. vir 'source, whirlpool'; Bulg. vir 'deep spot in a river, pond'

The root is a lengthened zero grade of *uerH- 'boil' (-+virti}

506 virpėti

virpėti

LITH virpeti 'tremble, vibrate, tlicker', 3 pres. virpa, 3 pret. virpejo LATV virpėt 'spin (with a spindle), tremble'

See -+verpti.

virpti

LITH virpti ( dial.) [ ir, ir] 'begin to tremble', 3 pres. virpsta, 3 pret. virpa LATV virptiės 'whirl'

BSL *wirp-PSL *vbrpti v. SL RuCS Vbrpsti 'pluck, tear off, rake', 1sg. Vbrpu

See -+verpti.

virsti

LITH virsti 'fall, collapse, turn into', 3 pres. virsta, 3 pret. virto (3 pres. also virsti) LATV virst [ ir2, ir2] 'becom e, multiply ( of animals ), fall', 1sg. pres. virstu, 1sg. pret.

virtu; VAR virst (N.-Bartau) 'become, fall', 1sg. pres. vęrtu (or vertu) ; virstiės2 (Sonnaxt) 'multiply', 3 pres. viršas2, 3 pret. viršes2

OPR wirst 3 pres. 'become', 1pl. wirstmai, 2pl. wirstai

BSL *wirt-PSL *vbrthi v. (e) 'turn' SL OCS vrbtit'b sę (Supr.) 3sg.; Ru. vertet', 1sg. verču, 3sg. vertit (AP (e) in Old

Russian); Cz. vrteti; Slk. vrtef; Pl. wiercic; SCr. vftjeti, 1sg. vftim; Čak. vrtl'ti (Vrg.), 2sg. vrtiš; Sln. vrtęti, 1sg. vrtim; Bulg. vartja

While the East Baltic verbs are mainly attested with a sta-present, the Old Prussian verb has an athematic present ( cf. Kortlandt 2007b: 32 ). See -+versti for the etymology of the root.

viršus

LITH viršus m. 4 [2/4] 'upper part, top, addition, victory, cover' LATV virsus m. 'upper part, (pl.) top, cream'; VAR virsa [ ir, ir2, ir2] ; virss2

BSL *wir?u(s) PSL *vi)rx'b m. u (b) 'top, upper part' SL ocs VrbX'b m.(u) 'top'; Ru. verx, Gsg. verxa, Lsg. verxu (AP (b) in Old

Russian); Cz. vrch; Slk. vrch; Pl. wierzch; SCr. vfh, Gsg. vrha; Čak. vrh (Vrgada, Novi), Gsg. vrhii

PIE *urs-u-IE Skt. var?man- m. 'height, top'; var?man- n. 'id:

virti

LITH virti 'boil', 3 pres. verda, 3 pret. virė

visas 507

LATV virt [ ir, ir, ir2, ir2] 'boil', lsg. pres. vęrdu, lsg. pret. viru; VAR virt, lsg. pres. virstu, lsg. pret. viru

BSL *wir?-PSL *vbreti v. 'boil' SL OCS Vbręštę (Supr.) Npl. f. ptc. pres. act. 'boiling'; Ru. vret' ( dial.) 'sweat

profusely', lsg. vreju; Cz. vfiti 'boil'; Slk. vriet"boil'; Pl. wrzee 'boil' ; SCr. vreti 'boil', lsg. vrfm; Sln. vręti 'boil, gurgle', lsg. vrėm; Bulg. vrja 'boil, seethe', 2Sg. vriš

PIE *urH-IE Hitt. urani 'burns'

The East Baltic verb has a unique present suffix -d-. It cannot be decided if it continues an old present suffix *-dhe/o- or if it is connected with the d of -d-yti, Latv. -d-it, etc. ( cf. Stang 1966: 336, Kortlandt 1979b: 52 ) . See also: varus; vyris; Latv. varit

viržis

LITH viržis l [1/2/ 4] 'heather', Npl. viržiai l [1/4] 'id:; VAR viržė l [1/2] , Npl. viržės LATV virzis [ ir, ir2] 'heather', Npl. virži2 'id:; VAR virsis2, Npl. virši [ ir, ir2, ir2] ; virzs

BSL *wer(ž-; *wirrž-PSL *vers'b; *versk'b m. o (e) 'heather' SL Ru. veresk; veres; Cz. vfes; Slk. vres; Pl. wrzos; USrb. wrj6s, Gsg. wrjosa; wres

( dial.); SCr. vrl'jes; Sln. vręs

Etymology uncertain. A connection with the root 'twine' attested in -+varža does not seem implausible, cf. Latv. virza [ ir, ir, ir2] 'starwort, chickweed'. The variants with *s may originate from forms with a suffix *-(s )k-, cf. also Latv. virksne 'potato stalks'.

visas

LITH visas 'all' LATV viss 'all' OPR wissa- 'all'

BSL *Wi$OS PSL *vbsb prn. 'all' SL OCS VbSb, f. Vbsja, n. Vbse; Ru. ves', f. vsja, n. vse; ORu. vxu (Novg.) Asg. f.,

vxe (Novg.) Npl. m.; OCz. veš, f. vše, n. vše; OPI. wszy, f. wsza, n. wsze; SCr. siiv, f. svii, n. sve; Čak. svils (Vrg.), f. svii, n. sve; viis (Hvar) , f. svii, n. sve; s(v)ii (Orb.) 'all, the whole', f. svii, n. svo; Sln. v<'ls, f. vsa, n. vsė

PIE *uiso-IE Skt. vi$U- 'in all directions' ( only in compounds)

The origin of this form may be a Lpl. *ui$U. In Lithuanian, the š < "$ may have been replaced with *s when the variant -su of the Lpl. was generalized (Kortlandt p.e.) .

508 visti

visti

LITH visti 'multiply, breed', 3 pres. vysta, 3 pret. viso

See -+veisti

vyti l

LITH vyti 'drive away, chase, pursue', 3 pres. veja, 3 pret. vijo; VAR vyti, 3 pres. vija, 3 pret. vijo (3 pres. also vjna)

LATV vit2 'subject', ISg. pres. viju

BSL *wii'-PSL *povinpti v. SL OCS povinpti 'subject', isg. povinp

PIE *uih1 -IE Skt. veti 'persecute, strive, chase'

vyti 11

LITH vyti 'twist, wind', 3 pres. veja, 3 pret. vijo; VAR vyti, 3 pres. vija, 3 pret. vijo ( 3 pres. also vima, vjina)

LATV vit 'twist, wind', ISg. pres. viju, ISg. pret. viju; VAR vit, isg. pres. vinu, ISg. pret. vinu

BSL *wi'i-PSL *viti v. 'twist, wind' SL OCS viti, isg. Vbjp; Ru. vit', isg. v'ju, 3sg. v'i!t; Cz. viti; Slk. vit; Pl. wic; SCr.

vl'ti, ISg. vljem, ISg. vl'jem; Sln. viti, isg. vijem; Bulg. vija

PIE *uh1 i-IE Lat. viere 'wind, bend'

For the position of the laryngeal, see Schrijver 1991: 245. LIV (695) has *ųjeh1 - . See also: viesulas; vytis

vytis

LITH vytis f. (i) 4 'twig'

BSL *wi'itis PSL *vitb f. i SL Ru. vit' 'something that has been plaited'; Slnc. vjic 'pole of willow wood for

tying up a thatched roof'; SCr. piivit 'vine'; Sln. vit 'screw, turn'

PIE *uHi-ti-IE Av. vaeti- 'willow' See also: vyti lI

vizga

LITH vizga ( dial.) 2 'sedge, branch of a weeping birch'; VAR vyzga 2

PIE *uisg-ehr

volungė

IE Lat. virga f. 'shoot, twig, rod'; Ok. visk f. 'wisp'

vokas

LITH vokas 3 [1/3] 'eyelid, envelope' LATV vaks 'lid, eyelid'

BSL *w6?ko; *werko PSL *vJko n. o (a) 'lid, eyelid'

509

SL vėko 'eyelid'; Ru. veko 'eyelid, (dial.) cover of a bast basket or punnet' ; Cz. viko 'lid' ; OCz. vieko ' lid' ; Slk. veko 'lid'; Pl. wieko ' lid' ; Sln. vefka 'lid, eyelid' ; Sln. vefk9 'eyelid'

Etymology undear. One might reconstruct *ueh1ko- : *uoh1ko-. Rasmussen (1990-1991: 93, cf. Smoczynski 2009: 116) accounts for the Slavic vocalism by positing *ųeh2k-o-m, which to me is unacceptable for various reasons. Hamp (1998a: 93), who points out that Alb. vetulli! f. 'eyebrow, -lid' < *ųokla shows *or, suggests that the Lithuanian o arose from secondary lengthening of *a, which is best regarded as the outcome of a vocalized laryngeal. I doubt that a development *u/k- > *ųak- is possible, however. Kortlandt (2009c: 186) attributes the East Baltic *a (instead of *o > uo) to the influence of the w. I am not acquainted with any parallels for this unexpected development ( cf. Stang 1966: 101). The Latvian broken tone is regular in Balto-Slavic neuters that acquired fixed stress as a result of Hirt's law.

volė

LITH voll 4 'oval bung-hole, tap, plug' LATV vale [a, a2, a2] 'club, wedge, hay-swath'; VAR vala 'hay-swath'; vals 'hay-swath' OPR walis (EV) 'orschyt' [ 'Orscheit = Zugscheit an einem Wagen']

An original root noun deriving from tlie root of ..... velti II.

volungė

LITH volungl 3• [1/3•/3b] (i.e. volungė l) 'oriole'; VAR voliungl 3•; volunžė; v6lungis m./f.(i) l; volufldis 2 (in 181h and 191h century dictionaries we also find volungė 'bullfinch', 'green woodpecker', 'roller' and 'titmouse')

LATV va/uodze [a, a2] 'oriole'; VAR va/udze2 [u, u2]

PSL *jw11/ga f. a 'oriole' SL CS vl11ga 'oriole'; Ru. ivolga 'oriole, ( dial.) purple willow'; Ukr. jivolga 'oriole';

Cz. vlha (Kott) 'European bee-eater' ; Slk. vlha 'oriole' ; Pl. wilga 'oriole' ; wywiolga ( dial.) 'oriole' ; wiwielga ( dial.) 'oriole'; wywilga ( dial.) 'oriole'; SCr. vuga 'titmouse'; Bulg. avliga 'oriole'

IE ME wodewale 'golden oriole, green woodpecker'; MHG witewal m. 'oriole'; MoHG wiedewalch (Swiss dial.) m. 'oriole' ; MoDu. wielewaal m. 'oriole'

Drawing a comparison with Germanic forms such as MHG witewal, with a first element meaning 'wood', Bulaxovskij (1968: 104) has proposed that PSL *jw11lga continues *jwo-v11lga (*jwa 'willow') . As Kroonen (2013: 571) points out, PGmc.

510 vos

*widu-walo may result from folk etymology and it seems to me that the same can be said of PSl. *jbVO-Vblga, if that form applies at all. I consider it plausible that we are dealing with a substratum word of non-Indo-European origin. The original forms may have shown prefixation or reduplication. Lith. volunge : PSl. *vblga is reminis­cent of Lith. jerumbe 'hazel-grouse' : irbė 'id: (-+jerube, -+irbė). If the stem of the East Baltic word is reconstructed as *wa?lung-, PSl. *vblg- may continue *wflg-, cf. -+pUlti < *ph3[- ! _ C.

VOS

LITH VOS 'hardly'

BSL *(ed)wa?s PSL *ed( 'b )va; *ledva adv./ conj . 'hardly, only just' SL OCS jed'bva; Ru. jedva; odva ( dial.); ledva; ledve ( dial.); ORu. od'bva; odva;

Cz. jedva; ledva ( dial.) ; Slk. ledva; ledvo ( dial.); Pl. ledwo; ledwie; OPI. jedwo; jedwa; USrb. ledma ( dial.) ; SCr. jedva; Čak. jedvii (Vrg.); Sln. jedva; jedvaj; odvaj; odvo; Bulg. edva(m); odva(j) (dial.)

Lith. adva (a.o. Bretke, Sirvydas) is considered a borrowing from Belorussian. The dialect form advos is probably a blend of vos and a Slavic adverb odva.

votis

LITH votis f.(i) 4 [1/3/4] 'ulcer'; VAR v6tė l

LATV vats f.(i) [a, a2] 'wound'; VAR vate [a, a2]

An etymological connection with Gk. aaw 'damage, infatuate' or WTELATJ f. 'wound', as advocated by Pokorny (IEW: 1109 ), seems highly doubtful. Neither do I find it plausible that votis is cognate with L atv. vajš 'skinny, weak, ill', which may derive from *h1 uehr, cf. Lat. vanus 'empty' (pace Smoczynski 2007: 767-768).

voverė

LITH vovere 3• 'squirrel'; VAR voveris (dial.) f. (i) 3•; vėvere (Lkm.) 3•; vėveris (dial.) f. (i) 3• (Būga mentions from Linkmenys the forms Npl. veveres, Gpl. veverų, which point to an original consonant stem); veveris (LzŽ) f. (i) 3b

LATV vavere 'squirrel'; VAR vaveris OPR weware (EV) 'squirrel'

BSL *wei'wer-; *woi'wer-PSL *veverica f. a (a) 'squirrel' SL ORu. veverica 'squirrel, ermine'; Cz. veverka; Cz. veverica (dial.); OCz.

vevefice; Slk. veverica; Pl. wiewi6rka; SCr. vjeverica; Sln. vęverica; Bulg. veverica

IE Lat. viverra f. 'ferret (or a similar animal)'; OE acweorna m. 'squirrel'; OHG eihhurn(o) m. 'squirrel'

There are also Lithuanian forms with vai-, viz. vaiveris, vaivaras 3b, vaivarjis 3b. According to Būga (RR II : 652-653) , these words denote the male of various animal

žalias 511

species, such as polecat, squirrel, roe, or marten, and must be separated etymolog­ically from the words for 'squirrel' (the word vaiverl 'squirrel', mentioned by Brugmann and Trautmann, does not exist). This may be overly strict. It is true, however, that it becomes difficult to account for the variation in the first syllable if the forms with vai- are included. The reconstructed Balto-Slavic forms seem to reflect *h1 ue-h1 uer-l*h1 uo-h1 uer- . As for the reduplication, we may com pare -+bebras.

žala

LITH žala 4 'damage, injury, harm'

ž

LATV za/ba2 'damage, injury, wound, scar, pain, injustice'; VAR zęlba

BSL *žo[(-? PSL *nazola f. a; *nazo['b m. o SL Ru. naz6la ( dial.) 'anguish, spite, grief'; naz6l ( dial.) 'id:

IE Olr. galar n. 'sickness, pain, damage, distress, grief'; MW galar m. 'grief, lament'; Ok. gaili m. 'flaw'; OE gealla m. 'skin lesion'; MHG galle m. 'damage'

It is possible that this noun contains the root *gholhr of -+žiilias, cf. Gk. XOAtl 'bile, wrath'. On the other hand, it cannot be excluded that this is a different root *ghe/H­(cf. MatasoviC 2009: 149, Kroonen 2013: 165) .

žalas

LITH žiilas 4 'red, brown ( cattle ) ' LATV zals 'brown, red, reddish yellow'

A colour adjective from the same root as -žalias.

žalga

LITH žalga (Zem.) 4 'pole, rod, tall person' LATV žalga 'long rod, fishing rod, tall woman' (a Lithuanianism)

PIE *gho/gh-ehr? IE Go. galga m. 'pole, cross'; Ok. galgi m. 'gallows'; OHG galgo m. 'gallows,

cross'

This etymon seems to have Finno-Ugric counterparts, e.g. Fi. saiko 'stiek, pole'. According to Koivulehto (2007: 240) , the PIE noun was borrowed into Proto-Finno­Ugric, but it is uncertain whether we are actually dealing with a noun of PIE origin (cf. Kroonen 2013: 165) .

žalias

LITH žalias 4 'green' LATV za/š 'green'

512 žaIUbas

BSL *žel(-PSL *zelen'b adj. o (b) 'green' SL OCS zelen'b (Zogr., Mar., Supr.); Ru. zelenyj; Cz. zeleny; Slk. zeleny; Pl.

zielony; SCr. zelen, f. zelena, zeleno; Čak. zelen (Vrg.) , f. zelenii, zeleno; Sln. zelen, f. zelena; Bulg. zelen

PIE *f'elhri-IE Skt. hari- 'fallow, yellowish, greenish'; Gk. x\wp6<; 'pale green, greenish

yellow' ( *ghlhrro-); Lat. helvus 'yellowish'; OHG gelo 'yellow'

Colour adjectives with e-grade of the root are -+želtas and -+želvas. Depalatalization occurs in -+geltas. It is generally assuIUed that the word for 'bile' also belongs here (-+tulžis) . See also: žala; žalas; želti; žilas; žole

žambas

LITH žambas 4 [2/4] '(sharp) edge, flap, (dial.) blade, notch'; VAR žambis 2 'wooden plough'; žamba 'snout'

LATV zitobs [ito, ito2] 'tooth'

BSL *žombos PSL * z(}b'b IU. o (e) 'tooth' SL OCS zpb'b; Ru. zub, Gsg. zuba; Ukr. zub, Gsg. zubu; Cz. zub; Slk. zub; Pl. zqb,

Gsg. zębu; SCr. zub, Gsg. zuba; Čak. zub (Vrg., Novi, Hvar), Gsg. zuba; Sln. z(Jb, Gsg. z(Jba, zobu; Bulg. zab

PIE *gombh-o-IE Skt. jambha- IU. 'tooth, (du.) jaws'; Gk. y6µcpo<; IU. 'pin, nail'; Ok. kambr IU.

'coIUb, jagged edge' See also: žembėti; žembti

žandas

LITH žandas 3 'cheek, jaw' LATV zuods [uo, uo2] 'chin, jaw'

PIE *gonH-dho- ( *gon-do- ?) IE Gk. yevu<; f. 'jaw, chin'; Lat. gena f. 'cheek'; Go. kinnus f. 'cheek, jawbone'; OE

cinn f. 'chin'

Beekes (2010: 279) argues that Gk. yva0o<; (Hp.) IU., yva0µ6<; (HoIU.) IU. 'jaw' cannot be cognate and IUust actually be regarded as Pre-Greek.

žaras

LITH žaras ( dial.) 4 'twig, crowd, row' LATV zars 'branch, twig'

This word has been connected with the forIUally IUatching Gk. xop6<; IU. 'round dance, dancing-place, band of dancers, choir, (IUetaph.) row' < *f'or-o-. According to Fraenkel (LEW: 1290) and ME (IV: 691), however, this etyIUon has the saIUe root as

žarija 513

Lith. žaras or žara 'aurora, glow, ray of light' (-+žarija) and ---+žeri!ti 'glow'. Endzelins argues that the meanings 'row' and 'branch' may have developed from 'ray of light', cf. Latv. stars 'branch, ray of light'.

žardas

LITH žardas l 'rack for drying flax' LATV zards [ar, ar2, ar2] 'rack for drying flax'; VAR zarde

BSL *žor(dos PSL *zord'b m. o (a) SL Ru. zor6d 'hay-stack, enclosure for a hay-stack'; zar6d 'id.' PSL *ozord'b m. o (a) SL Ru. ozor6d 'device for drying hay or grain, hay-stack'; Bel. azjar6d 'device for

drying sheafs'

According to the communis opinio, žardas is cognate with -+gardas 'fence, enclosure, stall'. In that case the plain velar of the latter etymon may have been adopted from forms with a zero grade, where depalatalization is regular. In my view, the accentual discrepancy is prohibitive, however.

žardis

LITH žardis 2 'enclosure (for animals)' OPR sardis (EV) 'fence'

See -+žardas.

žarija

LITH žarija 2 'live coal' OPR sari (EV) 'glow'

BSL *žori( PSL *zara f. ja (e) 'dawn, aurora' SL OCS zarja (Supr.) 'dawn, shine, ray'; Ru. zarja 'dawn, sunset, reveille, retreat',

Asg. zarju, Asg. z6rju, Npl. z6ri; Cz. zafe 'shine'; OPI. zarza 'dawn, daybreak'; Sln. zarja 'redness of the sky'

PSL *zora f. ja 'dawn, aurora' SL OCS zorję (Ps. Sin„ Supr.) Npl. 'dawn'; Ru. zarja 'dawn, sunset, reveille,

retreat', Asg. zarju, Asg. z6rju, Npl. z6ri; zorja (arch„ poet.) 'dawn, sunset, reveille, retreat', Asg. z6rju, Asg. zorju; Ukr. zorja 'star'; Cz. zora 'dawn, aurora'; zofe (arch., eccl.) 'dawn, aurora'; Slk. zora 'dawn, aurora'; Pl. zorza 'dawn, daybreak'; OPI. zorza 'dawn, daybreak'; SCr. zora 'aurora', Asg. zoru; Čak. zora (Vrg.) 'aurora', Asg. zoru; Sln. z6rja 'aurora, redness of the sky'; zprja 'aurora, redness of the sky'; z9ra 'aurora'; z6ra 'aurora'; Bulg. zora 'aurora, daybreak'

We may also compare Lith. žara 4 or žaras 4 'aurora, glow, ray of light', Latv. zars 'ray of light'. For the root, see ---+žereti.

514

žarna

LITH žarna 3 [1/3] 'intestine, hose' LATV zarna 'intestine, hose'

PIE *g"orH-nehr IE Olc. gprn f. 'intestines'

žarna

Cf. also Skt. hird- f. 'vein', Lat. haruspex m. 'person who examines the entrails of a sacrificed animal' < *g"rH-.

žąsis

LITH žqsis f.(i) 4 'goose', Gpl. žasŲ; VAR žqsl 4 [2/ 4] LATV zuoss f.(i) [ uo, uo2] 'goose' OPR sansy (EV) 'goose'

BSL *iansis; *gansis PSL *g{Jsb f. i (e) 'goose' SL Ru. gus' m.(jo ) , Gsg. gUsja; Cz. hus ( dial.); OCz. hus; Slk. hus; Pl. gęs; Sln. g<}s,

Gsg. gosi

PIE *g"h2ens-IE Skt. hariisa- m. 'goose, swan'; Gk. x�v m./f. 'goose' ; Lat. anser m. 'goose' ;

OHG gans f. 'goose'

For a reconstruction of the PIE ablaut pattern, I refer to Kortlandt i985b: 119. The depalatalization observed in Slavic must have originated in case forms where *g" was followed by a laryngeal, e.g. Asg. *g"h2ens1]1, Gsg. *t'h2r;sos (Kortlandt 2013b: i4).

žavinti

LITH žavinti 'kill, torment', 3 pres. žavina, 3 pret. žavino

A causative with o-grade of the root to -+ždti ( see also -+žudyti).

želtas

LITH želtas 4 'greenish'

See -+žalias.

želti

LITH želti 'grow, grow green, flourish, sprout', 3 pres. želia, 3 pret. žė1ė; VAR želti, 3 pres. želi, 3 pret. žė1o

LATV zeft 'grow green, flourish', isg. pres. ze/u, isg. pret. zelu

The root is *g"elhr, for which see -+žalias 'green'. As for the semantic relationship, we may compare PGmc. *groan 'grow' and *groni- 'green'.

želvas

LITH želvas 4 [3/4] 'greenish'

PIE *g"elhrUO-

žembti

IE Lat. helvus 'yellowish'; OHG gelo 'yellow'

See -žalias.

žemas

LITH žemas 4 'low' LATV zęms 'low' OPR sammay (l), semmay (II), semmai (Ill) 'down'

515

An adjective based on the word for 'earth' (-+žemė). We may compare the Old Prussian adverb with xaµa[ 'to the earth, on the earth' and Lat. huml 'on the ground', but we are not necessarily dealing with a form of great antiquity.

žembėti

LITH žembėti 'germinate, sprout', 3 pres. žembi, 3 pret. žembėjo; žembėti, 3 pres. žembėja, 3 pret. žembėjo; VAR žembėti, 3 pres. žemba, 3 pret. žembėjo; žcimbėti, 3 pres. žcimbėja, 3 pret. žcimbėjo; žcimbėti, 3 pres. žcimba, 3 pret. žcimbėjo

BSL *iemb-PSL *zębnpti v. 'germinate' SL OCS prozębnpti; ORu. zjabnuti

Schrijver (1991: 434) posits a root *geb-, which violates the constraints on PIE root structure, on the basis of Lat. gemma f. 'bud, precious stone' and the Lithuanian verb mentioned above. De Vaan (2008: 257) adopts this reconstruction, explicitly dismissing a connection between žembėti and -+žembti 'cut slantwise, sharpen', both on semantic and accentual grounds. Both Fraenkel (LEW: 1289) and Smoczynski (2007: 777) seem to take the etymological connection between the latter verbs for granted. In my view, it is indeed preferable to start from a single Balto-Slavic root. The acute of žembėti may be regarded as an instance of metatonie rude in "neutro­passive intensive verbs" (a term coined by Būga) in -ėti, cf. kertėti 'burst' : kirsti 'strike, hit', skerdėti 'develop cracks' : skirsti 'crack'. The original meaning of the verb may have been 'cut through, break through'. Since verbs of this type typically have e­grade, the variants with o-grade may be analogical after -+žambas. Semantically, we may draw a comparison with the intransitive -+dygti 'sprout, shoot' vs. -+diegti 'plant, cultivate, sting', which is cognate with Lat. flgere 'insert, pierce, fix, attach'.

žembti

LITH žembti ( coll.) 'cut slantwise, sharpen', 3 pres. žembia, 3 pret. žembė

BSL *iemb-PSL *zęti v. SL OCS zębomi (Supr.) Npl. m. ptc. pres. pass. 'being pulled out' ; Cz. zabsti

'suffer from cold, freeze'; SCr. zepsti 'freeze', 1sg. zebem; čak. zesti 'freeze', 2sg. zebeš; zies 'freeze, be very cold', 3sg. ziebe; Sln. zębsti 'freeze', 3sg. zębe

PIE *gembh-

516 žemė

IE Skt. jambhate 'snap at'; jambhayati 'crush'

LIV (162) describes the meaning of the root as 'schnappen, (zer)beiBen'. This is particularly apprapriate for the Slavic verbs meaning 'suffer from cold', cf. the expression "frostbite': See also: žambas; žembėti

žemė

LITH žemė 2 'earth, land' LATV zeme 'earth, land' OPR same (EV) 'earth, land', Asg. samyen (EV) 'field'; semme (III) 'earth, land',

Asg. semmin (l), semmien (II, III)

BSL *žem-PSL *zem{a f. ja (b/c) 'earth, land' SL OCS zemlja; Ru. zemija, Asg. zemlju (in Old Russian, both AP (b) and (e)

are attested); Ukr. zemlja, Asg. zemlju; Cz. zeme; zem f.(i/ja); Slk. zem f. (i/ja); Pl. ziemia; SCr. zemlja, Asg. zemlju; Čak. zemla (Vrg.) , Asg. zem/u; zemlja (Novi), Asg. zemiju; zemlja (Orb.) 'earth, soil, ground, country', Asg. zemiju; Kajk. zamljo (Bednja), Asg. zamlju; Sln. zemlja; Bulg. zemja

PIE *dhg-em-IE Hitt. tekan l takn- n. 'earth'; Skt. k�am- f. 'earth'; Gk. x8wv f. 'earth'

The Balto-Slavic forms are based on the Asg. stem of the PIE root noun. For the reconstruction *dhg-em-, rather than the commonly accepted *dhgh-em-, see Kloek­horst forthc.

See also: žemas; žmogus; žmona; žmonės; žmuo

ženklas

LITH ženklas 3 [1/3/ 4] (AP l only in NdZ) 'sign, symbol, signal' OPR ebsentliuns ptc. perf. act. 'bezeichnet'

This may be a recent formation, as one would expect zero grade of the root. In Skt. jfuitra- n. 'faculty of knowledge', the n may have been introduced in a root *ja- <

*gnhr. For the root, see -+žinoti.

žentas

LITH žentas l [1/3] 'son-in-law, (SD, Ness., B.) brother- in-law (sister's husband)'

BSL *žin(tis PSL *zęt11 m. i (a) 'son-in-law' SL OCS zęt11 m.(i) 'bridegroom'; Ru. zjat' m.(i) 'son-in-law, brother-in-law

(sister's husband or husband's sister's husband)'; Cz. zef m.(jo); OCz. zet m.(i); Slk. zaf m.( jo); Pl. zięc m.(jo ) ; SCr. zet 'son-in-law, brother-in-law (sister's husband)', Gsg. zeta; Čak. zet (Vrg., Hvar) 'id:, Gsg. zeta; Sln. zet 'son-in-law', Gsg. zęta; Bulg. zet 'son-in-law, brother-in-law (sister's husband)'

PIE *gnhrti- ?

žiaurus

Since -+Latv. znuots 'son-in-law, sister's husband, wife's brother' seems to retlect *gnehrto-, we might prefer a reconstruction *genhrti- to *genhrti- ( cf. Gk. yevrnu; 'origin') . The issue can hardly be decided because the two roots were apparently confused (cf. Kortlandt 2013b: 13). Viredaz (2002: 171) reconstructs gt;}hrt6-, with secondary e-grade in Lithuanian under the intluence of --+ gentis or Pl. zięc. l agree that the e-grade may be a Baltic innovation, but l am not sure about the suffix.

žentė

LITH žentė (1ih/18th e.) 'sister- in-law'

See -+žentas.

žėrėti

LITH žėreti 'glow, sparkle', 3 pres. žeri, 3 pret. žėrejo

PSL *zbreti v. 'see, look at' SL OCS Zbreti 'see, look at', 1sg. Zbrh; Ru. zret' ( obs.) 'behold, gaze', isg. zrju, 3sg.

zrit; Cz. zfiti 'see'; Slk. zrief 'see'; OPI. žrzee 'see'; SCr. zreti ( obs.) 'watch', isg. zrem; Sln. zręti 'look ( at)', isg. zrem; Bulg. zra 'look ( at)'

The reconstruction of the root is uncertain. We may posit *fhler(H)- . A Latvian verb from this root is Latv. zaru6t 'cast beams on, radiate'. See also: žaras; žarija; žerti; žirti

žerti

LITH žerti [ er, er] 'rake together (live coal), pour, strew, sparkle', 3 pres. žeria, 3

pret. žerė

See -+žėreti. According to Fraenkel (LEW: 1302) , the variant žerti is East Lithuanian.

žiauna

LITH žiauna i 'jaw, jaw-bone, gill' LATV žaūnas Npl. [aū, au2] 'jaw'

BSL *žj6urna( PSL *žima f. a (a) SL Bulg. žuna 'lip'

The root is *gieuH-, cf. Ru. ževat' (PSL *žwati) , OHG kiuwan 'chew', Toch. B 5uwarrz 'eat'.

žiaurus

LITH žiaurus 4 'cruel, ferocious, brutal, savage'

Young (2002) has argued that žiaurus is an adjective of appurtenance to the base *�uer- attested in -+žvėris 'wild animal, beast'. Following Hamp (1978: 186, 193-194, 1984: 141), he assumes that adjectives of this type are thematic derivatives character­ized by the vocalism e in the first possible position and oxytone accentuation (Young

518 žydėti

2002: 2010 ), which in this case implies an adjective *f'eur6-. This form would regularly yield Lith. *žiaura-. Since Lithuanian thematic adjectives with ( apparent) o­grade of the root tend to become u-stem adjectives, the final outcome is žiaurus. From a semantic point of view, this etymology is entirely convincing, considering that the DLKŽ translates žveriškas as 'žiaurus'. The question is whether or not the root contained a laryngeal. In my view, žvėris must derive from *f'ueh1 r-, which means that we should reconstruct *f'euh1 r-6- for žiaurus. The fact that the latter noun has a circumflex root is not a problem in view of the spread of AP 4 in the u­stems. Lat. ferus 'wild, savage, brutal', which is formally and semantically close to žiaurus, must continue *f'ueh1 r-6- with pretonic shortening before a resonant (Schrijver 1991: 337, 343).

žydėti

LITH žydeti [žydeti, žydi; žydeti, žjidi] 'flower, bloom, blossom, mould, become green, shimmer, sparkle', 3 pres. žydi, 3 pret. žydejo (3 pres. also žydžia, žysti)

See -+žiedėti.

žiedas

LITH žiedas 3 'blossom, ring' LATV zieds 'blossom'

See -+žiedėti.

žiedėti

LITH žiedėti [žiedėti; žiedeti] 'become hard and mouldy (bread)', 3 pres. žiedėja, 3 pret. žiedėjo (3 pres. also žiedi, žysti)

LATV ziedet 'flower, bloom, blossom, shimmer, mould, dawn', 1sg. pres. ziedu, 1sg. pret. ziedeju; VAR ziedet [ ie, ie2] , 1sg. pres. ziežu, 1sg. pret. ziedeju

IE Go. keinip 'sprouts'; OHG kfnan 'sprout, blossom, germinate'

PGmc. *kinan may continue *gei-n-eH- (cf. Kroonen 2013: 287) . For East Baltic *žeid­one may posit *geiH-dh-, where *-dh- is a present suffix. According to Endzelins (ME IV: 744), the existence of Latvian zieties (Lange) 'hervorbliihen, zum Vorschein kom­men', 1sg. zeju( os ), is doubtful. See also: žydeti; žiedas

žiema

LITH žiema 4 'winter' LATV ziema 'winter' OPR semo (EV) 'winter'

BSL *žeima( PSL *zfma f. a (e) 'winter' SL OCS zima; Ru. zima, Asg. zimu; Cz. zima; Slk. zima; Pl. zima; SCr. zima,

Asg. zfmu; Čak. zima (Vrg., Novi), Asg. zfmu; Sln. zima; Bulg. zima

žinoti

PIE *f'ei-om-, *ghi-em-m, *f'i-m-os

519

IE Skt. himii- f. 'winter'; LAv. ziia m. 'winter'; Gk. XElµwv m. 'winter'; Lat. hiems f. 'winter'

This etymon was originally a hysterodynamic m-stem. The orthography of OPr. semo 'winter' is remarkable because in the Elbing Vocabulary the fact that the second part of an i-diphthong is not represented seems to be indicative of a (stressed) circumflex syllable, cf. seamis (EV) 'winter com', moasis 'barley', moasis 'bellows' ( cf. Derksen 2005: 57, 60 ). On the basis of Lithuanian and Slavic one would expect final stress in the N sg.

žiesti

LITH žiesti 'form (from clay)', 3 pres. žiedžia, 3 pret. žiedė LATV ziest [ ie, ie(?), ie2] 'coat with clay', isg. pres. ziežu, isg. pret. ziedu

BSL *ž(e) id-PSL *z11dati v. 'build' SL OCS z11dati, isg. ziždp; ORu. z11dati, isg. zižu; SCr. zidati 'build', 1sg. zidiim;

Čak. zidat (Orb.) 'build, lay bricks', isg. zfdan; Sln. zidati 'build a wall', isg. zidam; Bulg. zidam 'lay bricks'

The Balto-Slavic root *žeid- (see also -+OPr. seydis) seems to be a metathesized variant of *dheif'- 'knead clay, coat with loam', cf. Gk. Teixo<; 'wall'. The original root is apparently preserved in PSI. *d�ža (b ), e.g. OCz. dieže 'kneading trough'.

žilas

LITH žilas 4 'grey' LATV zils 'blue, (Ulm., Nigr., Kur. Nehr.) grey'; VAR zifš 'blue'

The root is *f'lhn for which see -+žiilias 'green'.

žymė

LITH žyme 4 'mark, sign' LATV zime [ i, i2] 'mark, sign'

A derivative in *-mė belonging to -+žinoti (with assimilation of *n). The root has lengthened zero grade.

žynys

LITH žynjis 4 'prophet, sorcerer'; VAR žinjis 4

An agent noun to -+žinoti.

žinoti

LITH žinoti 'know', 3 pres. žino, 3 pret. žinojo LATV zinat 'know', 1sg. pres. zinu, 1sg. pret. ziniiju OPR posinnat 'confess', isg. posinna, 3 pres. posinna, ipl. posinnimai

BSL *žinar-; *žinr-

520 žioti

PSL *znati v. (a) 'know' SL OCS znati, 1sg. znaj9; Ru. znat', 1sg. znaju; Cz. znati; Slk. znaf; Pl. znac; SCr.

zniiti, 1sg. zniim; čak. zniiti (Vrg.), 2sg. zndš; Sln. znati, 1sg. zniim; Bulg. znam, 2sg. znaeš; znaja, 2sg. znaeš

PIE *gn-ne/n-hr (» *gnhrne/n-hr) IE Skt. janciti 'know'; Gk. y1yvwcrKw 'perceive, realize'; Go. kunnan 'know'

In Latvian dialects, we find 1pl. zinim, 2pl. zinit for 1pl. zinam, 2pl. zinat (Stang 1966: 323 ) , cf. posinnimai. According to Kortlandt ( 1989: 104), this is a consequence of the fact that Balto-Slavic preserved the apophonic alternation between *-nehr (sg.) and *-nhr (pl.) in the nasal present. Slavic *zna- is built on the aorist stem (Kortlandt 1985c: 237). See also: pažinti; ženklas; žentas; žentė; žym�; žinys

žioti

LITH žioti 'open ( one's mouth)', 3 pres. žioja, 3 pret. žiojo

BSL *:iia(-PSL *zijati; *zbjati v. 'open ( one's mouth), gape, be wide open' SL OCS zijati 'open (one's mouth)', 1sg. zej9, 1sg. zijaj9; Ru. zijat"yawn, gape',

1sg. zijaju, 1sg. zijajų; Cz. zeti 'gape, be wide open', 3pl. zeji; zati 'gape, be wide open', 3PL zeji; OCz. zieti 'gape', 1sg. zeju; Pl. ziac 'exhale', 1sg. zieję; SCr. zijati 'yawn, shout', 1sg. zijam; zjiiti 'yawn, shout', 1sg. zjiim; Čak. zijati (Vrg.) 'gape, yawn, cry, shout', 1sg. zijan; Sln. zijati 'yawn, gawk, shout', 1sg. zijiim, 1sg. zijem; zijati 'yawn, gawk, shout', 1sg. zijam; Bulg. zeja 'be wide open, yawn', 2Sg. zeješ

PIE *f'h2i-ehr IE Lat. hiare 'yawn, be wide open'; Ok. gina 'gape, yawn' (from a nasal present)

See Lubotsky 2011: 107-108 for the PIE reconstruction.

žirnis

LITH žirnis 1 [ 1/3] (AP 3 in Rodūnia) 'pea' LATV zirnis [ ir, ir] 'pea' OPR syrne (EV) 'grain'

BSL *žir(no PSL *zi>rno n. o (a) 'grain' SL OCS Zrbno; Ru. zerno; Cz. zrno; Slk. zrno; Pl. ziarno; SCr. zfno, Gsg. zrna;

Čak. zrno (Vrg.) , Gsg. zfna; Sln. zfn9 '(single) grain, tree-fruit'; Bulg. zcirno '(single) grain, bean, berry' ; zarno '(single) grain, bean, berry'

PIE *grhrno-IE Lat. granum n. 'grain'; O Ir. gran n. 'grain'; Go. kaurn n. 'grain'

The verbai root occurs, for instance, in PSL *zbreti 'ripen', e.g. Ru. zret; SCr. zreti, and Skt. jarati 'make old, let smth. reach an old age'.

žmuo 521

žirti

LITH žirti 'scatter, sparkle', 3 pres. žyra, 3 pret. žiro; VAR žirti 'scatter, sparkle', 3 pres. žirsta, 3 pret. žiro (3 pres. also žii'na, žinra)

See ->žereti.

žįsti

LITH žfsti 'suck', 3 pres. žinda, 3 pret. žindo LATV zist 'suck', lsg. pres. zižu, lsg. pret. zidu

The connection with Gk. vrny1U6c; 'newborn, young, small' is obviously uncertain. Moreover, the root shape *gid- is not PIE.

žmogus

LITH žmogil.s m. 4 [2/4] 'man', Npl. žmonės 3 (q.v.); VAR žmogys 4

The root is *dhgh-m- (->žmuo) , but otherwise the formation is unclear. The element -g- has been connected with ->goti < *gwehr ( cf. Ambrazas 2000: 186 fn.), but in view of Winter's law it would in that case be difficult to explain why we only find attestations of AP 2 and 4.

žmona

LITH žmona 3 [3/4] 'wife, (coll.) woman'

See ->žmonės and ->žmuo.

žmonės

LITH žmonės Npl. m. 3 'people' ; VAR žmonės Npl. 3; žmones Npl. m./f.(n) 3; žmoniai Npl. l; žmonies Npl. m.(n) 3; žmonys (Žem.) Npl. m.(n) 3

OPR smūni 'person'

Stang (1966: 226) argues that žmonės, which is feminine in many Old Lithuanian texts is based on an abstract noun *žmiine- 'personality', which is to be identified with OPr. smūni. The formation is unclear to me (see also ->žmogus and --žmuo).

žmuo

LITH žmuo (OLith.) m.(n) 'man'; VAR žmuoj (Lz.) m.(n) OPR smoy (EV) 'man'; smonenawins (EV) 'man'; smūnets [smūnents] (III) 'man',

Asg. smunentin, smunentien, Apl. smunentins

PIE *dhžh-m-on-IE Lat. homo m. 'man'; Go. guma m. 'man'

This noun is a derivative of the word for 'earth' (->žemė), which originally was an m­stem. In DP, we find an Asg. žmCmį or žmunį and a NAdu. žmCme. Here the u is probably short (pace Būga 1921: 424) , cf. žmunj (Lz.) . Stang (1966: 226) is loath to assume that the word for 'man' was influenced by the word for 'dog' (->šuo, Asg. šunį), but žmun- < *žm-1}- (o.e. : 267, LEW: 1320) is not very attractive either. An improvement may be Smoczynski's *žmunes Gsg. < *žumnes < *(dh)žh-rrz-n-es (2007:

522 žolė

790 ), which could have provided the basis for an analogical development *žmiinį »

žmimį. The Old Prussian forms with smun- have ū < *ii after a labial. See also: žmogus; žmona; žmonės

žolė

LITH žole 4 'grass, herb' LATV zale 'grass, herb' OPR soalis (EV) 'herb'; Asg. siilin (III)

Originally, this was probably a deverbative root noun to -+želti. The Latvian broken tone is analogical after forms with full grade or zero grade before a consonant.

žudinti

LITH žudinti 'kill, torture', 3 pres. žudina, 3 pret. žudino; VAR žudinti [u, u, ū] 'have someone killed, destroy', 3 pres. žudina, 3 pret. žudino

LATV zudinat 'let smth. go to waste'

I am of the opinion that žudinti and žudinti must be analyzed as žud-inti and žu­dinti, respectively (see -+žudyti) .

žudyti

LITH žudyti [u, u] 'kili, torment', 3 pres. žudo, 3 pret. žudė (3 pres. also žudžia, žudija, 3 pret. also žudijo); VAR žudyti [u, Ū, u] , 3 pres. žudo, 3 pret. žudė

LATV zudities 'take care of, get excited'; VAR zūditiės [ū, u, u2, u2] 'worry, fret', 1sg. pres. zūdu6s, zūdiju6s, 1sg. pret. zūdijuos

Smoczynski (2007: 791) points out that the short u of žudyti may be an instance of shortening, cf. pjudyti 'hound, bait' vs. pjudyti 'torment' (from -+pjauti). Thus, we would probably be dealing with a derivative of -+žuti 'perish'. Smoczynski suggests (o.e. : 792) that this verb is to be assigned to the root *geuH- of Skt. ja vate 'hurries', which I do not find convincing. I also find it difficult to believe that the root *iud- of Latv. zust 'get lost, vanish' (1sg. pres. zudu or zustu2, 1sg. pret. zudu), zaudėt [au, aū] 'lose, destroy', as weli as the Latvian forms mentioned above is secondary, even if the same type of shortening could be demonstrated for Latvian. I would rather be inclined to explore the possibility that žuti originated from an East Baltic present *iui'sta to *iusti (*iud-). Probably the safest option is to posit *g'-h>uH- alongside *g'-h>udh- ( cf. Derksen 1996: 315). Pokorny (IEW: 448) connects žudyti with OE gfetan 'kili', iigfetan 'waste, destroy' ( *g"eud-?'). See also: žavinti; žudinti

žūti I

LITH žuti 'perish, die, be lost, torment oneself', 3 pres. žuva, 3 pret. žuvo (3 pres. also žuna); žuti, 3 pres. žusta, 3 pret. žuvo; VAR žusti, 3 pres. žusta, 3 pret. žuvo

LATV pazūt (Elger) 'perish'

žvejoti 523

See ->žudyti. A remarkable dialect variant is žusti, 3 pres. žusta, 3 pret. žuvo (also nužust1), which means 'kill'.

žūti 11

LITH žCtti ( dial.) 'fish, angle', 3 pres. žCtsta, 3 pret. žuvo; VAR žCtsti, 3 pres. žCtsta, 3

pret. žuvo

A derivative of ->žuvis 'fish'.

žuvis

LITH žuvis f.(i) 4 'fish', Gpl. žuvų; VAR žuvl 4; žiuvl 4; živis f.(i) 4; živl 4

LATV zivs f.(i) 'fish'; VAR zive; zivis; zuvs f.(i); zuve OPR suckis (EV) 'fish' . .

PIE *df'uH- . IE Gk. ix9ūc; m. 'fish'; Armjukn 'fish'

Both in Lithuanian and Latvian we find instances of unrounding before v. We may reconstruct *žu(-s, Gsg. *žu(-es, cf. the dialect form žuves Npl. (Skardžius 1941: 50 ) . For the reconstruction *df'uH-, rather than *dhf'uH-, see Van den Oever apud Kloekhorst forthc.

žvaigždė

LITH žvaigždė 4 'star'; VAR žvaigzdl 4; žvaizdl (OLith., dial.) 4; žvaiždl LATV zvaigzne 'star'; VAR zvaizne2; zvaigzna (ai, ai2] OPR swaigstan Asg. 'light'

BSL *g!žwoizdd (*g/žwoiždd) PSL *gv�zda f. a (b) 'star' SL OCS dzvėzda; zvėzda; Ru. zvezda; Cz. hvėzda; Slk. hviezda; Pl. gwiazda; SCr.

zvijezda; Sln. zvęzda

On the basis of Balto-Slavic, we may propose a reconstruction *f'uoif'-dhehr, but considering the fact that in Lithuanian we find žvai(g)zdl alongside žvai(g)ždl (with assimilation?), the reconstruction *f'uoidh-dhehr is a serious alternative, cf. Latv. zvaidrit, zviedrit 'shimmer, shine: Latvian forms with zvaig-, e.g. zvaigala 'cow with a star-shaped blaze' may be based on zvaigzne. Pokorny's reconstruction *ghyoigw- is based on the connection with Gk. cpoi�oc; 'pure, bright, radiant', which I consider untenable.

žvakė

LITH žvakė 2 'candle, plug, icicle'

PIE *ghuok<w)_ IE Lat.Jax f. 'torch'; Lat.Jaces (Paul. ex P.) f. 'torch'

žvejoti

LITH žvejoti 'fish, angle', 3 pres. žvejoja, 3 pret. žvejojo

524 žvengti

LATV zvejuot 'fish, angle'

Another derivative of -.žuvis 'fish'.

žvengti

LITH žvengti 'neigh', 3 pres. žvengia, 3 pret. žvengė LATV zviegt [ ie, ie2] 'neigh', lsg. pres. zviedzu

BSL *žweni'g-PSL *zvęgti v. SL OCS zvęgoma (Supr.) Gsg. 'being told'; Ru. zvjač' (dial.) 'bark continually,

scold', lsg. zvjagu, 3sg. zvjažet

Only Balto-Slavic. The root may be an enlargement of the root found in OCS zvon'b 'sound', unless the latter continues *suonhr (cf. Derksen 2008a: 550).

žvėris

LITH žvėris m.(i) 3 [3/4) 'wild animal, beast'; VAR žvėris f.(i) 3; žvėrys 3 LATV zvęrs [ę, rJ 'wild animal, beast'; VAR zveris [e, e2, e2] OPR swirins Apl. 'wild animals'

BSL *žwdris PSL *zvlrv m. i (e) 'wild animal' SL OCS zverv m.(i); Ru. zver' m.(jo ); Cz. zvef f.(i) ; Slk. zver m.( o); zver f.(i)

'game'; Pl. zwierz m.(jo) 'wild animals (coli.), big animal'; SCr. zvl'jer f.(i); Čak. zvir (Vrg.) f.(i) , Gsg. zviri; Sln. zvęr f.(i) , Gsg. zverf; Bulg. zvjar m.( o)

PIE *f'ueh1 r-IE Gk. 0�p m. 'wild animal'; Lat.ferus 'wild'

See Derksen 2008a: 550 for a discussion of the fact that Hirt's law apparently did not operate in this noun. l have recontructed an i-stem for Balto-Slavic, but the transfer of the original root noun to the i-stem flexion may have occurred in Baltic and Slavic independently, cf. the Lithuanian dialect forms žveres Npl. and žvėriį Gpl. (Skardžius 1941: 50). See also: žiaurus

žvilti l

LITH žvilti 'shine', 3 pres. žvyla, 3 pret. žvilo

Possibly cognate with Skt. jvalati 'burn, flame' < *guelH- ( cf. LIV: 170-171).

žvilti 11

LITH žvilti 'bow, bend, lean over', 3 pres. žvyla, 3 pret. žvilo LATV zvilt2 [ i l2, i[, i[2] 'lean over (slowly), lie down, be idle', lsg. pres. zvilstu, lsg.

pret. zvilu

This verb may be cognate with Skt. hvarate 'deviate from the right line, be crooked, go crookedly', provided that the latter continues *ghuel- instead of *ghuer- (see LIV: 182) .

žvirgždas 525

žvirgždas

LITH žvirgždas 2 [1/2] 'gravel, pebble'; VAR žvif'ždas 2; žvirzdas 4; žvizdras 2; žif'zdas 4; žizdras

LATV zvirgzds [ ir, ir2, ir2] 'pebble', Npl. zvirgzdi 'gravel'; VAR zvirgzdis Npl. 'gravel'; zvirgzde 'pebble [ ir2] , gravel, gravelly earth [ ir, ir2] ' ; zvirgzda 'gravelly earth'

BSL *girstwa(; *iirstwa( ( < *girzd-twa(; *iirzd-twar) PSL *žbrstva f. a 'gravel' SL Ru. žerstva ( dial.); žerstva ( dial.) ; Ukr. žorstva; Bel. žarstva; OPI. žarstwa;

žerstwa 'eoarse sand' PSL *gvbrsta; *gvbrsta; *gvbrzda f. a 'gravel' SL Ru. gversta (Novg., Psk.); Ru. gverstva (Novg.); gverzda (Novg., Psk.); ORu.

gversta; gvbrsta; gvbrzda (Novg.)

I follow Young (2005: 97) in assuming that the *u- of the suffix ended up in the root as a result of anticipatory displaeement. This development is attested in Baltie as well as in North Russian and must have preeeded the first palatalization of velars in the latter area. In Novgorod we also find an intermediate form gverstva (note the absenee of the effeets of the second palatalization in this area). While the Slavie evidenee point to *g, the Baltie forms refleet *i < *g. A depalatalized velar occurs in -+gargždas.

As to the etymology of the root, I also agree with Young (o.e. : 95) that the root is not PIE *guer- 'shine' (pace Urbutis 1983, Mažiulis PKEŽ IV: 175). At first sight, a highly attraetive eomparandum is Av. zarštuua- n. '(flat) stone', whieh may be eognate with Skt. dr?ad- f. 'stone, lower mill-stone, mortar' (with d < *j as a result of dissimilation, cf. Insler 1999 ). The details are undear, however. If the Sanskrit form is eognate with the Balto-Slavie etymon, Young's suggestion (o.e. : 98-99) that we must eompare Lat. hordeum, OHG gersta 'barley' is problematie, as these forms point to an aspirated velar.

526 agrs

Latvian

agrs

LATV agrs 'early'

This adjective is sometimes connected with Skt. agra- n. 'top, summit, beginning', LAv. ayra- 'first, topmost' (e.g. IEW: 8-9 ), but Winter's law renders the etymology obsolete, unless one adheres to the view that the law was blocked by a following resonant (cf. Dybo 2002: 497) .

aluot

LATV aluot (usu. alu6ties) 'roam, err'

PIE *h2elhr IE Gk. ėtAaoµm 'wander, roam, be banished'; Lat. ambulare 'wander' See also: Latv. aĮa; Latv. aĮuot

asins

LATV asins f.(i) 'blood', Npl. asinis; VAR asins m.(i) ; asnis f.(i) ; asir;ii Npl.; aser;ii Npl.

PIE *h1eshrr-, *h1shren-s IE Hitt. es!Jar l iš!Jan- n. 'blood, bloodshed'; Skt. asrk n. 'blood', Gsg. asnas; Gk.

fop n. 'blood'

A Lithuanian counterpart asinas seems to occur exclusively in the writings of Daukantas.

alava

LATV alava 'eine giiste, nicht trlichtige, nicht milchende Kuh; eine Kuh, die ohne zu kalben, das zweite Jahr Milch gibt; nicht trlichtiges Schaf, Schwein'; VAR alave; alavica [a, 1:i2]; alavidza [a2] ; alavniece; alavnica [a2] ; alavnice; alevnice; alaviete

PSL * alovica f. ja SL CS alovica 'barren (animal)' ; Ru. jalovica 'barren cow, dry cow'; Ukr.

jalovyca 'id:; OCz. jalovice 'barren cow, heifer'; Slk. jalovica 'id:; Pl. jalowica 'id:; SCr. jiilovica 'barren cow or sheep, unarable field, (Dubr.) calf'; Sln. jalovica 'barren animal, barren land'; Bulg. jalovica 'barren cow'

PSL * alovb adj. o 'barren' SL CS alova f. ; jaloV'b; Ru. jalovyj 'barren, dry (of cows), (dial.) idle, empty'; Cz.

jalovf 'barren'; Slk. jalovf 'id:; Pl. jalowy 'id:; SCr. jiilov 'barren (animals or land)' ; Sln. jalov 'barren ( animals or land), idle, empty'; Bulg. jalov 'barren'

Since it is unclear why initial j- would have been lost, Endzelins (ME I: 237-238) argues that the Latvian noun cannot be a borrowing from Russian. Fraenkel (LEW: 516) adds a Žemaitian form alaus, f. olava 'ledig, unverheiratet', which also has no j-.

blaiskums 527

It seems that we have to start from a meaning 'not with young', which can be either 'not yet with young' or 'sterile'. The Slavic forms are often reconstructed as *eloVb and connected with Latv. Hls 'abrased, sore, raw, fresh, unripe, weak' (-+gllas). If Latv. iilava is inherited, this no longer seems an option, however. Even if we assume different apophonic grades for iilava and * aloVb on the one hand and Hls on the other, it is still unclear why the latter has j-.

aĮa

LATV ii/a [ii, a2] 'fool, idiot'

The sustained tone is common in (j)ii-stem agent nouns. This type of metatonie rude can be traced to East Baltic iteratives in *-i-ati ( cf. Derksen 1996: 342 ). The original short vowel of the root occurs in -+ Latv. aluot.

aĮuot(ies)

LATV a/uot(ies) 'roam, slander'; a[u6ties 'scream, make a fool of oneself'; VAR iileties 'behave in a restless fashion, scream, rage'

Denominative verb belonging to -+Latv. ii[a.

bariba

LATV bariba 'food'

BSL *bar-($)-PSL *boršbno n. o (e) 'flour, food' SL OCS brašbno 'food'; Ru. b6rošno (dial.) 'rye-flour'; ORu. borošbno

'(farinaceous) food'; Ukr. b6rošno 'flour'; SCr. brašno 'flour, food'; Sln. brašnų 'food'; Bulg. brašn6 'flour'

PIE *bhar-( e )s-IE Lat. far n. 'spelt, flour'; Lat. farina f. 'flour' ; Got. barizeins 'barley-' ; Olc. barr

m. 'grain'; Olr. bairgen f. 'bread, loaf', W bara 'bread'

We are probably dealing here with a noun *bhar-, which was borrowed into Indo­European ( cf. Schrijver 1991: 113-114) .

bities

LATV bities 'be afraid, be in awe', isg. pres. bistuos, isg. pret. bijuos; VAR bities (Ruj.), isg. pres. bikstuos, isg. pret. bijuos; bities (Klp.), isg. pres. bistu6s, isg. pret. bidu6s

See -+baidyti.

blaiskums

LATV blaiskums 'spot'; VAR blaizgums

BSL * bloisko-PSL *bUsh m. o (e) 'brightness'

528 blet

SL RuCS blesk'b 'brightness, colour, lightning'; Ru. blesk 'brightness, splendour'; Cz. blesk 'lightning, brightness'; Slk. blesk 'lightning, brightness'; Pl. blask 'brightness, shine'; SCr. bll'jesak 'brightness, splendour, lightning'; Sln. blęsk 'brightness, splendour, lightning'; Bulg. bljas'bk 'brightness'

See -+blizgeti. We may reconstruct *bhloig-sko-.

blet

LATV blet [e, e] 'bleat', [ 1sgsps] bleju

BSL *bler-PSL *blejati v. 'bleat' SL RuCS blejati 'bleat' ; Ru. blejat' 'bleat, ( dial.) 'speak, chatter, cry'; Ukr. blejaty

'bleat, speak, tell stories'; blijaty 'bleat'; Cz. bleti (arch.) 'bleat'; SCr. blejati 'bleat, talk nonsense', 1sg. blejlm; Čak. blejati (Vrg.) 'bleat, talk nonsense', 2sg. bleješ; Sln. blęjati 'bleat, quarrel, mutter', 1sg. blęjam, 1sg. blęjem; Bulg. bleja 'bleat'

PIE *bh/ehr IE Lat. flere 'cry'; MH G blaejen 'bleat'

brauna

LATV braūna [aū, au2] 'flake, scale, abandoned skin or shell, caul, entrails'; VAR braūi;za

PIE *bhrouH-n- (*bhrou-Hn-?) IE Skt. bhrū1;1a- m. 'embryo'; Oir. bru f. 'abdomen, belly, bowels, interior'

On semantic grounds I have separated this etymon from -+briauna 'edge'. Unlike Fraenkel, I am hesitant about the connection with -+briauti(s ) .

cenksle

LATV ceiiksle [eii, en2] 'hamstring, (pl.) feet, leg, (en2) 'hollow of the knee'; VAR cenkste (Ulm.) 'hamstring'

See -+kinka. We also find e-grade of the root in -+kenkll.

cerme

LATV c�rme 'intestinal worm'; VAR cermis2; cęrms2

See -+kirmis.

cimslis

LATV cimslis 'tendon, hamstring, shank'; VAR cimsla 'tendon, hamstring, shank'

IE OE ham, hom f. 'back of the knee'; OHG hama, hamma f. 'shank, back of the knee'

As argued s.v. -+kinka, Latv. cim- may be analyzed as *knH-m-.

danga 529

cinksla

LATV cinksla [ in] 'calf, (in) hamstring, der untere Teil <les Hinterfu.Bes'; VAR cifikslis

See -+kinka.

cipsla

LATV cipsla [ i, i2, 12] 'tendon'; VAR cipsla (Ulm„ Nigr.)

It is highly uncertain if this noun is somehow etymologically connected with -+ Latv. cinksla. The root cfp- seems to be circumflex rather than acute and may not contain a nasal element at all.

dabĮš

LATV dab/š 'strong, luxuriant'; VAR dabls2 'luxuriant'

BSL *dob-PSL *dob/b adj. jo 'strong' SL OCS doblb 'strong'; RuCS doblii 'strong'; Ru. d6blij 'valiant'; Sln. drjbalj

'capable, able'

PIE *dhobh-IE Oic. dapr 'sad'; Nw. daper 'shy, weak, with young'; OHG tapfar 'firm, beavy,

thick-set'; MDu. dapper 'stout, strong'

In Derksen 2008a (98), I noted that in view of Winter's law the Germanic forms do not match BSL *deb-/*dob- (-+Latv. depsis), to which I added that this does not necessarily imply that we are dealing with a root of non-Indo-European origin. I now have the opportunity to clarify this remark by referring to Kroonen 2013 (89 ) , where it is argued that the *p of PGmc. *dapra- may ultimately be traced to Kluge's law.

danga

LATV danga 'dirty pool, marshy land, silt'

IE Ok. d{Jkk f. 'depression'; Nw. dokk 'id.'; Sw. dank (dial.) 'id.'; MoDu. donk m. 'high spot in a marshy area'

It is not easy to judge to what extent we are dealing here with the same etymon as danga 'rut, corner, piece of land that is surrounded by water or marsh on three sides, bay' (-+danga). Stang (1972: 17) compares the above-mentioned Scandinavian forms only with danga 'durch fahren entstandene Gruft, von Morast umgebenes Land' and calls the etymological relationship unclear for semantic reasons. It seems to me that the meanings 'depression, marshy land' can be reconciled with 'high spot in a marshy area', as the one implies the other, cf. MDu. dijc 'pool, marsh, pond' alongside 'dike, dam'. The question is if the root of -+dengti can account for these meanings. In view of Lith. lanka 4 'water-meadow, swamp', Latv. lanka 'bend of a river, big low-lying meadow, big puddle', which apparently derive from Lith. lenkti, Latv. liekt 'bend' ( cf. also SCr. luka 'bay, harbour, port, fertile field, meadow near a river'), starting from

530 dargs

deiig- 'bend' seems indeed to be an option. It must be said, however, that lanka seems to be part of a complex of semantically closely related nouns that show irregular correspondences, such as -+lenkė, -+[engė, -+liekna, which implies that we must reckon with the possibility that there is another etymon involved, possibly of non­Indo-European origin. The same may hold true for -+danga, Latv. danga.

dargs

LATV dargs [ar, ar2] 'dear, expensive'

BSL *dargos PSL *d6rgt> adj. o (e) 'dear, expensive' SL OCS dragt>; Ru. dorogoj; Cz. drahj; Slk. drahj; Pl. drogi; SCr. drag, f. draga,

n. drago; Čak. dr&g (Vrg.) , f. drdga, n. dr&go; Sln. drag, f. draga; Bulg. drag

Etymology unclear.

davat

LATV davat 'give (iter.)'

BSL *dorwar-PSL *davati v. 'give' SL OCS -davati; Ru. davat', isg. daju; Cz. davati; Slk. davaf; Pl. dawac; SCr.

davati, isg. dajem; davati (Vuk: SW), isg. dajem; davati, isg. davam; Čak. d&vati, 2Sg. ddješ; davat (Orb.), isg. dajen; Sln. davati, isg. davam; Bulg. davam

PIE *dehr IE Skt. dadati 'give'; Gk. 8i8wµ1 'give'; Lat. dare 'give'

Kortlandt (1989: 11) traces the *-w- of the Balto-Slavic forms the perfect ending *-eu.

denkts

LATV dęiikts [ęii, ęn2] 'strong, healthy, important'

BSL *denrg-PSL * dęgl-b adj. o 'healthy, strong' SL Ru. djaglyj ( dial.) 'healthy, strong'

IE Olr. daingen 'firm, fast, solid'

See -+dengti II.

depsis

LATV depsis 'small, fat boy' OPR debica (GrA, GrG, GrF) 'big'; Asg. debijkan (III), deblkan (III), debbikan

(III)

BSL *deb-PSL *debel-b adj. o 'fat'

dile 531

SL RuCS debelyj 'fat'; Ru. debelyj 'plump, corpulent'; debelyj ( dial.) 'healthy, strong, plump, corpulent'; SCr. debeo 'fat'; Čak. debe (Vrg.) 'fat', f. debela; Sln. debel 'fat, big, strong', f. debęla; Bulg. debel 'fat, strong'

PIE *dhebh-IE Olc. dapr 'sad'; Nw. daper 'sad, with young'; Nw. dabb(e) m. ( dial.) 'small, fat

fellow'; OHG tapfar 'firm, heavy, thick-set'

See -Latv. dab/š.

dels

LATV dęls 'son'

PIE *dhehrl-IE Lat. felare 'suck'

For the suffix -l- as well as a discussion of the root, cf. -dėll.

d et

LATV det 'suck', isg. pres. deju

PIE *dhehr IE Gk. 0f)acno 3sg. med. 'suckled'

See -dėll.

dirbinat

LATV dirbinat 'quiver, trample, drizzle'

This verb contains the original zero grade of the root that is found in drebinat 'cause to tremble, tremble' (-drebinti) . Analogical zero grade is found in dribinat (Fiir., U.), which is synonymous with drebinat. The meaning 'drizzle' reminds one of Slavic forms such as SCr. droban 'small, fine, fragile' or USrb. drob 'saw-dust, hay-dust', which may serve as an indication that the root dreb- 'tremble' is indeed connected with PSL *drobiti 'crumble, crush' (-drebet1). Latv. dirbinat 'walk with small steps' -with broken tone - is apparently an iterative of dirbt 'walk fast, walk by taking small steps without proceeding much', which l have identified with Lith. -dirbti ( likewise Smoczynski 2007: 114). l see no way, however, to account for the broken tone of dirbinat (Lubn.) 'quiver', dirba '(Domopol) someone who starts to tremble for no reason, (Mar.) a horse that trembles when you ride it', dirb'}a (Mar.) 'shiver, tremor', dirbelet (Warkl.) 'tremble:

dile

LATV dile 'suckling calf'

PIE *dhhi i-1-IE Lat. fflius m. 'son'

See -Latv. dilit and -dėll.

532 dilit

dilit

LATV dilit 'suckle', lsg. pres. dilu, diliju; lsg. pret. diliju; VAR dilinat

Here the extended root *dkh1 i- is followed by the nominal (probably adjectival) suffix *-l-. See -+dėU.

diet

LATV diėt [ iė, iė2, ie2] 'hop, dance, sing', lsg. pres. deju

Possibly cognate with Skt. dfyati 'fly' < * deihi - . See also -+daina.

draupit

LATV draupit2 'crumble (tr.)'

Causative to -+ Latv. drupt. With zero grade we find drupinat 'crumble, break off'.

drubazas

LATV drubazas Npl. 'crumbs, splitters, chaff'; VAR drubažas Npl.; drubazgas Npl.; drubzalas Npl.

ME (I: 502) connects these forms, which are parallel to drabažas Npl. 'bark that has fallen off' (-+drebeznos), with Gk. 8pumw (aor. t-rpucp11v) 'break into pieces' <

*dhrubh-. This is possible, but the existence of a semantically similar root East Baltic dreb- is conspicuous. Besides, we find a Latvian root drup- 'crumble' (-+ Latv. drupt) and a synonymous East Baltic root trup- (-+trupet1). It is difficult to say to what degree we are dealing with contaminations.

drupt

LATV drupt 'crumble (intr.)', lsg. pres. drupu, lsg. pret. drupu

The root drup- is well attested, e.g. drupi Npl., drupas Npl. 'mins', drupains 'crumbly'. I do not think that it is cognate with Cz. drpati (Kott) 'pick, scratch, crumble', Sln. dfpati 'scratch'. These Slavic forms seem to contain the zero grade of a root *drep­'tear' ( cf. Derksen 2007: 115, 136) . Gk. 8pumw 'tear, scratch' may be a Greek innova­tion or a word of substratum origin. See the preceding etymon for references to formally and semantically similar roots.

dubra

LATV dubra 'puddle, marshy spot'

BSL *dubr-PSL * d'bbr!J f. i 'valley, ravine' SL OCS d'bbr!J 'valley, gorge'; Ru. debri Npl. f.(i) 'jungle, tickets'; OCz. debf f.(i)

'valley'; OPI. debrz f.(i) 'valley, hollow'; SCr. debri (1302) Npl. f.(i) 'hollow, ravine'; Sln. debar f.(i) 'ravine'

IE Go. diups 'deep'

See -+dubus.

ercis

duobjš

LATV duobjš (uo, uo] 'deep, dull, hollow'; VAR duobs [uo, uo2]

See -+dubus.

dzelva

LATV dzflva '(slight) swelling on the skin'

BSL *gelu?-PSL *žely f. ū 'tumour, fistula'

533

SL Ru. želvak m.(o) 'tumour' ; žolv' (Dal' ) f. (i) 'tumour'; želvi, želvi (dial.) Npl. m.(i) 'abscesses, lumps, bumps'; želvi (dial.) Npl. m.(i) 'swollen glands on the neck'; Cz. žluva (Kott) f.(a) 'soft tumour (in horses)'; žuva (dial.) f.(a) 'swelling on the udder of a cow'; Pl. ž6lwi (dial.) Npl. m.(i) 'abscess on the ear'; ž6lwie ( dial.) Npl. m.(i) 'boils on the legs of a cow'; Čak. želva (Cres) f.(a) 'tumour'; žŲlva (Vis) f.(a) 'scrofula'; Sln. žęlva f.(a) 'fistula'

PIE *ghel(H)-uH-

This etymon may be identical with PSL *žely 'tortoise', which is probably cognate with Gk. xeAu<; f, XEAŪv11 f. 'land-turtle'.

dzese

LATV dzese [e, ė2] 'black stork, heron'; VAR dzesis 'black stork, heron'; dzeze 'black stork'; dzezis 'heron'; dzestre (Fiir.) 'heron'; dzęstrs 'black stork'

OPR geeyse (EV) 'heron'

I do not find it attractive to assume that dzese and O Pr. geeyse derive from *gerse ( cf. ME I: 548, Trautmann 1923: 336), which in the case of the Old Prussian form requires an emendation. In Latvian, the loss of r after a long vowel seems to be limited to West and Centrai Couronia (Endzelins 1922a: 159-160). In my view, these forms (and -+Latv. dzesnis) belong together with -+gęšė.

dzėsnis

LATV dzesnis 'black stork, heron' OPR geasnis (EV) 'snipe'

The suffixed form dzesnis (-+Latv. dzese) seems to have an Old Prussian counterpart. The semantic difference does not seem insurmountable to me (the snipe has a long and slender bill). I do not agree witli Blažek ( 1998b: 10) that we are dealing with an onomatopoeic element *ge.

ercis

LATV ercis 'juniper'

PSL *arkyta f. a (a) 'brittle willow' SL Ru. raki ta; rokita ( dial.) ; Ukr. rokita; Cz. rokyta; Slk. rakyta; rokyta (pop.) ;

Pl. rokita; SCr. rakita; Čak. Rakl'ta (Vrg.) an island; Sln. rakita; Bulg. rakita

534 erst

IE Gk. čipKeu9oc; f. 'juniper'

It is very likely that we are dealing with a substratum word, cf. the Greek variant čipyEToc; (Hsch.) (Beekes 2000: 27, 2010: 132).

erst

LATV erst [er, er2] 'separate', 1sg. pres. eržu, 1sg. pret. erdu

See -+ardyti.

gadit

LATV gadit 'find, acquire, (refl.) emerge, happen, occur', 1sg. pres. gadu, 1sg. pret. gadiju

BSL *god-ei/i-PSL *goditi v. ( c) 'please' SL Ru. godit' 'wait, loiter', 1sg. gožit, 3sg. godit; godit'sja 'be suited', 1sg. gožus',

3sg. goditsja; Cz. hoditi 'throw'; hoditi se 'throw at one another, suit, agree'; Pl. godzic 'reconcile, unite, heal'; godzic się 'agree, succeed'; SCr. goditi 'please', 1sg. godim; Čak. godl't (Orb.) 'please'; Sln. goditi 'rear, please', godim; goditi se 'succeed, take place'

PIE *gi'odh-

This is the same root as in --+guodas 'honour, worship, hospitality', OCS god'b 'time, suitable time, holiday, year' and Go. gops 'good'.

gar m e

LATV garme ' ( low) heat' OPR gorme (EV) 'heat'

PIE *gwhor-m-IE Skt. gharma- m. 'heat, glow'; Gk. 9epµ6c; 'warm'

The broken tone of this East Latvian noun is surprising. See also --+gareti.

glendet

LATV glendet (BW) 'look for'

BSL *glend-er-PSL *ględeti v. 'look at' SL Ru. gljadet' ( dial.) 'look at'; Cz. hledčti 'look at'; OPl. ględziee 'Iook at' PSL *ględati v. (a) 'look at' SL OCS ględati 'look at, see', 1sg. ględajf1; Ru. gljadet' ( dial.) 'look at'; Slk. hl'adaf

'look for, try'; OPl. ględac 'look at'; SCr. gledati 'look at, see'; Čak. gfedati (Vrg.) 'look at, see, watch, expect'; Sln. ględati ' look at, see', 1sg. ględam; Bulg. giedam 'look at'

PIE *gi'lend-IE Oir. as·gleinn 'examine'; MHG glinzen 'shine'

gumt 535

Other Latvian forms containing this root are glenst2 ' (scarcely) perceive', nuoglefist 'notice'. LIV (200) reconstructs *ghlendh- because a proto-form with root-finai *d would trigger Winter's law, which is not in agreement with the circumflex of the Balto-Slavic forms. It is unclear to me, however, what exactly is the evidence for a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The mobile accentuation of Ru. gljadet' is inconclusive, while there is ample evidence for *ględati, with fixed stress on an originally acute syllable. To my knowledge, there is no Baltic evidence for an original circumflex, the Latvian forms being ambiguous. I therefore prefer the reconstruction *ghlend-, which has the additional advantage of being in agreement with PGmc. *glintan.

grauds

LATV grauds 'grain, com'

This noun occurs alongside gruds (see -+grddas) and must probably be connected with -+ grdsti etc.

griva

LATV griva 'estuary'

BSL *gn?wa( PSL *griva f. a (a) 'mane' SL Ru. griva; Cz. hfiva; Sik. hriva; PI. grzywa; SCr. grl'va; Sln. griva 'mane,

overgrown boundary'; Bulg. griva

PIE *gwriH-uehr IE Skt. grivti- f. 'neck'

An instance of Hirt's law.

gubezis

LATV gubezis 'pile, hay-loft'

BSL *gub-PSL *gt>bežo m. jo 'bend, joint' SL RuCS gt>bežo 'bend, joint'; gbežo 'turn, bend, slope'; ORu. gt>bežo 'bend,

joint'; gbežo 'turn, bend, slope'

PIE *ghubh-IE Oic. gumpr m. 'tail-bone'; MoLG gubbe (Estonia) 'small hay-stack'

See -+gubti.

gurot

LATV gitmt [um, um, um2] 'bend, stoop, puff up, assault, seize', isg. pres. gitmstu, isg. pret. gurnu

PSL *žęti v. 'press, squeeze' SL SerbCS žęti, ISg. žomų; Ru. žat', ISg. žmu, 3sg. žmet; SCr. žeti, ISg. žmem

PIE *g(e)m-

536 gurste

IE Gk. yevTo (11.) 3sg. aor. med. 'grasped'; Nw. kumla 'knead, squeeze'

The primary meaning of the Latvian verb seems to be 'bend', so l wonder if LIV (186 fn.) is correct in assigning gumt to the root *gem 'driicken, zusammenpressen; fassen'.

gurs te

LATV gilrste [ur, ur, ur2] 'bundle of flax'; VAR gursts f.(i)

BSL *gurst-PSL *gGrstb f. i (e) 'cupped hand, handful' SL OCS grbstij9 (Euch.) Isg. f. ; Ru. gorst'; Cz. hrst; Slk. hrsf 'cupped hand,

handful, bundle'; Pl. garse; SCr. gfst; Sln. gfst

The root is BSl. *gurt- , cf. Ru. gortat' ( dial.) 'rake together'. A connection with Lat. hortus 'garden', cohors 'farmyard, contingent' < *gh( o )r- or *t'( o )r- (with depalataliza­tion in the zero grade) seems possible, though here the vocalization *ur < *r would be irregular.

gūt

LATV gūt [Ū, u2] 'catch, attain, obtain, receive, strive', ISg. pres. gūstu, ISg. pret. guvu (1sg. pres. also gilnu2, gūju, guju)

See -+gauti.

guosts

LATV guosts 'quantity, masse'

BSL *gonsto-

PSL *gŲstb adj. o (e) 'dense' SL CS g{Jst11; Ru. gustoj; gust, f. gusta, n. gusto; Cz. husty; Slk. husty; Pl. gęsty;

SCr. gust 'thick, dense, solid', f. gusta, n. gusto: Čak. gust (Vrg.) 'id:, f. gūsta, n. gusto; Sln. gŲst, f. g{ista; Bulg. giist

In view of PSI. *g9t- in Ru. gut' ( dial.) 'thicket' and Cz. hutny, Slk. hutny 'dense', BSI. *gonsto- continues *gont- to-.

guovs

LATV gilovs f.(i) 'cow'

PIE *gwehru-s IE Skt. gav- m.!f. 'cow, bull', Nsg. gaub; Gk. �ouc; m./f. 'bull, cow, (pl.) cattle';

Olr. b6 f. 'cow'; OHG chuo f. 'cow'; OE cū f. 'cow'

The circumflex tone of guovs can be explained by assuming that in Balto-Slavic a laryngeal was lost after a lengthened grade vowel (Kortlandt i985b: 118), cf. -+Latv. sals. See also -+guatas.

idra

LATV idra 'moulded core of a tree' ; VAR idrs

ie- 537

In spite of the fact that idra does not show the effects of Winter's law, I assume that this noun contains the root *h2id- and is cognate with Ok. eitr n., OHG eitar n. 'pus' < PGmc. *aitara-. The short vowel may be attributed to a recent Latvian develop­ment, cf. š�idrs 'liquid' vs. š�iest 'splash' or dzidrs 'clear, azure' alongside dzidrs (Derksen 2007: 44) . Rasmussen (1992: 72) and Dybo (2002: 496-498) , on the other hand, claim that Winter's law was blocked by a following resonant.

ilkss

LATV iŽkss f.(i) 'shaft of a cart or sledge'; VAR ilkse; ilksne; ilkse; ilksnis (Lange) sg. or pl. ; ilkši Npl.

This etymon is cognate with -+Lith. ielaktis 'shaft of a (wooden) ox-plough, iron shaft of a plough'. The question is if ilkss 'fang, tusk' (-+iltis) is etymologically the same.

ils

LATV ils 'pitch-dark'

BSL *i?Z-PSL *jul'b m. o; *julo n o 'silt, clay' SL CS il'b m. 'bog' ; Ru. il m. 'silt'; Cz. jil m. 'silt, clay'; Slk. fl m. 'silt, clay'; il

(arch.) m. 'silt, clay'; Pl. il m. 'clay, natural dampness of earth' ; jel (dial.) m. 'clay, natural dampness of earth'; SCr. il (arch., obs.) m. 'clay'; Čak. jl'Zo (Cres) n. 'silt, clay'; jl'lo (Novi) n. 'clay with water'; Sln. fl m. 'loam, clay', Gsg. fla; i/9 n. 'id:; ji/9 n. 'id:

PIE *(H)iHl-u-IE Gk. t:\ū, f. 'mud, slime, dregs'; iA-6 (cod. 1::i:\u)· µe:\av (Hsch.) 'black, dirty'

Cf. Derksen 2003b: 102-103.

ists

LATV ists [ i, i2] 'real, true'; VAR iksts (BW)

BSL *i??t-PSL *ji,st'b adj. o (a) 'true, genuine' SL OCS ist'b 'true, genuine, precise, that'; Ru. {styj 'true, genuine'; Cz. isty

'definite, true, reliable'; Pl. isty 'true, sure, the same'; SCr. l'sti 'true, the same'; čak. l'sti (Vrg.) 'true, the same'; i'sti (Orb.) 'same, identical'; Sln. isti 'the same'

The Balto-Slavic form may originate from *if?k-to-. For the eymology of the root, see -+aiškus. The k of the Latvian variant iksts can hardly serve as an indication for an original root shape *isk- (pace ME: s.v.).

ie-

LATV ie- [ ie, ie] 'in(to )'

ieza

The prefix ie- continues *en- < PIE *h1 en. The zero grade *h1 1} occurs in Lith. -+j. As in the case of nuo- 'from' and pie- 'at, to', the variant with the sustained tone is found in nominal compounds.

ieza

LATV ieza 'crack in ice'; VAR iezis 'sand rock (esp. on river banks), hole in sandstone'

See -+aiža.

jūtis

LATV jūtis [ū, u, u2] 'crossroads, joint'

See -+jauti. The tonal variation observed in Latv. jaut reappears in the noun.

kaĮuot

LATV ka/u6t 'talk idly'

See -+kalba.

kamiens

LATV kamiens 'bark (of a spruce or birch)'; VAR kamene 'bark (of a spruce or oak) '; karniena; kamiene; kamienis; kamine

IE Ok. hamr m. 'skin, slough, shape, form'; OHG hamo m. 'skin, cover'

I separate this noun from -+kamanos.

kars

LATV kars [a, &2] 'greedy, eager'

PIE *kehrro-IE Lat. carus 'dear'; Go. hors m. 'adulterer' See also: Latv. karuot

karuot

LATV karu6t 'desire, long for, covet, (refl.) want'

See -+ Latv. kars.

kleins

LATV kleins [ei, ei, ei2, ei2] 'crooked, bow-legged'

See -+šlieti.

krails

LATV krails (Biel.) 'bent, curved'

See -+kaire and -+kreivas.

kriens 539

kraukas

LATV kraūkas Npl. [aū, au2] 'phlegm' (according to Ulmann's dictionary, the singular kraūka also occurs); VAR kraūkas Npl.

Probably of onomatopoeic origin, cf. -+kriauklys.

kriit

LATV krat 'collect, save, stack', isg. pres. kriiju

BSL *kra?-PSL *krasti v. 'steal' SL OCS krasti, isg. kradp; Ru. krast', isg. kradu, 3sg. kradet (AP (a) in Old

Russian); Cz. knisti; Pl. krasc; SCr. kriisti, isg. krlidem; Sln. knisti, isg. kradem; Bulg. krada

PIE *krehr

ln Lithuanian, this root is found in -+krosnis. The root of -+krauti, Latv. kraūt 'heap, pile', may contain a u-enlargement. According to Klingenschmitt (2006), *krehr belongs to *(s)kerH- (see -+kurmis). On the status of the *d(h) -enlargement in Slavic, see Derksen 2008a: 245.

kreilis

LATV kreilis [ei, ei] 'left hand'

See -+kairi and -+kreivas.

kreiss

LATV kreiss [ei, ei2] 'left'

See -kreisva and -+kreivas.

krems

LATV kręms 'tlint'; VAR krams

BSL *krem-PSL *kremy m. n 'flint' SL CS kremy m.(n), Gsg. kremene; Ru. kremen' m.(jo); Cz. kfemen m.(o); Slk.

kremen m.(jo ); Pl. krzemien m.( jo) ; SCr. kremen m.( o) ; Čak. kremen (Vrg.) m.( o) ; Sln. kremen m.( o), Gsg. kremęna.

The root may be *(s )krem-, an enlargement of *(s )ker- 'cut'.

krijat

LATV krijat 'skin'

See -+krieti.

kriens

LATV kriens '(thin) skin on food'

540 krumpet

A derivative of kriet (see -+krieti, where also the tonai variation is discussed) .

krumpet

LATV krumpet 'fold, (Ulm.) shrivel', isg. pres. krumpeju

PSL * kr9peti v. SL CS kr9peti 'contract'

According to Sehwers (apud EH I: 659) , we are dealing with a borrowing, cf. MoLG krumpen 'cause to shrink'. This implies that krumpa 'fold, wrinkle' is also a

borrowing. I am not sure that this is the case.

kfaupa

LATV kraūpa 'wart'

BSL *kr(j)oupar PSL *krūpa f. a (b) 'grainy substance, groats, hail' SL CS krupa 'grain, groats' ( cf. OCS krupica 'crumb') ; Ru. krupa Npl. 'groats,

sleet', Asg. krupu; Cz. kroupa 'groats, grain'; Slk. krupy Npl. 'groats, hail'; Pl. krupy Npl. 'groats'; OPI. krupy Npl. 'groats, broth, hail'; Slnc. krapii Npl. 'groats'; SCr. krupa 'hail, (arch.) crumb'; krupa 'id.' ; krupa 'hail, (arch.) crumb'; Čak. krūpa (Vrg.) 'hail'; krūpii (Novi) 'hail' ; Sln. krupa f.(a) 'barley­groats'; krupi Npl. f.(i) 'hail'

PIE *kroup-ehr IE Ok. hryfi f. 'scabies'

See -+kraupus.

kukinat

LATV kulcinat [ui, už] 'ride at a trot, stumble, stagger, wag, shake (a liquid)'

See -+kulkšnis.

kurns

LATV kurns 'deaf'

BSL *kurnos PSL *hrn11 adj. o 'maimed' SL CS krM'b 'mutilated ( with ears slit or cropped)'; Ru. karnoj ( dial.) 'stocky,

thickset'; k6rnyj ( dial.) 'stocky, thickset'; Slnc. karn m. 'notch'; SCr. kfn 'broken off, dented, knocked out (teeth), maimed'; kfnja 'crop-eared, snub­nosed, toothless'; kfnja 'crop-eared, snub-nosed or toothless person'; Sln. krn 'maimed, mutilated'

PIE *kwr-no-IE Skt. kan:za- 'ear'; LAv. karana- 'deaf'

lauska 541

This adjective occurs with a variety of suffixes, for which see Lith. -+kurias. I assume that in Slavic the root was secondarily associated with *krH- 'cut' (Derksen 1996: 226-227) . See also: kurčias

kūpet

LATV kupėt 'smoke, steam (intr.)', 1sg. pres. kupu, 1sg. pret. kupeju

This verb is cognate with -+kvapas, not with --+kūpeti 'boil over'. With a sta-present we find kupt 'smoke, steam, mouid:

kūsat

LATV kusat [u, u, u� 'boil, run over', 1sg. pres. kusaju; VAR kusėt [u, U.] , 1sg. pres. kuseju, kusu, 1sg. pret. kuseju; kusuot

BSL *kursar-PSL *kysati v. (a) 'turn sour' SL Cz. kysati 'turn sour, rot'; Pl. kisac ( arch.) 'turn sour, ferment, pickle'; SCr.

kisati (arch.) 'turn sour, boil'; kl'sati (RSA) 'rise (dough), pickle'; Čak. kisilti (Vrg.) 'leave to rise (bread)'; se kl'sa (Orb.) 3sg. 'rises ( dough)' ; Sln. kisati 'pickle', 1sg. kisam, 1sg. kišem; Bulg. kisel 'sour, fermented'

In Derksen 2008a (267), I tentatively suggested *kuHthrs-, which is a modification of LIV's aorist stem *kuthrs- to a root *kuaHthr (LIV: 374) , cf. Skt. kvathant- ptc. prs. act. 'bubbling, boiling', Go. lvapo f. 'foam'. The latter forms might not be cognate, however.

kvepi

LATV kvfpi Npl. [ė, ė� 'soot' (the singular kvfps 'particle of soot' is less common); VAR kvėpji Npl. 'soot'; kvėpes Npl. 'soot, [e] steam, vapour'

See --+kvapas.

kvitet

LATV kvitėt 'shimmer, glimmer', 1sg. pres. kvitu, 1sg. pret. kviteju

See -+šviesti.

laiksne

LATV l<iiksne2 'water lily'; VAR laikšr;ia; laiksnis2; laikšnis2

See --+ldgnė. In my view, the root of this noun means 'pool, marsh' (-+liekna), not 'leaf' (Latv. laiska) , with laiksn < *laiskn (pace ME II: 407) .

lauska

LATV lauskas2 Npl. 'flakes, dandruff'

BSL *lou(?)skar-PSL *luska f. a 'peel, shell, pod, scale'

542 lapsta

SL Ru. luska (Dal' ) 'skin, peel, chaff'; Cz. luska (obs.) 'pod, husk'; OCz. luska 'iron scale'; Pl. luska 'pod, shell, scale ( of fish, reptiles )' ; USrb. luska 'pod'; SCr. ljuska 'shell, pod, scale (of fish, reptiles)'; lUska (arch.) 'skin, shell, pod, scale ( of fish), splinter'; Čak. lūskii (Orb.) 'splinter', Asg. lūsko; Sln. luska 'scale, bran'

According to Vaillant (Gr. IV: i22), PSl. *luska is derived from the verb *luskati <

*lup-sk-ati ( < *loup-), e.g. Ru. luskcit', luskat' 'peel, shell, pod'. In Derksen 2008a (292), I considered this an attractive solution, notwithstanding certain accentological inconsistencies. I now find it difficult, however, to derive lauskas2 and lauskat2 'flake, peel' from the root of ->laupyti, as before *s labial stops are regularly retained in Baltic, cf. ->vapsva vs. Ru. osa 'wasp'. It still seems possible to me that the East Latvian form lauskas2 differs etymologically from lauska 'something broken, potsherd, shard, splinter, the breaker (personification of frost)', which clearly derives from lauzt 'break' (->laužti), though lauska 'splinter, shard' has an accentual variant lauska2•

lapsta

LATV lapsta 'spade, shovel, baker's shovel, shoulder-blade'; VAR lapsts (Ulm.); lapusta

PSL *lastb m. o; *lasta f a SL Ru. last '(Arkh.) wooden spatula used for getting dough out of the kneading

trough, (Astrakh.) material (e.g. lathing) used for caulking the seams of a vessel or boat, (Psk. , Smol.) plot of land that is not connected with the general plot'; lasta ' (Podmosk.) underarm gusset, (Arkh.) blade of an oar, upper part of a spinning wheel, (Olon.) 'shingle, lath'

Vasmer-Trubačev (II: 453) assumes Finnic origin for last 'material for caulking', which occurs alongside lost, lost' 'lath', and lasta 'shingle, lath'. The ESSJa (XIV: 42-45) seeks a connection with forms such as Cz. lata 'patch, rag', which it ultimately connects with PSl. * leteti 'fly'. Viewing the range of meanings reflected by the Russian dialect material, it seems to me that at least for some of the forms we must consider that they are etymologically identical with Latv. lapsta, lapsts. Semantically, the Lithuanian counterpart of the latter forms is ->lopeta.

levs

LATV lęvs 'level, shallow'

I wonder whether it is possible to connect this adjective with Lat. levis 'smooth' <

*lehd-u- (Schrijver i991: 283-284). Since a thematicized form *le?i-wo-, cf. Gk. Xeio<; 'level, smooth' < *leh1 i-uo-, would have yielded *lievs, we would have to assume that *le?ju- was replaced by *ldwu-. Of course, this remains speculative.

lezet

LATV lezet 'go slowly, slide', isg. pres. lezeju; VAR lezit OPR lise 3sg. 'crawls'

BSL *ldž-PSL *lJzti v. (a) 'crawl, climb'

maut II 543

SL OCS izlesti 'come out of', 3sg. izlezet'b; Ru. lezt' 'climb, crawl, drag oneself along', ISg. lezu, 3sg. lezet; Cz. lezti 'climb, crawl, drag oneself along'; Slk. liezf 'crawl'; Pl. leži 'climb, crawl upwards, drag oneself along'; Slnc. lięsc 'crawl'; SCr. ljesti 'crawl, climb', isg. lježem ; Čak. ll'sti (Vrg.) 'crawl, climb', ISg. li'žeš; Sln. lęsti 'crawl, drag oneself along', isg. lęzem

PIE *leh 1gh-LIV ( 400) compares Ok. lcigr 'low', but this adjective may belong to *ležh- (Kroonen 2013: 330).

liks

LATV liks [ i, i2] 'bent'

BSL *linkos; *lenkas? PSL *lęh adj. o 'bent' SL Ru. ljakij ( arch.) 'bent, hunchbacked'

See -+lenkti. With respect to Slavic, the BSL reconstruction *linkos would be in con­flict with the fact that in the case of a zero grade we would expect to see the effects of the progressive palatalization.

liemenis

LATV liemenis [ ie, ie2] 'marsh, damp hollow'

See -+lieti. The noun seems comparable to Gk. A.nµwv m. 'moist, grassy place, meadow'.

marga

LATV marga 'railing, gallery, (pl.) curtains'; VAR męfga [ęf, ęr, ęf2] ; męrga

BSL *merrg(j)ar PSL *merža f. ja (a) 'net' SL OCS mreža 'net'; Ru. mereža ( dial.) 'fishing-net' ; mereža ( dial.) 'fishing-net';

Cz. mfiže 'grating'; Slk. mreža 'grating'; OPI. mrze:ia 'a type of net'; Slnc. mfięža 'small fishing-net'; SCr. mreža 'net'; Čak. mrl'ža (Vrg., Novi) 'net'; Sln. mręža 'net, grating'; Bulg. mreža 'net'

See -+marška. A connection with Gk. �poxoc; 'noose, slip-knot', which would require a root *merHgh-, seems implausible ( cf. Beekes 2010: 243).

maut i

LATV maut (au, au, au2, au2] 'bellow', isg. pres. mauju, maunu, isg. pret. mavu

An onomatopoeic verb, cf. Ru. mykat' ( dial.) 'bellow, cry, weep', SCr. mikati 'bellow'.

maut 11

LATV maut 'submerge, swim, (refl.) bathe', isg. pres. mauju, maunu isg. pret. mavu

544

See -+maudyti and -+mauti.

melns

LATV męlns [ęl, Wl 'black' OPR melne (EV) 'blue spot, bruise'

PIE *melhrn-IE Gk. µO.uc; 'dark, black'

See -+melas.

milna

melns

LATV milna 'hammer of the thunderer' OPR mealde (EV) 'lightning'

BSL *mild-n-; *meld-n-PSL *m11ldni f. i 'lightning' SL OCS mlMi (Zogr., Mar., Ass., Sav.) f.(ia) ; mi'bnii (Mar., Ass, Supr.) f.(ia); Ru.

m6lnija; mol6n'ja ( dial.) ; molodnja ( dial.); melenja ( dial.); Ukr. maladnja ( dial.) 'lightning without thunder'; Cz. mina ( arch.); Pl. melnia ( dial.) (probably only in Pomoranian); Slnc. mi:ięlni'ių; Plb. mauna; SCr. munja; Sln. m6lnja; Bulg. m&lnija f.(ia)

PIE *m(e)ldh-n-IE Olc. mj9llnir m. 'Thor's hammer'

mit

LATV mit [ i, f] 'exchange', ISg. pres. miju, isg. pret. miju

PIE *(h2?)m(e)i-IE Skt. mayate 'exchange, change'

As observed in the case of mafi;ia etc. (-+mainas), the Latvian root is apparently acute, cf. also mietus, miet 'exchange'. There are no indications that this innovation goes to back to East Baltic or Balto-Slavic times. The root may be *h2m( e ) i- if Gk. aµd�w 'change, exchange, ( med.) answer' contains an unusual enlargement *gw ( cf. Beekes 2010: 86).

naiduot

LATV naiduOt (usu. refl. - ies) 'live in enmity'; VAR naidet (usu. refl. - ies ) , isg. pres. naideju

See -+niedėti.

nit

LATV nft [f, 12] 'churn, thread (a needle)', ISg. pres. niju

PIE *(s)nhri-IE Hitt. nai_; 'turn in a certain direction (tr.), send, tie ( around)'; Skt. nayati

'lead, conduct'

plasks 545

Kloekhorst and Lubotsky (forthc.) analyze the Hittite verb as *nhr6i-, cf. ne_a(ri) 'turn (onself) in a certain direction' < *nehr (see also -+nytis). Skt. nayati can now be analyzed as *nh1 ei-e/o-, with a perfect nin&ya < *ne-nhroi-. Endzelins (ME II: 748) correctly connects Latv. sviestni1;1as Npl. 'die Salzlake, die sich unter der Butter ansammelt' and panijas Npl. or paninas Npl. 'buttermilk' (also nuonijas, pani1;1as, pat;ias) with Skt. nava-nita- 'fresh butter'.

paduse

LATV paduse 'armpit, bosom'

PSL *pazduxa f. a 'bosom, armpit' SL OCS pazuxa (Euch.) 'bosom, armpit'; Ru. pazuxa 'bosom'; Cz. pazucha

(dial.) 'armpit'; OCz. pazucha 'armpit'; Slk. pazucha 'armpit' ; Pl. pazucha 'bosom'; SCr. piizuho n. 'armpit'; Čak. piizuha; piizoka (Orlec) 'armpit'; Sln. piizduha 'armpit'; piizdiha 'armpit' ; piiziha 'armpit'; piizha 'armpit'

IE Skt. d6§- n. 'arm, forearm'; Olr. doe f. 'upper arm'

Latvian has pa- 'under' (-+po), where Slavic has *pas- < *pas-, a long variant of *pos­(-+pas). Note that Latvian continues *dus- instead of *dous- .

parsia

LATV parsia [ar, iir, ar2] 'flake, particle ( snow, hoarfrost, ashes )' ; VAR prrsla

BSL *por?-PSL *porxo m. o (e) 'dust, powder' SL OCS praxo 'dust'; Ru. p6rox 'gun-powder, powder'; Cz. prach; Slk. prach; Pl.

proch; SCr. priih; Čak. priih (Novi, Orb.); Sln. priih, Gsg. priiha, prahu; Bulg. prax

See -+pirkšnys.

plaka

LATV plaka 'flat terrain, hollow, cow pat'

PIE *plok-ehr IE Oic.jla 'strip of land, meadow f.

See -+plakanas.

plasks

LATV plasks 'flat and wide'; VAR plaskans; plaskains; plaskans; pliiksans (Ulm.) ; pliiskains; plaskns (Lange) 'broad, free, empty'

BSL *plok-sk-PSL *plosko adj. o 'flat' SL OCS plosko (Supr.); Ru. pl6skij; Cz. ploskf; OPI. ploski (Maz.) ; Sln. plosk, f.

pl6ska; Bulg. pl6sak

plauksta

Latv. plasks occurs alongside plaks (-+plakanas). For plasks and PSL *plosk-b l reconstruct *plok-sk-, but in view of the meaning 'flat and wide' another option would be *plothrsk- (-+platus). The Germanic adjective *flaka- probably has *k < *kk (Kroonen 2013: 143-144) . The variation between plask- and plask- is discussed s.v. --plakti, cf. also -+pl6kščias.

plauksta

LATV plaūksta [aū, au2] 'flat of the hand, palm'; VAR plaūkste; plauksts; plausta2

BSL *pl(j)ousk-PSL *p/usna f. a SL Ru. pljusna 'metatarsus'

We may also compare Ru. pljusk 'flattened spot' ( cf. Būga RR 11: 301) . These forms are reminiscent of *plok-sk- in -+plaštaka, -+ Latv. plasks, etc.

pluts

LATV pluts 'raft, ferry'

BSL *plutom PSL *plid'b m. o (b) 'raft' SL Ru. plot; OCz. pleff. (i) ; Slk. plf f.(i) ; Pl. plet

See -+plauti. This is one of those cases that point to a Balto-Slavic root *pleu- .

pĮauja

LATV p/auja [au, aū] 'harvest'

See -+pjauti.

p reti

LATV preti adv. 'to meet, towards, opposite'; pret prep. 'against, before'

PSL *pretiV'b prep. 'against' SL Pl. przeciew; USrb. pfeCiwo; LSrb. prsesiwo

PIE *preti-IE Skt. prati adv. 'against' ; Gk. nptc; (Aeol.) prep. 'in addition'

p uoga

LATV pu6ga [u6, uo2] 'button'

BSL *ponrg-PSL *ppgy f. ū; *ppg'hvica f. ja (a) 'knob, button' SL CS ppgy (MBulg.) 'knob', Gsg. ppg'hve; Ru. pugovica 'button'; ORu. pugy

'knob', Gsg. pug'hve; pug'hVb 'knob', Gsg. pug'hve; Pl. pqgwica 'button'; SCr. Čak. pugva (Vrg.) 'pimple'

In Slavic, we find evidence for a semantically similar root *ppk-, e.g. Cz. puk 'sprout, bud'.

rens 547

raidit

LATV raidit [ai, ai, ai2, ai2] 'send hastily, urge, (refl.) rush', lsg. pres. raidu, lsg. pret. raidfju

BSL *roi(-PSL *r�jati v. (a) SL OCS rčjati (Supr.) 'push, press'; Ru. rejat' 'soar, hover, flutter'; Ukr. rijaty

'swarm'; Bulg. reja 'wander, fly'

PIE *h3roiH-IE Skt. riyate 'flows, whirls'; ri1;1dti 'makes flow'; Gk. 6pivw 'excite, stir'

The Latvian verb apparently has the "Hiatustilger" -d- < *-dhhr.

raids

LATV raids 'ready, prepared'

PIE *h2roidh-IE Go. garaid Nsg. n. 'arranged, comanded'; Olc. greior 'clear, ready'; MHG

reite, gereite 'ready'

The reconstruction of the root is based on the presumed connection with forms such as Gk. ap10µ6� 'number', which is a derivative in -0µo- from *h2rei- 'count' ( cf. Beekes 2010: 131) . Another possibility would be that we are dealing with a borrowing from Germanic. Kroonen ( 2013: 402) does not find this appealing in view of the ablaut in Latv. ridi 'tools' ( ..... Latv. ridas) and -+ Latv. rist 'arrange'.

rauk.lis

LATV raCtklis 'scraper'

PSL *rydla n. o (a) 'spade, snout' SL OCS ryla (Supr.) 'spade'; Ru. ryla 'snout, mug'; Cz. rydla 'cutter'; Slk. rydla

'cutter, spade'; SCr. rl'lo 'snout, trunk'; Sln. ril9 'snout'; Bulg. rila 'snout'

See -+rauti. The Latvian and Slavic nouns are similar formations (the suffix is *-t/dhlam).

rens

LATV ręns 'undicht'; VAR ręds (BW)

BSL *rerd(-n)-PSL *rčd7Jh adj. o 'sparse, rare' SL OCS rčd'lJkyję (Supr.) Apl. m. 'rare'; Ru. redkij; redok, f. redka, n. redko; Cz.

fidkj; Slk. riedky; Pl. rzadki; USrb. rčdki; SCr. rl'jedki 'thin, sparse, rare'; rijedak ' id:, f. rijetka; Čak. ritak (Vrg.) 'thin, sparse, rare', f. ritka, n. ritko; Sln. rędak 'sparse, rare', f. rędka

Examples are ręni rudzi 'undicht stehender Roggen', ręns audums 'loses Gewebe'.

ridas

ridas

LATV ridas Npl. 'allerlei Gerat, Kram'; VAR ridi Npl.

These nouns may belong to --+Latv. raids, but Endzelins (ME l: 522) seems to consider Livonian origin.

rist

LATV rist 'arrange', 1sg. pres. riedu, 1sg. pret. ridu

IE Go. (ga)raidjan 'arrange, command'; Olc. greioa 'settle, help'

According to Endzelins (ME l: 532), it is possible that this verb belongs to Latv. rifida 'row, line' (--+rinda). In that case we would have to assume that the present stem continues *rend- and that we are dealing with Ablautentgleisung ( cf. ME: l.e.) . It seems simpler to seek a connection with --+Latv. raids.

rubenis

LATV rubenis 'black grouse'

See --+jerubi.

salms

LATV salms 'straw' OPR salme (EV) 'straw'

BSL *s6lrm-PSL *solma f. a (a) 'straw' SL CS slama; Ru. sol6ma; Cz. slama; Slk. slama; Pl. sloma; USrb. sloma; SCr.

slama; Čak. slama (Vrg., Novi, Orb.); Sln. slama; Bulg. slama

PIE *kolhi-m-IE Gk. K<lAaµri f. 'stubble'; KciAaµoi; m. 'reed'; Lat. culmus m. 'stubble, stem (of

wheat)' ; OHG hal(a)m m. 'stalk'

Beekes ( 2010: 622) argues that the Greek forms may point to an ablauting paradigm *kolhi-m-, *klhi-em-.

sals

LATV sdls f. (i) [d, a2, d2] 'salt' OPR sali (GrG), sal (GrA, GrF), salli (GrH) 'salt'

BSL *sal- (*sarl-); sal-PSL *solb (e) 'salt' SL OCS solb; Ru. sol'; Cz. sul; Slk. sol; Pl. s6l, Gsg. soli; SCr. sa, Gsg. soli; Sln. s(jl,

Gsg. soli

PIE *sehi-l-; *shi-el-IE Gk. a:\i; m.; Lat. sal m./n. ; OHG salz n.; Olr. salann 'salt'

According to Kortlandt (1985b: 118-119), Latv. sdls reflects the Nsg. *sehi-l-s of a hysterodynamic paradigm, with loss of the laryngeal after a lengthened grade vowel,

sieva 549

cf. -+ Latv. gitovs. The long vowel ultimately originates from * dieus and was adopted in PIE times already. An aeute is found in Lith. -+s6lymas 'brine' < *sehrl-. The Slavie forms are based on the Asg. stem *shrel-.

seja

LATV seja, seija 'faee, shadow'; VAR sejs m.(o) 'faee, shadow'; sejs f. (i) 'shadow'; sejš 'shadow'; paseija 'behind one's baek'

PSL *sJnb f. i (a) 'shadow' SL OCS senb 'shadow'; Ru. sen' (obs., poet.) 'eanopy'; Cz. sin '(entranee) hall';

OCz. sien 'id:; Slk. sien 'id.' ; Pl. sien 'id.'; SCr. sjen m.( o) 'shadow'

PIE *skehrih2, Gsg. *skhriehrs IE Skt. chayti- f. 'shadow, refleetion'; MoP saya 'shadow'; Gk. <JKtČl f. 'shadow';

Alb. hie 'shadow'

l have adopted here the analysis of the PIE etymon that was presented in Beekes 2010 (1351) . The reeonstruetion of the root is based on <JK'lvfJ f., Dor. <JKav&. f. '(roof of a) tent, booth, banquet; stage (building), seene'. The *s- of both the Latvian and the Slavie etyma must originate from forms with zero grade of the root, cf. OCS sijati 'shine' < *skh2i- (or *skihr. with laryngeal metathesis), where *sk yielded BSL *š. In other positions *sk was realized as [sk] . The Latvian e-voealism is in eonflict with the hypothesis that the root had *hi. but in my view this is not a serious problem. The introduetion of the full grade, whieh has to be seeondary anyway, probably postdates the merger of the laryngeals in Balto-Slavie. For PSl. *sJnb we may reconstruet *skehri-n- (thus Beekes: l.e.), but the anlaut *s- must still be seeondary.

sert

LATV sert [er, Jr, er2, Jr2] 'Korn in der Heizriege aufsteeken', lsg. pres. squ, lsg. pret. seru

PIE *ser-IE Gk. e'ipw 'string, attaeh'; Lat. serere 'link, join', lsg. sero

The variant with the falling tone may be original. The allegedly Old Lithuanian form sėris 'thread', which still frequently oeeurs in the seholarly literature (e.g. De Vaan 2008: 557, Beekes 2010: 393) stems from a misinterpretation of the form šieris 'BejeCina l seta' (also jJeris 'Dratwa') in Sirvydas's dietionary ( cf. Būga RR III: 650, Pakalka 1997: 556) . The eorreet interpretation is -+šerys.

sirks

LATV sif'ks 'grey-haired, (horses) patebed in white and brown'

See -+šarma for the etymology of the root.

sieva

LATV sieva [ ie, ie2] 'wife'

PIE *kei-uo-

550 skarbs

IE Skt. ševa- 'dear, precious, friendly', Lat. civis m. 'citizen'; OE hiwan Npl. n. 'married couple, household members'

The root is usually identified as *kei- 'lie' ( cf. -+šeima), but Vine ( 2006: 148) suggests a full grade to the pronoun *ki- (-+šis) . In either case the sustained tone of sieva is problematic. In view of Skt. šiva- 'auspicious, favourable, kind', it is unattractive to reconstruct a root containing a laryngeal.

skarbs

LATV skarbs 'sharp, strict, rough, quarrelsome'

BSL *skor?bos PSL *xorbT"b adj. o (a) 'brave' SL OCS xrab'bT"b (Supr.); xrabvT"b (Supr.) ; Ru. xorobryj ( dial.) 'brave, vain'; ORu.

xorobryj 'brave' (AP (a) in Old Russian); OCz. chrabry 'brave'; Pl. chrobry (poet.) 'brave, bold' ; SCr. hrabar 'brave' ; Sln. hrabar 'brave, bold' ; Bulg. xrabar 'brave'

IE Olc. skarpr 'sharp'

See -+ ske'fbti l.

skrabt

LATV skrabt (Lange) 'chisel', 1sg. pres. skrabstu, 1sg. pret. skrabu; VAR skrabt ' (Ulm.) 'scrape, hollow out, (Ulm„ Biel.) groom, scratch', 1sg. pres. skrabu, 1sg. pret. skrabu

See -+skrebeti.

sliekas

LATV sliekas Npl. [ ie, ie, ie2] 'saliva'; VAR sliekalas Npl.

See -+sliekas.

slienas

LATV slienas Npl. 'saliva'

BSL *sldina( PSL *slina f. a (a) 'saliva' SL OCS sliny (Euch.) Npl.; Ru. slina ( dial.); slina ( dial.) ; Cz. slina; Slk. slina; Pl.

šlina; SCr. sll'na; Sln. slina

PIE *slehi i-n-ehr IE Olc. slim m. 'slime' ; OE sllm m.!n. 'slime, mud'

See -+sliekas.

smiet

LATV smiet 'laugh at, mock, ( refl.) laugh', 1sg. pres. smeju, 1sg. pret. smeju

BSL *sm(e)ir-

PSL * smbjati v. (e) 'laugh'

stiga 551

SL OCS smijati sę, 1sg. smejų sę; Ru. smejat'sja, 1sg. smejus', 3sg. smeetsja; Cz. smati se; OCz. smieti se; Slk. smiat' sa; Pl. smiac się, 1sg. smieję się; SCr. smijati se, 1sg. smijem se; Čak. smijati se (Vrg.) , 2Sg. smiješ se; Sln. smęjati se, 1sg. smęjem se, smęjam se; smęjati se, 1sg. smęjem se, smęjam se, smęjim se; Bulg. smeja se

PIE *sm(e)iH-IE Skt. smayate 'smile'

Cf. also smafdit, smaidinat (E. Latv.) 'mock', smidinat [ i, i] 'make smb. laugh' (Derksen 1996: 320, 349 ) .

snaujis

LATV snaujis 'noose'; VAR snaujs; snauja

BSL *snou?-PSL *snuti v. 'warp' SL RuCS snuti, 1sg. snovp; Ru. snovat' 'warp, dash about', 1sg. snuju, 3sg. snuet;

Cz. snouti 'warp, spin, ( lit.) prepare, plan', 1sg. snuji, (rarely) snovu; snovati 'warp, spin, (lit.) prepare, plan', 1sg. snuji, (rarely) snovu; Slk. snovat' 'wind'; Pl. snuc 'warp, spin'; SCr. snovati, 1sg. snujem; Sln. snovati, 1sg. snujem; Bulg. snova

PIE *sneuH- (*snehru-?) IE Go. sniwan 'hurry'; Olc. snua 'wind, twist, warp'

snat

LATV sniit [ii, a2] 'wind loosely, braid, throw around one's shoulders'

In the meanings 'cut off with one stroke, rush', sniit occurs with a, a2 and a2, but maybe we should regard this verb snat as a different etymon. It is tempting to connect sniit with such verbs as Lat. nere 'spin', OHG niian 'sow' < *(s )nehr, but the a-vocalism is puzzling ( cf. LIV: 572 ). An enlarged variant of the latter root occurs in -+Latv. nft.

stiga

LATV stiga 'path'

BSL *stiga? PSL *stbdza f. ja 'path' SL OCS stvdza, stvza 'path, street'; Ru. stezja ( rhet.) 'path, way'; stega ( dial.)

'path'; Cz. stezka; stežka; stez (poet.) f. (i) ; OCz. stze; Pl. sciežka; OPI. scdza (Ps. Flor.); SCr. staza 'path, trail'; Čak. staza (Vrg.) 'id:; staza (Novi) 'id.', Asg. staza, Asg. stazu; Sln. stna 'foot-path'

PIE *stigh-ehr IE OHG steg m. 'path, small bridge'

552 stigt

stigt

LATV stigt [ i, i2] 'sprout, shoot', 1sg. pres. stidzu, stigstu, 1sg. pret. stidzu, stigu

The root stig-, cf. stidzet, stiguot 'sprout, shoot', stiga 'stalk' probably continues PIE *(s)tig-, cf. Skt. tejate 'be sharp', OHG stechan 'stiek'. For the semantics, cf. -+diegti, -+dygti. See also -+stygti.

sūkt

LATV sukt [ it, u2] 'suck', 1sg. pres. sucu

BSL *sus-; *suk-PSL *s11sati v. 'suck' SL ocs S'bsati, 1sg. S'bsp; Ru. sosat', 1sg. sosu, 3sg. soset; ssat' ( dial.); Cz. sati, 1sg.

saji; OCz. ssati, 1sg. ssu; Slk. saf; Pl. ssac, 1sg. ssę; SCr. siiti, 1sg. sem; Sln. sJSati, 1sg. sasdm

PIE *sufc-IE Lat. sūgere (but sūcus 'juice') ; Ok. suga

According to LIV (539), forms that seemingly point to *seug- alongside *seufc- may have arisen phonetically ( cf. Kroonen 2013: 490 ) .

svinet

LATV svinet 'celebrate', 1sg. pres. svinu, 1sg. pret. svineju

See -+šventas.

svist

LATV svist 'sweat', 1sg. pres. svistu, 1sg. pret. svidu

PIE *suid-IE Skt. svidyati 'sweat'

See -+ Latv. sviedri.

sviedri

LATV sviedri Npl. 'sweat'

PIE *suoid-r-IE Gk. i6pwc:; m. (*suid-r-); Arm. k 'irtn (*suid-r-) ; Lat. sūdor m.; OE swat m. (all

'sweat')

Another instance ofWinter's law.

šJ.cerbs

LATV Š�frbs [fr, fi"2] 'astringent, bitter and sour'

See -+ skerbti I.

šJ.cist

LATV š�ist 'think, suppose', isg. pres. š�ietu, isg. pret. š�itu

BSL *(s )keit-/*(s )kit-PSL * čisti v.

valgans 553

SL OCS čisti 'count, read, honour', isg. č11t9; Cz. čisti 'read', isg. čtu; OPI. czysc 'read', isg. cztę; SCr. čisti (13th-161h e.) 'read'

PIE *(s)k"'(e)it-IE Skt. cetati 'perceive, take notice of'

See -+skaityti L

teks

LATV tęks 'foot-path'; VAR tęka

BSL *tekas PSL *tek'b m. o 'course' SL OCS teh; Ru. tek 'source'; Sln. tęk

PIE *tek"' -0-

IE Olr. intech n. 'road'

See -+teketi.

t ima

LATV tima (Widdr.) 'darkness'

BSL *tima( PSL *t11ma f. a 'darkness' SL OCS t11ma; Ru. t'ma; Cz. tma; Slk. tma; USrb. cma; SCr. tama 'darkness,

dusk, fog'; Sln. tama; tma; Bulg. tiima

This noun derives from the zero grade *tim- < * t1'[1H-. Much more common are tumsa and timsa2 [ im2, im2] , which derive from the adjective (see -+tamsus).

traust

LATV traust2 [au, au2] 'cause to fall off, (usu. refl.) climb with difficulty, move forward with difficulty', isg. pres. traušu2, isg. pret. trausu2

See -+triusas. Cf. also trusnities 'move with difficulty'.

tūte

LATV tūte 'power, energy'

The root is probably * tuhr 'be strong', cf. SCr. tl'ti 'become fat' < tyti (a). See also -+čifttas.

valgans

LATV vaigans (ai, a[, ai, ai2, al2] 'moist, wet'; VAR valgins2; vaigns (ai, a[, al2] ; valgs2

See -+valgyti.

554 vari t

varit

LATV varit [ar, ar, ar2, ar2] 'boil, cook', isg. pres. varu, variju, isg. pret. variju

BSL *wor-ei!i-PSL *variti v. (e (b?)) 'boil, cook' SL OCS variti (Supr.) 'cook'; Ru. varit', isg. varju, 3sg. varit (AP (e) in Old

Russian); Cz. vafiti; Slk. vari(; Pl. warzyc; SCr. variti, isg. varim; čak. vdr'iti (Vrg.), 2sg. vJriš; vorl't (Hvar), isg. v6rin; Sln. variti, isg. varim; Bulg. varja

See -+virti.

vikt

LATV vikt 'bend' [i2], isg. pres. vicu, vikstu, isg. pret. viku, vicu

The only accented form in ME and EH is vikt2 (Biel.) 'sich biegen'. If De Vaan is correct about the original meaning of the root that we find in -+veikti, the meaning of this Latvian verb is archaic.

zelts

LATV zęlts 'gold'

PSL *zolto n. o (e) 'gold' SL OCS zlato; Ru. z6loto; Cz. zlato; Slk. zlato; Pl. zloto; SCr. zlato; čak. zlato

(Novi, Orb.); zloto (Hvar); Sln. zlatl); Bulg. zlato

PIE *ft'(e!o)lh3-tO-IE Skt. hirm:zya- n. 'precious metai, gold'; Go. gulp n. 'gold' ( *ft'lhrto-)

The word for 'gold' has a to-suffix in Latvian, Slavic, and Germanic, but there is no agreement with respect to the ablaut grade of the root. For the etymology, see also -+žalias 'green'.

znuots

LATV znuOts [ uo, ito2] 'son-in-law, sister's husband, wife's brother'; VAR znuotis 'son-in-law, sister's husband'

PIE *gnehrti-IE Skt. jiiati- m. 'close relative'

See -+žentas. A borrowing from Baltic is Fi. nuode 'sister's husband'.

assanis 555

Old Prussian

aglo

OPR aglo (EV) 'rain'

This noun is traditionally connected with Gk. ax;\:Ū� f. 'mist, darkness', which would lead to a reconstruction *h2eg1'lu-. l know of no alternatives that are better motivated within Balto-Slavic.

ackons

OPR ackons (EV) 'awn'

PIE *h2ek-on-IE Go. ahana f. 'chaff'; Olc. ųgn f. 'chaff'; OE a?gnan Npl. f. 'awns, chaff'

See --+aštrits 'sharp' for the root. The Lithuanian counterpart of this word is -akuotas, with a different suffix.

ayculo

OPR ayculo (EV) 'needle'

PSL *jbg'bla (e) SL CS igla; Ru. igla; Ukr. h6lka; ihla ( dial.); Cz. jehla; ihla ( dial.); Slk. ihla; Pl.

igla; jegla ( dial.); Slnc. jięglii; LSrb. gla; Plb. jaglii; SCr. igla, Asg. l'glu; jigla ( dial.); jagla ( dial.); Čak. igla (Vrg.), Asg. l'glu; igla (Novi); jogla (Hvar ), Asg. l'glu; Sln. igla 'needle, kingpin'; igla; jagla; Bulg. igla

Toporov's suggestion (PJ l : 59) that these forms are cognate with Lith. --+aigyti 'prick, sting, incite, beat' and aigaras 'straw' (also aigara i) does not seem implausible to me. O Pr. ayculo may have <e> for g ( see also Derksen 2008a: 210 ).

artwes

OPR artwes (EV) 'boat trip'

Considering the military context in which the word appears, the gloss 'schifreise' must be interpreted as 'naval expedition', cf. karyago 'Reise'. According to Hamp (1998b: 79), artwes f. pl. continues *h1 errtu-, which seems plausible. For the root, cf. --+irti 11.

assanis

OPR

BSL PSL SL

PIE

assanis (EV) 'autumn'

*es-eni-*esenb f. i (e) 'autumn' CS esenv (Const.) Asg. ; Ru. 6sen'; jesen' (Rjaz.); Ukr. 6sin'; Slk. jesen; Pl. jesien; SCr. jesen; Čak. jesen (Vrg., Novi); Sln. jesęn; Bulg. jesen

*h1 es-en-i-

556 au-

IE Gk. 6mopa (Hom.), 6m1pa (Lak.) f. 'Iate summer, early autumn'; Go. asans f. 'harvest time, summer'; OHG aran m. 'harvest'

If the root is indeed PIE *h1 es 'be', the e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o­elsewhere (Old Prussian being ambiguous) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change': The Greek forms may continue *op-ahara, where *op- is the prefix 6m- and the second element a heteroclitic neuter *ohar < *h1os-r (Beekes 2010: 1095). Fi. kesa m. 'summer' may be a borrowing from Indo-European (cf. Koivulehto 1991: 16-18).

au-

OPR au- 'away, off' (e.g. aumūsnan Asg. 'ablution')

BSL *au PSL *u prep./pref. 'from, by, at, (pref.) away' SL OCS u 'from, at'; u- 'away'; Ru. u 'by, at'; u- 'away'; Pl. u 'by, at'; u- 'away'; SCr.

u 'by, at'; u- 'away'; Sln. u- 'away'; Bulg. u 'by, at'; u- 'away'

PIE *h2eu IE Skt. ava prep./pref. 'off, away'; Lat. au- prep. 'away'; Olr. 6 (ua) prep. 'from'

dalptan

OPR dalptan (EV) 'punch, instrument for punching holes'

BSL *dolbt6 PSL *dolto n. o (b) 'chisel' SL Ru. dolot6; Cz. dlato; Slk. dlato; PI. dluto; Bulg. dlat6

IE OE delfan '<lig'

See -+delbti. There are also Slavic forms that continue *delta, e.g. SCr. dlijeto 'chisel'.

dirbinsnan

OPR dirbinsnan Isg. 'trembling'

This form contains the regular zero grade of a Balto-Slavic root *dreb- , cf. -+Lith. drebinti 'cause to tremble, shake'. l see no need for the generally accepted emenda­tion to dribinsnan. The fact that in East Baltic the analogical zero grade drib- is common (cf. Lith. -+dribinis) does not imply that it was introduced in this Prussian form as well. Besides, dirb- has been preserved in a number of Latvian forms, e.g. -+Latv. dirbinat 'quiver, walk with small steps, trample, drizzle', dirbet, dirbinet 'tremble'.

emmens

OPR emmes (l, 11), emnes (III) 'name', Asg. emnen (III), Gsg. emmens (III)

BSL *in (men-PSL *jbmę n. n 'name' SL OCS imę, Gsg. imene; Ru. imja, Gsg. imeni; Ukr. im'a, Gsg. imeny; m'a

( dial.) ; Cz. jmeno n.( o); meno ( dial.) n.( o); OCz. jme, Gsg. jmene; Slk. meno

geits 557

n.(o) ; Pl. imię, Gsg. imienia; imiono (arch.) n.(o) ; miano (arch.) n.(o) ; miono ( dial.) n.( o); SCr. i'me, Gsg. i'mena, Npl. imėna; Čak. l'me (Vrg.), Gsg. l'mena, Npl. imend; Sln. imę, Gsg. imęna; Bulg. imė

PIE *h3nhrmen-IE Skt. ndman- n.; Gk. ovoµa n.; Lat. n6men n.

The anlaut of the Old Prussian forms points to original zero grade ( cf. Kortlandt 2ooob: 125).

gabawo

OPR gabawo (EV) 'toad'

PSL *žaba f. a (a) 'frog, toad' SL OCS žaba (Ps. Sin.) 'frog'; žčba (Ps. Sin.) 'frog'; Ru. žciba 'toad, quinsy'; Cz.

žliba 'frog'; Slk. žaba 'frog' ; Pl. :iaba 'frog'; SCr. žaba 'frog (kriistava ž.) toad'; Čak. žiiba (Vrg.) 'frog, turtle'; Sln. žaba 'frog'; Bulg. žliba 'frog, (krlistava ž.) toad'

IE OS quappa 'burbot'; MDu. quabbe, quappe 'burbot(?) , gudgeon(?)'; Early MoDu. quabbe 'burbot, gudgeon, frog'; MoDu. kwabbe (E. dial.) 'burbot'; MoHG quappe (Bav.) 'ruffe, tadpole', MoHG Kaulquappe 'tadpole'

It can hardly be doubted that the above-mentioned forms belong together (cf. Stang 1972: 80-81, Hamp 1983, Nepokupnyj 1989: 184-195). Lat. būfo m. 'toad', on the other hand, is more remote. It is not entirely dear how the Germanic fish-names, which were borrowed into Baltic (e.g. Lith. kviipė, Latv. kvape), relate to the meaning 'toad, frog'. One might argue that the burbot or eelpout (Lota lota) bears a certain resem­blance to a tadpole. Beside these animal names, we find words such as MLG quabbe 'swamp', MoDu. kwab 'lobe', MoE quab ( dial.) 'marshy spot' (Ru. žab'e ( dial.) 'marsh' rather looks like a derivative of žliba). This may ultimately be the same etymon. For PGmc. *kwabban m. 'swamp, bog', Kroonen (21013 : 314) reconstructs *g"'h1 bh-on-, which he compares with Arm. kaw 'day' < *g"'h1 bh-o-. A proto-form *gweh1 bh-ehr would fit the Slavic noun very well ( and seems preferable to my earlier reconstruc­tion *gweb-ehr), but the connection with OPr. gabawo, which probably has short a, remains a problem. l am still of the opinion that we may be dealing with a borrowing from a substratum language.

geits

OPR geytye (EV); geytko (GrA), gaytko (GrF), geitke (GrG); geits (III) 'bread', Asg. geittin (l), geytien (II), geitin (III)

BSL *gerit-PSL *žito n. o (a) 'grain, com' SL OCS žito 'com, fruits'; Ru. žito 'com'; Ukr. žyto 'rye'; OCz. žito 'com'; Pl. :iyto

'rye'; SCr. žl'to 'com, wheat'; Čak. žl'to (Vrg.) 'barley'; Sln. žit9 'com'; Bulg. žito 'com'

558 genno

IE W bwyd 'food, meat'

The Old Prussian word has also been handed down in the proverb Deues does dantes, Deues does geitka 'God give teeth, God give bread', where geitka is a Gsg. In view of the spelling <ei> in the older monuments, we are dealing with *ei not with *f > ei. As a result, we are facing the problem that BSl. *geri-t- is incompatible with a PIE full grade *gweh3i-. The alternative reconstruction *gei(-t- < *gweihr is unattractive in view of the fixed stress of PSl. *žito, which must result from Hirt's law, and the final stress of Ru. žila f. 'lived' < *gwh3 i-, where Hirt's law did not operate. As a solution one might assume that the root had a variant with *h1 ( cf. Beekes 1969: 248-249 ), which is hardly an option, or that the e-grade was introduced after the merger of the laryngeals in Balto-Slavic. The latter hypothesis implies that W bwyd < PCI. beitom is an independent formation. Note that Schrijver (1995: 246), who reconstructs *gweiH­to- (with an e-grade that was apparently created on the basis of a zero grade *gwiH << *gwHi-), does not seem prepared to commit himself to the colour of the laryngeal.

genno

OPR genno (EV) 'woman' ; Asg. gennan (l, II, III), gannan (III) , Gsg. gennas (III)

BSL *gena( PSL *žena f. a (b) 'woman, wife' SL OCS žena 'woman'; Ru. žena 'wife, (poet., obs.) woman'; Cz. žena 'woman,

wife'; Slk. žena 'woman, wife'; Pl. žona 'wife'; SCr. žėna 'woman, wife', Asg. žėnu; Čak. ženii (Vrg., Novi, Hvar) 'woman, wife', Asg. ženu; Sln. žena 'woman, wife'; Bulg. žena 'woman'

PIE *gwen-ehr IE Skt. jani- f. 'woman, wife'; Go. qino f. 'woman'; Olr. ben f. 'woman'

grumins

OPR grumins (EV) 'drizzle'

The meaning of this word in the Elbing Vocabulary is given as 'dunreyn', which is usually interpreted as 'drizzle'. From the position between words for 'thunder' and 'lightning' (in combination with the presumed etymology, for which see Lith. --+grumet1) one has inferred that the meaning is actually 'distant tlmnder' or 'rain with thunder'. Toporov (PJ II : 317ff.) suggests that dunreyn originates from the com­bination Donner & Regen or that the Prussian informant misunderstood the German word. Mažiulis (PKEZ l: 417) assumes that dunreyn is a compound containing a verbal stem dun- 'thunder'.

gulsennin

OPR gulsennin (III), gulsennien (III) Asg. 'pain'

This noun is cognate with Lith. -+gelti 'sting'.

instran

OPR instran (EV) 'fat'

BSL *intr6 PSL *ętro n. o (b) 'liver'

kermens 559

SL RuCS jatro n.( o) 'liver, (pl.) entrails'; Ru. jatro 'entrails, eggs' ; jatr6 'entrails, eggs'; jatrci Npl. 'entrails, eggs' ; ORu. jatro 'liver, (pl.) entrails'; Cz. jcitra Npl. 'liver'; Plb. jątra Npl. 'liver'; SCr. jetra Npl. 'liver'; jetra (Dubr.) f. 'liver'; Čak. Npl. j'etra (Orb.) 'liver'; Sln. jętra Npl. 'liver'; Bulg. jatr6 'liver'

PIE *h1 en-tr-om IE Skt. antra- n. 'intestine'; Gk. evrepa Npl. n. 'entrails'

Quite understandably, this noun is often regarded as a borrowing from Germanic, cf. MLG inster n. 'entrails of slaughtered cattle'. Some scholars (e.g. LEW: 180, Toporov PJ III: 55) have argued that the s of the Old Prussian forms is inorganic and arose under the influence of similar words, cf. Lith. -+inkstas, -+fsčios.

kailūstikan

OPR kailūstiskan Asg. 'health' ( cf. kayle 'helio' in the Basel epigram)

BSL *koilos PSL *ctlo adj. o (e) 'whole' SL OCS celo 'whole, healthy'; Ru. celyj 'whole, entire'; celyj 'safe, intact', f. celei, n.

celo; ORu. kelo (Novg.); Cz. celf; Slk. celf; Pl. caly; SCr. cijel, ci'o, f. cijėla; Čak. ci( l) (Vrg.), f. cila, n. cilo, Npl. cili; cie( l) (Orb.), f. ciela, n. cielo; Sln. cęl; Bulg. cjal

PIE *koilo-IE Go. hails 'healthy, whole'

In Derksen 2008a (75), l reconstructed *kailo- with a view to Lat. caelum 'sky, heaven', W coel 'presage, omen' (cf. De Vaan 2008: 80-81). The connection is highly speculative, however.

kelan

OPR kelan (EV) 'wheel'

PIE *kwelom IE Olc. hvel n. 'wheel'

This neuter o-stem occurs alongside the reduplicated noun continued by -+kaklas. Slavic has an s-stem *kolo n., e.g. OCS kolo 'wheel', Gsg. kolese.

kermens

OPR kermens (l, 11), kermens (III) 'body', Asg. kermenen, kermenen, kermenan, kermnen, kermnen, Gsg. kermenes

BSL *ker-m/w-PSL *červo n. o (e) 'belly, intestine' SL OCS črevo 'belly, womb, (pl.) entrails'; Ru. čerevo ( dial.) 'belly, womb'; čerevo

( dial.) 'belly'; Ukr. čerevo ( dial.) 'belly'; Cz. stfevo 'gut, intestine'; tfevo (Kott) 'gut, intestine'; OCz. (s) tfevo 'gut, intestine'; Slk. črevo 'gut, intestine'; Pl.

560 kis man

trzewo 'entrails, intestines'; USrb. črjewo 'intestine'; SCr. cr11evo 'gut, intestine'; Čak. črivo (Vrg.) 'id.', Npl. črfva; črivo (Novi) 'id.', Npl. čriva; Sln. čręv(i n.(s) 'belly', Gsg. črevęsa; Bulg. červ6 'intestine'

PIE *ker-m-IE Skt. carman- m. 'hide, skin'

The distribution between *m in Baltic and (secondary) *w in Slavic is reminiscent of -+kirmis.

kis man

OPR kisman Asg. 'time'

BSL *kes-PSL *časb m. o (a) 'time' SL OCS čas11 'time, moment, hour'; Ru. čas 'hour, moment', Gsg. časa, Npl. časj

(AP (a) in Old Russian); Cz. čas 'time, weather'; Slk. čas 'time, weather'; Pl. czas 'time'; Slnc. čas 'time'; SCr. čiis 'moment'; Čak. čas (Vrg„ Novi) 'moment', Gsg. časa; Sln. čas 'time', Gsg. časa; Bulg. čas 'hour'

The root may be reconstructed as *kCwleh1s-, but it has been suggested that the *s belongs to the suffix, the root *ke (i.e. *keh1) being a variant of *ke(i), cf. Skt. ctiyati 'perceive, observe'. For the latter verb I have reconstructed *kweh1 i-e/o-, cf. OCS čajati, Ru. čajat' 'expect, hope for'. The connection with Alb. k6he f. 'time, season, weather' is not straightforward (cf. Kortlandt 1987: 222, Demiraj 1997: 221-222).

L anga

OPR Langa name of a brook; Langodis name of a swamp

BSL *lon(?)g-PSL *lpg?J m. o (e) 'depression' SL OCS lųga (Ps. Sin.) Gsg. 'wood(s)'; Ru. lug 'meadow'; Cz. luh 'damp

depression overgrown with shrubs and trees'; OCz. luh 'forest, wood(s), grove, wooded meadow'; Slk. luh 'damp wood with tall trees, grove near water'; Pl. lqg 'damp or flooded wood, meadow or pasture near a river or in a depression', Gsg. lęgu; SCr. lug 'forest, wood( s ), shrub( s ), ( dial.) meadow, depression', Gsg. luga; Sln. lpg 'grove'; Bulg. lag 'meadow, depression, grove ( on a damp spot)'

See -+[engė.

lasto

OPR lasto (EV) 'bed'

PIE *los-to-IE Toch. B lesto f. 'nest, den'

According to Hamp (1994) , *kai-to- was replaced by *los-to- in the "North European" branches of IE.

lauxnos

OPR lauxnos (EV) 'luminary'

BSL *louksna( PSL *luna f. a 'moon'

maldai

SL OCS luna 'moon'; Ru. luna 'moon, ( dial.) ray of light, firmament, echo'; Ukr. luna 'reflection, glow, echo' ; Cz. luna (poet.) 'moon'; Slk. luna 'moon' ; Pl. luna 'reflection, glow, moon, flame'; OPL luna 'moon, reflection, glow'; SCr. lr:ma 'moon'; Čak. lūna (Orb.) 'full moon, phase of the moon', Asg. lūno; Sln. luna 'moon'; Bulg. luna 'moon'

PIE *louk-snehr IE Av. raoxšna- 'shining'; Lat. lūna f. 'moon'

See -+/aūkas l .

luckis

OPR luckis (EV) 'torch, log'

PSL * lučb m. jo (b) 'ray, torch' SL RuCS lučb m.(jo) 'ray, light, shining'; Ru. luč m.(jo) 'ray, beam, ( dial.) torch';

Cz. louč f.(i) 'torch'; OCz. luč f.(i) 'torch'; Slk. lUč f. (i) 'ray, (dial.) torch'; SCr. luč m.(jo) 'torch, light, ray'; Čak. lūč (Vrg.) m.(jo) 'core of pinewood (used as fuel)', Gsg. lūčii; Sln. luč f.(i) 'light (from fire ) '

PIE *louk-i-IE Skt. roci�- f. 'light, splendour'; Lat. lūx f. 'light'

See -+laūkas L

mais

OPR mais 'my', f. maia

PSL *mojb prn. 'my' SL OCS moi, f. moja, n. maje; Ru. moj, f. moja, n. moe; Cz. muj; Slk. m6j; Pl.

m6j; SCr. moj, f. moja, n. maje; Čak. moj, f. moja, n. maje; m"oj, f. mojii, n.

maje; Sln. mŲj; Bulg. moj

PIE *h1 mo-IE Hitt. ama!i- 'my'

maldai

OPR maldai (III) Vpl. 'young ones'

BSL *maldos PSL *mold'b adj. o (e) 'young' SL OCS mlad'b; Ru. molod6j; Cz. mladf; Slk. mladf; Pl. mlody; SCr. mliid, f.

mlada; Čak. ml&d (Vrg.), f. ml&da, n. ml&do; Sln. mliid, f. mlada; Bulg. mlad

PIE *mold-u-IE Skt. mrdu- 'soft, tender' ; Lat. mollis 'soft'

maldenikis

OPR maldenikis 'child'

BSL *moldenikos

maldenikis

PSL *moldenbcb m. jo 'infant, child, youth' SL OCS mladenbcb ' infant'; mladenbcb 'infant'; Ru. mladenec 'infant'; Cz.

mladenec (arch., dial.) 'child, youth, adolescent'; Sllc. mladenec 'youth, unmarried young man'; Pl. mlodzieniec 'youth'; SCr. mliidjenac 'infant, child, youth'; Sln. mladęnx 'youth'

A derivative of the word for 'young' (---+OPr. maldai).

mien

OPR mien (EV) Asg. 'me'

BSL *m e-m PSL *mę prn. Asg. 'me' SL OCS mę; ORu. mja; Cz. me; Pl. mię; SCr. me

PIE *h1 me-IE Skt. mdm (*h1me-om); Gk. eµe

nabis

OPR nabis (EV 123) 'navel'; nabis (EV 297) 'nave'

PIE *h3nebh-IE Skt. ndbhi- f. 'nave, navel'; Gk. 6µcpaA6c; m. 'navel, umbilical cord' (*h3nbh-l-);

Lat. umbilfcus m. 'navel, centre' ( *h3nbh-(e!o)l-); OHG naba f. 'nave'; nabalo, nabulo m. 'navel'

nautin

OPR nautin (III), nautin (III) Asg., nautei (III) Dsg., nautins (III) Apl., 'need'

PSL *nudja; *nŲdja f. ja (a) 'need' SL OCS nųžda 'force, necessity, suffering'; nužda (Supr., En.) 'force, necessity,

suffering'; Ru. nuža (dial., arch.) 'need, necessity'; Cz. nouze 'poverty, need, torment'; OCz. nuže 'difficult situation, torment, need'; Slk. nudza 'poverty, need, torment'; Pl. nędza 'poverty, need, torment'; SCr. nužda 'poverty'; Sln. nuja 'necessity, need'; Bulg. nužda 'need, poverty'

IE Go. naups f. 'trouble, need, constraint' f., Ok. nauo f. 'need, difficulty, distress'; OHG n6t 'id:

See ---+novė for the reconstruction of the root.

pausto

OPR pausto (EV) 'wild' ( cf. paustre 'wilderness')

BSL *poustos PSL *pust11 adj. o (e) 'empty, desolate'

salowis

SL OCS pust'b; Ru. pustoj 'empty, deserted'; Cz. pusty; Slk. pusty; Pl. pusty; SCr. pust 'empty', f. pusta; Čak. pust (Vrg., Hvar) 'empty', f. pūsta, n. pusto; Sln. pust 'empty, desolate'; Bulg. pust 'empty, desolate, poor'

Etymology unknown. A root *poh2u- 'end' would have triggered Hirt's law.

pintis

OPR pintis (EV) 'way, road'

PSL *pptb m. i (b) 'way' SL OCS p9tb 'way' m.(i) ; Ru. put' 'way, journey' m.(i) ; Cz. pouf f.(i) 'pilgrimage,

( lit.) journey'; Slk. put f.(i) 'pilgrimage, ( lit.) journey'; Pl. pqc m.(i) 'way'; SCr. pat m.( o) 'road, way', Gsg. puta; Čak. pūt (Vrg.) m.( o) 'road, way, time', Gsg. pūta; put (Hvar) m.(o) 'road, way', Gsg. pūta; Sln. ppt f.(i) 'way'; ppt m.( o) 'way'; Bulg. pat m.(jo) 'road, way'

PIE *p( o )nt-hr IE Skt. pantha- m. 'path, road'; Gk. mhoc; 'road' m.; Gk. n6vTOc; 'sea' m.; Lat.

pons 'bridge' m.

The combined evidence of the various branches of IE points to a hysterodynamic hr stem.

plasmeno

OPR plasmeno (EV) 'front part of the sole'

PSL *plesno n. o; *plesna f. a 'sole' SL OCS plesno (Euch., Ps. Sin., Supr.) n. ( cf. plesnbce n. (Euch.) 'sandal'); OCz.

plesna f. ; Sln. plesna f.

See -+plaštaka.

pūton

OPR pūton (III), poūton (III), pout (III), poutwei (III) 'drink'

BSL *por(i); *pfi PSL *piti v. 'drink' SL OCS piti, isg. pij9; Ru. pit', isg. p)u, 3sg. p'et; Cz. piti; Slk. pif; Pl. pic; SCr. pi'ti,

isg. pljem; Čak. pl'ti (Vrg.) , 2sg. pijes; pi't (Orb.), isg. pijen; pi'ti (Hvar) 'ask', isg. pljen; Sln. piti, isg. pijem; Bulg. pija

PIE *peh3(i)-; *ph3(i)-IE Skt. pati 'drink'; pita- 'drunk'; Gk. nivw 'drink'; nwvw (Aeol., Dor.) 'drink'

These forms from the Enchiridion have a > ū > oū after a labial consonant. The position of the laryngeal in the extended root is shown by forms such as Ru. pila f. 'drank' < *ph3i-leh2, where Hirt's law did not operate.

salowis

OPR salowis (EV) 'nightingale'

564 sasins

BSL *sal(V)w-PSL * solvbjb m. io; *sol( o )vih m. o 'nightingale' SL RuCS slavii m.(jo ); Ru. solovej m.(jo ), Gsg. solov'ja; ORu. solovii m.(jo ); Cz.

slavik; Pl. slowik; USrb. sylobik; USrb. solobik; SCr. slavūj, Gsg. slavuja; slavūj, Gsg. slavūjii; Sln. slav3<:, Gsg. slavca; Bulg. slavej

IE Ok. s9Zr 'dirty yellow'; OHG salwo 'dirty yellow', Gsg. sal(a)wes; MoE sallow 'sickly yellow, pale brown'; MoDu. zaluw 'yellowish'; Olr. salach 'dirty'

A Slavic colour adjective is Ru. sol6vyj 'light bay', solov6j 'yellowish grey'. In view of the Upper Sorbian forms, which do not reflect *solv-, OPr. salowis is not necessarily a borrowing from East Slavic ( cf. Levin 1974: 104) . I suspect that we are dealing with a root sal- with "European'' a ( cf. Kurylowicz 1956: 195, Derksen 2001b: 136). According to Schrijver (1991: 212-213), who includes Lat. saliva 'spit' and salebra 'dirt', ablaut *solH- : *slH- is an alternative solution.

sasins

OPR sasins (EV) 'hare'; sasintinklo [sasnitinklo?] (EV) 'hasengarn'

PIE *khr(e)s-IE Skt. sasa- m. 'hare'; OE hara m. 'hare'; OHG haso m. 'hare'; W ceinach f.

'hare'

Mažiulis (PKEŽ IV: 67) suggests that we should read sasnis and sasnitinklo, cf. the river name Sasna and Lat. canus 'white, light grey (esp. of hair)' < *kasno-. We also find evidence for an n-stem in Germanic and Celtic. In order to account for sasins, Lubotsky (1989: 56), whose reconstruction I have adopted here, assumes secondary o­vocalism or a proterodynamic genitive *khros-s. Kroonen (2013: 223) would prefer to abandon the laryngeal altogether, which would mean giving up the connection with PSl. *serb 'grey' (e.g. Ru. seryj, OCz. šery) < *xoirb < *kH-oi-ro-. This is not a great loss to him, as he regards this adjective as a borrowing from Germanic anyway (o.e.: 201).

seydis

OPR seydis (EV) 'wall'

BSL *ž(e) id-PSL *zido m. o; *zbdb f. i 'wall' SL OCS zode (Ps. Sin.) Lsg. m.; Cz. zed' f.(i) 'stone wall', Gsg. zdi; SCr. zid m„

Gsg. zida; Čak. zid (Vrg.) m„ Gsg. zida; zit (Orb.) m., Gsg. zida; Sln. zid m., Gsg. zida, Gsg. zidu; Bulg. zid m. 'stone wall'

See ->žiesti.

scurdis

OPR sturdis [scurdis] (EV) 'dibstone, mattock'

BSL *skurd-PSL *oskordo m. o 'pointed hammer, pickaxe'

tempran

SL OCS oskrud'b (Ps. Sin, Euch.) 'stone cutter's tool, pickaxe'; Ru. osk6rd 'axe'; Cz. oškrt 'iron tool for whetting or roughening mill-stones' ; oškrd (dial.) 'id:; OCz. oškrd 'id:; Pl. oskard 'pickaxe'; Sln. oskfd f.(i) 'pointed hammer for whetting mill-stones'

The full grade of this root is found in -+skersti and -+skardyti, cf. also Ru. skoroda ( dial.) 'harrow'.

soakis

OPR soakis (EV) 'warbler'

Traditionally, this bird name is connected with -+šokti 'jump', but Tenhagen (1998 : 168-172) makes a case for an etymological connection with -+suokti 'sing'.

stallit

OPR stallit 'stand', 3 pres. stalla, stalle, stalle, stalleti, stalli

BSL * stel-; *stil-PSL *st11lati v. (b) 'spread' SL OCS st11lati (Supr.) 'spread', lsg. stelj9; Ru. stlat' 'spread', ISg. stelju, 3sg. stelet;

Cz. stlati 'make one's bed'; OCz. stlati 'make one's bed', ISg. stelu; Sln. stlati 'strew', ISg. stęljem; Bulg. stelja 'cover, spread'

PIE *st( e )l-IE Gk. crn:Uw 'prepare, equip, array, send'; OHG stellen 'array, establish,

arrange'

strigeno

OPR strigeno (EV) 'brain'

BSL *strigen-PSL *str11ž11n11; *str11žen11 m. jo 'core' SL CS struž11n11 'core' ; RuCS str11ž11n11 'core'; Ru. strežen' 'channel, main stream

( of a river)'; steržen' 'pivot, core'; Bel. strfžefz 'core of an abscess'; Ukr. stryžen' 'core of a tree'; Cz. stržen 'core of an abscess'; Slk. stržen 'core of a tree, honeycomb'; Sln. stržęn 'core of a tree or an abcess, current, path through a valley m.( o)

PIE *strig1'-IE Sw. streke 'main stream ( of a river)'

My argument for reconstructing *gh is the fact that in Slavic Winter's law apparently did not operate. The k of streke possibly results from Kluge's law.

tempran

OPR tempran Asg. f. 'expensive', adv. temprai

See -+tempti.

towis

towis

OPR towis (EV); taws, taws (III) 'father', Asg. thawan (I, II), tawan (III)

See --+ tevas.

trupis

OPR trupis (EV) 'log'

BSL *tr(o)up-? PSL *trup'b m. o (e) 'trunk, corpse' SL OCS trup'b 'corpse'; Ru. trup 'corpse, carcass'; ORu. trup'b 'tree-trunk, corpse,

carnage'; Cz. trup 'trunk'; Slk. trup 'trunk'; Pl. trup 'corpse'; SCr. trup 'trunk, corpse', Gsg. trupa; Čak. trup (Vrg.) 'trunk, corpse', Gsg. trupa; Sln. trup 'trunk, body, corpse, log' ; Bulg. trup 'trunk, body, corpse, carcass'

Only Balto-Slavic.

waist

OPR waist 'know', 2sg. waisei, ipl. waidimai

BSL *woird-PSL *vedeti v. 'know' SL OCS vedeti 'know', isg. vemb, isg. vede, 3sg. vest'b; Ru. vedat' 'manage, ( obs.)

know'; Cz. vedeti 'know'; Slk. vedef 'know'; Pl. wiedziee 'know', isg. wiem; Sln. vędęti 'know', isg. vęm

PIE *uoid-IE Skt. veda 3sg. pf.; Gk. oT8a 3sg. pf.; Go. 3sg. pf. wait

See also --+veizdeti.

wanso

OPR wanso (EV) 'first beard'

BSL *w6nsum PSL *Ųs'b m. o (b) 'moustache' SL RuCS 9s'b 'moustache, beard'; Ru. us 'hair of a moustache, whisker', Npl. usy

'moustache' ; Cz. vous 'beard hair', Npl. vousy 'beard' ; Pl. wqs 'moustache', Npl. wqsy 'moustache'; Sln. vps 'moustache', Npl. vosi 'id:; vŲse Npl. f.(a) 'moustache'

PIE *uondh-s-om IE Mlr . .find 'hair' m.; OHG wintbrawa 'eye-lash' f.

I no longer endorse Fraenkel's view (LEW: 1167, cf. Derksen 2008a: 386) that Žem. uostai Npl. 2 [2/4] 'moustache' is an inherited word. As in the case of Lith. asai, we must assume that this noun ultimately originates from East Slavic ( see Zinkevičius 1966: 79 fn.) .

warsus

OPR warsus (EV) 'lip'

PIE *uors-

wormyan

IE Ok. v9rr f. 'lip' (*warzo-); Go. wairilom Dpl. f. 'lips' ; OE weleras Npl. m. 'lips' ( with metathesis)

These etyma are possibly cognate with OE wear m. 'callus' < PGmc. *warza- and Lat. verrūca 'wart'.

widdewū

OPR widdewū 'widow', Dpl. widdewūmans

BSL *wideu( PSL *vbdova f. a (b) 'widow' SL OCS Vbdova; Vbdovica (variants with b are rare); Ru. vdova, Asg. vdovu; Cz.

vdova; Slk. vdova; Pl. wdowa; SCr. udovica; Čak. udovlca (Vrg„ Orb.) ; Sln. vd(Jva; Bulg. vdovica

PIE *h1 uidhhr(e)uhi-IE Skt. vidhava- f.; Gk. �teeoc; m. 'unmarried youth'; Lat. uidua f.; Olr. fedb f.;

Go. widuwo f.

According to Kortlandt (1997b: 161), this etymon continues a hysterodynamic uhi­stem (see also Beekes 1992: 184) . In his view, the e-grade of the Asg. must have spread to the Nsg. at an early stage of Balto-Slavic, i.e. before the development *eu > *ou before a vowel because otherwise the medial front vowel of OPr. widdewū is hard to explain. For the initial laryngeal see also Lubotsky 1994, where it is argued that the adjective *h1 uidhu- on which the word for 'widow' is based (Greek and Latin point to *h1 uidh-eu-o-) ultimately goes back to *dui-dhhru-.

wormyan

OPR wormyan (EV); warmes (GrG), warmun (GrA); urminan (III) Asg. 'red'

The anlaut of this adjective must go back to *war-, corresponding with Lith. vai'-, as in -+varmas 'mosquito, horse-fly' (cf. PKEŽ IV: 210, 263). Other colour adjectives deriving from *urmi- (*!!rmi-) 'worm' are Ukr. vermjatyj 'red' and OHG wormo 'purple', cf. also MoFr. vermeil 'scarlet' < *vermiculus. A parallel is OCS ČrbVb 'worm' (-+kirmis) vs. OCS črbVljen'b, Črbmbn'b 'red' (cf. Derksen 2008a: 91-92) .

REFERENCES

ABBREVIATIONS OF AUTHORS AND OLD TEXTS

BB = Bretke' s bible translation ( 1590) Birž. = Mykolas Biržiska (1882-1962) Bretk. = Johannes Bretke (1536-1602) C. = Clavis Germanico-Lithvana (17'h e.) Chyl. = Samuel Chylinski' s bible translation ( 1660) Dauk. = Simonas Daukantas (1793-1864) DK = Daukša 1595 Donei. = Kristijonas Donelaitis (1714-1780) DP = Daukša 1599 Fiir. = Christopher Fiirecker (17'h e.) Gliick = Johann Ernst Gliick's bible translation (1685-1694) H. = Haack 1730 Jabl. = Jonas Jablonskis (1860-1930) Karls. = Karlsons (from Naukschen) K. = Kurschat 1870-1874 or Kurschat 1883 KN = Jaugelis-Telega 1653 Kos. = Ambrozy Kossarzewski (1821-1880) Kr. = Krumberg' s collection of words from Odensee LP = Lerchis-Puškaitis 1891-1903 Mane. = Georgius Mancelius (1593-1654) MT = Vaišnoras 1600 P!Kur. = words recorded by J. Plal,<is on the Couronian Isthmus Schm. = Peter Schmidt (from Ronneburg) SD' = Sirvydas ca. 1620 SD = Sirvydas 1713 SP = Sirvydas 1629-1644 WP = Wolfenbiitteler Postille (1573)

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ALEKSANDRAVIČIUS, J. (1957) . Kirtis ir priegaidė Kretingos tarmėje. Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 1, 97-107.

ALEKSANDRAVIČIUS, J . (1964) . Kretingos tarmės įvardis. Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 10, 121-130.

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AMBRAZAS, V„ GENIUŠIENĖ, E„ GIRDENIS, A„ SLižIENĖ, N„ TEKORIENĖ, D„ V ALECKIENĖ, A„ and V ALIULYTĖ, A. (1997). Lithuanian grammar. Lithuania: Baltos lankos.

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INDICES

BALTIC 597 Late A vestan 672 Lithuanian 597 Old Persian 672 Latvian 613 Middle Persian 672 Old Prussian 625 Modern Persian 672

SLAVIC 629 Ossetic 672 Old Church Slavic 629 GREEK 672 Church Slavic (unspecified) 632 Greek 672 Middle Bulgarian 633 Mycenaean 675 Russian Church Slavic 633 Modern Greek 675 Serbian Church Slavic 633 PHRYGIAN 675 Russian 634 ANCIENT MACEDONIAN 675 Old Russian 639 ITALIC 675 Ukrainian 640 Old Latin 675 Old Ukrainian 641 Latin 675 Belorussian 641 Medieval Latin 677 Czech 641 French 677 Old Czech 645 Spanish 677 Slovak 646 Romanian 677 Old Slovak 649 Lombardian 677 Upper Sorbian 649 Piemontese 677 Lower Sorbian 650 Oscan 677 Polish 650 CELTIC 677 Old Polish 654 Old Irish 677 Kashubian 654 Middle Irish 678 Slovincian 654 Modern Irish 678 Polabian 655 Old Welsh 678 Serbo-Croatian 655 Middle W elsh 678 Čakavian 659 Welsh 678 Kajkavian 662 Old Breton 678 Slovene 662 Breton 678 Bulgarian 666 Gaulish 678 Macedonian 669 Celtiberian 678

ANATOLIAN 669 GERMANIC 678 Hittite 669 Gothic 678 Palaic 669 Old Icelandic 679 Luwian 669 Modern Icelandic 680

TOCHARIAN 669 Norwegian 680 Tocharian A 669 Old Swedish 680 Tocharian B 669 Swedish 680

INDO-IRANIAN 669 Old English 680 Sanskrit 669 Middle English 681 Pali 672 Modern English 681 Avestan 672 Old Frisian 681

596 INDICES

West Frisian 681 MESSAPIAN 684 Old High German 681 THRACIAN 684 Middle High German 683 NON-INDO-EUROPEAN 684 Modern High German 683 Finnish 684 Middle Low German 683 Estonian 684 Modern Low German 683 Livonian 684 Old Saxon 683 Karelian 684 Middle Dutch 683 Vepsian 684 Modern Dutch 683 Saami 684

ARMENIAN 683 Mongolian 684 ALBANIAN 684

INDICES 597

BALTIC alksnis, 50 antis, 57 arti, 61 alkti, 51 antras, 57 artiė, 61

Lithuanian alkunė, 51 anukas, 58 artimas, 62 abeja, 43 alme, 52 anukė, 58 artymas, 62

abejoti, 43 a/meti, 52 apačia, 58 artymas, 62

abU, 43 almuo, 52 apačioje, 58 artojas, 62

adata, 43, 151 ainė, 153 apalas, 58 arubė, 212

adva, 510 ainis, 153 apalus, 58 aržilas, 157

advos, 510 alpti, 52 apara, 59 qržuolas, 75

adyti, 43 alpus, 52 aparas, 59 aržus, 62

aguona, 43 alsa, 53 apė, 58 qsa, 62 afgara, 555 alsas, 53 apė, 58 t}šas, 493

afgaras, 555 alsuoti, 53 ape, 58 qs6tas, 63

aigyti, 44 alus, 53 apel, 58 qs6tis, 63

aikšme, 44 alvas, 53 ap(i)-, 58 aš, 63 aikštis, 45 amalas, 54 api, 58 ašaka, 158

aikštis, 45 an-, 479 apy-, 58 ašara, 63

aikštus, 44 anas, 54 apyaušra, 58 ašerys, 158

aikšte, 44, 45 anas, 54 apyaušris, 58 asilas, 62

ai/ė, 45 anga, 54, 57 apyauštris, 58 ašis, 63

ailis, 45 angis, 55, 56 apiė, 58 tišmas, 63

aiškus, 45 anglis, 55 apiera, 69 /išmenes, 64

aistra, 45 anglis, 55 apikratai, 255 ašmenys, 64

aiža, 46 angils, 55, 154, apyūšris, 58 ašmens, 64 aižuolas, 75 201 apivara, 59 ašras, 64

aižyti, 46 anyta, 55 apjvara, 59 ašrus, 64

aka, 46 anka, 56, 493 apivaras, 59 tištras, 64

akas, 46 ankstainais, 56 apjvaras, 59 aštrus, 64

akečios, 46 ankštara, 56 apsiaūsti, 396 aštuntas, 64

akete, 152 ankštaras, 56 apušė, 154 aštuoni, 64

aketi, 47 ankštas, 56 apušis, 154 aštuoiitas, 64

akis, 47 anksteinai( s ), apvalas, 58 ašutas, 65

akmuo, 47 56 apvalus, 58 ašva, 65 akstinas, 48 ankštera, 56 apvara, 59 Ašva, 65

akstis, 48 ankšteras, 56 apvaras, 59 ašvfenis, 65

akštis, 48 anksti, 56 ar, 59 Ašvija, 65 akuotas, 48 ankstiė, 56 ardamas, 59 Ašvinė, 65

aldija, 152 ankštiras, 56 ardas, 59 at-, 65

Aldra, 49 ankštis, 56 ardus, 155 atkaras, 66

aldra, 49, 68 ankštis, 56 ardvas, 155 atkarus, 66

aldras, 49 ans, 54 ardfti, 534 atkusti, 66

alga, 49, 153 ant, 57 ardyti, 60 atlaika, 66 aliksnis, 50 anta, 57 arklas, 60 atlaikas, 66

alka, 50 anta, 57 arklys, 60 atlikti, 66

alkanas, 49 antaras, 57 aršytis, 61 atolas, 66 alkas, 49, 69 antinas, 7 4 aršus, 61 at6lis, 66 alksna, 50 antis, 57 arti, 61 atrus, 340

598 INDICES

atsailė, 67 qžuolas, 75 barti, 81, 107 biržė, 91 atsala, 67 ba, 75 bartis, 81 biržė, 91 atšanka, 67 babaūšis, 84 barza, 82 biržis, 91 atšankė, 67 babaūže, 84 barzda, 82 biržis, 91 atšanki, 67 babaūžis, 84 barzdotas, 82 biržis, 91 atverti, 67 babras, 84 basas, 83 biržlis, 91 au-, 68 babrus, 84 baudinti, 83 biržtva, 91 Audra, 49 badas, 75 baudyti, 83 bitė, 91 audra, 49, 68 badyti, 75 bauginti, 83 bitis, 91 audras, 68 baidinti, 76 baūgštas, 83 bizdas, 92 auginti, 68 baidus, 77 baugštus, 83 blaivas, 92 augmuo, 68 baidfti, 76, 77, baugils, 83, 109 blaivas, 92 augti, 68 85 baūkti, 84 blaižyti, 92 auka, 69, 73 baigti, 76, 86, baūsti, 84 blanda, 92 aūklė, 69 283 baūžas, 84 blandas, 92, 317 auklis, 69 baila, 76 be, 75, 84 blandits, 93 aukoti, 69 bailė, 76 bebras, 84 blandytis, 93 auksas, 69 bailits, 76 bebras, 84 blęsti, 93 auksinas, 70 bdimė, 76 blbras, 84 bliauti, 94 aukštas, 70 baisa, 76 bebrns, 84 bliežti, 94 aūlas, 70 baisinti, 77 blbrus, 84 blindits, 93 aulink, 68 bdisioti, 77 bėda, 85 blisketi, 95 auljis, 70 baisus, 76, 77 begti, 85 blfsti, 94 aumuo, 71 baisus, 77 beigti, 86 blyšketi, 95 aure, 71 bajus, 77 beldeti, 90 blizgas, 95 aure, 71 bala, 77 belsti, 79, 86 blizgeti, 95 ausas, 69 balanda, 78 bengti, 86 blyžl, 95 ausčioti, 71, 482 balanda, 77 beras, 85, 87 blusa, 96 ausinas, 70 balandė, 77, 78 bergždi, 87 bluzgana, 96 ausis, 71 balandis, 78 bergždžias, 87 boba, 96 auskalis, 70 balandra, 77 bernas, 88 bosti, 97 austi, 71 baldndrė, 77 berti, 88 brada, 97 aušra, 72 balandris, 77 berti, 88 bradas, 97 aūšti, 72 balas, 78 berzas, 88, 91 bradyti, 97 auštra, 72 baldyti, 79 berždus, 87 bradžioti, 97 aūtas, 72 balgnas, 79 berždžias, 87 braidyti, 97 aūti, 73 balnas, 79 besti, 88 braidyti, lOO aužuolas, 75 balnas, 79, 81 bezdeti, 89 braidžioti, 97 aveti, 73 balnis, 79 biednas, 85 brandus, 97 aviene, 73 balsas, 80 bigas, 87 branka, 98 avyka, 73 baltas, 80 bijoti, 89 brankyti, 101 avikena, 73 balžiena, 80 byla, 89 brašketi, 98 avikiena, 69, 73 balžlena, 80 bildeti, 90 braūkinti, 98 avilys, 70 balžienas, 80 byloti, 90 braukyti, 98 avinas, 73 banga, 81 bilti, 90 braūktas, 98 avfnas, 74 bangas, 81 bingti, 86, 90 braūkti, 99 avis, 69, 74 barnis, 81 birginti, 90 brauti, 99 aviža, 74 barnis, 81 birti, 88, 90 brekšti, 99

INDICES 599

brengzti, 99 bulundis, 78 daiktas, m dedė, n8 brįsti, 99 bulungis, 78 daile, m dedis, n8 brifžti, ioo bimžė, 105 dailinti, m degis, n8 briauna, ioo buožė, 105 dailyti, m degis, n8 briaunas, 100 buras, 106 dailyti, m dėgla, n9 briaunė, 100 burlas, 450 dailus, n2 deglas, n9 briauti, 99 burliungis, 450 daina, 112 degti, 119 bryde, 100 burlungis, 450 dainiuoti, 112 degiltas, n9 brydis, ioo burna, 82, 106, dainuoti, 112 deivė, 119 brydis, ioo 107 daine, 112 deja, 120 briedis, ioo bUrta, 106 dairytis, 112 del, 120 brinkti, 100, 101 bUrtas, 82, 106 dalba, 113 delba, 120 bristi, 101 burti, 107 dalia, 113 delbti, 120 brįsti, 101 būrys, 106 dalis, 114 dėle, 120 br6lis, 101 burzdus, 104, dalyti, 114 dėli6ti, 121 brotauti, 102 277 daina, 121 delna, 121 broterauti, 102 burzgils, 104 danga, 114, 530 delnas, 121 broterelis, 102 busti, 107 danga, 56 dengti, 121 br6tis, 101 buta, 107 danginti, 115 dengti, 122 br6žti, 102 biltas, 107 dangjti, 115 derifti, 122 brukis, 102 butas, 107 dangyti, 115 dergėti, 122, 132 brilknė, 102 buti, 107 dangils, 115, 121 dergifti, 122 bruknis, 102 buvinti, 108 dantis, 115, 480 dergli6ti, 122 brilkti, 103 buv6ti, 108 dantis, 115 dergna, 122 brunas, 103 bužė, 108 darbas, 115 dergti, 116, 123, brunė, 103 būžė, 108 darga, 115 132 brunis, 103 bužys, 109 dargana, l15 derkti, 116, 123 brunys, 103 būžys, 109 dargti, 116 derti, 123 brilvė, 103 čia, 109 dargils, 116 derva, 123, 143 bruvis, 103 čiuinas, 109 daryti, 116 dešimt, 124 bruvis, 103 čiuinils, 109 darkyti, 116 dešimtas, 124 bruzdiklis, 104 čiiltnas, 109, 461 darkus, 116 dešimtis, 124 bruzduklis, 104 čiutnus, 109 darva, 123 dešinas, 124 bruzdukulis, čiutas, 553 dauba, 116 difti, 60, 125

104 čiutys, 109 daubura, 117 diftis, 125 bruzdus, 104 daba, 110 dauburys, 117 devyni, 126 bruzgils, 104 dabar, 110 daūg, 117 devintas, 126 budifti, 104 dabnus, no daugi, 117 dėvifti, 125 budinti, 104 daga, 110 daūgia, 117 diegas, 126 budrils, 104 dagas, 110 daūsios, 117 dieglys, 129 bugšnus, 105 dagys, 110 daūsos, 117 diegti, 127, 552 bugštus, 83, 105 dagias, 119 dalgė, 113 dieie, 120 būgštus, 105 dagiltas, 119 dalgis, 113 diena, 127 bugti, 105 daigas, 126 davė, 134 diene, 127 buk/a, 105 daigas, 126 debesis, 118 dieni, 127 būklas, 105 daiginti, m debesys, 118 dievas, 128 buklė, 105 daigyti, m debras, 84 dievė, 119 bulundas, 78 daigyti, m debrils, 84 dieveris, 128

600 INDICES

dieveris, 128 drabanas, 134 drob-, 135 dusti, 148 dieverys, 128 drabna, 134 drobė, 141 dūsuoti, 148 diev6tis, 128 drabužis, 135 drobulė, 141 dvaras, 148 diežti, 128 drabužis, 135 drobule, 141 dviisas, 149 dyglė, 128 dragės, 135 drobužis, 135 dviisė, 149 dyglys, 129 dranga, 136, 139 drobužis, 135 dvasia, 149 dygsnis, 129 dranga, 135 drognė, 141 dveji, 149 dygti, 129 drangas, 136, drožlas, 141 dvėselė, 149 dygti, 552 139 drožle, 141 dvisti, 149 dykas, 129 drangils, 136 drožlis, 141 dvigubas, 150 dyri!ti, 131 drapana, 136 drožti, 141 džiaūgti, 150 dfroti, 132 drapanas, 135 drugys, 140, 141 džiaūgtis, 150 dfžti, 134 drapanos, 136 dritktas, 142 džiauti, 150 dilba, 129 drąsus, 136 druožle, 142 džiuti, 150 ditbti, 129 draūgas, 137 druožti, 142 eglė, 151 dilga, 130 drebi!ti, 137 druska, 142 egžlys, 159 dilgė, 130 drebizgai, 137 drittas, 142 ėiškus, 45 dilgėle, 130 drebezgai, 137 druzgai, 143 eiti, 151 dilginti, 130 drebiznos, 135, drūzgai, 143 eižti, 198 dilgyti, 130 137, 532 du, 143 eki!čios, 46 dilgti, 130 drebezos, 137 dubti, 143 eketi, 152 dilgils, 130 drebinti, 138, dubuo, 143 eki!ti, 47 dilti, 121, 130 556 duburas, 143 eldija, 152 dilti, 130 dribti, 138 duburas, 143 elenis, 152 dimstis, 130 drebužis, 135 duburys, 143 eiga, 49 dingti, 115, 130 drėgna, 138 dūburjis, 143 elgėta, 153 dirbti, 131, 531 dri!gnas, 138, 139 dubils, 144, 296 elgeta, 49, 153 dirginti, 131, 139 drėgnils, 138 dugnas, 140, 144 elgetas, 153 dirgyti, 131 dregti, 139 duja, 144 elgtis, 49, 153 dirgti, 132, 139 dreižti, 139 dujos, 144 e/kas, 50 dirkti, 132 dri!kti, 139 duksas, 144 ėlksna, 50 dirti, 132 drikti, 139 dukti, 145 etksnis, 50 dirti, 131, 147 drengti, 139 dumai, 145 elkunė, 51 dirva, 133 drengti, 139 dumbla, 145 elmės, 52 dirvonas, 133 dreži!ti, 139 dumblas, 145 e/mėti, 52 diržas, 133 drežti, 140 dumburys, 143 elnė, 153 diržnas, 133 dręžti, 140 dumti, 145 elnias, 153 diržti, 133 dribinis, 140 duoba, 146, 296 einis, 153 doba, 110 dribti, 140 duobi, 146 elpi!ti, 52 dobilas, 340 drignė, 140 duobti, 146 elsuoti, 53 d6bti, 134 drignis, 140 duona, 146 emalas, 54 donis, 146 drignys, 140 duonis, 146 engti, 55, 57, 153, dosnils, 134 drignius, 140 duoti, 146 201 datas, 134 drfsti, 140 dures, 147 epušė, 154 dovana, 134 driūktas, 142 durys, 147 epušis, 154 dovanas, 134 driutas, 142 durti, 147 er, 59 dovena, 134 drižti, 141 dilsas, 147 eras, 154 draba, 134 drjižti, 141 dūseti, 148 idis, 150

INDICES 601

erdeti, 155 galas, 162 gėlus, 168 gymis, 176 erdus, 155 galeti, 162 gelžis, 168 gysla, 179 erdvas, 155 galva, 162 geni!ti, 170, 171 gyti, 179 erdvus, 155 gamalas, 163 genys, 171 gyvas, 179 erelis, 155 gamas, 163 genšė, 173 gyvata, 180 erkė, 155 gaminti, 163 gentis, 171 gyvatas, 180 ernis, 155, 156 gamulas, 163 genžė, 173 gyvatė, 180 eršketas, 156 gan, 163 geras, 171 gyventi, 180 eršketis, 156 gana, 163 geras, 154 glaboti, 180 eršketis, 156 ganas, 163 gerbti, 171 glaūbti, 180 eršketras, 156 ganeti, 163 gerdas, 171, 178 glėbys, 181 efštas, 61 ganyti, 164 gerkle, 172 glė'bti, 181 eftas, 157 garas, 164 geršė, 172 gleima, 181 ertus, 157 garbe, 164 gerti, 172 gleimė, 181 eržilas, 157 gardas, 164 gervė, 172 gleinė, 181 eržus, 62 gareti, 165 gervinas, 7 4 gleivės, 182 esmi, 157 gargždas, 165 gęšė, 173, 17 4 gleivos, 182 esti, 157 garnys, 165 gesinti, 173 glemės, 182 ėsti, 157 garnyti, 165 gesti, 173 glemės, 182 esti, 157 garsas, 165 gesyti, 173 glemesa, 182 eš, 63 garšus, 61 gęžė, 173 glemesos, 182 ešerys, 156, 158, gaūbti, 150, 165, giedoti, 17 4 gliemežys, 182

159 184 giedra, 174 glieti, 183 ešketras, 156 gaūgaras, 196 giedras, 161 glinda, 183 ešva, 65 gauja, 166 giedras, 174 glindas, 183 ęzars, 158 gaūsti, 166 giedras, 17 4 glitus, 183 ežegys, 159 gausus, 166 giedrus, 174 glytus, 183 ežeras, 158 gauti, 166 giemi, 174 globti, 183, 184 ežge, 159 gebeti, 166 giesmė, 175 g/odas, 183 ežgys, 159 gebsnus, 167 gija, 175 glodnus, 183 ežia, 159 gėbsnus, 167 gilbti, 175 glodus, 183 ežys, 159 gebšnus, 167 gilė, 175 g/otas, 183 ėžys, 159 geda, 167 gilna, 175 glotnus, 183 gabana, 160 gedeti, 167 gilti, 176 g/uodas, 183 gabenti, 184 geisti, 167 giltine, 176 gluodnas, 183 gabUs, 160 gėla, 167 gilus, 176 gluodnus, 183 gadinti, 160, 173 gelas, 168 gimine, 176 g/uodus, 183 gaidys, 110, 160 gelbėti, 168 gimtas, 177 gniusas, 184 gaidra, 160 geležis, 168 gimti, 177 gobšus, 184 gaidrils, 160 geležuonės, 169 gimti, 177 gobti, 184 gaflas, 161 geležuonys, 169 ginklas, 177 gobUs, 184 gailus, 161 gelež{mės, 169 ginti, 177 gomere, 184 gaileti, 161 gelež{mys, 169 ginti, 177 gomeris, 184 gaisas, 161 gelme, 169 girdeti, 178 gomuras, 184 gaisras, 161 geltas, 169 giria, 178 gomurys, 184 gaisus, 161 gelti, 170 girtas, 178 gomure, 184 gaizdras, 161 geltonas, 170 girti, 178 goti, 184 gajils, 162 gelumbe, 170 gyle, 175 govėda, 194

602 INDICES

govija, 194 gulbis, 192 imti, 200 jaura, 209, 215 gožti, 185 guli!ti, 193 Inas, 201 jaurits, 209 grabini!ti, 186 gulsčias, 193 ynas, 201 jaūsti, 209 grabus, 186 gillta, 193 Ingas, 55 jaūti, 216 grami!ti, 185 gilltas, 193 ingti, 55, 201 jauti, 210, 216 graudinti, 185 gulti, 193 ynis, 201 jautis, 210 graūdinti, 185 gilnga, 196 inkstas, 202 jautrus, 210 graudus, 185 gunžys, 196 inkstiras, 202 javai, 208 graūsti, 186 guobti, 194 inkštas, 335 javas, 210 graužti, 185 guodas, 194, 534 inkšti!ti, 202 jėga, 210 greboti, 186 guolis, 194 inkšti, 202 jegti, 210 grė'bti, 186 guotas, 194 inkštys, 335 jekanas, 211 grfsti, 186 gurdus, 194 inkštiras, 202 jeknos, 211 griaūsti, 186 gurklys, 195 intė, 211 jėlas, 168 griausti, 187 gurnas, 195 ir, 202 jentė, 211 griauti, 187 gursti, 195 irbė, 203 ji!ras, 154 gridyti, 187 gilrti, 195 irbenis, 203 jerbė, 211 grieti, 187 gUŽė, 196 irklas, 203 jerube, 212 grimti, 188 gližis, 196 irmėdė, 203 jėrube, 212 grimzd-, 277 gūžys, 196 iršas, 204 jerubė, 212 grimzti, 188 gvaldyti, 196 iršti, 204 Jerublė, 212 grynas, 188 gvaldžiai, 196 irsti, 61 jerumbe, 212, grytis, 188 gvalis, 196 irštva, 204 510 grinda, 189 gvalsčias, 196 irti, 204, 205 jerubė, 212 griflsti, 192 į, 196, 197 fsčios, 205 ji!vaidas, 341 griati, 189 yda, 197 įsėkti, 205 jierbė, 211 grobti, 189 yžia, 206 iš, 206 jis, 212 gromulas, 189 yže, 206 iščias, 206 joti, 212 gromulioti, 191 ielakstis, 197 yščias, 206 jovalas, 213 gromulys, 189 ielakštis, 197 iškus, 206 jovnai, 341 gromuliuoti, 191 ielaktis, 197, yškus, 206 judus, 213 gromulti, 191 200, 537 išsėkti, 205 juka, 216 groti, 190 ielekstis, 197 išselpinėti, 388 jungas, 213 grubus, 190 ielekštis, 197 iž, 206 jungti, 213 grCidas, 190 ielektis, 197, 200 ižas, 206 junkti, 214 grudinti, 185 iena, 197 ižti, 207 juokas, 214 grumi!ti, 190 ieškoti, 197 jaū, 207 juosmenė, 214 grumulas, 191 iešmas, 198 jaūgti, 207 juosmenis, 214 grumulti, 191 iesmė, 197 jaugti, 207 juosmuo, 214 gruodas, 191 ieva, 198 jauja, 207 juosta, 214 grusti, 192 iežti, 46, 198 jaujas, 207 juosti, 215 grosti, 192 įkyri!ti, 199 jaujė, 207 jflra, 215 grūstis, 192 ikras, 199 jaujis, 207 jus, 215 groti, 189 yla, 199 jaujus, 207 justi, 215 gilbti, 150, 192 ilgas, 130, 199 jaūkas, 208 jflšė, 216 guga, 196 ilsi!ti, 200 jaukinti, 208 jtišia, 216 gulbė, 192 ilsti, 200 jaūkti, 208 kada, 216 gulbis, 192 iltis, 200, 537 jaunas, 209 kadangi, 216

INDICES 603

kadu, 216 karniena, 224 kasyti, 231 kersai, 403 kai, 216 kamienas, 224 kasti, 231 kersas, 403 kaima, 217 kamienis, 224 kcjsti, 231 keršas, 240 kaimas, 217 karninė, 222 kataras, 57, 232 kerslas, 240, 245 kaimė, 217 kampa, 224 katras, 232 kerštas, 240 kaimenė, 217 kampas, 224 kaūkas, 232 kertėti, 515 kaimynas, 217 kamunl, 222 kaukolas, 233 kerti, 240 kaina, 217 kančia, 224 kaukolė, 233 kęsti, 241 kainė, 217 kandl, 224 kaukolis, 233 keturi, 241 kaininti, 218 kandis, 224 kaulas, 233, 262 ketveri, 241 kainoti, 218 kandis, 225 kaupa, 233 ketvertas, 241 kairas, 219 kandis, 224 kaūpas, 233, 264 ketvirtas, 241 kairl, 218, 538, kandus, 225 kaūpti, 233 kevalas, 242

539 kanka, 225 kaušas, 234 kevatas, 242 kairias, 219 kankinti, 225 kaūšis, 234 kevelas, 242 kairinti, 218 kapas, 225 kauti, 234 kevetas, 242 kairys, 219 kapoti, 225 keikti, 234 kiauklas, 242 kairus, 219 kapti, 226 kekšis, 235 kiaukolas, 233 kaisti, 219, 369 karas, 226 kelbas, 244 kiaukolė, 233 kaitėti, 219 karbas, 226 kelbUkas, 244 kiaukutas, 242 kaitinti, 218, 219 karė, 226 kelena, 235 kiaulienė, 73 kaitros, 219 karenti, 227 kelenas, 235 kiaunė, 242 kaklas, 220 karia, 226 kelias, 235 kiaunis, 242 kalba, 220 karias, 226 kelis, 235 kiauras, 243 kalbl, 220 karis, 226 kelmas, 235 kiaušas, 243 kalbeti, 220 karpa, 227 kelti, 236 kiaušė, 243 kalnas, 221 karpas, 227 kembras, 236 kiaušė, 243 kaltas, 221 karpis, 227 kemerai, 236 kiaušia, 243 kaltas, 222 karša, 227 kemeras, 236 kiaušinis, 243 kaltė, 222 karša, 227 kengė, 236 kiaūšis, 243 kaltl, 222 karšatė, 227 kengras, 237 kiautas, 243 kalti, 222 karšatis, 227 kenkė, 236 kiema, 243 kaltybė, 222 karšė, 228 kenkU, 237 kiemas, 243, 441 kaltybė, 222 karšė, 227 kenkras, 237 kilbas, 244 kaltinti, 222 karšeti, 227 kenkti, 237 kilbukas, 244 kalva, 222 karšinti, 227 kenteti, 237 kilml, 244 kalva, 222 karšis, 228 kepti, 237 kilti, 244 kalvė, 222 karšis, 228 kerai, 238 kiltis, 244 kalvis, 222 karštas, 228 klrai, 238 kimšti, 244 kalybas, 221 karšti, 228, 229 keras, 238 kimti, 223 kalfvas, 221 karšti, 228 kerdis, 238 kinka, 244 kamana, 222 karta, 229 kerdžius, 238 kinkla, 244 kamanė, 222 kartas, 229 kerdžys, 238 kinkU, 237 kamanos, 223, karti, 229 kereti, 239 kirba, 245

538 kartus, 229 kermuša, 239 kyreti, 199 kamantai, 223 karvė, 230 kermušas, 239 kirinti, 245 kamena, 224 kas, 230 kermušl, 239 kirkšnas, 245 kamenas, 224 kasa, 230 kermušis, 239 kirkšnis, 245

604 INDICES

kirkšnis, 245 kova, 254 kruša, 261 laikšės, 269 Kirkšnis, 247 kraivas, 256 kritšti, 261 laima, 269 Kirkšnoupis, kriikė, 260 krūtis, 261 laimas, 270

247 kratyti, 255 kritvinas, 261 laimė, 269 kirme, 246 kratus, 255 kujis, 261 laimingas, 270 kirmėle, 246 kraūjas, 255 kula, 262 laimus, 270 kirmis, 246, krauklas, 257 kulas, 262 laipioti, 270

266, kraukle, 258 kulkšis, 262 laipnus, 270 kirmis, 246 krauklys, 258 kulkšna, 262 laipta, 270 kirna, 246 kraūkti, 258 kulkšnas, 262 laiptas, 270, 284 kirpti, 246 kraupas, 255 kulkšnis, 262 laisvas, 270 kirsnas, 247 kraupus, 255 kulkšnys, 262 laisvė, 270 kirstas, 247 krauti, 256 kulnas, 263 laiškas, 270 kirsti, 24 5, 24 7, krauti, 256, 539 kulne, 263 laižyti, 271

51 kreisa, 256 kulnis, 263 lakti, 271, 291 kiršnė, 245 kreisva, 256, 539 kulšas, 263 liimas, 271 kiršlys, 228, 248 kreivas, 256, kulšė, 263 laminti, 272 kiršti, 248 538, 539 kulšis, 263 landžioti, 272 kirvis, 246, 248 kreplės, 408 kulšnis, 262 lanka, 272, 283, kiška, 248 kreslas, 257 kulti, 263 529 kitur, 265 kresti, 257 kumpas, 263 lankas, 273 kiurti, 248 kreteti, 257 kumpti, 263 lankyti, 273 klausyti, 249 kriauklas, 257 kuolas, 263 lapa, 273 klausti, 249 kriaūklė, 258 kuopa, 264 /apa, 292 klėbys, 249 kriaukle, 258 kuopti, 264 liipas, 273 klė'bti, 250 kriauklys, 258 kūpeti, 264, 541 liipė, 274 kletė, 250 kriauti, 256 kupra, 265 lasyti, 274 kietis, 250 kriena, 258 kupti, 264 lt:ĮSta, 274 kleivas, 250 kriena(s), 258 kur, 265 lijstai, 27 4 klenkti, 250 krienas, 258 kurčias, 265 ltjstai, 27 4 kliauti, 251 krieti, 258 kurias, 265, 541 lijstas, 274 kliegti, 251 krija, 259 kurmis, 265, 539 lijstos, 274 klykoti, 251 krijas, 259 kurnys, 265 lt:ĮStVa, 274 klykti, 251 krikštas, 291 kurpė, 266 lijstvas, 274 klyvas, 252 krykšti, 259 kurtas, 265 liišas, 274 klišė, 251 krykti, 259 kurti, 266 lijšas, 493 kliuti, 252 kriokti, 259 kusti, 267 lašaša, 274 kloti, 252 kriokuoti, 260 kušlas, 267 liišė, 274 knoti, 253 kristi, 259 kutas, 267 /ašis, 274 kokis, 253 krytis, 188, 260 kuteti, 267 liišis, 274 koks, 253 kriūtis, 261 kvapas, 268, 541 lašiša, 274 koks, 253 krokoti, 260 kviipė, 557 laukan, 275, 340 kopa, 253 krokti, 259 kvepti, 268 laūkas, 275, 340 kopti, 253 krokuoti, 260 laibas, 268, 284 laukas, 275 kopti, 253 krosnė, 260 laigyti, 269 lauketi, 275 korys, 254 krosnis, 260, 539 laikas, 269 laukti, 275 kosėti, 254 krumas, 260 laikfti, 269 laupai, 276 kosulys, 254 krusnis, 260 laiksvas, 270 laupyti, 276

INDICES 605

laužas, 276 ligi, 285 lubos, 294 maitinti, 300 laužti, 276 lyginti, 286 luga, 290 maitkaulis, 300 laza, 276 ligoti, 286 lugas, 290 maitoti, 300, lazda, 276 lygti, 286 luginas, 294 301 ledas, 277 lygus, 286 luginti, 294 maka, 301 ledus, 277 likti, 287 /ūgis, 290 makas, 301 leisti, 270, 277 limti, 287 lugnas, 294, 295 makatas, 306 Ukti, 278 linai, 287 ldgnas, 290, 295 makis, 301 lemežis, 278 linas, 287 lugnė, 295 makis, 301 lemti, 270, 278 linka, 287 ldgnė, 295 makna, 301 lenas, 279 linkis, 287 lugnos, 295 makonė, 301 lendrė, 332 linkti, 288 lūgoti, 295 makošė, 301 Zengė, 279, 530 lipai, 288 lukenti, 295 makšna, 301 lengvas, 280 lipnus, 288 lukinti, 295 makštis, 302 lenkė, 280, 530 lipšnus, 288 lūkiuoti, 296 malda, 302 lenkti, 280, 529 lipti, 270, 288 luknas, 295 maldf'ti, 302 lenta, 280 lipus, 288 luknė, 295 malti, 302 Zepė, 281 lysė, 288 lūkoti, 296 maltinas, 303 lepeta, 273 lysia, 288 lunginti, 294 man, 303 lėpeta, 273 lystė, 288 lunginti, 294 mandras, 303 lepis, 281 ljsti, 289, 412 lilnka, 296 mandrils, 303 lėsti, 281 lysva, 288 lunkas, 296 manė, 304 Utas, 281 lysvė, 288 lŲnšis, 297 manęs, 304 liaudis, 281 lyti, 289 lUoba, 296 mani, 304 liauka, 282 lytus, 289 luobas, 294, 296 manyti, 304 liaūnas, 282 liddnas, 289, lUoma, 297 mankyti, 305 liaunils, 282 290 lUomas, 297 maras, 305 liaupse, 282 lidgas, 290 lupena, 297 marės, 305 liaupsis, 282 lidgė, 290 lupti, 297 marios, 305 liauti, 282 liūgna, 290 lušė, 297 marka, 306 liebas, 268 lidgnas, 290, lUšis, 297 marška, 306 liegti, 283 295 lūšys, 297 marti, 306 liekas, 283 lizas, 290 zužti, 297 mašala, 306 liekna, 283, 530 lizda, 290 mageti, 297, 298 mašalas, 306 lieknas, 283 lizdas, 290 magūna, 43 mašna, 301 lieknė, 283 lokys, 291 maguona, 43 matas, 307 lieptas, 270, 284 lokšnus, 291 maguonė, 43 matyti, 307 liepti, 284 loma, 292 maigyti, 298 matrus, 307 liesas, 269, 284 /omas, 292 maina, 298 matus, 307 lieti, 284 /opa, 281, 292 mainas, 298, maudyti, 307 lieti, 277, 284 lopas, 293 544 maūkti, 308 lietus, 285 lopė, 293 mainyti, 299 mauti, 308 liežti, 285 lopė, 293 maiša, 299 mazgas, 308 liežuvis, 285 lope, 292 maišas, 299 mazgoti, 308 lig, 285 lopeta, 293 maišė, 299 medė, 309 lyg, 285 loti, 293 maišf'ti, 300 medis, 308 liga, 286 luba, 294, 296 maita, 300 medus, 309 lygas, 286 lubena, 297 maitėlis, 310 medžias, 309

606 INDICES

mėginti, 309 mygla, 317 mitsė, 326 ninkštis, 335 megti, 298, 310 miglė, 317 musia, 326 niršinti, 335 megzti, 310 myglė, 317 musos, 326 nirsti, 335 meilas, 316 migti, 317 mdsos, 326 niršti, 335 meilė, 310, 316 mygti, 318 mušti, 326 niršus, 335 meilus, 316 mylas, 316 muštuvai, 326 nytis, 335 meitėlis, 310 miltai, 318 naga, 327 nytys, 335 meitėlis, 310 milžti, 310 nagas, 327 nokti, 336 meitkaulis, 300 mineti, 318 nagė, 327 noras, 336 mekenė, 301 minkyti, 318 nagiltis, 327 noreti, 336 mėkeris, 301 minkštas, 319 naktis, 327 nosiaskylė, 330 mė1as, 310 minti, 319 namas, 118, 328 nosis, 336 mė1inas, 310 minti, 319 nara, 328 notera, 337 mi!lynas, 310 mintis, 319 naras, 328 noterė, 337 melsti, 310 mirgeti, 320 narsa, 329 notra, 337 melžti, 310 mirkseti, 320 narsas, 329 notrynė, 337 mendrė, 332 miršti, 320 naršas, 329 notrl, 337 menesis, 311 mirti, 321 narštas, 329 novė, 337 menkas, 311 mirtis, 321 nartas, 329 novis, 337 mentė, 311 misti, 321 narys, 329 novyti, 337 menti, 311 mitinti, 322 nasrai, 329 nubliekti, 338 menturis, 311 myžti, 322 nasras, 329 nudrengti, 139 menturis, 311 mokas, 301 nastrai, 329 numas, 328 menturys, 311 mokė, 301 našll, 330 ndn, 338 menuo, 311 mokinti, 322 našlys, 330 nūnai, 338 merga, 312 moketi, 322 nauda, 330 nuo, 338 mergė, 312 mokyti, 323 naudoti, 330 nuogas, 339 merka, 306 mokytinis, 176 naūjas, 330 nužilsti, 523 merkti, 312 mokšė, 301 nė, 331 {i, 339 merkti, 312 monyti, 323 nė, 331 obeU, 339 mėsa, 312 mosuoti, 323 negi, 331 obelis, 339 męsa, 312 motė, 323 nei, 331 obulas, 339 mestas, 307 moti, 324 nendrė, 332 obuolas, 339 mesti, 313 mdčyti, 305 neptė, 332 obuolys, 339 męsti, 314 mudras, 325 neptis, 332 o/aus, 526 mėtas, 307, 314 mddras, 325 nepuotė, 332 oran, 340 metyti, 314 mudrus, 325 nepuotis, 332 oran, 340 mežti, 314, 315 mūdrus, 325 neršta, 333 oras, 340 męžu, 322 mukti, 325 nerštas, 333 orė, 340 miegas, 315, 317 mundras, 325 neršti, 333 orė, 340 miegmi, 316 mundrils, 325 nertėti, 333 ošika, 69 miegoti, 315, 317 murmenti, 325 nerti, 333, 334 otrils, 340 m{egti, 316 murmeti, 325 nėšti, 334 otus, 340 mielas, 316 murmlenti, 325 niaūsti, 334 ovaidas, 341 mielus, 316 murmuleti, 325 n{edėti, 334 ovyje, 340, 341 mieras, 316 murmuliuoti, nykštis, 335 ovytis, 341 miešti, 317 325 nykštys, 335 ožena, 341 migla, 317 mūsai, 326 ninkštė, 335 ožinis, 341

INDICES 607

ožis, 342 pavasaris, 493 pestas, 353 pjudyti, 522 ožys, 342 pavdseris, 493 pešti, 353 pjuklas, 360 ožka, 69, 342 pavedarė, 346 piemuo, 353 pjūtis, 360 pa-, 368 pavedaris, 346 piemuoj, 353 plakanas, 361 pabaūsti, 76 pavelti, 496 piemuon, 353 plakti, 361 padas, 342, 347 pažaste, 347 pienas, 353 plaštaka, 361 paikas, 355 pažastis, 347 piesta, 354 plaštakas, 361 paišai, 342 pažastys, 347 piestas, 354 plaštakė, 361 paišos, 342 pažinti, 347 pieša, 342 plašteka, 361 palšas, 342 pečialanda, 412 piešas, 342 plaštekas, 361 palvas, 343 pečius, 412 piešas, 342 platus, 362 pampa, 343 pėda, 347 piešos, 342 plaucka, 366 pampti, 343 pedas, 347 piešti, 354 plaukas, 362 pančios, 344 pėduoti, 347 pietūs, 354 plaūkti, 363 pantas, 344 peikti, 355 pieva, 354 plauska, 366 pantis, 344 pekas, 347 pikis, 355 plaustas, 363 papartis, 344 pekla, 355 piktas, 355 plausti, 363 papartis, 344, pė'lcščias, 353 pykti, 355 plauša, 363

419 pekus, 347, 348 pikulas, 355 plaušai, 363 papartys, 344 pelai, 350 pykulas, 355 plaūšas, 363 papilvė, 346 peze, 348 pilė, 356 plaūšė, 363 paršas, 344 pelekas, 348 pilis, 356 plaūšos, 363 pas, 344 pelenai, 348 pilis, 356 plaūtas, 363 pasekelis, 205 pelenas, 348 pilkas, 356 plauti, 364 pasigesti, 345 pellsai, 349 pilnas, 356 plaūtis, 362 pašala, 345 pelesiai, 349 pilvas, 346 plekai, 365 pašalas, 345 pellsis, 349 pimpis, 343 plėkai, 365 pašlitas, 345 pelkė, 80 pinti, 356 pienė, 365 pašo l jis, 34 5 pelkė, 349 pirkšnė, 357 plėne, 365 patalas, 345 pelkios, 349 pirkšnys, 357 plenis, 365 pati, 345 pelnas, 350 pirkti, 357 plėnis, 365 patis, 346 pelūs, 350 pirmadėll, 357 plenys, 365 patis, 346 penas, 350 pirmadėlys, 357 pllsti, 365 patogits, 346 peneti, 351 pirmas, 357 plėva, 366 pats, 346 penki, 351 pirmdėll, 357 plėve, 366 pate, 345 penktas, 351 pirmdėlys, 357 pliaucka, 366 paudrė, 346 pentis, 351 piršys, 358 pliauska, 366 paudris, 346 per, 352 pirštas, 358 pliaūskė, 366 paūdr6ti, 347 per-, 352 pirtis, 358 plikas, 366 paūksme, 478 pergas, 352 pisti, 359 pliitskė, 367 pauksnė, 478 pern, 352 pišai, 342 pliU.Skė, 367 pauksnis, 478 pernai, 352 pyšketi, 359 plokas, 367 paunksmė, 479 pernaik, 352 pyti, 359 pl6kis, 361 paunksnė, 479 pernais, 352 pjaulai, 360 p/Okis, 361 paunksnė, 479 pernait, 352 pjaūlas, 360 pl6kščias, 367 paunksnis, 479 perti, 352 pjauti, 360 pl6kštas, 367 pavalga, 486 pesčias, 353 pjova, 360 plokštits, 367 pavalgas, 486 pįslas, 351 pjudyti, 522 pl6nas, 367

608 INDICES

ploti, 367 ragas, 374 riešutis, 382 Sasna, 564 pluksna, 367 raišas, 375 riešutys, 382 saulė, 390 plukti, 363 raišti, 375 rietas, 382 saūsas, 390 plunksna, 367 raišfti, 375 rieti, 382 saūsinti, 391 p/uostas, 363 rangyti, 375 rinda, 383 sėdifti, 391 pluskos, 368 ranka, 376 rinkti, 383 segti, 391 plusna, 367 rasa, 376 risti, 383 seitas, 398 plūša, 368 ratadaila, 112 rišti, 383 sė1cla, 392 plūšai, 368 ratadaylis, 112 ryšti, 375 sekmas, 394 plušas, 368 rūtas, 376 ryšti, 375 sekti, 205, 392 po-, 368 raūdas, 376 rodyti, 383 seleti, 392 po, 368 raudoti, 377 rojoti, 384 sifmenes, 393 pra-, 369 raugas, 377 r6kis, 155 semens, 393 prabilti, 90 raugėti, 377 rakis, 155 sifmenys, 393 pragaras, 369 raugti, 378 rudas, 384 sėmuo, 393 pragarnas, 165 raupai, 378 rudenis, 384 senas, 393 prakaitas, 369 raūpas, 378 ruduo, 384 septyni, 393 prasti, 369 raūpti, 378 rūgštus, 83 septintas, 394 prašyti, 369 raupfti, 378 rngti, 385 sergėti, 394 praūsti, 370 raūsti, 378 rumba, 385 sergti, 399 prekė, 370 rauti, 378 rombas, 385 sesė, 395 prekia, 370 ravas, 379 rumbas, 385 sifsti, 395 preskas, 370 raveti, 379 ruopti, 378 sesuo, 395 prie, 371 razgai, 379 ruošutas, 382 sesuva, 395, 456 prie-, 371 rqžytis, 380 rupus, 385 sesva, 395, 456 priedas, 371 regzčiai, 380 saikas, 386 seti, 395 pro-, 369 regztė, 380 saitas, 386 siaūptis, 436 pro, 369 regzti, 380 saka, 386 siaūras, 396 protas, 371 regztis, 380 sakai, 386 siaūsti, 396 puišai, 342 regztys, 380 sakas, 386 sidabras, 396 puišos, 342 rėižti, 380 sakyti, 387 sidrabas, 396 puliai, 372 reju, 382 sala, 387 siekas, 396 pulti, 372 rekstis, 380 saldus, 387 siekas, 396 puodas, 372 rengti, 375 salpa, 388 siekti, 397 pūrai, 372 revas, 379 salpas, 388 siela, 397 pūras, 373 rezgė, 381 sam-, 388 sietas, 386 purnis, 106 rezginės, 381 samda, 389 sietas, 397 pūsit, 373 rezginys, 381 samdas, 389 sieti, 397 pusti, 373 rezgis, 381 salti, 388 sieti, 397 pusti, 373 ręžti, 381 sapnas, 389 sijoti, 398 pušes, 374 riaugėti, 377 sapnininkas, sintis, 398 pušis, 373 riekti, 381 389 sintifti, 398 putė, 374 riesti, 381 sapnis, 389 siusti, 399 puti, 374 rieša, 382 sėipnis, 389 siŲsti, 399 putytis, 37 4 riešas, 382 sargas, 389 siuti, 400 puvėsas, 374 riešutas, 382 sargoti, 394 skaidras, 400 puvėsis, 37 4 riešutes, 382 sargi,Įs, 390 skaidrus, 400 puvesys, 374 riešutis, 382 sartas, 429 skaidyti, 400

INDICES 609

skaistas, 400, skrabeti, 407 smaginiai, 413 spraga, 422 401 skrebinti, 409 smakra, 413 sprogti, 423

skaistus, 401 skrebti, 407 smakras, 413 spurga, 423 skaityti, 401 skrebeti, 407 smakrys, 414 spurgana, 423 skala, 401 skrembti, 407 smardas, 414 spurgas, 423 skalas, 401 skreplė, 408 smegenai, 414 speti, 420 skardis, 401 skreplys, 408 smegenes, 414 speka, 419 skardis, 401 skrepliuoti, 408 smegeniai, 414 spekas, 419 skardyti, 401 skresti, 408 smegenos, 414 spetas, 420 skalnas, 401 skribti, 408 smegens, 414 sraigė, 424 skelbti, 220 skriebti, 408 smegenys, 414 sraigė, 424 skelbti, 220 skriesti, 409 smelis, 414 srauja, 424 skeleti, 401 skrieti, 409 smėlys, 414 sraujas, 424 skelti, 402 skrieti, 409 smiltis, 414 sraumuo, 424 skėras, 402 skristi, 409 smirdeti, 415 sraumė, 424 skerbti, 402 skritulys, 409 smukti, 415 sravit, 424 skerdėti, 515 skrabti, 409 snaigė, 416 sravifti, 424 skerdis, 238 skubrus, 410 snaigė, 416 sreigti, 425 skerdžius, 238 skubus, 410 snapas, 415 sriega, 425 skėre, 402 skuja, 410 snausti, 317, 415 sriegas, 425 skerys, 402 skujas, 410 sniegas, 416 sriegti, 425 skėrys, 402 skurbti, 410 sniegė, 416 srigti, 425 skersai, 403 skursti, 411 sniegUs, 416 srovė, 425 skersas, 403 slabnas, 411 snigti, 416 srdti, 425 skersti, 403 slanka, 412 sodas, 416 srutos, 425 skiaūrė, 404 slanka, 411 sodinti, 417 stačias, 476 skiesti, 404 slankė, 411 sodrus, 417 stagaras, 426 skietas, 404 slegti, 412 solymas, 417, stagarys, 426 skilbti, 220 sllgti, 412 549 stalas, 426 skilti, 404 slidus, 412 sotas, 417 stambas, 426 skirbis, 404 slydus, 412 sotus, 417 standus, 458 skirbti, 405 slieka, 412 spagas, 418 steigti, 426 skirsti, 515 sliekas, 412 spainė, 418 stemberis, 427 skystas, 405 slinka, 411 spakas, 418 stemberys, 427 skystas, 428 slinkė, 412 spalis, 418 stembrys, 427 skysti, 428 slinkti, 412 sparnas, 419 stembti, 427 skirti, 248, 405 slysti, 413 spauda, 419 steneti, 427 skisti, 400, 428 slysti, 413 spausti, 419 stengti, 427 skiurbti, 410 slObnas, 411 spenys, 420 stiegti, 428 sklanda, 406 sloga, 413 spęsti, 420 stigti, 428 sklandas, 406 smagenai, 413 spingeti, 421 stygti, 428. 552 sklembti, 406 smagenes, 413 spirginti, 421 stingti, 427, 428 sklęsti, 406 smagenės, 413 spirgti, 421 stirna, 428 skobas, 406 smagenos, 413 spirti, 422 stirninas, 7 4 skobti, 407 smagens, 413 spjauti, 422 stogas, 429 skola, 406 smagenys, 413 spraga, 422 stomenas, 433 skolingas, 406 smaginai, 413 sprageti, 422 stomenis, 433 skolinti, 406 smaginės, 413 spręsti, 423 stomenys, 433

610 INDICES

stomuo, 433 sveikas, 438 šermunllis, 445 širšuonas, 449 stonas, 429 svekas, 438 šermūnllis, 445 širšuonis, 449 storas, 430 šaiva, 438 šermuo, 445 širta, 450

stoti, 430 šaka, 439 šeimuo, 444 širtas, 450 stovi!ti, 430 šakė, 439 šermuonis, 445 širtva, 204, 450

straigė, 424 šakės, 439 šermuonl, 445 širvas, 450 straigis, 424 šalna, 439 šermuonllis, širvas, 429, 450 straumuo, 424 šaltas, 439 445 šis, 450 straza, 431 šalti, 439 šernas, 429, 445 šiuras, 447 strazas, 431 šamas, 440 šerti, 445 šiurgždus, 451 strazda, 431 šapas, 440 šertis, 445 šiurkštas, 451

strazdas, 431 šarka, 440 šeši, 446 šiurkštus, 451 streigti, 431 šarma, 440 šešios, 483 šiurkštus, 451 str{egas, 425 šarma, 441 šešiuras, 446 šiurpus, 451 striegti, 431 šaimas, 440 šešiuras, 446 šiūrus, 447 strigti, 431 šarmas, 441 šeštas, 446 šiūrus, 451 strujus, 432 šarmuo, 445 šešuoras, 446 šyvas, 451 stumbras, 432 šarmuonis, 445 šešuras, 446 šlaitas, 451

stuomas, 433 šarmuonllis, šešuris, 446 šlaja, 451 stuomenė, 433 445 šiaūras, 447 šiajai, 451 stuomenis, 433 šaršas, 450 šiaurė, 447 šlajės, 451 stuomenys, 433 šarvas, 450 šiaurus, 447 šlajos, 451 stuomuo, 433 šauti, 441 šienas, 447 šlakas, 451

su, 434 šeima, 441 šikti, 448 šlaunis, 452

su-, 434 šeimas, 441 šiltas, 448 šlaunl, 452 sudabras, 396 šeiml, 441 šilti, 448 šlavė, 452 sudras, 434 šeimyna, 442 šimtas, 448 šleivas, 452

sūdrus, 434 šeira, 442 širdis, 448 šlieti, 452 sudrus, 434 šeirl, 442 sirgti, 399 šlieti, 452

sula, 434 šeiria, 442 širys, 443 šlitė, 453

sūnus, 435 šeirys, 442 širkšlys, 450 šljtė, 453 sūnus, 435 šeiva, 438 širkšna, 449 šlitis, 453

suodės, 435 šė'ka, 442 širkšnas, 449 šljti, 453

suodis, 435 šė'kas, 442 širmas, 449 šlytis, 453 suodys, 435 šelbtis, 442 širmas, 449 šlyvas, 453 suodžiai, 435 šelpti, 442 širmonllis, 445 šlovl, 453 suolas, 435 šernas, 443 širmunllis, 445 šluota, 453 supati, 436 šerdl, 443 širmūnllis, 445 šluoti, 453

suprasti, 369 šerdis, 443 širmuonllis, 445 šmulas, 454

supti, 436 šerys, 443 širsti, 449 šokti, 454 supuoti, 436 šerkšna, 443 širšalas, 450 šonas, 454 sūpuoti, 436 šerkšnas, 443, širšė, 449 šonkaulis, 454

suras, 436 444 širšilas, 450 šulas, 454 sūris, 437 šeimenes, 444 širšinas, 450 šulė, 455 sūrus, 436 šermenys, 444 širšlys, 450 šulinė, 455 svainė, 437 šeimens, 444 širšūnas, 450 šulinis, 455 svainis, 437 šermukšnis, 444 širšuo, 449 šunis, 455 svečias, 437 šermunelis, 445 širšuolas, 450 šuo, 455

INDICES 611

švašva, 455 tilės, 465 trundė, 469 unksni, 479 šventas, 456 tyleti, 466 trundys, 469 unukas, 58 svetys, 437 til(k)ti, 291 truneti, 473 unukė, 58 šviesti, 456 tiltas, 466 trūneti, 473 uodas, 480 šviteti, 456 tilti, 466 trupeti, 473, 532 uoga, 480 švyteti, 456 timpa, 463 truputis, 473 uoksas, 480 takas, 457 tingeti, 466 trūsa, 472 uola, 481 taldyti, 457 tingti, 466 triisas, 471 uolektis, 52, 481 talka, 457 tingi,is, 466 trušis, 472 uosis, 481 talkininkas, 457 tinklas, 467 trnšis, 472 uosta, 481 talokas, 457 tinti, 467 tu, 473 uostas, 71, 481 talžyti, 458 tirti, 468 tfikstantis, 473 uosti, 482 talžyti, 458 tokis, 468 tukti, 474 uostyti, 482 tamsus, 458 t6kis, 468 tfilas, 474 uošvė, 482 tanas, 458 tokys, 468 tulžis, 474 uošvis, 482 tandus, 458 toks, 468 tulžys, 474 upė, 483 tandus, 458 toks, 468 tulžti, 475 upis, 483 tarpa, 458 trainioti, 469 tureti, 475 upis, 483 tarpti, 459 tranas, 468 tuščias, 462, 475 urva, 483 tas, 459 trandas, 469 tušnas, 476 urvas, 483 tašfti, 459 trandė, 469 tušnias, 476 usai, 566 tašfti, 204 trandis, 469 tuštas, 475 ušai, 483 taukai, 459 trandis, 469 tutenti, 109 ušaunykė, 483 taukas, 459 trandys, 469 tutinti, 109 ušės, 483 taūkinas, 460 tranė, 468 tvaras, 476 ušininkė, 483 taukinas, 460 tranys, 468 tverti, 476 ušininkė, 483 taūragė, 460 trapineti, 469 tvirtas, 476 ušios, 483 taūras, 460 trečias, 470 tvora, 477 fišra, 483 tauri, 460 tremti, 470 fidra, 477 ūšti, 484 tauros, 460 treneti, 470 udras, 477 užmiršti, 321 taūsti, 109, 461 trepineti, 469 ūdr6ti, 477 užuntis, 57 tauta, 461 trepseti, 470 ūdrnoti, 477 vadinti, 484 te, 462 tryda, 471 ugis, 477 vadfti, 484 teketi, 462 tridė, 471 ugnė, 478 vaikas, 484 tekti, 462 triesti, 471 ugnis, 478 vaikfti, 495 telkti, 463 tryni, 471 ugnis, 478 vaisingus, 485 telžti, 463 trynė/l, 471 ūksmi, 478 vaisius, 485 temti, 463 trinti, 471 ūksna, 478 vaivaras, 510 teneti, 464 trys, 471 ūksni, 478 vaivarys, 510 tepti, 464 trfsti, 471 Ulbauti, 479 vaiveris, 510 tęsti, 464 triūsa, 472 ulbuoti, 479 vakar, 485 tęvas, 464 triūsuoti, 472 ungerys, 479 vakaras, 485 telžti, 463 triusas, 471, 472 ungurys, 56, 479 valas, 485 tempti, 463 triusis, 472 unksmi, 478, valdyti, 485 tevas, 464 triusti, 472 479 valga, 486 tiketi, 465 triušis, 472 unksna, 479 valgyti, 486 tikras, 465 triušis, 472 unksna, 479 valia, 487 tikti, 465 troba, 472 unksnė, 479 valka, 487

612 INDICES

valkas, 487 veizeti, 495 v{esula, 501 volunžė, 509 valkšna, 487 vejas, 496 viesulas, so1 VOS, SlO valkšnis, 487 vejis, 496 viesulys, so1 votė, 510 valtis, 487 vejus, 496 vieta, so2 votis, s10 vanduo, 488 veldeti, 496 vikrils, 502 voverė, 510 vanga, 488 vell, 496 vykti, 502 voverls, 510 vangils, 5S vėle, 496 vilgšnas, so3 žabas, 223 vapsa, 488 velinas, 496 vilgšnus, so3 žaboti, 223 vapsas, 488 velnias, 496 vilgti, so3 žala, su vapsva, 488 velnys, 496 vilkas, 503 žalas, su vardas, 489 velti, s9, 496, vilkė, so3 žalga, 5u vargas, 489 497 vilkti, 504 žalias, su varginas, 490 veltui, 496 vilna, so4 žamba, 512 vargti, 489 vemti, 497 vilnia, 504 žambėti, s1s vargils, 489 veras, 1S4 vilnis, so4 žandas, s12 varmas, 490 vergas, 497 vilpišas, so5 žara, 513 varna, 490 verkšnoti, 497 vilpišys, sos žaras, s12, s13 varnas, 491 verkti, 497 vilpišius, sos žardas, s13 varpa, 491 verpti, 497 viras, 505 žardis, s13 varpas, 491 versti, 498 vyras, sos žarija, 513 varpyti, 491 veršis, 498 virbas, sos žarna, 514 varstas, 491 verti, 498 viris, sos ŽlfSe. 514 vartai, 491 veržti, 498, 499 vyris, sos ŽfĮSiS, 514 vartyti, 492 vesti, 499 virpi!ti, 506 žavinti, 514 varus, 492 vėsus, 499 virpti, 506 žambas, 512 varža, 492 veti, 499 virsti, 506 žambis, 512 varžas, 223, 492 vetušas, 500 viršus, so6 želtas, 514 vasara, 492 vetra, 499 virti, 506 želti, 514 vasaris, 493 vėverė, 510 vyrius, 505 želvas, s14 viisera, 49 2 veveris, 510 viržė, 507 žemas, s1s Vaseris, 493 vėveris, 510 viržis, 507 žembėti, 515 vqšas, 493 vežti, 500 visas, so7 žembti, 515 vaška, 493 vidus, 500 visgė, 75 žemė, s16 vaškas, 493 viedėt, 495 visti, 508 ženklas, s16 važioti, 493 vfeka, 501 visur, 26s žentas, s16 vebras, 84 viekas, 501 vyti, 508 žentė, s17 vebrus, 84 vfekė, 501 vytis, 508 žėreti, s17 vldarai, 494 vienas, 501 vizga, so8 žerti, 517 vedaras, 494 viešpačia, so2 vyzga, so8 žiauna, 517 veidas, 494 viešpatė, 502 vizgė, 75 žiaurus, 517 veikas, 495 viešpati, 502 vokas, 509 žydeti, 518 veiklus, 495 viešpatis, 502 volai, 66 žiedas, 518 veikti, 494 viešpatis, 502 voze, 509 žiedėti, s18 veikus, 49S viešpatis, 502 voliunge, 509 žiema, s18 veikus, 49S viešpatni, 346, volufidis, 509 žiesti, s19 veisti, 495 so2 volungis, 509 žilas, 519 veizdeti, 495 viešpats, 502 volunge, 509, žymė, s19 veizdeti, 49S viešpats, 502 510 žinys, 519

INDICES 613

žynys, 519 Latvian ap, 58 atvert, 67 žinoti, 519 abeji, 43 ap-, 58 atzidite, 128 žioti, 520 abi, 43 apakš, 58 au-, 68 žirnis, 520 acs, 47 apakša, 58 aūdrums, 49 žirti, 521 adata, 43 apakšan, 58 audzinat, 68 žifzdas, 525 adit, 43 apakša, 58 augsts, 70 žįsti, 521 agrs, 526 apa/š, 58 augt, 68 žiuvė, 523 ai/ei, 45 apse, 154 aukla, 69 živė, 523 ailis, 45 apu(k)š, 58 aukle, 69 živis, 523 aita, 74 ar, 59 auklis, 69 žizdras, 525 aitii;za, 74 arajs, 62 aūle, 70 žmogys, 521 aiza, 46 arejs, 62 aūlis, 70 žmogils, 521 aizmirst, 321 arkis, 60 aūls, 70 žmona, 521 aka, 46 arsala, 61 auma{am, 68 žmones, 521 akecis, 152 aršaki, 61 auns, 73 žmonės, 521 aketa, 152 art, 61 auss, 71 žmoniai, 521 akete, 152 asara, 63 aClst, 71 žmonies, 521 akmens, 47 asaris, 158 aust, 72 žmonys, 521 akmins, 47 asei;zi, 526 austra, 72 žmuo, 521 aknas, 211 aseris, 158 aūšiit, 71 žmuoj, 521 akstins, 48 asins, 526 aut, 73 žole, 522 aksts, 48 asii;zi, 526 aute, 72 žudinti, 522 akuota, 48 asmens, 64 auts, 72 žudinti, 522 akuote, 48 asmins, 64 auzas, 70 žudyti, 522 akuots, 48 asnis, 526 auzas, 74 žudyti, 522 akuots, 48 asrs, 64 avęns, 73 žilsti, 523 aldaris, 49 ass, 63, 64 avins, 73 žusti, 522, 523 alderis, 49 astantęs, 64 avs, 74 žuti, 522, 523 alga, 49 astii;i(z), 64 azaute, 57 žuvė, 523 alkans, 49 astltais, 64 azauts, 57 žuvis, 523 alksna, 50 astui;zi, 64 azu6te, 57 žvaigždė, 523 alksne, 50 astutais, 64 azuots, 57 žvaigzdl, 523 alksnis, 50 astu6i;zi, 64 azu6ts, 57 žvaizdl, 523 alkt, 51 astuofitas, 64 abele, 339 žvaiždl, 523 ainis, 153 astu6tais, 64 abels, 339 žvakė, 523 alpai, 52 Asva, 65 abuls, 339 žvejoti, 523 alpt, 52 Asvenieks, 65 abuolis, 339 žvengti, 524 aluksna, 50 at-, 65 abuols, 339 žvėris, 517, 524 alus, 53 atals, 66 alava, 168, 526, žvėrys, 524 aluot, 526, 527 ataleties, 66 527 žveriškas, 518 alu6ties, 526 atiils, 66 alave, 526 žvilti, 524 alva, 53 a[t]daine, 127 alavica, 526 žvirgždas, 525 alvs, 53 atdiene, 127 alavidza, 526 žvifzdas, 525 amuls, 54 a[t]dienite, 127 a/aviete, 526 žvirždas, 525 amitolisi, 54 atkust, 66 alavnica, 526 žvizdras, 525 amuols, 54 attais, 66 alavnice, 526

anka, 56 attais, 66 alavniece, 526 anksteri, 56 attiesti, 464 alevnice, 526

614 INDICES

aleties, 527 bass, 83 blizes, 96 burt, 107 a/a, 527 baudit, 83 blist, 95 burta2, 106 a/uot(ies), 527 bauze, 105 bliznis2, 95 burts, 106 a/uoties, 527 baūzis, 84 bližs, 93 bust, 107 iimals, 54 baūža, 84 bllzt, 95 buzis, 109 iimulis, 54 biiba, 96 bliezt, 94 buzulis, 109 iimuls, 54 b&ls, 78 blusa, 96 buža, 108 ara, 340 b&rda, 82 bluoda2, 92 būgns, 105 iiran, 340 bart, 81 bluodities, 93 būra, 106 &rdavs2, 155 barzda2, 82 bluodities2, 93 būris, 106 &rdi, 59 bebris, 84 bluods, 92 but, 107 &rdit, 60 bębrs, 84 bluožs, 93 būzelis, 109 iirds, 155 beigt, 86 b/aut, 94 būzis, 109 are, 340 belzt, 86 bradat, 97 būznis, 109 arklis, 60 best, 88 bradit, 97 būža, 108 ars, 340 bez, 84 brads, 97 buoga, 81 iitrs, 340 bezdet, 89 braūciniit, 98 buogs2, 81 avities, 341 będa, 85 braūcit, 98 buoze, 105 azis, 342 begt, 86 braukt, 99 cauna, 242 badit, 76 bęrns, 88 braukts, 98 caune, 242 bads, 75 bęrs, 87 brauktuve, 98 caunis, 242 baidat, 76 bert, 88 braūna, lOO, caūrs, 243 baidet, 76 bert, 88 528 celis, 235 baidinat, 76 bęrza, 88 braŪIJa, 100, cęlms, 235 baidit, 76, 77 berze, 88 528 ce/š, 235 baile, 76 bęrzs, 88 bražat, 97 celt, 236 bails, 76 bijiit, 89 briilis, 101 cemerl!Jš, 236 bai/š, 76 bildet, 90 briitarftis, 102 cenkle, 237 baime, 76 bilst, 90 brazt, 102 cenklis, 237 baiss2, 77 birt, 88, 90 brist, 101 cenksle, 528 bala, 77 birza, 91 bridis, 100 cenkste, 528 balanda, 78 birze, 91 brist, 101 cept, 237 balande, 78 birze2, 91 briedis, 100 cęra, 238 balanta, 78 birzis, 91 briest, 99 cęrs, 238 balse, 80 birzs, 91 bruce, 102 ceturtais, 241 balss, 80 birzs, 91 brukt, 103 cęrmauksis, 239 balts, 80 bite, 91 brilce, 102 cęrmaukslis, 239 baluoda, 78 bities, 89, 527 brilklenajs, 102 cęrmaukša, 239 baluode, 78 biedet, 76 brūklene, 102 cerme, 528 baluodene, 78 blaiskums, 527 brukline2, 102 cermis2, 528 baluodine, 78 blaizgums, 527 brukline2, 102 cfrms2, 528 baluodis, 78 blaizit, 92 brilkliene2, 102 cęrmukša2, 239 baluodne, 78 blandities2, 93 brilklęnajs, 102 cęrmuoksis, 239 baluotne, 78 blaugznas, 96 brūkne, 102 cerpt, 246 balzienis2, 80 blenst, 94 bruožs, 98 cilt2, 244 balziens, 80 blenst, 94 budinat, 104 cilts, 244 banga, 81 blet, 528 budit, 104 cilvęks, 485 bariba, 527 blizas, 96 budzit, 104 cimsla, 528

INDICES 615

cimslis, 528 daidzit, 111 dęguots, 119 dirža, 133 cinca, 245 daiga, 126 deja, 120 divi, 143 cincis, 245 daigs, 126 def, 120 diglis, 129 cinksla, 529 daiks, 111 dęlbi, 120 digt, 129 cinkslis, 529 daikts2, 111 dęlbs, 120 diks, 129 cipsla, 529 daile, 111 delbis, 120 dile, 121, 531 cirkslis2, 245 dailinat, 111 dęlbs, 120 dilinat, 128, 532 cirksnis, 245 dails, 112 dęlla, 121 dilit, 121, 128, cirksnis2, 245 dai/š, 112 dęlna, 121 531, 532 cirkste, 245 dainu6t2, 112 de/, 120 dirat, 132 cirmene, 246 dai1Ja, 112 dęnkts, 122, 530 dirat, 132 cirmenis, 246 dailJUOt, 112 depsis, 529, 530 dižat, 134 cirmens, 246 dairities, 112 derdzeties, 122 dižu6t, 134 cirmęns, 246 da/a, 113 deret, 122 dieglis, 129 cirminis, 246 dalba, 113 derglit, 122 diegs, 126 cirminš, 246 dalbe, 113 dergties, 123, 139 diegt, 122, 127 cirmis, 246 dalbis, 113 dęrva2, 123 dieks2, 129 cirmulis, 246 dalbs, 113 desmit, 124 diena, 127 cirpt, 246 dalgs, 113 devi1Ji, 126 diet, 112, 120, cirpt2, 246 dalis, 114 devi1Ji, 126 532 cirslis2, 245 dalit, 114 devitais, 126 dieva, 460 cirsnis, 245 danga, 114, 529 devits, 126 dievaties, 128 cirst, 245, 247 danga, 56, 114, dęds, 118 dieve, 119 cirvis, 246, 248 530 dęds2, 118 dieveris, 128 ciska, 248 dafigs2, 114 de/, 120 dievs, 128 cisks, 248 darbs, 115 dele, 120 drabažas, 137 cipsla, 529 darit, 116 delene2, 121 drabenes, 134 ciema, 243 darva, 123, 143 dęls, 531 drabi1Jas, 134 ciems, 243 daūba, 116 det, 121, 125, 531 drabil)i, 134 ciena, 217 daube, 116 deties, 125 dradži, 135 cienit, 218 daūdz, 117 devet, 125 dranis, 469 ciens, 217 daūdzi, 117 dibęns, 143 drans, 469 cie1Ja, 217 dabls2, 529 dilba, 129 drapsnas, 137 ciest, 241 dabt, 134 diit, 130 drabule, 141 čaula, 242 -dat, 307 dingt, 130 driizlis, 141 čaule, 242 davana, 134 dirba, 531 driizt, 141 četri, 241 davana, 134 dirbet, 556 draztele, 142 čętri, 241 davat, 126, 530 dirbinat, 137, draugs, 137 daba, 110 davat2, 125 140, 531, 556 draupit2, 532 dab/š, 529, 531 davet, 125 dirbinat, 531 drebet, 137 dadzis, 110 debesis, 118 dirbinet, 556 drebinat, 138 daga, 110 debess, 118 dirb1Ja, 531 dręgns, 138 dagia, 119 dęgla, 119 dirbt, 131, 531 drebe, 141 daglains, 119 dęglis, 119 dirgavuot, 132 drebt, 138 daglis, 119 dęgls, 119 dirva2, 133 drebt2, 138 dagls, 119 degt, 119 dirviins, 133 dregnet, 138 dargs, 530 dęguta, 119 dirvans2, 133 drfgns, 138 d&rks2, 116 dęguts, 119 dirvęns, 133 dręgs, 138

616 INDICES

dręgzna, 138 duobulis, 146 dzimts, 177 es, 63 dręgzns, 138 duobums, 146 dzirdet, 178 ęsmu, 157 dręzns, 138 duona, 146 dzire, 178 ęzęrs, 158 drezt2, 139, 140 duOt, 146 dzift, 178 ezis, 159 drigele, 140 duot, 147 dzira, 178 eža, 159 drigene, 140 dvars, 148 dzidrs, 174, 537 erce, 155 drikstet, 140 dvaša, 149 dziksla, 179 ercis, 533 dristet, 140 dvest, 149 dziksle, 179 �rcis2, 155 driegns2, 138 dvesele, 149 dzfle, 175 ęrdavs, 155 drubazas, 137, dvest, 149 dzisla, 179 ęrds, 155

532 dzelezs, 168 dzisle, 179 �rglis, 155 drubažas, 137, dzefme, 169 dzit, 177 erkšis, 156

532 dzeft, 170 dzit, 179 erkš�is, 156 drubazgas, 137, dzęltains, 170 dzft, 178 �rst, 155, 534

532 dzęftans, 170 dzivat, 180 erš�is, 156 drubzalas, 532 dzęltans, 170 dzivs, 179 ęrts, 157 drudzi, 142 dzęltęns, 170 dzivuot, 180 ęrzelis, 157 drudzis, 140, 142 dzęf tęns, 170 dziedat, 17 4 est, 157 drukns, 142 dzęltns, 169 dziedre2, 174 gabair;za, 160 drukts, 142 dzęlts, 169 dziedrs, 17 4 gabana, 160 drupinat, 532 dzęlva, 533 dziesma, 175 gabane, 160 drupt, 532 dzelze, 168 dziesme, 175 gadit, 534 druska, 142 dzelzis, 168 džiltine2, 176 gadities, 110 drūkts, 142 dzelzs, 168 ecekšas, 46 gaile, 161 drooss, 136 dzęlzs, 168 ecešas, 46, 47 gailet, 161 drilošs, 136 dzenet, 170 ecet, 47 gailis, 160 drui'iztala, 142 dzenis, 171 egle, 151 gails, 161 dubens, 143 dzeH, 172 elgt, 153 gailuot(ies), 161 dubęns, 143 dzeset, 173 ęlkans, 49 gaiss, 161 dubra, 532 dzesinat, 173 ęlks, 50, 51 gaišs, 161 dubt, 143 dzesit, 173 ęlksna, 50 gaiss2, 161 duburs, 143 dzest, 173 elksnis, 50 galet, 162 duksns, 144 dzerve, 172 ęlkūne2, 51 gals, 162 duris, 147 dzese, 533 ęlkuone, 51 galva, 162 durt, 147 dzesis, 533 ęlkuone, 51 gan, 163 durvis, 147 dzesnis, 533 ęlkuonis, 51 gana, 163 duset, 148 dzest, 173 ęlkuons, 51 ganit, 164 dust, 148 dzestre, 533 ęlpa, 52 gans, 163 dusuOt, 148 dzęstrs, 533 elpe, 52 gareties, 165 durhbla, 145 dzeze, 533 elpet, 52 gargzda, 165 dumt2, 145 dzezis, 533 elpt2, 52 garme, 164, 534 dūmi, 145 dzidre, 174 elst, 53 garnis, 165 duobe, 146 dzidrs, 174, 537 ęlsat, 53 gars, 164 duobjš, 144, 146, dzija, 175 ęlsuot, 53 gauja, 166

296, 533 dzifna, 175 elšat, 53 gaūss, 166 duobs, 533 dzilnis, 175 ęmuols, 54 gaūšs, 166 duobs2, 146 dzi/š, 176 epse, 154 gaūst, 166 duobt, 146 dzimt, 177 epss, 154 gaut, 166

INDICES

gabties, 184 grida, 189 gamuris2, 184 gride2, 189 gamurs, 184 grinet, 188 garbe, 164 grinis, 188 garda, 164 grins, 188 gards, 164 grins, 188 garnis, 165 griva, 535 gazt, 185 grumbulains, glabat, 180 190 glabu6t, 180 gr-Uds, 190, 535 glaimi, 181 grUSt, 186, 192 glabt, 183 gri,Įods, 188 glęma, 182 gr-Ut, 189 gleme, 182 gubezis, 535 glemesis, 182 gubt, 192 glęmi, 182 gillbis, 192 glendet, 534 gulet, 193 glenst2, 535 gulisks, 193 glęma, 182 guls, 193 gleme, 182 gult, 193 glebt, 181 gillta, 193 glęvs2, 182 gilmt, 535 glits, 183 gurds, 194 glits, 183 gurklis, 195 gllve, i82 gilrns, 195 gliema, 181 gilrste, 536 gliemesis, 182 gursts, 536 gliemesis, 182 gurt, 195 gliemezis, 182 gūt, 166, 536 gliemezis, 182 gūža, 196 gliemfza, 182 gilods, 194 gluiišs, 183 guo/a, 194 g/ęma, 182 guosts, 536 gnida, 183 gUOVS, 166, 194, gnide, 183 536, 549 gr;iida, 183 gelbet, 168 grauds, 187, 190, geibt, 168

535 gelumbe, 170 graz1st2, 187 giltene, 176 graut2, 187 giltenis, 176 grauzt, 185 giltine, 176 grabat, 189 idra, 536 grabt, 186, 189 idrs, 536 graj, 190 ikra, 199 grebt, 181, 186 ikri, 199 gręda, 189 ikrs, 199 grimst, 188 ikstis, 202, 335 grimt, 188 iksts, 335

ikstis, 202, 335 iksts, 537 iksts2, 335 ikši, 202 ilgs, 199 ilknis, 200 ilkss, 200, 537 ilkts, 200 ilkse, 200, 537 ilkši, 200, 537 ilksne, 200, 537 ilksnis, 537 ilktis, 200 ilte, 200 ilts, 200 ir, 202 irbe, 203, 211 irbenajs, 203 irbęnajs, 203 irbene, 203 irbinajs, 203 irklis, 203 irkis, 203 irmi, 203 irsties, 204 irt, 204, 205 irube, 212 iz, 206 igt, 201 ikši, 202 ikšis, 335 ikš�is, 335 ilęns, 199 ilins, 199 ils, 537 iš�is2, 335 istri, 202 ists, 206, 537 ize2, 206 ie-, 197, 205, 537 iekša, 205 iekšas, 205 ielukši, 197 ielūkša, 197 ielūkši, 197 ie/Uksis2, 197 ierube2, 212 ierubinaties, 212

617

ieskat, 197 iesma, 198 iesms, 198 iet, 151 ieta/a, 211 ietekt, 462 ietere, 211 ieva, 198 ieza, 198, 538 iezis, 46, 538 iezt2, 198 jau, 207 jaucet, 208 jaūja, 207 jaukt, 208 jauns, 209, 331 jaust, 209 jaust2, 209 jaut, 538 jaut, 216 jaut, 210, 213,

216 jautrs, 210 javs, 213 javais, 213 javities, 341 jat, 213 javs, 213 jemt, 200 jentere, 211 jęga, 210 jęgs2, 210 jegt, 211 jęls, 168, 527 jere, 154 jęrs, 154 jis, 212 jierbę, 211 just, 215 jugs, 213 jugt, 213 jukt, 214 jūra, 215 jūra, 215 jūre, 215 jūris, 215 jūs, 215 jūtis, 210, 538

618 INDICES

juoks, 214 kapa, 225 klepiski, 250 krietit;1š, 260 juosma, 214 kapat, 225 klets, 250 krietis, 260 juosmenis, 214 kaps, 225 klikiit, 251 krievs, 256 juosms, 214 kare, 226 kliegt, 251 krumpa, 540 juosta, 214 kares, 254 kliekat, 251 krumpet, 540 juoste, 214 karinat, 218 kliekt2, 251 krusa, 261 kad, 216 karinaties, 227 k/aut, 251 krūms, 260 kai, 216 kars, 227, 538 k/ūt, 252 krūte, 261 kaiminis2, 217 karsinat, 227 krails, 538 krnts, 261 kaimit;1š, 217 karst, 228 krams, 539 kraūkas, 539 kairęnat, 218 karst, 229 kratit, 255 krauklis, 258 kairinat, 218 karsts, 228 kraūkas, 539 kraūpa, 255, 540 kairs2, 219 karš, 226 kraū�is, 258 kraūt, 256, 539 kaist, 219 kas, 230 krauklis, 258 krakt2, 259 kaitet, 219 kasa, 231 kreilis, 219, 539 krakuot, 260 kaitet, 219 kasit, 231 kreiss, 256, 539 kufcinat, 540 kaitinat, 218, kast, 231 kręms, 539 kulksnis, 262

219 kauks, 232 krępas, 408 kulkša2, 263 kakls, 220 kaūls, 233 krepeči, 408 kulkšt;1a, 262 kalbet, 220 kaūpra, 265 krępuči, 408 kulna, 263 kaibiniit, 220 kauss, 234, 243 kretet, 257 kuine, 263 kalbit, 220 kaut, 234 krakat, 260 kitlša2, 262, 263 kafns, 221 ka, 216 krasne, 260 kuit, 263 kait, 222 kads, 253 kriisne, 260 kurfips2, 263 kaltiba, 222 kapa, 253 krasnis, 260 kumpti, 263 kalts, 222 kape, 253 kriisns, 260 kupet, 264 kaits, 221 kapt, 226, 253 krasts, 260 kupris, 265 ka/uOt, 220, 538 kapt, 253 krat, 256, 260, kuprs, 265 kalva, 222 kapt2, 253 266, 539 kupt, 264 kaiva, 222 karba, 226 krępala, 408 kupuot, 264 kalve2, 222 kare, 254 krępa/at, 408 kur, 265 kalvis, 222 karnis, 165 krepat, 408 kurls, 265 kamanas, 223 karst, 228 krrsls, 257 kurma, 265 kamane, 222 karst2, 228 krest, 257 kurme, 265 kamanes, 223 karta, 229 krija, 259 kurmis, 265 kamans, 223 kart, 229, 254 krijat, 539 kurms, 265 kamene, 222, karuot, 538 krijis, 259 kitrms, 266

538 kaset, 254 krijs, 259 kitrmulis, 266 karniena, 538 kiisulis, 254 krijš, 259 kitrmulis2, 266 kamiene, 538 kava, 254 krist, 259 kurne, 265 kamienis, 538 kavi, 254 kritis, 260 kitrnis2, 265 kamiens, 538 klausit, 249 kriena, 258 kurns, 265, 540 kamine, 222, 538 klaust, 249 krienis, 258 kurt;1aties, 265 kampa2, 224 klat, 252 kriens, 258 kurpe, 266 kampa, 224 kleins, 538 krii!ns, 539 kitrsls2, 265 kampis, 224 kleivs2, 250 kriet, 258 kurt, 266 kamps, 224 klencet, 250 kriet, 188, 258, kusis, 267 kanciniit, 225 klenču6t, 250 259

INDICES 619

kupet, 264, 268, laiska, 270, 541 lęfita, 280 liegvas, 280 541 laist, 270, 277 lente, 280 liekna, 283

kupt, 264, 268 laizit, 271 lest, 281 liekne, 283 kasat, 541 lakt, 271 lekt, 278 lieknis, 283 kaset, 541 lams, 271 zęns, 279 liekns, 283 kasuot, 541 lanka, 272, 529 lępa, 281 liek1Ja, 283 kuoda, 225 lapa, 273 lepe, 281 lieks, 283 kuode, 224 lapsa, 274 lęts, 281 liekt, 280, 529 kuods, 224 lapse, 274 zęvs, 542 liemenis, 543 kuopa, 264 lapsene, 488 lezet, 542 liess, 269, 284 kuopt, 264 lapsi1Ja, 488 lezit, 542 liet, 284 kuost, 231 lase, 274 lidz, 285 lietus, 285 kuošus, 225 lasis, 274 liga, 286 luba, 294 kvape, 557 lasit, 274 ligat, 286 luga, 290 kvepes, 541 lauca, 275 ligzda, 290 lukne, 295 kvepet, 268 lauce, 275 ligzds, 290 lukns, 295 kvępi, 268, 541 laūks, 275 likt, 287 lupt, 297 kvepji, 541 lauks, 275 limti, 287 lugt, 295 kvęps, 541 laukums, 275 lini, 287 lūkat, 296 kvept, 268 /aūns, 282 lipigs, 288 luks, 296 kvitet, 456, 541 laupe, 276 lipnigs, 288 lūkuOt, 296 �eire, 218 laupit, 276 lipns, 288 lūsa, 297 �eirs, 219 lauskasi, 541, lipsnigs, 288 lūsis, 297 �eks, 235 542 lipt, 288 lUzt, 297 �eksis, 235 lauskati, 542 lizda, 290 luoba, 296 �ęfikai, 236 lauzs, 276 lizds, 290 luobans, 296 �en�is, 236 lauzt, 276 lizgs, 290 luobs, 296 �ęnkla, 236 lazda, 276 lidz, 285 luobt, 296 �erdzis, 238 lazds, 276 lidza, 285 luocit, 273 �irba, 245 lacis, 291 lidzęns, 286 luocit, 273 �irinat, 245 lama, 292 lidzinat, 286 lUoks, 273 lagzda, 276 lams, 292 lidzigs, 286 luosts, 274 lagzds, 276 lapa, 281, 292, lidzs, 286 luožat, 272 laibs, 269 293 lig( a), 285 luožl}at, 272 laiciti, 269 laps, 293 ligt, 286 luož1JuOt, 272 laiks, 269 lapsta, 542 liks, 543 /audis, 281 laiksne, 295 lapsts, 542 likt, 288 /aukai, 282 laiksnei, 541 lapusta, 542 likt, 286 /aūt, 282 laiksnisi, 541 lasa, 274 lipęns, 288 /auži, 281 laikš1Ja, 541 lasa, 274 lipigsi, 288 fuga, 290 laikšnisi, 541 lase, 274 lipins, 288 magana, 43 laima, 269 Iat, 293 lipnigsi, 288 magane, 43 Laima, 270 lędus, 277 lipti, 288 magūne, 43 laime, 269 lęgzda, 276 Ilst, 272, 289 magUonai, 43 laimigs, 270 lęgzds, 276 list, 289 maguone, 43 laipnigs, 270 lekt, 278 /it, 289 maidzit, 298 laipns, 270 lemesis, 278 lits, 289 maigt, 316 laipuot, 284 lemt, 278 liegsi, 280 maina, 298

620 INDICES

maiųa, 298 męlns, 310, 544 miegu6ties, 315 nei2, 331 mainit, 299 męnta2, 311 miers, 316 nemt, 200 mains, 298 mente, 311 miesa, 312 nest, 334 mainuot, 299 męflturis, 311 miet, 544 nerst, 333 maiųus, 298 męrga, 312 mieturis, 311 nęrsts2, 333 maisit, 300 męrga, 543 mieturs, 311 nert, 333 maiss, 299 mest, 313 mietus, 544 nidet, 334 maita, 300 męts, 314 miez(n)u, 322 nist, 334 maitat, 300 mežs, 309 mudit, 325 nit, 336, 544, 551 maite2, 300 medit, 309 mudrs, 325 nites, 335 makųa, 301 medzinat, 309 mukt, 325 nitis, 335 maks, 301 meginat, 309 mufldrs, 325 nits, 335 makste, 302 megt, 298, 310 murmet, 325 niedra, 332 maksts, 302 męlš, 310 murminat, 325 niedre, 332 ma[t, 302 menesis, 311 mufmulet, 325 nofts, 334 man, 303 meness, 311 mufmu/uot, 325 norty, 334 mani, 304 męrga, 543 mustavas, 326 nuo, 338 manis, 304 męrga2, 312 muša, 326 nuogleflst, 535 manit, 304 meris, 305 mūsa, 326 nuogs, 339 marga, 306, 543 męrka2, 306 muocit, 305 nuokarst, 228 masala, 306 męrks2, 306 muočit2, 305 nuok&rst, 228 masals, 306 merkt, 312 muodrs, 303 nuonijas, 545 matit, 307 mezt, 314, 315 muozet, 314, 315 ųatra, 337 maudat, 307 migla, 317 muožs, 303 ųatre, 337 maukt, 308 migt, 317 nagas, 327 1Jemt, 200 maut, 307, 308, milna, 544 nags, 327 1Jimt, 200

543 milti, 318 naidet, 544 ųiedra, 332 mazgat, 308 minet, 318 naidu6t, 544 T}iedre, 332 mazgs, 308 mirdzet, 320 nakts, 327 obi, 43 macet, 322 mifkšet, 320 nams, 328 pa, 368 macinat, 322 mifkš�et, 320 naris, 329 pa-, 368 macit, 323 mirst, 320 narvis, 333 pads, 342, 347 manit, 323 mirt, 321 nauda, 330 padūgt, 150 marka, 306 mist, 321 nakt, 336 paduse, 347, 545 m&rks, 306 mitinat, 322 naris2, 333 paikt2, 355 marksls, 306 micit, 318 nars, 333 palce, 349 marksna, 306 miksts, 319 narsta, 329 palss, 342 marksns, 306 milš, 316 narste, 329 pampa, 343 marsna2, 306 mit, 544 n&rsts, 329 pampt, 343 marsns, 306 mit, 319 nase, 336 panijas, 545 m&rša, 306 mit2, 319 nass, 336 paniT}as, 545 marle, 306 mizt, 317, 322 nastrs, 329 paninas, 545 mat, 323, 324 mizt, 322 natra, 337 pa1Jas, 545 mate, 323 mizt2, 322 natre, 337 paparda, 344 medinat, 309 miegaties2, 315 nave, 337 paparde, 344 mędus, 309 miegs, 315 navit, 338 paparde, 419 megzt, 310 miegt, 316 ne, 331 papardis, 344 meigt, 316 mieguOt, 315 nedz, 331 papards, 344

INDICES 621

papards, 344 pirksti, 357 plaūkste, 546 prast, 369 paparksne, 344 pirkstis2, 357 plauksts, 546 praulis, 360 paparksts, 344 pirksts, 358 plaukts, 364 prauis, 360 paseija, 549 pirkt, 357 plaušas, 362 prats, 371 paša, 346 pirkt, 357 p/aušas2, 362 prece, 370 patags, 346 pirmais, 357 p/auši, 362 pret, 546 patali, 345 pirmdelii;iš, 357 plaūskas, 366 preti, 546 pate, 345 pirsts, 358 plaūst, 363 prie, 371 pati, 345 pirts, 358 plausta2, 546 prieds, 371 pats, 346 pist, 359 plaute, 364 pult, 372 pavalgs, 486 pilns, 356 plauts, 363 purna2, 106 pavalga, 486 pimpis, 343 plauts2, 363 purnis, 106 pavedere, 346 pikais, 356 plakans, 361, purns, 106 pavederis, 346 pikstet, 359 367 putnis, 374 pazinet, 347 pikt, 355 plakns, 361 puveši, 374 pazit, 347 pit, 356 plakns, 367 puvesis, 374 pazūt, 522 pie-, 371 plaksans, 545 puveži, 374 parsia, 357, 545 pie, 371 plaksna, 362 pūlis, 372 pęlavas, 350 pie-, 371 plans, 367 pu/i2, 372 pelce, 349 pieci, 351 plans, 367 pufi2, 372 pelcis, 349 piekts, 351 plaskains, 367, pūrs, 373 pele, 348 piemirst, 321 545 pūsle2, 373 pęlęks, 348 piens, 353 plaskans, 367, pU.Slis, 373 pe/i;ia, 350 piesta, 354 545 pust, 373 pęlni, 348 piests, 354 plaskns, 545 pūt, 374 pelns, 348 piete, 351 plat, 367 putns, 374 pęfns2, 350 pietis, 351 plest, 365 puods, 372 pęlus, 350 piets, 351 plęgas, 365 puoga, 546 pęluvas, 350 pieva, 354 plęka2, 365 radit, 383 pęlvas2, 350 plaka, 545 plękas2, 365 rags, 374 penet, 351 plakains, 361 piene, 365 raidit, 547 pęda, 347 plakans, 361 pleve, 366 raids, 547, 548 pędat, 347 plaks, 546 pliks, 366 raisit, 375 pęds, 347 plakt, 361 pluska, 368 rasa, 376 pęduot, 347 plaskains, 367, pluts, 363, 546 rats, 376 pęrn, 352 545 plūksnas, 367 raudat, 377 pęrnajs, 352 plaskans, 367, plūksnes, 367 raūds, 376 pernejs, 352 545 plūksni, 368 raudzet, 377 pfrni, 352 plasks, 361, 367, plūsnis, 368 rauga, 377 pęrns, 352 545, 546 p/uoste, 363 raugaties, 377 pęrsla, 545 plašs, 362 pluosts, 363 raugs, 377 p�rt, 352 plats, 362 p/auja, 546 raugt, 378 p*is, 355 plaukas, 362 p/aūt, 360 raugties2, 377 pikt, 355 plauki, 362 p/ava, 360 rauguoties, 377 pikts, 355 plaukšas, 362 p/ava, 360 rauklis, 547 pikuls, 356 p/aukšas2, 362 p/ave, 360 raupa, 378 pils, 356 plaukši, 362 pragars, 369 raupjš, 378, 386 pirkstes, 357 plaūksta, 546 prasit, 370 raups2, 386

622 INDICES

raups2, 378 ruobit, 385 salims, 417 srrmauksis2, raust, 378 rilobs, 385 sa/ims, 417 444 raut, 378 ruodere, 44 salit, 417 sęrmaukšs, 444 ravet, 379 ritoka, 376 s&ls, 417, 536, srrmukša, 444 razga, 379 ru6zities, 380 548 srrmuksis, 444 rat, 384 sacit, 387 sankaūls, 454 srrmukslis, 444 regžis, 381 saiklis, 67 sans, 454 srrmukšs, 444 reju, 382 saime, 441 sarksnis, 443 srrmu6kslis, 444 režge, 381 salta, 386 san;zi, 450 sęrmuolftis, 445 režgene, 381 saite, 386 sarts, 429 sęrsna, 443 režget, 380 saits, 386 sats, 418 sęrsnes, 443 režgines, 381 saiva, 438 segt, 391 sęrsni, 443 režgis, 381 salve, 438 seija, 549 srrsnis, 443 režgit, 380 saka, 386, 439 seja, 549 sęrsns, 443 ręds, 547 sakas, 386, 439 sejs, 549 srrs7Ji, 443 ręns, 547 saki, 386 sejš, 549 sert, 445 ridas, 547, 548 sala, 387 sekt, 392 sert, 549 ridi, 547, 548 safds, 387 sęns, 393 serties, 445 rimba, 385 salms, 236, 548 septil',li, 393 set, 395 riiida, 383, 548 safna, 439 septi1Ji, 393 sidrabil',lš, 70 rinde2, 383 sals, 345 septits, 394 sidrabs, 396 rinkt, 383 saft, 439 serde, 443 sijat, 398 rist, 383, 547, saits, 439 serds, 443 silt, 448

548 sams, 440 sęri, 443 silts, 448 rida, 383 sapenis, 389 seris, 443 slmt, 448 ridams, 383 sapęns, 389 sęrma, 440 simts, 448 riekste, 382 sapinis, 389 sęrmuli1Jš, 445 sirds, 448 rieksts, 382 sapins, 389 sęhnulis, 445 sirgt, 399 riekt2, 381 sapnis, 389 sęrmulftis, 445 sirks, 449, 549 riest, 381 sapns, 389 sęrmuls, 445 sirms, 449 riest, 381 safgat, 394 sęrs, 443 sifsenis, 450 riet, 382, 384 sargs, 389 sęstais, 446 sirsins, 450 rieta, 382 sari, 443 sęsts, 446 sifsnis2, 450 riezt, 380, 381 sarma, 440 sešas, 483 sifstisties, 449 riezt2, 381 sarms, 440 seši, 446 sirstu6ties, 449 rubenis, 203, sarms, 441 sešiniece, 483 sirsūnis2, 450

212, 548 sarmulis, 445 sedet, 391, 395 sirsūns, 450 rudens, 384 sars, 443 sęka2, 442 sirsuonis, 450 rudęns, 384 saūle, 390 sękla, 392 sifsuons, 450 rudienis, 384 sausinat, 391 sęks, 442 sirties, 449 rudiens, 384 sausinet2, 391 sęks, 205 sieks, 396 rudinis, 384 sauss, 390 srms2, 443 siens, 447 rudi1JŠ, 384 saūt, 441 sergt, 399 siet, 397 ruds, 384 sadinat, 417 srrksna2, 443 siets, 397 rupjš, 385 šads, 253 serksne, 443 sieva, 549 rups, 385 sads2, 416 serksnis, 443 skaidit, 400 rumba, 385 sakt, 454 srrmaukša, 444 skaidrs, 400 rugt, 385 salijums, 417 skaiksts2, 401

INDICES 623

skaistrs, 401 sliekas, 412 spiguot, 421 stumbrs, 432 skafsts, 401 slieks2, 412 spiest, 420 sudarbs, 396 skaitit, 401 slienas, 550 sp{aūt, 422 sudrabs, 396 skala, 401 sliet, 452 spradzinat, 422 sula, 434 skalbs, 220 sliet, 452 spraga, 422 sumbrs, 432 skals, 401 sluoka, 411 spradzinat2, 422 suns, 455 skarbs, 402, 550 slu6ta, 453 spragt, 423 sūbrs, 432 skabs, 406 smadzenes, 413 spręgans, 421 sukt, 552 skabt, 407 smadzęni, 413 spregt, 423 sūrs, 436 skdrbt2, 411 smadzenis, 413 spriest, 423 sutit, 399 skdrdit2, 401 smadzei;zi, 413 spuogat, 421 suodeji, 435 sklafida, 406 smadzini, 413 stagars, 426 suodriiji, 435 skleiist, 406 smadzii;zi, 413 stambans2, 426 suodreji, 435 skrabet, 407 smaganas, 413 stars, 513 suodri, 435 skrabt, 407, 550 smaganes, 413 stags2, 429 suodri, 435 skrebet, 407 smaidinat, 551 stamen, 433 suola, 435 skribinat, 409 smaidit, 551 staminis2, 433 suols, 435 skriet, 409 smakris, 414 stat, 430 svaine, 437 skritelis, 409 smakrs, 414 stiivet, 430 svains, 437 skritulis, 409 smards, 414 stavs, 429 svakas, 438 skrituls, 409 smelis, 414 steigt, 426 sveiks, 438 skubrs, 410 smiltis, 414 stembis2, 427 svęki, 438 skuja, 410 smilts, 414 stenet, 427 svękri, 438 skulbenis, 220 smirdet, 415 stęmbęns, 427 sv4i, 438 skulbis, 220 smidinat, 551 stęmbrs, 427 svešs, 437 skurbt, 410 smiet, 550 stiga, 551 svęts, 456 slaka, 451 smukt, 415 stigt, 428 svinet, 552 slaūna, 452 snaps, 415 stingt, 428 svist, 552 slaune2, 452 snauja, 551 stirna, 429 sviedri, 552 slauns, 452 snaujis, 551 stidzet, 552 sviestnii;zas, 545 slava, 452, 453 snaujs, 551 stiga, 552 šaurs, 396 slave, 452, 453 snaūst, 415 stigt, 428 šaust, 396 sliibans, 411 sniit, 551 stigt, 428, 552 šaūt, 441 sliibęns, 411 snigt, 416 stiguOt, 552 šekšet, 448 sliibs, 411 sniedze, 416 stiebris, 427 šis, 450 sliiga, 413 sniedzenis, 416 stiebrs, 427 š�ęrbs, 402, 405, slave, 453 sniedzitis, 416 strads, 431 552 slegt, 412 sniegs, 416 strauja, 424 š�eft, 402 slids, 412 spa{i, 418 strauma2, 424 š�eris, 403 slikt, 412 spiirns, 419 straume, 424 Š�frSiim, 403 slist, 413 spenis, 420 strava, 424 Š�frSS, 403 sligt, 412 spert, 422 strazds, 431 sk�rst, 403 slikt, 412 spęks, 419 strava, 425 Š�frSU, 403 slist, 413 spet, 420 strave, 425 š�idrs, 537 slist, 413 spifdzinat, 421 strigt, 432 š�ift, 404 slieka, 412 spirgt, 421 striegt2, 431 š�ifba, 402, 405 sliekalas, 550 spigat, 421 strutas, 425 š�ifbe, 405 sliekas, 412, 550 spfgulis, 421 stumbris, 432 š�irbis, 405

624 INDICES

š�irgailisi, 403 tęrpa, 458 tūkstu6šs, 473 u6stit, 482 š�irgale, 403 test, 459 tukstuošsi, 473 u6svis, 482 š�irgalis, 403 testi, 459 tūkstuotis, 473 uotars, ;7 š�irgalis, 403 tęvs, 464 tūkstu6tis, 473 uotęrs, 57 š�irgata, 403 ticet, 465 tūkstuOtis, 473 uotrs, 57 š�irgatei, 403 tikrs, 465 tukt, 474 u6zals, 75 s�ift, 405 tikt, 462, 465 tustuotisi, 473 u6zuls, 75 š�irzaka2, 403 tilat, 345 tuš, 475 u6zuols, 75 š�irzatai, 403 tilts, 466 tūte, 109, 553 vadinat, 484 š�irzatei, 403 tima, 553 tuožaties, 458 vadit, 484 š�irzgalis, 403 timsai, 553 tvert, 476 vaiks, 484 š�irzgalis, 403 timšsi, 458 tvirts, 476 vakar, 485 š�irzgata, 403 tirt, 468 uginš, 478 vakar, 485 š�ist, 552 tikis, 467 uguns, 478 vakars, 485 š�ist, 428 tit, 467 upe, 483 valdit, 485 š�ists, 405, 428 tiept, 463 upis, 483 va/a, 487 š�iest, 404, 537 tiesti, 464 urva, 483 vajš, 510 š�ieta, 404 tievs, 464 udens, 488 vaks, 509 š�iete, 404 tranis, 468 udris, 477 valgsi, 553 š�ietsi, 404 trans, 468 udrs, 477 valgans, 503, 553 šuls, 455 trausti, 472, 553 ūksme, 478 valgins2, 553 šust, 399 traba, 472 uocsi, 55 valgns, 553 šūpat, 436 tremt, 470 uoda, 480 valgit, 486 šūpu6t, 436 trenet, 470 uode, 480 valka, 487 šūt, 400 trešs, 470 u6ds, 480 valkai, 487 taks, 457 trinet, 469 u6dze, 55 valks, 487 tale, 345 tris, 471 u6dzisi, 55 vapsene, 488 talka, 457 trit, 471 uodzsi, 55 vapsine, 488 tais, 345 trunet, 473 uoga, 480 varza, 492 tafziti, 458 trupet, 473 uogle, 55 varzi, 492 tauki, 459 trusis, 472 uoglisi, 55 varzisi, 492 taure, 460 trusnities, 553 uoglsi, 55 vasara, 492 taurenis, 460 trudi, 469 u6ksts, 480 vaska, 493 taurii;iš, 460 trūnet, 473 uoksts, 480 vaski, 493 taurs, 460 tu, 473 uoksts, 480 vasks, 493 tauta, 461 tuksna, 476 uOla, 481 vala, 509 tads, 253 tuksnešains, 476 uolei, 481 vale, 509 tarpa, 458 tuksnese, 476 u6lekte, 481 vals, 66 tas, 459 tuksnesis, 476 u6lekts, 52, 481 v&ls, 509 te, 462 tuksnis, 476 uolisi, 481 valudzei, 509 tecet, 462 tukšs, 475 uosa, 62 valu6dze, 509 tęka, 553 tukt, 474 uose, 62 v&rds, 489 tęks, 553 tulzt, 475 u6sei, 62, 482 vargs, 497 tekt, 462 tumsa, 553 uosis, 481 vargs, 489, 490 teist, 463 tumšs, 458 uosisi, 482 v&rgs2, 489 telzt, 86, 463 turet, 475 uoss, 62 vargt, 489 tept, 464 tuš, 475 uost, 482 varit, 554 test, 459 tutinat, 109 uosta, 482 vama, 490

INDICES 625

varne, 490 virpties, 506 zivis, 523 Old Prussian varns, 491 virsa, 506 zivs, 523 ab-, 58 varpa, 491 virši, 507 zile, 175 abbai, 43 vdrti, 491 virsis2, 507 zime, 519 abse, 154 vartis, 491 virss2, 506 zist, 128, 521 addle, 151 vdrtit, 492 virst, 506 ziedet, 518 il!St, 157 vate, 510 virsties2, 506 zieds, 518 agins, 47 viits, 510 virsus, 506 ziema, 518 aglo, 555 vavere, 510 virt, 507 ziest, 519 ayculo, 44, 555 vaveris, 510 virt, 507 znuotis, 554 ainan, 501 veids, 494 virza, 507 znuots, 517, 554 ainawarst, 491 veikis, 495 virži2, 507 zudiniit, 522 ainawawarst, veikis, 495 virzis, 507 zudities, 522 491 veikt, 494 virzs, 507 zulkte2, 474 aysmis, 198 velis, 496 viss, 507 zufkts, 474 aytegenis, 171 velt, 497 vikt, 495, 554 zulktis, 475 aketes, 46 vęlns, 496 vikt, 502 zust, 522 ackis, 47 vemt, 497 virs, 505 zuve, 523 ackons, 48, 555 vęrgs, 490, 497 vit, 508 ZUVS, 523 accodis, 46 vest, 499 vit2, 508 zūdities, 522 algas, 49 vędars, 494 viens, 501 zitobs, 433, 512 alkins, 49 vędęrs, 494 viesals2, 501 zuods, 512 alkunis, 51 vejš, 496 viest, 495 zitoss, 514 aine, 153 vhpt, 497 viesulis, 501 zvaidrit, 523 alu, 53 versis, 460 viesuls, 501 zvaigala, 523 alwis, 53 versis, 498 viesuls2, 501 zvaigzna, 523 ane, 55 verst, 498 vieta, 502 zvaigzne, 523 angstainai, 56 vert, 498 zalba2, 511 zvaizne2, 523 angsteina, 56 verzt2, 498, 499 zals, 511 zvejuot, 524 angurgis, 479 vęss, 499 za/š, 511 zveris, 524 ankaitftai, 219 vętra, 499 zarna, 514 zvęrs, 524 ansis, 62 vętri, 499 zars, 512, 513 zvilt2, 524 ansonis, 75 vids, 500 zaruot, 517 zvirgzda, 525 antars, 57 vidus, 500 zaudet, 522 zvirgzde, 525 anters, 57 vilgans, 503 ziile, 337, 522 zvirgzdis, 525 antis, 57 vilgt, 503 zarde, 513 zvirgzds, 525 antra, 57 vilks, 503 zards, 513 zviedrit, 523 antran, 57 vilkt, 504 zęlba, 511 zviegt, 524 anxdris, 56 vilkt2, 504 zelt, 514 žalga, 511 ape, 483 vilia, 504 zęlts, 70, 169, žaūnas, 517 apewitwo, 483 vilna, 504 554 žaut, 150 apisorx, 389, vilna, 504 zeme, 516 žufdze2, 475 483 vilnis, 504 zęms, 515 žulga2, 475 apsergfsnan, 394 vi{IJa, 504 zils, 519 žufkts, 474 apus, 483 virba, 505 zi{š, 519 žults, 474 arelie, 155 virbs2, 505 ziniit, 519 žUt, 150 artoys, 62 virksne, 507 zirnis, 520 artwes, 555 virpet, 506 zive, 523 as, 63

626

asy, 159 asilis, 62 asmai, 157 asmau, 157 asmu, 157 assa, 206 assae, 206 assanis, 555 assaran, 158 assegis, 159 assis, 63 Asswaylen, 65 Asswene, 65 ast, 157 aswinan, 65 at-, 66 attolis, 66 au-, 68, 556 auginnons, 68 auckstimiskan,

70 auclo, 69 Auctakops, 225 aulaūt, 68, 282 aulis, 70 aumūsnan, 68,

307, 556 aupallai, 372 aūpallai, 372 ausin, 69 ausins, 71 ausis, 69 austin, 482 austo, 482 awins, 73 awis, 74 balgnan, 79 balsinis, 80, 81 baūton, 107 bebrus, 85 berse, 88 bhe, 84 biatwei, 89 billitwei, 90 bitte, 91 boadis, 75 bardus, 82 boūt, 107

boūton, 107 braydis, 100 brati, 101 bratrikai, 102 brewinnimai,

99 brokis, 102 brote, 101 bude, 104 bucawarne, 490 buccareisis, 382 būton, 107 butsargs, 389 buttan, 107 buwinanti, 108 dagis, 110 dalptan, 120,

221, 556 dangus, 115 dantimax, 301 dantis, 115 dast, 146 dast, 146 dat, 146 dat, 146 daton, 146 datunsi, 146 datwei, 146 da twei, 146 dauris, 148 debica, 530 debijkan, 530 deicktan, 111 deicktas, m deickton, 111 deinan, 127 deynan, 127 deiwas, 128 deywis, 128 deiws, 128 dellieis, 114 dereis, 131 derge, 122 dergeuns, 122 dessempts, 124 dessimpts, 124 dessimton, 124 dessimts, 124

INDICES

dilants, 121 etwierpt, 497 dirbinsnan, 140, eyswo, 46

556 gabawo, 557 dirsos, 136 galbimai, 168 dyrsos, 136 gaylis, 161 dirstlan, 133 gaytko, 557 dmskins, 142 gallan, 162 doalgis, 113 gallū, 162 dongo, 114 galwo, 162 dragios, 135 gannan, 558 drogis, 142 geasnis, 533 drūcktai, 142 geeyse, 174, 533 drūktai, 142 geide, 167 duckti, 145 geitke, 557 dwai, 143 geytko, 557 dwigubbus, 150 geits, 557 eb-, 58 geytye, 557 ebsentliuns, 516 geiwans, 179 edeitte, 157 geiwans, 179 eisei, 151 geywans, 179 eit, 151 gelatynan, 170 embaddusisi, 89 gelso, 168 emelno, 54 gemmons, 177 emmens, 556 gemton, 177 emmes, 556 genix, 171 emnen, 556 gennan, 558 emnes, 556 genno, 558 en, 196 gerbt, 171 endeirit, 131 gerdant, 178 endyritwei, 131 gidan, 167, 173 enkaititai, 219 gieidi, 167 enkopts, 226 gijwans, 179 enterpo, 459 gile, 175 ep-, 58 gillin, 176 eristian, 154 girmis, 246 ernertimai, 333 girtwei, 178 ernertiuns, 333 giwato, 180 ernertiuns, 333 golimban, 170 ertreppa, 470 galis, 162 es, 63 gorme, 164, 534 esketres, 156 garo, 164 est, 157 greiwakaulin, estureyto, 403 256 et-, 66 grumins, 558 etbaudinnons, gulbis, 192

83 gulsennien, 558 etbaudints, 83 gulsennin, 162, etwerreis, 67 558

INDICES 627

guntwei, 177 caryawoytis, lalasso, 27 4 meicte, 315 gurcle, 195 226 Langa, 279, 560 melne, 544 iau, 207 kartai, 230 Langodis, 560 meltan, 318 iaukint, 208 kas, 230 lape, 274 menig, 311 iaūs, 215 caulan, 233 lasto, 560 mennei, 303 idaiti, 157 kaulan, 233 laucks, 275 mensa, 312 ideiti, 157 kaulei, 233 laukit, 275 menso, 312 ydieti, 157 caune, 242 lauxnos, 561 merga, 312 idis, 150 cawx, 232 laxde, 276 mergan, 312 ieis, 151 kelan, 559 leyginwei, 286 merga, 312 ieiti, 151 kerberse, 238 lembtwey, 279 mergu, 312 yccroy, 199 kerdan, 238, 239 ligint, 286 mergwan, 312 yla, 199 kermens, 559 lfginton, 286 mettan, 314 Imt, 200 kermens, 559 limtwei, 279 mette, 314 instixs, 335 kersle, 240, 245 limtwey, 279 metthe, 314 instran, 202, 558 kettwirts, 241 linnen, 287 mien, 304, 562 insuwis, 285 ketwerts, 241 lynno, 287 mijls, 316 inxcze, 202, 335 ketwirtz, 241 lino, 287 moasis, 299, 519 ioes, 215 keuto, 243 lfse, 542 make, 43, 44 ioūs, 215 kexti, 231 lyso, 288 mothe, 323 yous, 215 kimo, 246 lopis, 293 mukint, 322 ir, 203 kirsnan, 247 lubbo, 294 mulgeno, 413 irmo, 203 kfsman, 560 luysis, 297 muso, 326 is, 206 klausiton, 249 luckis, 561 muthi, 323 ismaitint, 300 clokis, 291 lunkan, 296 muti, 323 ismaitinton, colwarnis, 491 lunkis, 273 mūti, 323

300 kracto, 260 luriay, 215 na, 338 ist, 157 krreuwiey, 255 maddla, 302 nabis, 562 fst, 157 kragis, 226 maiggun, 315 nacktin, 328 istwei, 157 kraugen, 255 mais, 561 nactin, 328 iūrin, 215 crauyo, 255 maita, 300 nage, 327 iuse, 216 krawia, 255 maitasnan, 300 nagepristis, 358 jauge, 207 krawian, 255 maitatunsin, nagutis, 327 kadan, 216 creslan, 257 300 naktien, 328 kadden, 216 crixti, 270 maldai, 561, 562 naktin, 328 kaden, 216 cugis, 261 maldenikis, 562 Namoyumpelk, kai, 216 culczi, 263 malunakelan, 80 kayle, 559 kulnis, 263 303 Namuynbalt, 80 kailūstiskan, kūra, 266 malunastabis, naunan, 330

559 kurpe, 266 303 nauns, 330 kaimfnan, 217 curwis, 230 malunis, 303 nautin, 562 caymis, 243, 441 ladis, 277 martan, 306 nawnan, 330 kaimus, 235, 236 laeims, 270 martin, 306 ne-, 331 caltestisklok', lagno, 211 massi, 297, 298 neggi, 331

291 laik-, 287 mattei, 307 nertien, 329 camus, 222 laikūt, 269 mealde, 544 neuwenen, 330 caryago, 226 laipinna, 284 meddo, 309 newints, 126

laiskas, 270 median, 309 newfnts, 126

628 INDICES

newyntz, 126 plauti, 362 sal, 548 slanke, 412 ni, 331 pleynis, 365 sali, 548 slayan, 451 nierties, 329 plonis, 367 salin, 522 slayo, 451 no, 338 po, 368 salli, 548 slayx, 412 noatis, 337 po-, 368 salme, 548 smoy, 521 nognan, 339 poauginneiti, 68 salowis, 563, 564 smonenawins, nomaytis, 310 poaugints, 68 same, 516 521 noseilis, 397 pobaiint, 76, 77 sammay, 515 smunentien, 521 nozy, 336 pobalso, 80 sansy, 514 smunentin, 521 padaubis, 116 pobanginnons, sardis, 513 smunentins, 521 pallaips, 284 87 sari, 513 smūnets, 521 pallaipsitwei, pobrendints, 99 sarke, 390, 440 smūni, 521

284 podalis, 372 sasins, 564 snaygis, 416 panto, 344 pogadint, 160, sasintinklo, 467, soakis, 565 passalis, 345 173 564 soalis, 522 pausto, 562 pogaūt, 166 saule, 390 soanxti, 421 paustre, 562 poglabū, 180 sausa, 390 soūnan, 435 pawargan, 489 polaikt, 287 schis, 450 sounon, 435 pedan, 347 poligu, 286 schostro, 395 soūnon, 435 peisai, 354 pomaitat, 300 seamis, 519 souns, 435 peckan, 348 pomests, 313 seydis, 519, 564 spelanxtis, 418 peccore, 238 pomettiwingi, seilin, 397 spenis, 420 pecku, 348 313 seilins, 397 spertlan, 422 pekollin, 355 posinnat, 519 seimins, 442 spoayno, 418 pelanne, 348 posinnimai, 520 semen, 393 staytan, 404 pele, 348 postat, 430 semme, 516 stalis, 426 pelemaygis, 316, poūt, 563 semo, 518, 519 stallan, 426

348 poūton, 563 sen, 388 stallit, 565 peles, 348 poutwei, 563 sen-, 388 stas, 459 pelky, 349 powierpt, 497 senrinka, 383 stogis, 429 pelwo, 350 prakaisnan, 369 senrists, 383 stolwo, 401 penckts, 351 pralieiton, 284 septmas, 394 strigeno, 565 pentis, 351 praliten, 284 sidans, 395 sturdis, 564 perreist, 383 prastian, 344 sidons, 395 suckis, 523 pettegislo, 179 pratin, 371 sindats, 395 sulis, 455 peuse, 373 prei, 371 syndens, 395 sulo, 434 Peusebalten, 80 proleiton, 284 sirablan, 396 sunis, 455 pickūls, 355, 356 prolieiton, 284 siraplis, 396 sunun, 435 pyculs, 355 pure, 372 sirmen, 444 sur, 437 piencts, 351 pūton, 359, 563 sirmenes, 444 suris, 437 pyienkts, 351 ragis, 374 sirmes, 441 swaigstan, 523 pintis, 563 rankan, 376 syrne, 520 Swent, 456 pirmas, 357 rawys, 379 sirsilis, 450 Swentegarben, pirmois, 357 rokis, 155 sywan, 451 456 pirsten, 358 Rythabalt, 80 skellants, 401 swestro, 395 piuclan, 360 sackis, 386 skijstan, 405 swints, 456 plasmeno, 362, saddinna, 417 scritayle, 409 swirins, 524

563 saytan, 386 scurdis, 404 tallokinikis, 457

INDICES 629

talus, 345 wargs, 489 wolti, 487 branb, 81 tau, 473 warmes, 567 woltis, 52, 481 brašbno, 527 taukis, 459 warmun, 567 wormyan, 490, brati (sę), 82 tauris, 433, 460 warne, 490 567 bratT'b, 102 tauto, 461 warnins, 491 wosee, 342 brat'b, 102 taws, 566 warnis, 491 wosux, 69, 342 brazda, 91 temprai, 565 warsus, 567 woykello, 484 brežda, 87 tempran, 463, wartin, 491 wundan, 488 bT'bzdami, 104

565 wartint, 492 wurs, 215 bTbVbmi, 103 thewis, 464 warto, 491 wuschts, 446 b'bčela, 91 thou, 473 waykello, 484 wyse, 74 b'bdeti, 104 tienstwei, 464 wayklis, 484 wyszge, 75 b'bdT'b, 105 tickars, 465 weders, 494 byti, 108 tirtis, 470 weijsewingi, 485 byvati, 108 tirts, 470 weisin, 485 SLAVIC bbčela, 91 tirts, 470 weldlsnan, 496 bbrati, 88 tlaku, 463 welgen, 486 Old Church bbždrejų, 105 Tlokunpelk, 291 werstian, 498 Slavic čajati, 560 tau, 473 wertemmai, 489 a, 339 čary, 238 toū, 473 west, 499 agoda, 480 čas'b, 560 towis, 464, 566 westwei, 499 al'čen'b, 49 ce, 217 trapt, 469 westwey, 499 ai( 'b )dii, 152 cel'b, 559 tresde, 431 wetro, 500 al'bkati, 51 cena, 217 trupis, 473, 566 weware, 510 al'bnii, 153 ceniti, 218 tu, 473 widdewū, 500, aštera, 403 cvet'b, 456 tūlan, 474 567 ave, 341 česati, 231 turrettwei, 475 wilkis, 503 aviti, 341 ČetVOT'b, 241 turrlt, 475 wilna, 504 az'b, 63 četvrbt'b, 242 turrltwei, 475 wilnis, 504 baba, 96 četyre, 241 turryetwei, 475 wirds, 489 bez, 84 čęsto, 244 tūsimtons, 473, wlrds, 489 beda, 85 čęst'b, 244

474 wirs, 505 begati, 86 čisti, 553 udro, 477 wijrs, 505 bel'b, 78 čist'b, 405 urminan, 567 wlrst, 506 bes'b, 77 človeh, 484 uschsts, 483 wlrstai, 506 blagodetb, 125 čreda, 239 uschts, 446 wlrstmai, 506 blato, 80 čremošb, 239 usts, 446 wisge, 75 bled'b, 92 čresla, 240, 245 wabelcke, 339 wissa-, 507 blęsti, 94 črevo, 559 waispattin, 502 wissambs, 433 bl 'bvati, 94 ČT'bmbn'b, 567 waist, 566 wissambs', 432 blųditi, 93 ČT'bvljen'b, 567 waix, 484 wissene, 433 blpd'b, 93 ČT'bVb, 246, 567 walge, 486 woaltis, 52, 481 blbštati sę, 95 črbn'b, 247 walgeit, 486 woasis, 481 bo, 75 danb, 146 walis, 509 wobalne, 339 bojati sę, 89 dati, 147 wangus, 488 wobelke, 339 bosti, 89 -davati, 530 wanso, 566 woble, 339 bos'b, 83 desęt'b, 124 wargan, 489 wobse, 488 brada, 82 desętb, 124 warge, 489 woikello, 484 bradatyi, 82 desn'b, 124

630

devęt'b, 126 devęt11, 126 ded'b, 118 dejati, 125 del '11ma, 120 delati, 121 delit'b, 111 delja, 120 delo, 112, 121 deti sę, 125 dlan11, 121 dlbgb, 199 dobfo, 529 dobT'b, 110 dom'b, 328 dpti, 145 dragb, 530 drevo, 123 drevodelja, 112 drobiti, 137, 138 droždiję, 135 drpgy, 136 drugb, 137 dT11znpti, 140 dTbZ'b, 136 dux11, 118 dupinp, 144 duša, 117 dvoT'b, 149 dV11ri, 147 dv11r11, 147 dyxati, 148 dym'b, 145 dzelo, 161 dzel11, 161 dzvezda, 523 d11br11, 532 d11no, 144 d11šti, 145 d11va, 143 d( 'b )vogub11n11,

150 d11voi, 149 d'bxnpti, 148 d'bX'b, 148 d11bT11, 144 d11n11, 127 d11rati, 131, 132

gad'b, 167 glad'bk'b, 183 glava, 162 ględati, 534 gnezdo, 290 god'b, 110, 194,

534 gol'b, 163 goneti, 163 goniti, 164 gora, 178 goreti, 165 grabiti, 189 grad11, 164, 191 gramada, 190 gręsti, 187 greti, 181, 186 grizet'b, 185 grpb'b, 190 grbd'b, 195 gr'bmę, 191 gr'bm'b, 260 grbStijp, 536 g'bnati, 177 xlęb11, 406 xljębei, 406 xrab11T'b, 550 xrab11T'b, 550 i, 212 igo, 213 imę, 556 inii, 201 in'b, 201, 501 isęknpti, 392 iskati, 198 istesa, 202 istese, 202 ist11, 537 iti, 151 iz, 206 izlesti, 543 izliti, 284 jad11, 151 jasn'b, 45 jasti, 157 jave, 341 javiti, 341 jazva, 46

INDICES

jed'bva, 510 kypeti, 264 jelen11, 152 ladii, 152 jesm11, 157 lajati, 293 jest'b, 157 lakati, 51 jezero, 158 lak'bt11, 51 jezeT'b, 158 led'b, 277 jędza, 153, 201 lemeš11, 278 jęti, 200 leteti, 278 język'b, 285 len'b, 279 jun'b, 209 lep'b, 270 jutro, 72 lexa, 289 juže, 207 liX'b, 283 kak'b, 253 lijati, 284 kamy, 47 list'b, 271 kara, 226 -liti, 284 kasati, 231 lizaaše, 285 klasti, 252 ljuby, 282 klati, 222 ljud11je, 281 klet11, 250 lomiti, 272 klęčęšta, 250 lopata, 293 klicati, 251 loza, 277 kaleno, 235 lpčiti, 273 kala, 559 lpga, 560 kol'b, 263 lpka, 272 kopati, 225 lpk'b, 273 koriti, 218 lučiti, 275 koteT'bi, 232 luna, 561 kotoT'bi, 232 l'bgati, 294, 295 kpsati, 231 l11gbk'b, 280 kpt'b, 224 mati, 324 kovati, 234 mazati, 315 krabii, 227 mę, 304, 562 krasti, 539 med11, 309 krat11, 229 mesti, 313 krat11k'b, 230 mex'b, 299 kričati, 259 mela, 414 krilo, 409 mena, 298 kropiti, 408 mene, 304 krupica, 540 meždaX'b, 309 kT'bpa, 266 menit'b, 299 kT'bVb, 255 mesęc11, 311 kT'bV11n11, 261 mesiti, 300 kry, 255 męk'bk'b, 319 kryti, 256 męso, 312 kup'b, 233 męsti, 314 kurit'b, 267 męti, 319 k'bde, 265 mil'b, 316 k'bi, 230 miT'b, 316

INDICES 631

mladenbCb, 562 obitati, 502 pišta, 354 pbk'b!'b, 355 mladenbCb, 562 obuti, 73 piti, 563 pbsati, 354 mlad'b, 561 odoleti, 114 plakati, 361 ralo, 60 mleti, 303 ogn 'b, 478 plamy, 348 ramo, 203 ml'bni, 544 ognb, 478 plavati, 364 razdražiti, 123 ml'bnii, 544 oimi, 213 plaV'b, 343 razga, 379 moi, 561 oko, 47 plesno, 362, 563 razoriti, 60 mokT'b, 301 olovo, 53 plen'b, 350 red'bkyję, 547 moliti, 302 on'b, 54 plevy, 350 rejati, 547 morje, 305 opresn'bk'b, 370 pljušta, 362 ręd'b, 383 moT'b, 305 orati, 61 p/bvati, 422 rasa, 376 mošti, 298 orex'b, 382 plosk'b, 545 rov'b, 379 moŠbna, 301 oriti, 60 plu, 364 rozga, 379 mOZgb, 308, 413 Orbl'b, 155 pl'bn'b, 356 rųka, 376 m9čiti, 305 oskT'bd'b, 404, po, 368 rylo, 547 m9dT'b, 303 565 počreti, 247 ryti, 379 mreti, 321 osm'b, 64 pogręzn9ti, 188 saditi, 417 mreža, 543 osmb, 65 pojas'b, 214 sad'b, 416 mT'bkn9ti, 320 ostroV'b, 387, pokojb, 243 sedeti, 391 muxa, 326 424 poleti, 348 sedm'b, 394 m'bne, 303 ostT'b, 64 po!'b, 418 sedmb, 393 myti, 307 ostbn'b, 48 posetiti, 437 sejati, 395, 398 mbgla, 317 OS'bt'b, 65 povin9ti, 508 sekyra, 206 mbne, 303 OSbl'b, 62 pozde, 345 selo, 387 mbneti, 318 oštutiti, 209 požreti, 172 sestra, 395 na, 338, 465 otvresti, 499 pųta, 344 semę, 393 nagb, 339 Ot'b, 66 pųtb, 563 seno, 447 namaiaax9, 324 Ot'blek'b, 66 pra-, 369 senb, 549 ne, 331 ot'brigati, 385 pragb, 352 sesti, 395 nebo, 118 OV'b, 71 prax'b, 545 sešti, 205 nebrešti, 90 OVbCa, 69, 73, 7 4 pre-, 352 seti, 395, 398 ned9gb, 117 OVbn'b, 73 pręd9t'b, 423 setb, 386 nekogda, 331 9glb, 55 pri, 371 seveT'b, 447 nek'bgda, 331 ŲZ'bk'b, 56 prilbn9ti, 288 sijati, 549 nek'bto, 331 paliti, 348 prisęšti, 391 sila, 397 nesti, 334 pamętb, 319 pro-, 369 si/o, 67 nešbven'b, 400 pazuxa, 545 probrezgb, 99 siT'b, 442 ni, 331 pelena, 365 praliti, 284 skT'bbeti, 410, naga, 327 pena, 418 proseati, 398 411 nogbtb, 327 pešti, 238 prositi, 370 slab'b, 411 nos'b, 336 pešb, 353 prozębn9ti, 515 slad'bk'b, 388 noštb, 328, 487 pędb, 420 prbsi, 358 slana, 439 nozdri, 330 pęta, 352 prbSt'b, 358 slava, 453 nųžda, 562 pęti, 356 prbStb, 357 sliny, 412, 550 nužda, 562 pęt'b, 351 prbV'b, 357 slavo, 452 nyne, 338 pętb, 351 pust'b, 563 sl'bnbce, 390 nynja, 338 pisati, 354 p'btica, 37 4 smijati, 551 oba, 43 piskati, 359 pbcbl'b, 355 smrbdeti, 415

632 INDICES

snef;b, 416 štuždb, 461 veleti, 496 zębomi, 515 sokom'b, 387 šwen'b, 400 vesna, 493 zętb, 516 solb, 548 tak'b, 468 vesti, 499, 500 zijati, 520 sovaat'b, 441 tek'b, 553 vet'bX'b, 500 zima, 518 sp-, 388 tesati, 459 vedeti, 566 zlato, 554 spk'b, 67 tešti, 462 vedro, 494 zl'bčb, 475 speX'b, 419 teti, 464 vejati, 499 zlbčb, 475 speti, 420 tęž'bk'b, 467 vek'b, 501 znati, 520 sreda, 443 tlešti, 463 vetr'b, 500 zorję, 513 sr'bdbce, 449 tok'b, 457 videti, 495 zpb'b, 512 stan'b, 429 tretii, 470 vid'b, 494 Zr'bno, 520 star'b, 430 trije, 471 vitati, 502 zvęgoma, 524 stati, 430 trpd'b, 469 viti, 508 zverb, 524 staviti, 430 trud'b, 472 vlaga, 486 zvezda, 523 stenati, 427 trup'b, 566 vlas'b, 485 zvon'b, 524 StOf;b, 426 tr'bStb, 472 vlešti, 504 Z'bde, 564 stoi'b, 426 trbStb, 472 vi'bna, 504 Zbdati, 519 straŽb, 389 tučbn'b, 460 Vlbk'b, 503 zbreti, 517 strešti, 394 tuk'b, 459 vlbna, 504 žaba, 557 struja, 424 turom'b, 460 voda, 488 železo, 169 strup'b, 378 tvarb, 477 voditi, 484 žena, 558 stbdza, 551 tvor'b, 476 volja, 487 žešti, 119 Stb/ati, 565 tvrbd'b, 477 vosk'b, 493 žeba, 557 Stbza, 551 t'b, 459 vraf;b, 490 žędati, 345 SUX'b, 390 t'bn'bčaje, 464 vran'b, 491 žęti, 170 surov'b, 437 t'bŠt'b, 475 vrata, 492 žila, 179 sušiti, 391 tbma, 553 vratiti, 492 žiti, 179 svekry, 455, 456 tbmbn'b, 458 vrbbije, 505 žito, 557 svet'b, 456 ty, 473 VrbX'b, 506 život'b, 180 svęt'b, 456 tysęšta, 473 vrbsta, 491 živ'b, 180 SVbteti, 456 tysęšti, 473 Vrbtit'b, 506 žreti, 178 S'bdOrv'b, 434 tyspšta, 473 V'b(n), 197 Žrbti, 178 S'bf;bnpti, 150 tyspšti, 473 V'bdova, 567 žbdati, 167 s'bkrušiti, 261 u, 68, 556 V'bdovica, 567 S'bmrbtb, 321 u-, 68, 556 V'bkupe, 233 Church Slavic S'bn'b, 389 ubuditi, 83 V'bkUp'b, 233 ablanb, 339 S'bpati, 389 učiti, 208 V'bkUpb, 233 abi'bko, 340 swebro, 396 ugasiti, 173 V'bZbuditi, 83 alčbn'b, 49 S'bSati, 552 UXO, 71 vy, 215 alova, 526 s'bfo, 448 um'b, 71 vyknpti, 214 alovica, 526 syn'b, 435 usta, 482 Vbręštę, 507 bebr'b, 85 S)'r'b, 436, 437 ustiti, 71 VbSb, 502, 507 blbsk'b, 95 syta, 418 utoliti, 457 žalb, 167 bobr'b, 85 Sb, 451 utro, 72 zarja, 513 breza, 88 sbrebro, 396 uže, 207 zaustra, 72 brežda, 87 šest'b, 446 vaditi, 484 zavbri, 498 buditi, 83 šestb, 446 variti, 554 zelen'b, 512 cediti, 400 štit'b, 404 večer'b, 485 zemlja, 516 čres'b, 403

INDICES 633

doba, no n'bne, 338 bresti, 101 kyi, 262 dpga, n4 obora, 59 brež( d)a, 87 lučv, 561 esen1>, 555 očresti, 247 broditi, 97 mel1>ziti, 3n gpsti, 166 OSIJ, 63 brod'b, 97 mlesti, 311 gpst'b, 536 ov1>čina, 73 br'bsnuti, 103 moždeni, 413 xabiti, 407 pty, 57 ce, 217 nereti, 334 xom9t'b, 223 peles'b, 342 cestiti, 401 nesfera, 332 igla, 555 pero, 419 ČrbSfV'b, 247 nreti, 334 ikra, 199 pleši>, 366 Čbrsti, 247 ol'b, 53 il'b, 537 Pf:'gy, 546 ČbrStV'b, 247 osa, 488 jad1>, 151 ponreti, 334 debelyj, 531 f:'S'b, 566 jaloV'b, 526 prasę, 344 desnyj, 124 plaV'b, 343 jętry, 211 pražiti, 423 dikyi, 129 plesn1>, 349 juxa, 216 pup'b, 343 doblii, 529 pomavati, 324 kaš1>ljati, 254 pbržiti, 421 dolja, 113 pyro, 372 kila, 262 p1>xati, 359 dvogubyj, 150 rbdbr'b, 384 kor'b, 218, 226 r'bdr'b, 384 ez'b, 159 san1>, 454 kosa, 231 rbdr'b, 384 gbež1>, 535 semija, 441 krava, 230 sažda, 435 glen'b, 182 semin'b, 442 kremy, 539 sęšt'b, 398 gomola, 163 slana, 439 kriV'b, 256 slama, 548 gomula, 163 slavii, 564 kr9peti, 540 srag'b, 399 goneti, 163 sl1>pati, 388 kruk'b, 258 sren'b, 444 grajati, 190 snuti, 551 krupa, 540 sr1>šen1>, 450 gręsti, 187 sr'bna, 429 kron'b, 540 strož1>n1>, 565 gromada, 191 str1>Ž1>n1>, 565 kroxa, 261 str1>šen1>, 450 gruda, 191 teneto, 467 k'bsn'b, 267 svekr'b, 446 grolo, 195 tonoto, 467 kyla, 262 svraka, 440 gb(b)nuti, 192 ulii, 70 lačna, 49 tr9d'b, 469 gbbeŽb, 535 vrana, 490 lęšti, 280 tryti, 473 g'brlo, 195 vran'b, 491 lokati, 271 vladeti, 486 gyža, 196 vranyi, 491 lom'b, 271 vl'bga, 509 xljab1>, 406 V'bslepati, 388 19ka, 272 voziti, 493 xl9d'b, 406 v1>rpsti, 498, 506 lud'b, 289 vreštati, 497 inii, 201 želud1>, 175 /uža, 290 žleza, 169 inije, 201 l'bb'b, 294 izgaziti, 185 Serbian Church lbn'b, 287 Middle jara, 154 Slavic maxati, 323 Bulgarian jaręb1>, 212 awno, 341 mak'b, 44 jelovo, 53 jasalo, 215 brut'b, 98 mamiti, 323 jati, 200 jaz1>no, 341 maniti, 323 Russian Church jatro, 559 9kot1>, 56 mękn9ti, 318 Slavic jaz1>no, 341 9zl'b, 75 motriti, 307 blana, 79 (j)ez'b, 159 rifb, 382 m'bšica, 326 blejati, 528 ju, 207 rf:'b'b, 385 myš1>ca, 326 blesk'b, 528 kii, 262 r'bVati, 379 naVIJ, 337 blęsti, 94 kosa, 231 ryti, 379 netii, 332 bl'bxa, 96 krakati, 260 šiti, 400 nora, 328 borzdo, 104 kup'b, 233 sočiti, 387

634 INDICES

ST"'bStb, 451 bober, 85 dvka, 438 den ', 127 StT"'bi, 432 bobr, 85 cev'e, 438 derevnja, 133 treti, 468 bodat', 76 čajat', 560 derevo, 123 trut'b, 469 bodr, 105 čary, 238 dergat', 131, 139 tyl'b, 474 b6dryj, 105 čas, 560 derznut', 140 v9zi'b, 75 bojat 'sja, 89 často, 244 derzyj, 136 žęti, 535 bol6n ', 80 častyj, 244 desjat', 124

b6/on ', 80 cedft', 400 desjatyj, 124 Russian bolona, 79 čeljad', 244 det', 125 a, 339 bol6to, 77, 80, čelovek, 484 dever', 128 alašnyj, 49 349 čemer, 236 devjat', 126 alčnyj, 49 b6/ozno, 81 čemer', 236 devjatyj, 126 ali!s, 50 boltat', 90 čered, 239 dfkij, 129 alkat', 51 boroda, 82 čereda, 239 djaglyj, 117, 530 alošnoj, 49 borodatyj, 82 čeremša, 239 djužij, 117 arda, 59 b6ron ', 81 čeremxa, 239 dlft'sja, 130 ardy, 59 b6rošno, 527 čeremuxa, 239 dno, 144 baba, 96 bor6t', 82 čeren, 238 d6ba, 110 bavit', 108 bor6t'sja, 82 čeren, 247 d6blij, 529 bčela, 91 borozda, 91 čeresla, 240 doč', 145 bdet', 104 bort', 106 čeres/6, 240, 245 dox, 148 beda, 85 bos6j, 83 čerevo, 559 doxnut', 148 begat', 86 bost', 89 čerevo, 559 dolbit', 129 belyj, 78 bost(, 89 čerez, 403 d6lgij, 199 bereč', 90 brat, 102 černyj, 247 d6lja, 113 beremja, 87 brat', 88 čerstvyj, 247 doloba, 113 bereza, 88 brestf, 101, 409 červ, 248 dol6n ', 121 berežaja, 87 brezg, 99 červ', 246 dolot6, 556 berežaja, 87 brjaknut', 101 česat', 231 dom, 328 berl6ga, 450 brjazžat', 99 četvero, 241 dorog6j, 530 bes, 77 brod, 97 četvertyj, 242 drapat', 135 bez, 84 brodft', 97 četfre, 241 drat', 132 bled6j, 92 brokat', 98 čistyj, 405 dreba, 135 bledyj, 92 brosat', 98 čitat', 401 drebezg, 137 blejat', 528 brosnut', 103 čmel, 223 drebezgi, 137 bleklyj, 338 brov', 103 čutkij, 109 drjagat', 139 bleknut', 338 brusft', 98 čuž6j, 461 drjagat', 139 blesk, 528 brusnfka, 103 dan ', 146 droba, 135 blevat', 94 bučat', 84 dat', 147 drobezga, 137 blfzkij, 94 budit', 83 davat', 530 drobfna, 135 blizna, 96 bydlo, 105 debelyj, 531 droga, 136 blfzna, 96 byt', 108 debelyj, 531 drošč, 142 blizn6, 96 byvat', 108 debri, 532 drozd, 431 bljuzna, 96 bzdet', 89 ded, 118 drož', 142 bloxa, 96 bželti, 91 degot', 119 dr6žži, 135 blud, 93 celyj, 559 dejat', 125 drug, 137 bludft', 93 cena, 217 delat', 121 druk, 136 bo, 75 cenft', 218 delit', m duga, 114

INDICES 635

dux, 118 gonit', 164 inej, 201 klešči, 252 dupa, 116 gorii, 178 inoj, 201, 501 klešči, 252 duša, 117 gordyj, 195 iskcit', 198 klet', 250 dut', 145 goret', 165 iskra, 206 klikat', 251 dužij, 111 gorlo, 195 issjaknut', 392 kljačet', 250 dva, 143 g6rod, 164 istyj, 537 koj, 230 dver', 147 gorst', 536 iva, 198 kokora, 223 dvoe, 149 gortat', 536 ivolga, 509 kol, 263 dvor, 149 grabit', 189 iz, 206 kolb ', 244 dv6r, 149 grad, 191 iž, 159 kaleno, 235 dychat', 148 grajat', 190 ja, 63 kolk, 262 dym, 145 gredut, 187 jablok, 340 kolot, 221 dyra, 147 gremet', 191 jabloko, 340 kolot', 222 ed', 151 gresti, 186 jablon ', 339 kolota, 221 egla, 151 griva, 535 jačat', 202 kolp', 192 exat', 213 grjada, 189 jad', 151 kopa, 225 el', 151 grom, 260 jaga, 153 kopan', 223 elen', 152 gromada, 191 jagoda, 480 kopat', 225 elxa, 50 grubyj, 190 jalaja, 168 kopot, 268 elxa, 50 gruda, 191 jalovica, 526 koren', 238 elka, 151 grust', 192 jalovyj, 168, 526 korit', 218 est', 157 gryzt', 185 jdščer, 403 komoj, 540 evnja, 208 gtlglja, 196 jdščerica, 403 k6rnyj, 540 evnja, 208 gus', 514 jdsen ', 481 korob, 226 evnja, 208 gust, 536 jdsny, 45 korotkij, 230 ez, 159 gust', 166 jat', 200 kor6va, 230 ež, 160 gusti, 166 jatra, 559 kosa, 231 gad, 167 gustoj, 536 jatro, 559 kosnyj, 267 gajat', 174 gut', 536 jatro, 559 kotoryj, 232 gasft', 173 gversta, 525 jatrov', 2u kovat', 234 gde, 265 gverstva, 525 javid', 341 krast', 260, 539 gladkij, 183 gverzda, 525 javit', 341 kremen ', 539 glev, 182 xabit', 407 jazva, 46 kreslo, 257 glina, 182 xarius, 228 jazyk, 285 kričat', 259 gliva, 182 xljab', 406 jedva, 510 krivoj, 256 gljadet', 534. 535 xlud, 406 jesen ', 555 kroxa, 261 gnat', 177 xlut, 406 junyj, 209 kropft', 408 gnezdo, 290 xomut, 223 kakoj, 253 krov', 255 gnida, 183 xorobryj, 550 kamen ', 47 krovnyj, 261 gnus, 184 xvoja, 410 kasat'sja, 231 kruk, 258 gnut', 192 xvoja, 410 kdšel', 254 krupa, 540 god, 194 idti, 151 kašljat', 254 kmpnyj, 255 godit', 534 igla, 555 kev', 438 krušit', 261 godit'sja, 534 igo, 213 kevka, 438 krylo, 409 goljamyj, 162 ikrei, 199 kij, 262 kryt', 256 golova, 162 ikro, 199 kila, 262 kuka, 232 golub', 78, 170 il, 537 kipet', 264 kuna, 242 goluboj, 78, 170 imja, 556 klast', 252 kurit', 267

636 INDICES

kusat', 231 lopata, 293 metit', 307, 314 ne, 331 kut, 224 los6s', 274 meža, 309 nebo, 118 / 'nut', 288 l6sos', 274 mga, 317 nebo, 118 lad'ja, 152 lost, 542 mgla, 317 nerest, 333 lad6n ', 121 lost', 542 mig, 315 nereta, 333 lajat', 293 lov', 53 migat', 315 nesti, 334 lakat', 271 loza, 277 milyj, 316 ni, 331 Iam, 292 lub, 296 mir, 316 nit', 335 lan ', 153 luč, 561 mjagkij, 319 noč', 328, 487 /apa, 292 lud, 289 mjagok, 319 noga, 327 laska, 291 lug, 279, 560 mjaknut', 318 n6got', 327 last, 542 luk, 273 mjaso, 312 n6ne, 338 lasyj, 291 luka, 272 mjasti, 314 nora, 328 led, 277 luna, 561 mjat', 319 n6ros, 329 ledva, 510 lupit', 276 mladenec, 562 n6rost, 329 ledve, 510 luska, 542 mnit', 318 n6rost', 329 legkij, 280 luskat', 542 moč', 298 nos, 336 lexa, 289 luskat', 542 mox, 326 n6vyj, 330 lexa, 289 lut, 280 m6xa, 326 nozdrja, 330 lemex, 278 /uta, 280 moj, 561 nuža, 562 lemeš, 278 !Uža, 290 mokr, 301 nyne, 338 lemeš, 278 lyko, 296 m6kryj, 301 6ba, 43 len, 287 maxat', 323 molit', 302 obitat', 502 len6j, 279 majat', 324 m6lnija, 544 6blyj, 59 lepest, 293 mak, 44 molodnja, 544 ob6r, 59 lepest, 293 manit', 323 molod6j, 561 6bor, 59 lepest6k, 273, mat', 324 mol6n 'ja, 544 obora, 59

293 materjam, 324 mol6t', 303 obUt', 73 letet', 278 mavat', 324 mor, 305 očnut'sja, 216 lezt', 543 mazat', 134, 315 m6re, 305 očutit 'sja, 209 lgat', 295 mčat', 325 morgat, 320 odolet', 114 list, 271 med, 309 mormulit', 326 odva, 510 lit', 284 mex, 299 mošna, 301 og6n ', 478 lizat', 285 mel, 414 motrit', 307 6ko, 47 ljaga, 279 mel', 414, 415 mozg, 308, 413 olen ', 152 Ijakij, 543 melenja, 544 mučit', 305 6lovo, 53 ljanoj, 279 mena, 298 mudryj, 303 ol'xa, 50 ljazga, 276 menit', 299 muxa, 326 Ol 'sa, 50 ljub6v', 282 mereča, 306 mukti, 318 6mex, 278 /judi, 281 meret', 321 mykat', 543 ome/a, 54 lob, 294 mereža, 543 myt', 307 omeš, 278 l6d'ja, 152 mereža, 543 na, 338 on, 54 lox, 274 merknut', 320 nag, 339 orat', 61 lakat', 271 mesit', 300 nagoj, 339 orei, 155 l6kot', 51 mesjac', 311 natina, 337 orex, 382 lom, 271 mesti, 313 nav', 337 os', 63 lomit', 272 mesto, 321 naz6l, 511 osa, 488, 542 lomy, 271 meš6k, 299 naz6la, 511 osel, 62

INDICES 637

6sen', 555 pjad', 420 prosejat', 398 sani, 454 oset', 46 pjata, 352 prosit', 370 saža, 435 oseter, 156 pjatyj, 351 ptica, J74 seč', 205 osetr, 156 pjat', 351, 356 pudit', 84 sed'm6j, 394 osina, 154 plakat', 361 pudit', 84 sej, 451 osk6rd, 565 plamja, 348 pugat', 83 sejat', 395 os6t, 65 plast, 362 pugovica, 546 sel6, 387 ost', 48 plavat', 364 puxlyj, 373 sem ', 393 osten, 48 pleč6, 362 pup, 343 sem)a, 441 6strov, 387, 424 plexan, 366 pur, 373 semja, 393 6stryj, 64 plena, 365 pura, 373 sen ', 549 osva, 488 plesen ', 349 purka, 373 seno, 447 ot(o), 66 pieva, 366 pustoj, 563 serdce, 449 otverzt', 499 plevat', 422 put', 563 serebr6, 396 ovca, 74 pljusk, 546 puto, 344 sereda, 443 ovčina, 73 pljU5ki, 366 pyrej, 372 seren, 443 oven, 73 pijusna, 362 rajat', 384 seren, 443 ovi!s, 74 pijusna, 546 rak, 155 seren ', 443 6zero, 158 pl6skij, 361, 545 rakita, 533 serna, 429 ozor6d, 513 plot, 363, 546 nilo, 60 seryj, 564 OŽ, 160 plyt', 368 ramena, 203 sest', 395 pamjat', 319 po, 368 rataj, 62 sestra, 395 pazuxa, 545 pod, 342 razorit', 60 set', 386 pčela, 91 pad, 342 rdet', 384 sever, 447 peč', 238 p6jas, 214 redkij, 547 sidet', 391 pexij, 353 p6lnyj, 356 redok, 547 si/a, 397 peklo, 355 p6/omja, 348 redr, 384 si/6, 67 peles, 342 pol6n, 350 redr, 384 si/o, 67 peli!syj, 342 po/6va, 350 redra, 384 siryj, 442 pena, 418 polov6j, 343 redryj, 384 sito, 397 pepel, 349 pol6vyj, 343 redryj, 384 sivyj, 451 pere-, 352 por6g, 352 rejat', 547 skorbet', 410 peret', 353 p6rox, 545 rjad, 383 skorbit', 411 pero, 419 porosenok, 344 rog, 375 sk6rblyj, 411 persi, 358 postič', 427 rokita, 533 sk6rbnut', 411 perst, 358 potol6k, 345 rosa, 376 skoroda, 404, perst ', 357 p6zdyj, 345 rov, 379 565 pert', 358 pra-, 369 r6zga, 379 sk6ryj, 403 pervyj, 357 presen, 370 rub, 385 skresti, 407 pest, 354 presnyj, 370 rudoj, 377 skubti, 410 pešij, 353 pri, 371 rndyj, 377 skust', 410 pxat', 359 prjač', 423 ruka, 376 slabyj, 411 pixat', 359 prjači, 423 rvat', 379 slava, 453 pila, 563 prjast', 423 rygat', 385 slimak, 412 pisat', 354 prjažit', 423 rylo, 547 slina, 550 pišča, 354 prjažit', 423 ryt', 379 s/6vo, 452 piščat', 359 pro, 369 sad, 416 sluka, 412 pit', 563 pro-, 369 sadit', 417 s/Ušat', 249

638 INDICES

smazat', 315 su-, 388 t6nok, 464 už, 55 smejat'sja, 551 sux6j, 390 t6šč, 475 uže, 207 smerdet', 415 suk, 67 t6ščij, 475 v(o), 197 smert', 321 sur6vyj, 437 toska, 462, 476 varit', 554 sm6rod, 414 sušit', 391 tot, 459 vdova, 567 sneg, 416 šutit', 396 trest', 472 večer, 485 snovat', 551 svat, 437 tretij, 470 vedat', 566 sočit', 387 svekor, 446 tri, 471 vedr6, 494 soxa, 367, 439 svekr6v', 455 tropat', 470 vejat', 499 sok, 387 svekry, 455 trost', 472 vek, 501 s6lnce, 390 svest', 437 trud, 472 veko, 509 sol6dkij, 388 svet, 456 trup, 566 velet', 496 sol6ma, 548 svjat6j, 456 trupit', 473 verba, 505 solovej, 564 svoj, 437 trut, 469 verba, 505 solov6j, 564 svojačenica, 437 truten ', 469 veres, 507 sol6vyj, 564 svojak, 437 tučnyj, 460 vereščat', 497 sol', 548 syn'b, 435 tuk, 459 veresk, 507

som, 440 sfpat', 436 tur, 460 verx, 506 son, 389 syr, 437 tuta, 462 verša, 492 sor6ka, 440 syr6j, 436 tvar', 477 versta, 491

sosat', 552 sftyj, 418 tverd, 477 vertet', 506 sovat', 441 ščerbd, 405 tverdyj, 477 ves', 502, 507 spex, 419 ščit, 404 tvorit', 476 vesna, 493 spet', 420 šeršen ', 450 ty, 473 vesti, 499 srat', 450 šerst', 451 tyl, 474 veter, 500 ssat', 552 šest', 446 tysjača, 473 vetx, 500 stamik, 433 šest6j, 446 t 'ma, 553 vetxij, 500 stam6j, 433 šit', 400 U, 68, 556 vezti, 500 stan, 429 šula, 455 u-, 68, 556 vid, 494 star, 430 šulo, 455 učit', 208 videt', 495 staryj, 430 tak6j, 468 ugol, 54 vix6r, 501 stat', 430 teč', 462 ugol', 55 vixor, 501 stavit', 430 tek, 553 ugor', 56, 479 vixr', 501 stega, 551 temen, 458 uxa, 216 vir, 505 stenat', 427 temnyj, 458 uxo, 71 vit', 508 stereč', 394 teneto, 467 uj, 74 vjazat', 75 steržen ', 565 teneto, 467 ulej, 70 vkupe, 233 stezja, 551 tepti, 464 ulica, 70 vladet', 486 stlat', 565 teret', 468 um, 71 vleč', 504 sto, 448 tesat', 459 unuk, 58 vn-, 197 stog, 426 tjanut', 466 US, 566 vnuk, 58 stol, 426 tjat', 467 usta, 482 voda, 488 st6rož, 389 tjažkij, 467 utepti, 464 vodit', 484 strežen ', 565 tlo, 465 Utka, 57 voe, 197 stroj, 432 tok, 457 utolit', 457 volčica, 503 struja, 424 tol6č', 463 utro, 72 v6lja, 487 strilmen, 424 t6lstyj, 475 uzel, 75 volk, 503 strup, 378 t6nkij, 464 uzkij, 56 volna, 504

INDICES 639

v6lna, 504 zoloza, 169 badati, 76 gbrlo, 195 vol6č', 504 zol6za, 169 bebro, 85 xorobryj, 550 volodet', 486 zorja, 513 bez?>, 84 imela, 54 vol6ga, 486 zor6d, 164, 513 blizna, 96 inii, 201 v6loga, 486 zret', 517, 520 bljasti, 94 inije, 201 v6lok, 487 zub, 512 blbvati, 94 iva, 198 v6los, 485 zubr, 433 bobro, 85 jabloh, 340 v6lot', 487 zver', 524 balana, 79 jablonb, 339 voložit', 486 zvezda, 523 bolonb, 80 jabl?>h, 340 v6rog, 490 zvjač', 524 boronb, 81 jati, 200 v6ron, 491 žat', 170, 535 borošbno, 527 jatro, 559 vor6na, 490 ždat', 167 bortb, 106 jatry, 211 voron6j, 491 žeč', 119 borzdo, 104 javMyj, 341 vorota, 492 želč', 475 bydlo, 105 (j)az?>, 63 vor6ta, 492 železa, 169 b?>rtb, 106 jesetro, 156 vorotit', 492 železo, 169 bbbT'b, 85 (j)ez?>, 159 vos'm6j, 64 železo, 169 cevije, 438 kaŠbib, 254 v6sem ', 65 želna, 176 cevb, 438 kefo, 559 vosem ', 65 želt, 169 čerem?>xa, 239 klešča, 252 vosk, 493 želtyj, 169, 475 čeres?>, 403 kolot?>, 221 vozit', 493 želud', 175 čerez?>, 403 kolpb, 192 vret', 507 želvak, 533 Čbrsti, 247 kopa, 225 vuj, 74 želvi, 533 derevnja, 133 kopotb, 268 vy, 215 žena, 558 dikyi, 129 korob?>, 226 vydra, 477 žerex, 172 djužij, 117 korb, 246 vymja, 346 žeriixa, 172 dolja, 113 kasa, 231 žab'e, 557 žere/6, 172 duti, 145 krakati, 260 žaba, 557 žerstva, 525 dvogubyj, 150 krupnyj, 255 žadat', 345 žerstva, 525 erjabb, 212 kuna, 242 žal', 167 ževat', 517 ežb, 160 k?>rb, 246 zametit', 307 ž{ca, 175 ez?>, 159 lačbn?>, 49 zarja, 513 zijat', 520 gajati, 174 lajati, 293 zar6d, 513 žila, 558 gbežb, 535 lakati, 51 zastrjagnut', 432 žfla, 179 goi, 162 lapa, 292 zastrjanut', 432 zima, 518 gomola, 163 len?>, 279 zastrj at', 4 32 žit', 179 gomula, 163 ljaga, 279 zaveret', 498 žito, 557 gramada, 190 ljuby, 282 zdor6vyj, 434 živ6j, 180 gresti, 187 ljub?>Vb, 282 zeli!nyj, 512 živ6t, 180 gręsti, 187 lodbja, 152 zelezo, 169 žolv', 533 grjazti, 188 lom?>, 271 zelezy, 169 žrat', 172 gromada, 191 ląka, 272 zel6, 161 žuravl', 172 gruda, 191 majati, 324 zemlja, 516 grolo, 195 mati, 324 zern6, 520 Old Russian gversta, 525 mene, 304 zjalezo, 169 ablanb, 339 KVbrsta, 525 mja, 304, 562 zjat', 516 ai( 1> )čbn?>, 49 gvbrzda, 525 mjahkyi, 319 znat', 520 ai( 1> )kati, 51 f;b(b)nuti, 192 myšca, 326 z6loto, 554 alčen?>, 49 f;bbežb, 535 m?>ne, 303

640 INDICES

m'bX'b, 326 SVbSfb, 437 blfzna, 96 iti, 151 moX'b, 326 Sb, 451 bojaty sja, 89 jalovyca, 526 naVb, 337 sbrna, 429 bolon ', 80 jaty, 200 nereta, 333 sbršenb, 450 boroda, 82 javida, 341 nesfera, 332 šerstb, 451 borodatyj, 82 jaz, 159 netii, 332 Šbršenb, 450 b6rošno, 527 jazgar, 159 obora, 59 teči, 462 bor6ty, 82 jelen ', 152 očutiti, 209 tjati, 467 bart, 106 jevja, 208 odva, 510 trud'b, 469 bart', 106 jCvnja, 208 od'bva, 510 trupb, 566 b6syj, 83 jivolga, 509 olovb, 53 tuk'b, 459 brat, 102 jiz, 159 ol'b, 53 fVOr'b, 476 braty, 88 již, 160 ome/a, 54 f'b, 459 brestf, 101 klfšavyj, 252 orjabb, 212 tblo, 465 brid, 97 k6pit, 268 osetr'b, 156 ukotb, 56, 493 brjaknuty, 101 kruk, 258 OVbS'b, 74 ulica, 70 brusfty', 98 kry/6, 409 ože, 212 uty, 57 bfdlo, 105 kuka, 232 OŽb, 160 uxa, 216 bzdity, 89 kuna, 242 padoroga, 115 UŽb, 55 eina, 217 kyla, 262 pero, 419 vermije, 490 člfred, 239 kyla, 262 pixati, 359 veverica, 510 čeremuxa, 239 Iajati, 293 pljuča, 362 vxu, 507 čeremxa, 239 Iasyj, 291 pod'b, 342 ViX'brb, 501 čeres/6, 240 lemiš, 278 polon'b, 350 voloči, 504 čerevo, 559 leviti, 282 pomavati, 324 vologa, 486 čolovik, 484 lid, 277 porosja, 344 voronyi, 491 dehot', 119 Ijaxa, 289 pozd'b, 345 Vbrsta, 491 derhaty, 131 16dja, 152 pUgbVb, 546 zjabnuti, 515 dfhot', 119 lokn6, 295 pugy, 546 Zbdati, 519 dilja, 120 los6s', 274 pbrfb, 358 žeravlb, 172 dim, 328 luka, 272 pbxati, 359 žerelo, 172 dobei, 110 lukn6, 295 renb, 156 žereti, 178 d6lja, 113 luna, 561 ritb, 382 žreti, 178 drizd, 431 lut, 280 r'bVafi, 379 Žrbti, 178 dupa, 116 lfko, 296 sad'b, 416 Žbrati, 172 dužyj, 117 m 'a, 556 sani, 454 hliva, 182 maladnja, 544 serestb, 451 Ukrainian hnizd6, 290 mene, 304 serstb, 451 bdžola, 91 h6lka, 555 meža, 309 semija, 441 berehtf, 90 h6rod, 164 morokva, 306 silo, 67 bereza, 88 hrjastf, 187 mox, 326 sočiti, 387 bereža, 87 hruda, 191 nat', 337 soxa, 439 bibr, 85 hrnda, 191 naga, 327 solovii, 564 blejaty, 528 hrust', 192 ob6ra, 59 str'bi, 432 bleknuty, 338 hustf, 166 odjahty, 122 stryi, 432 blidfj, 92 ihla, 555 ohen ', 478 svekr'b, 446 bloxa, 96 iho, 213 oh6n ', 478 svekry, 455 blyščati, 95 im 'a, 556 ol 'os, 50 svestb, 437 blyzna, 96 inej, 201 6len ', 152

INDICES 641

oles, 50 žalibycja, 442 ljaska, 276 blouditi, 93 onuk, 58 želizo, 169 lokn6, 295 blud, 93 osa, 488 žorstva, 525 mox, 326 blut, 94 6sin ', 555 žuravel', 172 ob6ra, 59 blyšteti, 95 6sit', 46 žyto, 557 osetka, 46 bo, 75 osfna, 154 osva, 488 bobr, 85 OŽ, 160 Old Ukrainian pal6n, 350 bodati, 76 pčola, 91 baviti, 108 pur, 373 bosy, 83 pezdfty, 89 brjazčaty, 99 purka, 373 brada, 82 pid, 342 brjažčaty, 99 roh, 375 bradaty, 82 pliva, 366 rub, 385 brat, 102 pol6n, 350 Belorussian stoh, 426 brati, 88 prjasty, 423 al'sa, 50 stol, 426 bratr, 102 rih, 375 ales, 50 strup, 378 brazda, 91 rijaty, 547 asec, 46 stryj, 432 bfednouti, 101 rokita, 533 asetka, 46 stryžen ', 565 bfezi, 87 rasa, 376 azjar6d, 513 suk, 67 bflza, 88 rub, 385 barada, 82 šula, 455 brod, 97 sany, 454 baradaty, 82 unuk, 58 broditi, 97 seren, 443, 444 bel', 77 večar, 485 broditi se, 97 sik, 387 beragčy, 90 (v)6sec, 46 brousiti, 98 sim ]a, 441 bjar6za, 88 zalezo, 169 brf, 107 sm6rid, 414 bljaknuc, 338 zal6za, 169 brusnice, 103 snih, 416 bljuzna, 96 zelezo, 169 brva, 103 som, 440 bore', 106 žarstva, 525 brzda, 104 stih, 426 borzdyj, 104 bučeti, 84 stil, 426 brjaknuc', 101 Czech buditi, 83 strup, 378 bydlo, 105 a, 339 busti, 89 stryj, 432 d6lja, 113 baba, 96 bydlo, 105 stryžen ', 565 dužy, 117 baba, 96 byti, 108 suk, 67 eunja, 208 bati se, 89 byvati, 108 šula, 455 eunja, 208 baviti, 108 bzdfti, 89 šyty, 400 ez, 159 bdfti, 104 cediti, 400 tjaknuty, 462 glabac, 181 behati, 86 cely, 559 tjažkfj, 467 h6rad, 164 bes, 77 cena, 217 toloka, 457 horšy, 61 bez, 84 ceniti, 218 tur, 460 fnej, 201 bfda, 85 ceva, 438 večir, 485 jadžgar, 159 bfly, 78 čary, 238 verba, 505 jauja, 208 blana, 79 čas, 560 vermjatyj, 567 jaz, 159 blana, 80 často, 244 visk, 493 juxa, 216 blato, 80 časty, 244 v6hkyj, 503 klfšavyj, 252 bledy, 92 čemer, 236 v6vna, 504 kalat, 221 blecha, 96 čermucha, 239 zalizo, 169 kruk, 258 blesk, 528 černy, 247 zaloza, 169 kuka, 232 bleti, 528 č( e )rstvy, 247 zemlja, 516 lajac, 293 blfti, 94 červ, 246 zorja, 513 las6š, 274 blizna, 96 česati, 231 zub, 512 ljameš, 278 bloud, 93 č{sti, 553

642 INDICES

čisty, 405 drzy, 136 hfmfti, 191 ješterka, 403 čitati, 401 dfevo, 123 hitra, 178 jeti, 213 dtiti, 209 duha, 114 hus, 514 jeviti, 341 cizi, 461 duch, 118 husty, 536 jez, 159 človek, 484 ditm, 328 hutny, 536 jezero, 158 čren, 238 dupa, 116 hvezda, 523 jež, 160 čfiti, 247 duše, 117 hyže, 196 (j)ež, 212 čtvery, 241 duži, 117 chabif, 407 ježdik, 159 čtvrty, 242 dva, 143 chabiti, 407 jho, 213 čtyfi, 241 dvefe, 147 chaby, 407 jicha, 216 dan, 146 dvere, 147 chloud, 406 jikra, 199 dati, 147 dvoji, 149 chomout, 223 jil, 537 davati, 530 dvitr, 149 chvoj, 410 jini, 201 dech, 148 dychati, 148 ihla, 555 jiny, 201, 501 ded, 118 dym, 145 ikro, 199 jisti, 157 dehet, 119 had, 167 iskaf, 198 jiti, 151 d(e)chnouti, 148 hasiti, 173 isty, 537 jitro, 72 delati, 121 hladky, 183 ja, 63 jiva, 198 deliti, m hlava, 162 jablko, 340 již, 207 den, 127 hledeti, 534 jablo, 340 jizva, 46 desaty, 124 hlina, 182 jablon, 339 jmeli, 54 deset, 124 hliva, 182 jahoda, 480 jmeno, 556 devaty, 126 hlobit; 180 jalovy, 526 jsem, 157 devet, 126 hnati, 177 jarka, 154 jucha, 216 diti, 125 hnida, 183 jaro, 154 juny, 209 dlab, 113 hnizdo, 290 jasan, 481 jutro, 72 dlan, 121 hnouti, 192 jasan, 481 kamen, 47 dlapa, 292 hnus, 184 jasaf, 215 kasati, 231 dlato, 556 hod, 194 jasny, 45 kašel, 254 dlouhy, 199 hoditi, 534 jcitra, 559 kašlati, 254 dno, 144 hody, 194 jazyk, 285 kde, 265 doba, 110 homole, 163 je, 157 kelka, 262 dosici, 391 honiti, 164 ječeti, 202 kef, 246 doupa, 116 hora, 178 jedle, 151 kleisti, 252 doupe, 116 horčti, 165 jedva, 510 klat, 221 douti, 145 housti, 166 jehla, 555 klati, 222 drahy, 530 hrad, 164 jekati, 202 klečeti, 250 drati, 132 hfada, 189 jelen, 152 klešte, 252 drhati, 131 hrdlo, 195 jelše, 50 kmen, 224 dfiti, 123, 132 hromada, 191 jenž, 212 kaleno, 235 drobesk, 137 hrouda, 191 jefab, 212 kopa, 225 drobiti, 137 hrst, 536 jefabek, 212 kopati, 225 drouh, 136 hruby, 190 jesen, 481 kopt, 268 drouk, 136 hruditi, 185 jesen, 481 kofiti, 218 drozd, 431 hryzti, 185 jeseter, 156 koufiti, 267 droždi, 135 hfe(b)sti, 186 jest, 157 kousati, 231 drpati, 532 hfiva, 535 ješter, 403 kout, 224 druh, 137 hfmeti, 191 ještefice, 403 kauti, 234

INDICES 643

kra, 199 lide, 281 meze, 309 noha, 327 krabuše, 226 liny, 279 mha, 317 nora, 328 krakati, 260 lfska, 276 mhla, 317 nos, 336 krasti, 539 list, 271 mih, 315 nouze, 562 krat, 229 liti, 284 mihati, 315 novy, 330 kratky, 230 lizati, 285 mily, 316 nozdra, 330 krava, 230 lnouti, 288 mir, 316 nyni, 338 kfemen, 539 lad', 152 mišek, 299 oba, 43 kfesla, 257 lakati, 271 misiti, 300 obly, 59 krev, 255 laket, 51 mknouti, 325 obofiti, 60 krevni, 261 lam, 271 mladenec, 562 obouti, 73 krevny, 261 lamiti, 272 mlady, 561 octnouti se, 216 kfičeti, 259 lapata, 293 mlha, 317 od(e), 66 kfidla, 409 lasos, 274 mliti, 303 odoleti, 114 kfivy, 256 lauč, 561 mina, 544 ohen, 478 kropiti, 408 laučiti, 273 mne, 303 oko, 47 kroupa, 540 lauka, 272 mneti, 318 alavo, 53 kruch, 261 laupiti, 276 mniti, 318 olše, 50 kryti, 256 lauže, 290 moci, 298 ome/a, 54 kui, 263 lub, 296 modla, 302 ome/o, 54 kuna, 242 luh, 279, 560 modliti, 302 orati, 61 kvet, 456 luk, 273 mokry, 301 ofech, 382 kyj, 262 luna, 561 mor, 305 orei, 155 kyla, 262 luska, 542 mofe, 305 osa, 154 kypeti, 264 lut, 280 mošna, 301 osel, 62 kysati, 541 lyko, 296 moucha, 326 oset, 65 lačny, 49 machati, 323 moudry, 303 oškrd, 565 lan, 153 mak, 44 mouka, 318 oškrt, 565 /apa, 292 mam, 323 mozek, 413 osm, 65 l'aska, 276 mamiti, 323 mrgaf, 320 osmy, 64 /ata, 542 maso, 312 mfiti, 321 osf, 48 Zati, 293 masti, 314 mfiže, 543 osten, 48 leb, 294 mavati, 324 mrknouti, 320 ostry, 64 lebavy, 269 mazati, 315 mrmrati, 326 otevfiti, 67 lebka, 294 me, 562 mučiti, 305 ovad, 480 leci, 280 mech, 326 muj, 561 ovce, 74 led, 277 mech, 299 myti, 307 ovčina, 73 ledva, 510 med, 309 na, 338 oves, 74 lehky, 280 mekky, 319 nahy, 339 paliti, 348 lekno, 295 meknouti, 318 na(, 337 parne(, 319 lemeš, 278 me/, 414 naviti, 338 pas, 214 len, 287 melf, 54 ne, 331 pata, 352 leteti, 278 mena, 298 nebe, 118 paty, 351 leviti, 282 meniti, 299 nehet, 327 pazucha, 545 lezti, 543 meno, 556 nesti, 334 pchati, 359 thati, 295 mes{c, 311 n i, 331 peci, 238 licha, 289 mesti, 313 nif, 335 pek/o, 355 liet, 280 metit, 307, 314 noc, 328 pena, 418

644 INDICES

pero, 419 prst, 358 sever, 447 stlati, 565 pero, 419 prst; 357 sici, 205 sto, 448 peši, 353 prvy, 357 siesti, 395 stoh, 426 pet, 351 psati, 354 sila, 397 straka, 440 pice, 354 ptak, 374 sime, 393 stfeda, 443 pichati, 359 puda, 342 sin, 549 stfemcha, 239 pid', 420 puk, 546 sirf, 442 stfevo, 559 piskati, 359 pupek, 343 sit; 386 stfibro, 396 pist, 354 pusty, 563 siti, 395 stfici, 394 pista, 354 pfr, 372 sito, 397 stfin, 443 pišteti, 359 fad, 383 sivy, 451 stfin, 444 piti, 563 fada, 383 slaby, 411 stfislo, 240, 245 plamen, 348 radlo, 60 sladky, 388 strumen, 424 plavy, 343 rak, 155 slama, 548 strumen, 424 plen, 350 rame, 203 slap, 388 strup, 378 plena, 365 rameno, 203 slava, 453 stryc, 432 pieš, 366 fidky, 547 slavik, 564 stržen, 565 pieva, 350 fihati, 385 slina, 550 stul, 426 plice, 362 fit; 382 slovo, 452 suchy, 390 plisen, 349 roh, 375 sluka, 412 suk, 67 pliti, 422 rokyta, 533 slunce, 390 sul, 548 pliva, 350 rosa, 376 slušeti, 249 sušiti, 391 plny, 356 rov, 379 smati, 551 svaty, 456 plosky, 545 rozbfesk, 99 smrad, 414 svekr, 446 plauti, 364 rub, 385 smrdeti, 415 syn, 435 plvati, 422 rudy, 377 smrt, 321 sypati, 436 pnouti, 356 ruka, 376 snih, 416 sfr, 437 po, 368 rvati, 379 snouti, 551 syrf, 436 pouchly, 373 rydlo, 547 snovati, 551 syty, 418 pou(, 563 ryti, 379 socha, 439 šest, 446 pouto, 344 sad, 416 sok, 387 šesty, 446 pozde, 345 saditi, 417 sou-, 388 šiti, 400 prach, 545 sahati, 391 souti, 436 šterba, 405 prah, 352 sahnouti, 391 souvati, 441 štit, 404 prahnouti, 423 saknouti, 392 spech, 419 tahnouti, 466 prase, 344 san, 454 speti, 420 taky, 468 pražiti, 423 sane, 454 srdce, 449 tchnouti, 148 pre-, 352 sane, 454 srna, 429 teei, 462 pfesny, 370 sati, 552 sršen, 450 temny, 458 pfi, 371 saze, 435 srst, 451 ten, 459 pfisti, 423 sedeti, 391 stan, 429 teneto, 467 pfiti, 353 sedm, 393 stary, 430 tenky, 464 pro-, 369 sedmy, 394 stati, 430 tepati, 464 prositi, 370 sedmy, 394 staviti, 430 tesati, 459 prs, 358 sen, 389 stenati, 427 težky, 467 prsa, 358 seno, 447 stez, 551 tisic, 473 prskati, 370 sestra, 395 stezka, 551 titi, 467 prso, 358 šesty, 446 stežka, 551 tla, 465

INDICES 645

tlapa, 292 ves, 502 vyhen, 478 blvati, 94 tlo, 465 vesna, 493 vyknouti, 214 bosti, 89 tlouci, 463 vesti, 499 zafe, 513 bran, 81 tma, 553 vetchy, 500 zati, 520 bran, 81 tok, 457 veverica, 510 zavfiti, 498 brat, 102 trest', 472 veverka, 510 z(e), 206 bratr, 102 troud, 469 vezti, 500 zed', 564 brev, 103 trst, 472 vid, 494 zeleny, 512 brt, 107 trud, 472 videti, 495 zem, 516 bfezk, 99 trup, 566 vichr, 501 zeme, 516 bfisti, 101 tfen, 238 viko, 509 zet', 516 cev, 438 tfeti, 470 vir, 505 zeti, 520 ceva, 438 tfevo, 559 viskati, 198 zima, 518 ciev, 438 tfi, 471 viti, 508 zlato, 554 cieva, 438 tfida, 239 vitr, 500 znati, 520 cievka, 438 tfislo, 240, 245 vlaha, 486 zora, 513 čary, 238 triti, 468 vlak, 487 zofe, 513 čfieti, 247 tučny, 460 vlaka, 487 zrno, 520 dati, 147 tuk, 459 vlat', 487 zub, 512 dci, 145 tur, 460 vleci, 504 zubr, 433 debf, 532 tvar, 477 vlha, 509 zvčf, 524 dehna, 119 tvar, 477 vlhky, 503 žaba, 557 devef, 128 tvor, 476 vlk, 503 zabsti, 515 dieti, 125 tvrdy, 477 vlna, 504 žadati, 345 dieže, 519 ty, 473 v(n)-, 197 žal, 167 dfvi, 147 tyl, 474 voda, 488 žalud, 175 hniezdo, 290 učiti, 208 voditi, 484 že, 212 hnus, 184 uhel, 55 vosa, 488 žeci, 119 hoj, 162 uhof, 479 vosk, 493 železo, 169 holemy, 162 ucho, 71 vous, 566 žena, 558 hfesti, 186 ujec, 74 voziti, 493 žila, 179 hus, 514 uz, 70 vrah, 490 žiti, 170, 179 chlud, 406 ulice, 70 vrana, 490 život, 180 chrabry, 550 um, 71 vrata, 492 živy, 180 jadati, 482 usta, 482 vrata, 492 žlaza, 169 jalovice, 526 uzel, 75 vratiti, 492 žluč, 475 jatrev, 211 uzky, 56 vrba, 505 žluna, 176 jaz, 63 v, 197 vrch, 506 žluty, 169 jedl, 151 vafiti, 554 vichr, 501 žluva, 533 jiezva, 46 vati, 499 vrstva, 491 žfidlo, 172 jiskati, 198 vazati, 75 vrše, 492 zfiti, 517 jme, 556 včela, 91 vrteti, 506 žuva, 533 jmele, 54 vdova, 567 vfes, 507 juž(e), 207 večer, 485 vfešteti, 497 Old Czech kaky, 253 vedeti, 566 vfiti, 507 blane, 80 kličeti, 251 vedro, 494 ville, 487 blesk, 95 kmen, 224 vek, 501 vy, 215 blesti, 94 kopet, 268 veleti, 496 vydra, 477 blivati, 94 kosa, 231

646 INDICES

kovati, 234 saze, 435 blana, 79, 80 črevo, 559 kra, 199 s doli, 113 bledy, 92 čfieda, 239 krupny, 255 sedmy, 394 blesk, 528 črieslo, 240 lakati, 51 selo, 387 blcha, 96 črie(, 247 lani, 153 sieci, 205 blud, 93 dan, 146 leb, 294 sien, 549 bludi(, 93 daf, 147 lecha, 289 sit, 398 bl'uvaf, 94 davaf, 530 lekno, 295 smieti, 551 bodaf, 76 dech, 148 leny, 279 ssati, 552 bosy, 83 decht, 119 lhati, 295 stlati, 565 brada, 82 delif, m libi, 269 straka, 440 bradaty, 82 den, 127 lodi, 152 (s)tfevo, 559 brat, 102 desat; 124 lom, 271 stfieci, 394 bra(, 88 desiaty, 124 luby, 282 stze, 551 brat(e)r, 102 devėif, 126 Zuč, 561 suvati, 441 brazda, 91 deviaty, 126 lučiti, 273 svekrev, 455 breza, 88 diky, 129 l'udie, 281 šery, 564 brod, 97 dlaba, 113 luh, 560 šesty, 446 brodif(sa), 97 dlan, 121 luska, 542 trest, 472 bfsf, 101 dlap, 113 /Uže, 290 tresf, 472 brt, 107 d/ato, 556 mati, 324 tfemcha, 239 brU5if, 98 dlhy, 199 mel, 414 tfie, 471 brusnica, 103 dochnuf, 148 mhla, 317 tšti, 475 brva, 103 dom, 328 miesti, 314 vati, 499 brzda, 104 drahy, 530 mieti, 319 veš, 507 buča(, 84 draf, 132 mnieti, 318 vevefice, 510 budif, 83 drevo, 123 modla, 302 vieko, 509 bydlo, 105 drief, 123 mrknuti, 320 vieti, 499 byf, 108 drozd, 431 nav, 337 vlaf, 487 cedif, 400 droždie, 135 nava, 337 zef, 516 cely, 559 druh, 137 naviti, 338 zielo, 161 cena, 217 drnh, 136 nenie, 338 zieti, 520 cenif, 218 drzy, 136 nefest, 333 ždati, 167 citif, 209 duha, 114 nuže, 562 žerab, 172 cudzi, 461 duch, 118 OS, 63 žerav, 172 čar, 238 dupa, 116 oškrd, 565 žito, 557 čas, 560 dupa, 116 oven, 73 žlaza, 169 často, 244 dupa, 116 pazucha, 545 žleza, 169 časty, 244 duša, 117 pieti, 356 žrieti, 172 čemer, 236 duži, 117 plesna, 563 červ, 246 dvakrat, 229 plef, 546 Slovak česa(, 231 dvor, 149 pieva, 350 baba, 96 čierny, 247 dychaf, 148 plike, 362 bafsa, 89 cieva, 438 dym, 145 pluti, 364 bdief, 104 čisty, 405 hl'adaf, 534 priesti, 423 behaf, 86 čitat; 401 hladky, 183 prsi, 358 bes, 77 človek, 484 hlina, 182 rataj, 62 bieda, 85 čremcha, 239 hliva, 182 fUti, 377 biely, 78 čren, 238 hnida, 183

INDICES 647

hniezdo, 290 jeleii, 152 kurit; 267 miif, 319 hnus, 184 jelcha, 50 kU.Saf, 231 mava(, 324 hnuf, 192 jemelo, 54 kuf, 234 mech, 299 hoj, 162 jerab, 212 kut, 224 med, 309 honit; 164 jeseii, 555 kf, 230 medza, 309 hora, 178 jeseter, 156 kyj, 262 menif, 299 horief, 165 jesf, 157 kyla, 262 meno, 556 hrad, 164 jež, 160 kypie(, 264 mesiac, 311 hrada, 189 jeier, 158 laba, 292 miast; 314 hrdlo, 195 jmelo, 54 lačnf, 49 mier, 316 hriebsf, 186 jucha, 216 l'ad, 277 miesif, 300 hriva, 535 kameii, 47 l'ahkf, 280 migaf, 315 hnnief, 191 kašel; 254 lako(, 51 mih, 315 hromada, 191 kašlaf, 254 laii, 153 milf, 316 hrsf, 536 kde, 265 l'an, 287 mladenec, 562 hrubf, 190 ker, 246 laf, 293 mlady, 561 hruda, 191 klasf, 252 leb, 294 mlief, 303 hryzf, 185 klaf, 222 ledva, 510 mfzf, 311 hus, 514 klat, 221 ledvo, 510 mnief, 318 hU.Sf, 166 kliešte, 252 lekno, 295 mocf, 298 hustf, 536 kmeii, 224 lemeš, 278 modla, 302 hutnf, 536 kol, 263 letief, 278 modlif, 302 hviezda, 523 koleno, 235 lhaf, 295 moj, 561 chabif, 407 kopa, 225 lieska, 276 mokrf, 301 chabf, 407 kopaf, 225 liezf, 543 mor, 305 chomut, 223 kopt, 268 list, 271 more, 305 chvoja, 410 korif, 218 lizaf, 285 mošna, 301 ihla, 555 koterf, 232 lomif, 272 mreža, 543 ikra, 199 kotorf, 232 lopata, 293 mrief, 321 il, 537 kotrf, 232 losos, 274 mrknuf, 320 il, 537 kova(, 234 lub, 296 mučif, 305 imelo, 54 krakaf, 260 /Uč, 561 mucha, 326 inf, 201, 501 kratky, 230 lučif, 273 mudry, 303 iskaf, 198 krava, 230 l'udia, 281 myf, 307 isf, 151 kremeii, 539 luh, 560 na, 338 iva, 198 krh, 261 luhaf, 295 nahf, 339 jablko, 340 krch, 261 luk, 273 naf, 337 jahoda, 480 kričat; 259 /Uka, 272 navif, 338 jalovica, 526 kridlo, 409 luna, 561 ne, 331 jalovf, 526 krieslo, 257 IUpif, 276 nebo, 118 jarka, 154 krivf, 256 lyko, 296 necht, 327 jasen, 481 kropif, 408 mach, 326 neres, 333 jasnf, 45 krpa, 266 machaf, 323 neresf, 333 jaf, 200 kruk, 258 mak, 44 ni, 331 jazero, 158 krupy, 540 makky, 319 nies(, 334 jazva, 46 krvnf, 261 maknUf, 318 nif, 335 jazyk, 285 kryf, 256 mamif, 323 noc, 328 jedl'a, 151 kuna, 242 mi:iso, 312 noha, 327

648 INDICES

nos, 336 pluca, 362 novy, 330 pluf, 364 nozdra, 330 pl'uti, 422 nudza, 562 pnuf, 356 obuf, 73 pozde, 345 ocitnouf sa, 216 prah, 352 od(o), 66 prach, 545 odolief, 114 prasa, 344 ohen, 478 pražif, 423 oraf, 61 priasf, 423 orech, 382 prosif, 370 orei, 155 prsia, 358 orol, 155 prskaf, 370 OS, 63 prst, 358 osa, 488 pupek, 343 osem, 65 pusty, 563 osmy, 64 pUt', 563 osol, 62 puto, 344 ost; 48 pfr, 372 ostry, 64 rad, 383 ovca, 74 radlo, 60 ovos, 74 rak, 155 pamiif, 319 rakyta, 533 pas, 214 ramii, 203 piif, 351 riedky, 547 piita, 352 rihaf, 385 pazucha, 545 roh, 375 pchaf, 359 rokyta, 533 peklo, 355 rosa, 376 pena, 418 rov, 379 pera, 106 rub, 385 perna, 106 rudy, 377 pero, 419 ruka, 376 peš(, 353 rvaf, 379 piad', 420 rydlo, 547 piaty, 351 ryf, 379 pichaf, 359 sad, 416 piecf, 238 sadit', 417 piest, 354 sadza, 435 pfsaf, 354 saf, 552 pif, 563 sedem, 393 plamen, 348 sedief, 391 plavy, 343 sen, 389 plen, 350 seno, 447 plesen, 349 sestra, 395 pieva, 350 sever, 447 plny, 356 siaf, 395 plt; 546 siedmy, 394

sien, 549 sief, 386 sila, 397 siry, 442 sito, 397 sivy, 451 slaby, 411 sladky, 388 slama, 548 slava, 453 slina, 550 slnce, 390 slovo, 452 sluka, 412 slušaf, 249 smiaf, 551 smrad, 414 smrdief, 415 smrf, 321 sneh, 416 snovaf, 551 socha, 439 sol; 548 spief, 420 srdce, 449 srien, 444 srna, 429 sršen, 450 srst; 451 stan, 429 stary, 430 staf, 430 stavif, 430 sto, 448 stoh, 426 stol, 426 straka, 440 streda, 443 striebro, 396 stryc, 432 stržen, 565 su-, 388 suchy, 390 suk, 67 sušit', 391 sviity, 456 svokor, 446 syn, 435

sypaf, 436 syr, 437 syty, 418 šesf, 446 šiesty, 446 šif, 400 štit, 404 fažky, 467 temny, 458 ten, 459 tenky, 464 tesat; 459 tiahnouf, 466 tiecf, 462 tisfc, 473 tlapa, 292 tlcf, 463 tma, 553 tok, 457 treti, 470 tri, 471 trief, 468 trst; 472 trud, 472 trup, 566 trut, 469 tučny, 460 tuk, 459 tur, 460 tvar, 477 tvar, 477 tvor, 476 tvrdy, 477 ty, 473 tylo, 474 učif, 208 uhol; 55 uhor, 56, 479 uhor, 479 ucho, 71 ui; 70 ulica, 70 um, 71 usta, 482 už, 207 uzky, 56 uzol, 75 v(o), 197

INDICES 649

vari(, 554 zaf, 516 br6n, 81 mjeza, 309 včela, 91 žaf, 170 brazda, 91 mlec, 303 vdova, 567 zavrief, 498 bučee, 84 moch, 326 večer, 485 zelenj, 512 cydiic, 400 m6ch, 326 vedef, 566 zem, 516 cywa, 438 njebjo, 118 vedro, 494 zima, 518 cemny, 458 n6c, 328 vek, 501 zlato, 554 cma, 553 nochc, 327 veko, 509 znaf, 520 čerw, 246 pčola, 91 ves, 502 zora, 513 čorny, 247 pena, 418 veverica, 510 zriet; 517 črjewo, 560 pjata, 352 viaf, 499 zrno, 520 črj6da, 239 pluwa, 350 vid, 494 zub, 512 črj6slo, 240 pr6h, 352 videf, 495 zubor, 433 draby, 135 pfasc, 423 viest, 499 zver, 524 drob, 531 pfeCiwo, 546 vietor, 500 že, 212 dwerja, 147 redki, 547 viezf, 500 železo, 169 dw6r, 149 sl6dki, 388 vichor, 501 žena, 558 dien, 127 sloma, 548 vir, 505 žeriav, 172 diiki, 129 solobik, 564 vif, 508 žiadaf, 345 hlowa, 162 s6n, 389 vlcidaf, 486 žial; 167 hora, 178 sowjer, 447 vlaha, 486 žila, 179 hr6d, 164 spech, 419 vlak, 487 žif, 179 jablon, 339 srjeda, 443 vlha, 509 život, 180 jasen, 481 sroka, 440 vlhky, 503 živj, 180 jasotr, 156 sr6ka, 440 vliecf, 504 žl'aza, 169 jec, 213 syc, 205 vlk, 503 žlč, 475 jedi, 151 syc, 395 vlna, 504 žlna, 176 jemjel, 54 sydom, 393 voda, 488 žltj, 169 jerbina, 203 sylobik, 564 voditi, 484 žriedlo, 172 jerjab, 212 šesc, 446 v6l'a, 487 jesetr, 156 šesty, 446 vosk, 493 Old Slovak jezer, 158 tcha, 96 vozif, 493 dciti, 147 jež, 160 t6n, 459 vrah, 490 jinie, 201 kmen, 224 wčola, 91 vrana, 490 kolp, 192 wichor, 501 vrcita, 492 Upper Sorbian kotry, 232 wloha, 486 vrcitif, 492 bledy, 92 kr6wa, 230 wohen, 478 vfba, 505 bl6to, 80 kruwa, 230 wola, 487 vrch, 506 bludzic, 93 lac, 280 w6lša, 50 vres, 507 bluzna, 96 ledma, 510 worjol, 155 vrief, 507 bojec so, 89 len, 287 wosa, 154 vrstva, 491 bosy, 83 leska, 276 w6som, 65 vrtef, 506 brac, 88 lochc, 51 w6st, 65 vtcik, 374 bratr, 102 l6chc, 51 wres, 507 vy, 215 brciza, 88 16d, 277 wrj6s, 507 vydra, 477 br6d, 97 lom, 272 wr6h, 490 z(o), 206 broda, 82 luska, 542 wrota, 492 žaba, 557 brodaty, 82 mech, 299 wuhor, 479 žalud', 175 brodiic, 97 med, 309 wuknyc, 214

650 INDICES

žadac, 345 psesc, 423 brnqc, 101 cztery, 241 žalza, 169 sec, 205 broda, 82 czujny, 109 žolma, 176 sedym, 393 brodaty, 82 czwarty, 242

seš, 395 brodzic, 97 czworo, 241 Lower Sorbian wichar, 501 broli, 81 czysty, 405 bledy, 92 wichor, 501 br6c się, 82 czytac, 401 bloli, 80 wogeli, 478 br6d, 97 dac, 147 blužiš, 93 wola, 487 brusic, 98 dqc, 145 bluzna, 96 w6sa, 154 brusznica, 103 dali, 146 blysk, 95 woset, 65 bruzda, 91 dawac, 530 b6jaš se, 89 wosom, 65 brzask, 99 dqzyc, 115 bosy, 83 wosym, 65 brzoza, 88 dech, 148 bra5, 88 wugof, 479 brzuch, 346 dęga, 114 bratr, 102 zalza, 169 buczee, 84 dlapa, 292 bratš, 102 žalza, 169 budzic, 83 dloli, 121 breza, 88 žedaš, 345 byc, 108 dlugi, 199 brod, 97 bydlo, 105 dluto, 556 broda, 82 Polish bywac, 108 dno, 144 brodaty, 82 a, 339 bzdziee, 89 doba, 110 broli, 81 baba, 96 caly, 559 dola, 113 brazda, 91 bac się, 89 cedzic, 400 dom, 328 broziš, 97 bare, 107 cena, 217 drqg, 136 bžeš, 104 bawic, 108 cenic, 218 dreszcz, 142 carny, 247 beltac, 90 chlqd, 406 drogi, 530 cerw, 246 bialy, 78 choja, 410 drozd, 431 cola, 91 bieda, 85 chomqt, 223 dro:id:ie, 135 gla, 555 biegac, 86 chrobry, 550 drzee, 123 herjel, 155 biel, 77 chybac, 410 drzewo, 123 herjol, 155 bielaw, 77 ciqc, 467 drzwi, 147 horal, 155 bies, 77 ciqgnqc, 466 duch, 118 jabloli, 339 bladny, 338 ciec, 462 dupa, 116 jaboln, 339 blady, 92 ciemny, 458 dusza, 117 jemjol, 54 blaknqc, 338 cienki, 464 dužo, 117 jerjel, 155 blask, 528 cię:iki, 46 7 du:iy, 117 jerjol, 155 blizna, 96 ciosac, 459 dwa, 143 jesotr, 156 bluc, 94 cucic, 209 dwoje, 149 jes, 213 blwac, 94 czar, 238 dw6r, 149 jež, 151 blqd, 93 czarny, 247 dychac, 148 k6tary, 232 blqdzic, 93 czas, 560 dym, 145 lajai, 294 blona, 79, 80 czczy, 475 dziac, 125 lec, 280 bloto, 80 czemier, 236 dziad, 118 leska, 276 blyszczec, 95 czerstwy, 247 dzialac, 121 mawa5, 324 bosy, 83 czerw, 246 dziegiee, 119 nokš, 327 b6br, 85 czesac, 231 dziela, 120 pata, 352 bose, 89 często, 244 dzielic, m pcha, 96 brac, 88 częsty, 244 dzieli, 127 pcola, 91 brat, 102 czlowiek, 484 dziergac, 131 pršešiwo, 546 brew, 103 czmiel, 223 dzierzgac, 131

INDICES 651

dziesiqty, 124 il, 537 jesi6tka, 46 k6l, 263 dziesięc, 124 imię, 557 jesiotr, 156 krakac, 260 dziewiqty, 126 imiola, 54 jest, 157 kra5c, 539 dziewięc, 126 imiono, 557 je5c, 157 krech, 261 dziki, 129 inny, 201, 501 jewnia, 208 krew, 255 gad, 167 iskac, 198 jei, 160 krewny, 261 gardlo, 195 isty, 537 jezioro, 158 kroba, 226 garse, 536 isc, 151 jęczee, 202 kropic, 408 gasic, 173 iwa, 198 jędza, 153 krowa, 230 gifSc, 166 ja, 63 język, 285 kr6tki, 230 gdzie, 265 jablko, 340 jodla, 151 kruk, 258 gęsty, 536 jablon, 339 jownia, 208 krupny, 255 gęs, 514 jagoda, 480 ju, 207 krupy, 540 giqc, 192 jalowica, 526 jucha, 216 kryc, 256 glina, 182 jalowy, 526 jugo, 213 krzaslo, 257 glabac, 181 jamiola, 54 jutro, 72 krzemien, 539 gladki, 183 jar, 154 juž, 207 krzeslo, 257 globic, 180 jarka, 154 kaki, 253 krzyczec, 259 glowa, 162 jarzqb, 212 kamien, 47 krzydlo, 409 gnac, 177 jarzqbek, 212 karpa, 266 krzywy, 256 gniazdo, 290 jasien, 481 kasac, 231 kui, 234 gniazdo, 290 jasion, 481 kaszel, 254 kulsza, 263 gnida, 183 jasny, 45 kaszlac, 254 kuna, 242 gnus, 184 jaszcz, 159 kqsac, 231 kurzyc, 267 gody, 194 jaszcz6r, 403 kqt, 224 lac, 284 godzic, 534 jaszczur, 403 kęsac, 231 laska, 276 gom6la, 163 jaszczurka, 403 ki, 230 lecha, 289 gonic, 164 jawia, 208 kiel, 263 leciee, 278 gorszy, 61 jawic, 341 kielb, 244 ledwie, 510 gorzec, 165 jawny, 341 kien, 224 ledwo, 510 g6ra, 178 jaz, 159 kierz, 246 lekki, 280 grabic, 189 jazgar, 159 kij, 262 lemiesz, 278 gręby, 190 jazgarz, 159 kila, 262 len, 287 gromada, 191 jazgier, 159 kipiee, 264 ležc, 543 gr6d, 164 jazgierz, 159 kisac, 541 Zgnqc, 288 gruby, 190 jaždž, 159 klee, 250 list, 271 gruda, 191 jqc, 200 klęczei, 250 lizac, 285 grudzic, 185 jqtrew, 211 kleszcze, 252 16d, 277 gryžc, 185 jedla, 151 kliszawy, 252 ludzie, 281 grzesc, 186 jegla, 555 kla5c, 252 lajai, 294 grzęda, 189 jelen, 152 klota, 221 lam, 292 grzmiei, 191 jel, 537 kluc, 222 lapa, 292 grzywa, 535 jemiesz, 278 kolano, 235 lasy, 291 guga, 196 jemiola, 54 kopa, 225 lqczyc, 273 gwiazda, 523 jesiec, 46 kopai, 225 lqg, 279, 560 ic, 151 jesien, 481, 555 kopiee, 268 lqka, 272 igla, 555 jesion, 481 korzyc, 218 leb, 294 ikra, 199 jesiory, 158 kowac, 234 lęk, 273

652 INDICES

lęt, 280 mlodzieniec, orati, 61 pisac, 354 lgac, 295 562 orzech, 382 piskac, 359 l6dž, 152 mnie, 303 orzel, 155 piszczee, 359 lokac, 271 modla, 302 osa, 154, 488 plesn, 349 lokiee, 51 modlic, 302 oset, 65 plesz, 366 lom, 271 mokry, 301 osiec, 46 plewa, 350 lomic, 272 m6r, 305 osiem, 65 plon, 350 lopata, 293 morze, 305 osina, 154 pluc, 422 losos, 274 moszna, 301 osiol, 62 plwac, 422 lub, 296 m6c, 298 osiory, 158 plet, 363, 546 luna, 561 m6j, 561 osi6tka, 46 plomien, 348 lupic, 276 mrok, 320 oskard, 565 plowy, 343 luska, 542 mrugac, 320 ostryj, 64 pluco, 362 luža, 290 mrzee, 321 OS, 63 po, 368 lyko, 296 mrzost, 333 OSC, 48 podbrzusze, 346 machac, 323 mucha, 326 oscien, 48 popi6l, 349 mak, 44 myc, 307 owad, 480 pragnqc, 423 mamic, 323 na, 338 owca, 74 pražyc, 423 manic, 323 nac, 337 owies, 74 proch, 545 margai, 320 nagi, 339 osmy, 64 prosic, 370 mqdry, 303, 304 na5miewano, pamięc, 319 prosię, 344 mqka, 318 334 pas, 214 pr6g, 352 mech, 326 nerest, 333 pazucha, 545 prza5ny, 370 melnia, 544 nędza, 562 pqc, 563 przq5c, 423 męczyc, 305 ni, 331 pqgwica, 546 prze-, 352 mgla, 317 nic, 335 pchac, 359 przeciew, 546 mial, 414 nie, 331 pchla, 96 przec, 353 miana, 298 niebo, 118 pczela, 91 przy, 371 miano, 557 niesc, 334 pczola, 91 pszczola, 91 miqc, 319 noc, 328 pelny, 356 ptak, 374 miech, 299 noga, 327 perz, 372 ptak, 374 miedza, 309 nogiee, 327 pęp, 343 pur, 373 mienic, 299 nora, 328 pępek, 343 pura, 373 mierzchnqc, 320 nos, 336 pęto, 344 pusty, 563 miesiqc, 311 nowy, 330 piana, 418 radlo, 60 miesic, 300 nozdrze, 330 piasta, 354 rak, 155 miesc, 313 n6ra, 328 piqc, 356 ramię, 203 mię, 562 nura, 328 piqty, 351 rqb, 385 miękki, 319 oba, 43 pic, 563 ręka, 376 mięknqc, 318 obora, 59 piec, 238 rokita, 533 mięso, 312 obuc, 73 pieklo, 355 rosa, 376 mily, 316 ocknqc się, 216 piers, 358 r6g, 375 miono, 557 od(e), 66 pierwszy, 357 r6w, 379 mi6d, 309 ogien, 478 pieszy, 353 r6zga, 379 mir, 316 oko, 47 pięc, 351 rudy, 377 mknqc, 325 olcha, 50 piędž, 420 rwac, 379 mlee, 303 olesie, 50 pięta, 352 ryc, 379 mlody, 561 olsza, 50 pi6ro, 419 rzadki, 547

INDICES 653

rzfĮd, 383 sroka, 440 tok, 457 wiac, 499 rzyc, 382 ssac, 552 trqd, 469 wiadro, 494 rzygac, 385 stac, 430 trqt, 469 wiatr, 500 sadza, 435 stan, 429 tresc, 472 wic, 508 sadzic, 417 stary, 430 trud, 472 wicher, 501 sanie, 454 stawic, 430 trup, 566 widziec, 495 sarna, 429 sto, 448 trut, 469 wiecz6r, 485 są-, 388 st6g, 426 truten, 469 wiedziec, 566 sen, 389 st6l, 426 trzeci, 470 wiek, 501 ser, 437 str6ž, 389 trzd, 468 wieko, 509 serce, 449 strumien, 424 trzemcha, 239 wiercic, 506 sęk, 67 strup, 378 trzemucha, 239 wiersza, 492 siac, 395 stryj, 432 trzewo, 560 wierzba, 505 siano, 447 strzec, 394 trzoda, 239 wierzch, 506 siąknqc, 392 suc, 436 trzon, 238 wies, 502 sią§c, 395 suchy, 390 trzosla, 240 wiesc, 499 sidlo, 67 sum, 440 trz6sla, 240 wiewi6rka, 510 siec, 205 suszyc, 391 trzy, 471 wiežc, 500 sid, 386 suwac, 441 tuczny, 460 wilczyca, 503 siedem, 393 syn, 435 tuk, 459 wilga, 509 siedm, 393 sypac, 436 tur, 460 wilgi, 503 siedzid, 391 syty, 418 twardy, 477 wilk, 503 siemię, 393 szczerba, 405 twarz, 477 wiosna, 493 sien, 549 szczyt, 404 tw6r, 476 wir, 505 siersc, 451 szerszen, 450 ty, 473 witac, 502 sila, 397 szesc, 446 tyl, 474 wiwielga, 509 siolo, 387 szorstki, 451 tysiqc, 473 wlec, 504 siostra, 395 sz6sty, 446 u, 68, 556 wladac, 486 si6dmy, 394 szren, 444 u-, 556 wlok, 487 sito, 397 szron, 444 ucho, 71 wl6k, 487 siwy, 451 szyc, 400 uczyc, 208 wn-, 197 skrobac, 407 sciežka, 551 ul, 70 woda, 488 slaby, 411 slina, 550 ulica, 70 wodzic, 484 slawa, 453 smiac, 551 um, 71 wola, 487 slodki, 388 smierc, 321 usta, 482 wosk, 493 sloma, 548 smierdzid, 415 ustrząc, 432 wozic, 493 slomka, 412 5nieg, 416 utulic, 457 wrona, 490 slonce, 390 sroda, 443 warstwa, 491 wrota, 492 slowik, 564 swiekr, 446 warzyc, 554 wr6cic, 492 slowo, 452 swięty, 456 wqs, 566 wr6g, 490 sluszac, 249 taki, 468 wąski, 56 wrzec, 507 smr6d, 414 tchnąc, 148 wąž, 55 wrzeszczd, 497 snuc, 551 ten, 459 wdowa, 567 wrzos, 507 socha, 439 tlo, 465 w(e), 197 wuj, 74 soczyc, 387 tloczyc, 463 welna, 504 wy, 215 sok, 387 tloka, 457 węgiel, 55 wydra, 477 s6l, 548 tl6ka, 457 węgorz, 479 wywilga, 509 srebro, 396 tluc, 463 węzel, 75 wywiolga, 509

654 INDICES

zastrzqc, 432 cztwarty, 242 lnqč, 288 zarza, 513 zawrzeč, 498 cztyrze, 241 luby, 269 zorza, 513 zqb, 512 czysč, 553 laczny, 49 zubr, 433 z(e), 206 debrz, 532 lani, 153 zqbr, 433 ziač, 520 dęga, 114 lania, 153 zqbrz, 433 ziarno, 520 drač, 132 lodzia, 152 žrzee, 517 zięč, 516, 517 droždža, 135 lokač, 271 žarstwa, 525 zielony, 512 drug, 137 lom, 271 žerstwa, 525 ziemia, 516 dura, 147 luna, 561 zima, 518 dziewierz, 128 mat, 324 Kashubian zloto, 554 gqz, 196 mial, 414 bli'zna, 96 znač, 520 giža, 196 miel, 414 hazajce, 433 zolzy, 169 ględač, 534 mnieč, 318 jarzbina, 203 zorza, 513 ględziee, 534 mrost, 333 jerzbina, 203 žr6dlo, 172 globič, 180 mrzeža, 543 kelb, 244 žaba, 557 golęby, 170 niee, 332 kelp, 244 žal, 167 ikro, 199 niesč, 332 kėlp, 192 žalobnik, 442 jablo, 340 niesciora, 332 kwlp, 192 žqc, 170 jqkač, 202 ninie, 338 v;iblėknpc, 338 žqdac, 345 jai, 213 nozdrza, 330 zajci!, 433 že, 212 jaro, 154 nozdrze, 330 zblėknpc, 338 žec, 119 jasien, 481 nynie, 338 jwšč, 159 želazo, 169 jasiotr, 156 ofiera, 69 jwžj, 159 žolqdž, 175 jaz, 63 ol6w, 53 žona, 558 jedl, 151 ošm, 65 Slovincian ž6lč, 475 jedla, 151 owien, 73 babii, 96 žalty, 169 jedwa, 510 pica, 354 biifdii, 91 ž6lwi, 533 jedwo, 510 pieršč, 357 bfdle, 105 ž6lwie, 533 jemiol, 54 pierwy, 357 bjięgiic, 86 žrec, 172 jemiola, 54 pkiel, 355 bjiiųli', 78 žubr, 433 jemiolo, 54 ploski, 545 bladf, 92 žuraw, 172 jesiotr, 156 przasny, 370 blq3ec, 93 zwierz, 524 ješm, 157 pyrz, 372 bloųn, 80 žyc, 179 ježdžyk, 159 rataj, 62 bl1'11te, 80 žyla, 179 justrzejszy, 72 sani, 454 briisc, 101 žyto, 557 justrzenka, 72 sierce, 449 briit, 102 žywot, 180 karpa, 266 sierszen, 450 bredati; 82 žywy, 180 kasač, 231 som, 440 br1'11dii, 82

kasa, 231 ščdza, 551 brn11za, 88 Old Polish krupy, 540 srzebro, 396 b1'11jec sq, 89 biada, 85 kry, 255 szulo, 455 cię3ec, 400 blona, 79 krzaslo, 257 tluka, 457 čds, 560 bluzna, 96 lecha, 289 trant, 469 drm, 145 bratr, 102 lemiesz, 278 tszczy, 475 droųzd, 431 brzazg, 99 lemięsz, 278 utolič, 457 droJJg, 136 bydlo, 105 leny, 279 wlodač, 486 dvii, 143 czrzoda, 239 lic, 284 wola, 487 dvor, 149 czterzy, 241 limiesz, 278 wszy, 507 3ięvjinc, 126

INDICES 655

3frzi', 136 sarka, 440 bivati, 108 buditi, 83

ftdt'X> 374 shem, 393 bjegati, 86 buha, 96 glana, 182 sneg, 416 blato, 80 cijediti, 400 gnliyzde, 290 strap, 378 blazina, 81 ci'jel, 559 griibf� 190 stfifyda, 239 blejati, 528 cijena, 217 grasc, 185 ščit, 404 blesti, 94 cijeniti, 218 jqkac, 202 šięsc, 446 bli'jed, 92 ci'jev, 438 jięgla, 555 tluęka, 457 bli'jesak, 528 cri'jemuša, 239 jięsc, 157 trifyd, 469 bliještati (se), 95 crijevo, 560 jięzora, 158 triid, 472 blfz, 94 cfn, 247 juxa, 216 vješčięfiica, 403 bli'zak, 94 cfv, 246 jable, 340 vjic, 508 blizna, 96 čiis, 560 jasoyn, 481 vjige, 213 bli'zna, 96 čela, 92 jie, 151 vuęgoyn, 478 blfzna, 96 čeljad, 244 karn, 540 vuęsem, 65 bli'zno, 96 čemer, 236 kąsac, 231 bljuvati, 94 česati, 231 kluęc, 222 Polabian blud, 93 čest, 244 ke·rjp, 192 ait, 151 bluditi, 93 četiri, 241 kifyt, 224 blcln, 80 bo, 75 četver, 241 kra, 255 b/ana, 80 bodar, 105 četvrti, 242 krapii, 540 blaxa, 96 bodar, 105 čl'st, 405 krek, 258 brada, 82 bOjati se, 89 čisti, 553 kruę, 199 brot, 102 bos, 83 čitati, 401 kfidle, 409 cela, 92 bOsti, 89 čovjek, 484 kuka, 232 jagla, 555 brada, 82 čovjek, 484 zast, 271 jaista, 202 bradat, 82 čreda, 239 l&yska, 276 jakra, 199 bran, 81 črez, 403 Iebi, 269 jeserai, 158 briišno, 527 črijeslo, 240, 245 lega, 279 jptra, 559 brat, 102 čvfst, 247 lemješ, 278 layze, 290 brati, 88 cutjeti, 209 lempž, 278 mauna, 544 brazda, 91 dabar, 85 lięsc, 543 mi.izdeni.i, 413 breda, 87 dah, 148 lnifyc, 288 mi.izdin, 413 breknuti, 101 dahnuti, 148 lajac, 294 peta, 352 breme, 87 dan, 146 lqt, 280 brez, 88 dan, 127 margac, 320 Serbo-Croatian breza, 88 dati, 147 mjiex, 299 a, 339 brijeCi, 90 davati, 530 mluęc, 303 biiba, 96 bfknuti, 103 debeo, 531 mfięža, 543 biidar, 105 bflog, 450 debri, 532 muęlnliy, 544 biivit, 108 brod, 97 deset, 124 pary, 352 biiviti se, 108 broditi, 97 desea, 124 pxza, 96 bazdjeti, 89 brUsiti, 98 desni, 124 pjinc, 351 bdjeti, 104 brU5nica, 103 devet, 126 plięva, 366 bez, 84 britt, 98 deveti, 126 pl�te, 364 bijeda, 85 bfv, 103 dihati, 148 rak, 155 bl'jel, 78 bfz, 104 dijel, 120 sa3ac, 417 bl'jes, 77 brzdica, 104 dijeliti, 111 sqk, 67 bl'ti, 108 bučati, 84 dl'm, 145

656 INDICES

dji!d, 118 glava, 162 igo, 213 jelha, 50 djelati, 121 gledati, 534 ikra, 199 jelša, 50 djelo, 112 glji'va, 182 il, 537 jėmeš, 278 djesti, 125 gniiti, 177 i'me, 557 jėsam, 157 djeti, 125 gnijėzdo, 290 imela, 54 jesen, 555 djever, 128 gnji'da, 183 i'n, 201, 501 jėsetra, 156 dliika, 291 gnji'la, 182 inje, 201 jėsika, 154 dliin, 121 gnils, 184 iskati, 198 ji!st, 157 dlijėto, 120, 556 god, 194 i'skra, 206 jesti, 157 dno, 144 goditi, 110, 534 isti, 151 jeti, 200 doba, 110 goj, 162 i'sti, 537 ji!tra, 559 dom, 328 golem, 162 iti, 151 jetra, 559 dospjeti, 420 gomolja, 163 i'va, 198 jetrva, 211 drag, 530 goniti, i64 l'z, 206 ji!trva, 211 drapati, 135 gora, 178 ja, 63 jetrva, 211 drati, 132 gorjeti, 165 jiibuka, 340 jez, 159 drijėti, 123, 132 griibiti, 189 jiibuko, 340 jezer, 158 dri'jevo, 123 grad, 191 jdd, 151 ji!zero, 158 dr6ba, 135 grad, 164 jagla, 555 jėzik, 285 droban, 531 griijati, 190 jiigoda, 480 jež, 160 drobina, 135 gramada, 190 jiihati, 213 jigla, 555 drozak, 431 gramada, 190 jiilov, 168, 526 jigo, 213 drozd, 431 greda, 189 jiilovica, 526 juha, 216 drožda, 135 grėpsti, 186 jar, 154 jun, 209 drag, 136, 137 gresti, 187 jiira, 154 jutro, 72 di'znuti, 140 grėsti, 187 jiireb, 212 kakz, 253 dubiti, 129 grl'sti, 185 jiirka, 154 kiiki, 253 dug, 199 griva, 535 jarka, 154 kai, 263 duga, 114 gi'lo, 195 jiisan, 45 kiimen, 47 duga, 114 grmada, 191 jiisen, 481 kiisan, 267 duh, 118 grmljeti, 191 jasika, 154 kiisati, 231 duh, 118 gromada, 191 jiister, 403 kiišalj, 254 dupe, 116 gromada, 191 jiišterica, 403 kašljati, 254 duša, 117 gfst, 536 javi, 341 kci, 145 duti, 145 grnb, 190 javiti, 341 kij, 262 dva, 143 grnda, 191 jiiz, 63 ki'la, 262 dvari, 147 gab, 192 jaz, 159 kipjeti, 264 dveri, 147 gast, 536 jaž, 159 kisati, 541 dvogub, 150 glisti, 166 jaža, 159 kl'sati, 541 dvoji, 149 habiti, 407 je, 157 kliisti, 252 dvor, 149 hl(j)eb, 406 ji!cati, 202 kliiti, 222 giid, 167 hOmot, 223 ječati, 202 klato, 221 ganuti, 192 hOmut, 223 jėdva, 510 klečati, 250 gasiti, 173 hrabar, 550 jekati, 202 kll'cati, 251 giiziti, 185 hv6ja, 410 jekati, 202 klijėšta, 252 gdje, 265 hvoja, 410 jela, 151 klijėšte, 252 gl'(d)ža, 196 iCi, 151 ji!la, 151 kll'jet, 250 gliidak, 183 igla, 555 jėlen, 152 kll'kati, 251

INDICES 657

kljuka, 252 lačan, 49 mahati, 323 mošnja, 301 kojr, 230 liida, 152 majati, 324 mOtriti, 307 koljeno, 235 lagak, 280 mak, 44 mozak, 308, 413 kopa, 225 lagati, 295 maknuti, 325 moždena, 413 kopa, 225 lajati, 294 mamiti, 323 mrak, 320 kopati, 225 lak, 280 maniti, 323 mreža, 543 kar, 218 lakat, 51 mati, 324 mri'jest, 333 korijen, 238 Iam, 292 mazati, 315 mrijėti, 321 koriti, 218 lan, 287 me, 304, 562 mrknuti, 320 kasa, 231 lane, 153 med, 309 mrmljiti, 326 kateri, 232 lapa, 292 mėda, 309 mučiti, 305 kovati, 234 led, 277 mek, 319 mudar, 303 krdj, 259 lėmeš, 278 meknuti, 318 muha, 326 krakati, 260 lėmež, 278 mel, 414 munja, 544 kri:lsti, 260, 539 lėtjeti, 278 mėla, 54 mCisti, 311 krdt, 229 leviti, 282 melj, 414 na, 338 kratak, 230 lijėha, 289 mene, 304 ndg, 339 krava, 230 ll'jen, 279 mene, 304 ne, 331 kremen, 539 lijep, 270 meso, 312 nebo, 118 kričati, 259 lijėska, 276 mesti, 314 neciik, 332 krilo, 409 ll'k, 296 mėsti, 314 nėstera, 332 kri'ti, 256 ll'ko, 296 mig, 315 nesti, 334 kriv, 256 list, 271 mi'gati, 315 ni, 331 kfn, 540 ll'ti, 284 mi'jeh, 299 ni't, 335 kfnja, 540 lizati, 285 mijėna, 298 noc, 328 kfnja, 540 lokati, 271 mijėniti, 299 noga, 327 krojiti, 259 lOm, 272 mijėsiti, 300 nokat, 327 kropiti, 408 lOm, 272 mfkati, 543 nos, 336 ki'pa, 266 lomiti, 272 mi'o, 316 nov, 330 kruh, 261 lOpata, 293 mir, 316 nozdra, 330 krtlpa, 540 lub, 296 mi'ti, 307 nužda, 562 krilpa, 540 lUč, 561 mižati, 322 oba, 43 krupa, 540 lučiti, 273 miždati, 317 obad, 480 krtipan, 255 lud, 289 mjera, 307 obao, 59 krilpan, 255 lug, 279, 560 mjesec, 311 obuti, 73 kfv, 255 lak, 273 mjesto, 321 od(a), 66 kfvan, 261 luka, 272, 529 mldd, 561 odoljeti, 114 krvn1, 261 lUna, 561 mladjenac, 562 oganj, 478 kfvnf, 261 Zupiti, 276 mljeti, 303 6je, 197 kuf, 193 lUska, 542 mni'ti, 318 oko, 47 kuk, 262 luža, 290 mnjeti, 318 Olavo, 53 kuka, 232 ljesti, 543 moCi, 298 omela, 54 kuna, 242 ljubav, 282 moj, 561 on, 54 kup, 233 ljubov, 282 mokar, 301 on, 54 kup, 193 ljudi, 281 mokar, 301 orah, 382 kuriti, 267 ljCiska, 542 moliti, 302 orao, 155 ktisati, 231 magia, 317 mor, 305 orati, 61 kut, 224 mdh, 326 mare, 305 OS, 63

658

osa, 488 asam, 65 osao, 62 osmi, 64 ostan, 48 asti, 48 astrov, 424 astve, 48 oštar, 64 aštar, 64 6van, 73 ovan, 73 ovas, 74 6vca, 74 pakao, 355 paliti, 348 parnet, 319 pas, 214 pavit, 508 pazuho, 545 pčela, 92 pea, 238 ped, 420 pepeo, 349 pero, 419 pet, 351 peta, 352 peti, 356 petl, 351 pl'ca, 354 pi'r, 372 pisati, 354 pi'ti, 563 pjena, 418 pješe, 353 plakati, 361 p/amen, 348 pliiv, 343 pll'jen, 350 pll'jesan, 349 pll'ti, 368 pljeva, 350 pljuvati, 422 pluta, 362 plUto, 364 plūta, 364 po, 368 pad, 342

pad, 342 pajas, 214 prag, 352 priih, 545 priise, 344 presti, 423 pri, 371 prid, 371 prijesan, 370 prositi, 370 pfsa, 358 pfsi, 358 pfskati, 370 pfst, 358 pfvl, 357 pi'žiti, 421 ptl'ca, 374 pun, 356 pap, 343 pupak, 343 pupak, 343 pCtst, 563 pat, 563 puto, 344 rak, 155 rakita, 533 ralo, 60 rame, 203 ratiir, 62 razoriti, 60 red, 383 rigati, 385 rijedak, 547 rl'jedki, 547 rl'lo, 547 rl'ti, 379 rog, 375 rasa, 376 rov, 379 razga, 379 rCtb, 385 rud, 377 ruka, 376 tvati, 379 siid, 416 saditi, 417 sam, 157 san, 389

INDICES

siini, 454 snovati, 551 siione, 454 s6, 548 saoni, 454 sočiti, 387 sasūti, 436 soha, 439 sati, 552 sok, 387 sav, 507 sam, 440 sedam, 393 spjena, 418 sedmi, 394 si'ce, 449 segnuti, 391 srebro, 396 selo, 387 srijeda, 443 sestra, 395 srl'jemuša, 444 sezati, 391 sfna, 429 sl'jati, 395, 398 si'šljenj, 450 sl'jeno, 447 stiin, 429 sl'la, 397 star, 430 sfn, 435 stiiri, 430 sl'pati, 436 stati, 430 sl'r, 437 staviti, 430 sl'rov, 436 staza, 551 sl't, 418 stenjati, 427 sl'to, 397 stl'Ci, 427 sl'v, 451 štft, 404 sjeCi, 205 sto, 426, 448 sjediti, 391 stag, 426 sjedjeti, 391 stog, 426 sjeme, 393 strfc, 432 sjen, 549 struja, 424 sjesti, 395 strCtp, 378 sjever, 447 suh, 390 skfbiti, 411 sunee, 390 skupsti, 410 sušiti, 391 slab, 411 sviist, 437 sladak, 388 svekar, 446 slama, 548 svekrva, 455 slana, 439 svet, 456 sliip, 388 svraka, 440 slatki, 388 šCf, 145 slava, 453 šest, 446 slavuj, 564 šestt, 446 slavūj, 564 šl'ti, 400 sll'na, 412, 550 š/juka, 412 s/Ovo, 452 šulj, 455 slitšati, 249 tiij, 459 smijati, 551 taki, 468 smriid, 414 tama, 553 smfdjeti, 415 taman, 458 smft, 321 tiiman, 458 snl'jeg, 416 tanak, 464

tiJ.št, 475 tea, 462 tepsti, 464 tėsati, 459 tetiva, 463 težak, 467 tf, 473 ti'suca, 473 tl'ti, 109, 460,

553 tlaka, 457 tie, 465 tlo, 465 treCi, 470 tri, 471 tfst, 472 tfti, 468 trad, 469, 472 trap, 566 trUt, 469 tua, 463 tad, 461 tUr, 460 tvdr, 477 tvoriti, 476 tvfd, 477 U, 68, 197, 556 u-, 68, 556 učiti, 208 udovica, 567 ugalj, 55 ugljen, 55 ugor, 479 uho, 71 ujac, 74 ujak, 74 ulica, 70 um, 71 usta, 482 utoliti, 457 utva, 57 uvo, 71 uzak, 56 uzao, 75 va-, 197 variti, 554 veče, 485 vėllm, 496

velju, 496 vesna, 493 vesti, 500 vf, 215 vid, 494 vi'djeti, 495 vl'dra, 477 vi'dro, 494 vl'ganj, 478 vi'har, 501 vl'jati, 499 vijedro, 494 vl'jek, 501 vi'knuti, 208, 214 vi'me, 346 vfr, 505 vlti, 508 vjėdro, 494 vjetar, 500 vjeverica, 510 vladati, 486 vlaga, 486 vlak, 487 vldt, 487 voda, 488 voditi, 484 volja, 487 vosak, 493 voziti, 494 vrag, 490 vrdn, 491 vrana, 490 vrata, 492 vratiti, 492 vfba, 505 vreti, 507 vfh, 506 vri'jes, 507 vrištati, 497 vfsta, 491 vfša, 492 vftjeti, 506 vuCi, 504 vučica, 503 vuga, 509 vuk, 503 vuna, 504 zavrijeti, 498

INDICES 659

zelen, 512 b/iet, 92 zemlja, 516 blišdti se, 95 zepsti, 515 bljuvat, 94 zet, 516 bojati se, 89 zid, 564 bos, 89 zidati, 519 bOsti, 89 zijati, 520 brat, 102 z{ma, 518 brazda, 91 zjati, 520 breja, 87 zlato, 554 brod, 97 znati, 520 brilzda, 91 zora, 513 buhii, 96 zreti, 517, 520 cena, 217 zfno, 520 ci(l), 559 zub, 512 cidi'ti, 400 zvi'jer, 524 cie(l), 559 zvijezda, 523 eina, 217 žaba, 557 cfva, 438 žilo, 167 cfn, 247 ždrijelo, 172 čas, 560 žea, 119 čela, 92 želūd, 175 čela, 92 žėljezo, 169 čemer, 236 željūd, 175 česati, 231 žėna, 558 četl'ri, 241 žerav, 172 četvfti, 242 žeti, 170, 535 č'is, 405 žl'ca, 175 či'st, 405 ži'la, 179 čovlk, 484 žl'to, 557 čreda, 239 žfv, 180 črfvo, 560 živjeti, 179 čfn, 247 život, 180 čfv, 246 žlijėzda, 169 čfv, 246 žuč, 475 čvfst, 247 žuja, 176 cer, 145 žuna, 176 cūti'ti, 209 žunja, 176 dah, 148 žut, 169 d&h, 148

dahnuti, 148 Čakavian dan, 127 bi(l), 78 d&n, 127 biel, 78 dilt, 147 bis, 77 dilti, 147 bi'ti, 108 davat, 530 bivat, io8 dJvati, 530 blejati, 528 debe, 531 blfd, 92 delat, 121

660 INDICES

derat, 132 hlud, 406 krflo, 409 mina, 298 derati, 132 hl"ot, 406 kropl'ti, 408 ml'sec, 311 dever, 128 'eš, 160 kfpa, 266 ml&d, 561 devet, 126 igla, 555 krūpa, 540 mll'ti, 303 deveti, 126 lme, 557 krūpa, 540 moCi, 298 dev' eti, 126 l'sti, 537 kri'lpan, 255 moj, 561 dld, 118 l'sti, 537 kfv, 255 mokar, 301 d'eli't, 111 jii, 63 kūk, 262 moli'ti, 302 dlhat, 148 jii, 63 kuka, 232 mriža, 543 dl'hati, 148 jJ, 63 kup, 233 mučiti, 305 dl'lati, 121 jagoda, 480 kūrl't, 267 mūdar, 303 dill'ti, 111 jiirka, 154 kut, 224 mūdar, 303 dim, 145 jiisen, 481 lačan, 49 muhii, 326 dim, 145 jiišcerica, 403 lJda, 152 muha, 326 dl'ver, 128 jazl'k, 285 lajati, 294 m"oj, 561 dlan, 121 jedva, 510 lakat, 51 mas, 311 dliin, 121 jela, 151 lakat, 51 miisti, 311 dlJn, 121 jelen, 152 liin, 287 nebo, 118 dno, 144 jesen, 481 led, 277 nes, 334 dobii, 110 jesen, 481, 555 lemeš, 278 nesti, 334 doba, 110 jetrva, 211 letl'ti, 278 netjiik, 332 daga, 114 jetrva, 211 lfn, 279 nOc', 328 dom, 328 jezero, 158 list, 271 noga, 327 drozak, 431 jež, 160 li'sti, 543 nohat, 327 dr&g, 530 jl'lo, 537 ll'ti, 284 nos, 336 dug, 199 jfsto, 202 Uzati, 285 novi, 330 duga, 114 jogla, 555 lokati, 271 novi, 330 dūh, 118 jūhii, 216 lomi'ti, 272 nozdrva, 330 d"or, 149 kaš{ati, 254 lopata, 293 n"of, 330 dūša, 117 kipet, 264 lūč, 561 odoli'ti, 114 dvii, 143 kisati, 541 !Ud, 289 ogan, 478 dvJ, 143 klat, 222 lūka, 272 ogan, 478 dvor, 149 klati, 222 lūna, 561 on, 54 glava, 162 klato, 221 lūpl't, 276 orati, 61 g{edati, 534 k{ečati, 250 lūska, 542 oreb, 212 griizdo, 290 kli'cat, 251 {ūbJv, 282 orl'h, 382 gnjizlO, 290 k{l'cati, 251 fudi, 281 osa, 488 g6d, 194 klišca, 252 magia, 317 osa, 488 godl't, 534 kaleno, 235 mah, 326 osam, 65 gonlti, 164 kopa, 225 miit, 324 osan, 65 gora, 178 kopati, 225 mati, 324 osmi, 64 gr&d, 164 kovati, 234 med, 309 6smf, 64 greda, 189 kriitak, 230 meja, 309 osti, 48 gres, 186 kr&tak, 230 mek, 319 oštiir, 64 grl'sti, 185 krava, 230 meso, 312 pakai, 355 gflo, 195 kremen, 539 mesti, 314 parst, 358 grūb, 190 krif, 256 ml'gati, 315 piizoka, 545 hCi, 145 krij, 255 mih, 299 piizuha, 545

INDICES 661

pea, 238 sedam, 393 svekrva, 455 vi, 215 pena, 418 sedan, 393 svet, 456 vfd, 494 pero, 419 sedet, 391 šest, 446 vl'dit, 495 pet, 351 sejat, 398 šesti, 446 vl'jati, 499 petd, 352 selo, 387 ta, 459 vi'tar, 500 peti, 351 seno, 447 tdman, 458 vlaga, 486 pieta, 352 sesti, 395 tanak, 464 vl&dati, 486 pl'na, 418 sestra, 395 taše, 475 voda, 488 pfr, 372 sl'Ci, 205 tea, 462 voditi, 484 pisati, 354 sidi'ti, 391 tesat, 459 vo{a, 487 pi't, 563 si'me, 393 težak, 467 volja, 487 pl'ti, 563 sfn, 435 ti, 473 vori't, 554 p/amen, 348 si'pat, 436 ti, 473 ( v)osak, 493 plena, 365 si'pati, 436 tf, 473 vozi'ti, 494 pieva, 350 sir, 437 ti'ca, 374 vrdg, 490 pli'va, 350 sir, 437 tla, 465 vrana, 490 p/Uca, 362 si't, 418 tfd, 477 vrdti'ti, 492 pfūca, 362 ši'ti, 400 treti, 470 vrba, 505 pod, 342 si'to, 397 treti, 470 vfh, 506 prag, 352 slab, 41l trf, 471 vrsta, 491 prah, 352 slama, 548 tmd, 472 vfša, 492 prdh, 545 slana, 439 trūd, 472 vrti'ti, 506 presti, 423 slap, 41l trūp, 566 vūCi, 504 prosi'ti, 370 slava, 453 trūt, 472 vūk, 503 pfs, 358 s/Ovo, 452 tūCi, 463 (v)una, 504 pfst, 358 s/Ušati, 249 tUk, 459 Z, 206 pugva, 546 smijati, 551 tvfd, 477 zavriti, 498 pun, 356 smrad, 414 uči'ti, 208 zelen, 512 pūn, 356 smrdeti, 415 udovi'ca, 567 zem{a, 516 pūst, 563 snfg, 416 ugiinj, 478 zemlja, 516

put, 563 soha, 439 ug{en, 55 zesti, 515 pūt, 563 sraka, 440 ugor, 479 zet, 516 rak, 155 sfce, 449 ugor, 479 zfd, 564 Raki'ta, 533 srida, 443 uho, 71 zidat, 519 ri'gati, 385 sfšen, 450 ūho, 71 zies, 515 rftak, 547 stiir, 430 ūlj, 70 zijati, 520 rosa, 376 star, 430 •oš, 55 zima, 518 rūb, 385 stari, 430 •osmi, 64 zft, 564 rūka, 376 staza, 551 usta, 482 zlato, 554 rvati, 379 staza, 551 ūsta, 482 z/Oto, 554 s(v)a, 507 sto, 426 ūstd, 482 znati, 520 s( v)ekar, 446 sto, 448 vdri'ti, 554 zora, 513 siidi't, 417 stric, 432 vas, 507 zfno, 520 sadi'ti, 417 sūh, 390 večer, 485 zūb, 512 saji, 435 sūnce, 390 večer, 485 zvfr, 524 san, 389 sūnce, 390 vejat, 499 žaba, 557 sJn, 389 sūši't, 391 veli, 496 železo, 169 se, 541 svils, 507 vi, 215 želva, 533

662 INDICES

že{ud, 175 b(>dati, 76 četfti, 242 dlaka, 291 žena, 558 bodN, 105 četvęr, 241 dlan, 121 ži'to, 557 bojati se, 89 čist, 405 dnŲ, 144 žfv, 180 b6lha, 96 čitati, 401 dpb, 110 žfvi'ti, 179 bolščati, 95 čl6vęk, 484 d6ba, 110 život, 180 bos, 83 čmęlj, 223 dpbalj, 529 žut, 169 bosti, 89 čmęr, 236 dpga, 114 ž(>lva, 533 brada, 82 čręda, 239 dolg, 199 žuč, 475 bradat, 82 čręmha, 239 d(>m, 328

brdn, 81 čręmoš, 239 drdg, 530 Kajkavian brašn9, 527 čręmsa, 239 drfgati, 139 gniezde, 290 brat, 102 čręslo, 240 dręst, 333 mieglo, 317 brdtN, 102 čręv(>, 560 dreti, 123 ped, 342 brati, 88 čręz, 403 drev/5, 123 si5uk, 67 brazda, 91 čfn, 247 dfgati, 131 zamljo, 516 bfcniti, 103 čfv, 246 drpg, 139

bręja, 87 čutiti, 209 drpg, 136 Slovene bręsk, 99 čutiti, 209 drpzd, 431 a, 339 bresti, 101 čvfst, 247 drpzg, 431 baba, 96 bręz, 88 dah, 148 drožje, 135 bati se, 89 bręza, 88 dah, 148 dfpati, 532 baviti se, 108 bfkniti, 103 dahniti, 148 drug, 137 bčęla, 92 bfna, 106 ddn, 127, 146 dfz, 136 bdęti, 104 br(>d, 97 ddnj, 146 dfzati, 131 bebJr, 85 br6diti, 97 dati, 147 dah, 118 bačęla, 92 brozda, 104 davati, 530 dupa, 116 będa, 85 bfsniti, 103 davri, 147 duri, 147 bJdęti, 104 brt, 107 debel, 531 duša, 117 bęgati, 86 brnsiti, 98 debar, 532 dvd, 143 bęl, 78 brusnica, 103 dęd, 118 dvfri, 147 bęs, 77 bruzda, 104 degat, 119 dvogilb, 150 biti, 108 bfzda, 104 dfgniti, 119 dvor, 149 bivati, 108 bUčati, 84 dahniti, 148 dv(>j, 149 bldna, 79 budfti, 83 dęjati, 125 gad, 167 blanja, 80 cęl, 559 dęlati, 121 gasfti, 173 blato, 80 cęna, 217 dęliti, 111 gaziti, 185 blazfna, 81 cęniti, 218 delj, 120 gmfti, 192 blęjati, 528 cęv, 438 dęrati, 132 glabiti, 181 blesti, 94 cęvka, 438 desan, 124 gladak, 183 blęščati, 95 čdr, 238 deset, 124 glava, 162 blj JVati, 94 čas, 560 deseti, 124 glfdati, 534 bljuti, 94 čbęla, 92 dęti, 125 glęn, 182 bljuvati, 94 bbęla, 92 dęvęr, 128 glfna, 182 blod, 93 cędfti, 400 dęver, 128 gliva, 182 blpditi, 93 čemfr, 236 devęt, 126 gnati, 177 blęd, 92 česati, 231 devfti, 126 gnęzd9, 290 blęsk, 528 čfst9, 244 dihati, 148 gnida, 183 bobar, 85 četfrje, 241 dim, 145 gnas, 184

INDICES 663

g(!d, 194 imę, 557 jęz, 159 krava, 230 goditi, 534 imęla, 54 jezer, 158 kremen, 539 goditi se, 110 in, 201, 501 jęzer, 158 krh, 261 goj, 162 inje, 201 jęzer9, 158 kri, 255 gŲja, 162 iskati, 198 jezik, 285 kričati, 259 gom6la, 163 isti, 537 jęž, 160 kril9, 409 g6niti, 164 iti, 151 jęža, 159 kriti, 256 g6ra, 178 iva, 198 jig9, 213 kriv, 256 goręti, 165 iz, 206 jil9, 537 krn, 540 g(!s, 514 jab�, 340 juha, 216 kropiti, 408 gpst, 536 jablan, 339 jCm, 209 kfpa, 266 gŲsti, 166 jablana, 339 jutro, 72 krnpa, 540 gŲza, 196 jablų, 340 kak, 253 krCtpi, 540 grabiti, 189 jabolka, 340 kamen, 47 kfv;m, 261 grad, 164 jabolkų, 340 kasati, 231 kuna, 242 grajati, 190 jagoda, 480 kasm, 267 kup, 233 gramada, 190 jai, 168 ktiš<Jlj, 254 kunti, 267 grebsti, 186 jalov, 526 kiišljati, 254 lač<Jn, 49 greda, 189 jalovica, 526 katęri, 232 ladati, 486 gristi, 185 jaręb, 212 bsan, 267 ladja, 152 griva, 535 jarka, 154 kij, 262 lagak, 280 gfl9, 195 jasen, 481 kila, 262 lajati, 294 grmada, 190, 191 jas<Jn, 45 kipęti, 264 lakat, 51 grmęti, 191 jasika, 154 kisati, 541 lakati, 51 grpb, 190 jiiščarica, 403 kję, 265 lan, 287 gromada, 191 jiiščerica, 403 klasti, 252 lapa, 292 gfst, 536 javiti, 341 klata, 221 Iapa, 292 grnda, 191 jaz, 63 klati, 222 l�b, 294 grnditi, 185 jė, 157 klęčati, 250 lęd, 277 grCtst, 192 jęcati, 202 klęšče, 252 l<Jgati, 295 gUba, 193 jęd, 151 klicati, 251 lęha, 289 habiti, 407 jėdva, 510 klęt, 250 lekn9, 295 habiti, 407 jėdvaj, 510 kOl, 263 lemeš, 278 hčfr, 145 pgla, 555 kolęnų, 235 lemež, 278 hči, 145 jękati, 202 kOlk, 262 lęn, 279 hlŲd, 406 jęl, 151 k6pa, 225 lęska, 276 hlpd, 406 jęla, 151 kopati, 225 lęsti, 543 hŲja, 410 jelen, 152 k6pati, 225 letęti, 278 hpja, 410 jęlša, 50 koriti, 218 lik9, 296 hompt, 223 jeręb, 212 kosati, 231 list, 271 hrab<Jr, 550 jesęn, 555 kŲt, 224 liti, 284 hvpja, 410 jesen, 481 kotęri, 232 lizati, 285 igla, 555 jeset<Jr, 156 kovati, 234 ljubav, 282 igla, 555 jesika, 154 kraba, 226 ljudję, 281 ig(!, 213 jęsti, 157 krakati, 260 lŲčiti, 273 ikra, 199 jęti, 200 krasti, 539 lpg, 560 il, 537 jętra, 559 krat, 229 lpk, 273 il9, 537 jętrva, 211 krat<Jk, 230 lŲka, 272

664

16kati, 271 lom, 272 16miti, 272 lopata, 293 losos, 274 lot, 280 Iub, 296 Iuč, 561 IUd, 289 luna, 561 Iupiti, 276 luska, 542 /Uža, 290 mdh, 326 mahati, 323 majati, 324 mak, 44 mamiti, 323 mati, 324 mazati, 315 męd, 309 m;igla, 317 meh, 326 mehdk, 319 meja, 309 mekdk, 319 mękniti, 318 m;ikniti, 325 męla, 54 melję, 54 mrna, 298 męniti, 299 mes(), 312 mrsiti, 300 mesti, 314 męsti, 314 męti, 319 mnrti, 322 mfg, 315 migati, 315 mfl, 316 mir, 316 miti, 307 mldd, 561 mladęnx, 562 mlęsti, 311 mirti, 303 mnfti, 318

m6či, 298 močiti, 305 mpdN, 303 modli ti, 302 mpj, 561 mpkN, 301 m6liti, 302 m6lnja, 544 mor, 305 morję, 305 m6šnja, 301 m6triti, 307 mrfti, 321 mręža, 543 mfkniti, 320 mręst, 333 mučiti, 305 muha, 326 męh, 299 męlj, 414 męsec, 311 m(Jrje, 305 m(Jzg, 413 mzęti, 322 na, 338 ndg, 339 nat, 337 ndv, 337 ndvje, 337 ne, 331 neb(J, 118 nečak, 332 nesti, 334 ni, 331 nit, 335 n(Jč, 328 n6ga, 327 n(Jg;it, 327 n(Jh;it, 327 n(Jh;it, 327 nora, 328 n(Js, 336 nov, 330 n(Jv, 330 n(Jzdra, 330 nozdfv, 330 n(>zdrva, 330 nuja, 562

INDICES

obd, 43 pdzha, 545 obad, 480 pdziha, 545 pb;il, 59 peči, 238 obfst, 202 pęd, 420 obUti, 73 p;ihati, 359 od, 66 p;ik3/, 355 odolęti, 114 pelęsast, 342 odvaj, 510 pęna, 418 odvo, 510 perų, 419 odvrrti, 67 per(), 419 (5g<Jl, 55 pęsto, 354 (Jg;il, 54 pęšji, 353 6gmj, 478 pęt, 351 ogpr, 479 peta, 352 oję, 197 pęti, 351, 356 ok(J, 47 pndęti, 89 (51, 53 piča, 354 olpv, 53 pfr, 372 plša, 50 pira, 372 omę/a, 54 pisati, 354 on, 54 piskati, 359 orati, 61 piti, 563 6rati, 61 p/amen, 348 6ręh, 382 plav, 343 6r<Jl, 155 plesna, 362, 563 (5s, 63 plęva, 350, 366 6sa, 488 pljuča, 362 osdt, 65 pljuvati, 422 6s<Jl, 62 plosk, 545 ps;im, 65 p/Uti, 364 6s;it, 65 plęn, 350 oskfd, 565 plęš, 366 psmi, 64 plęs;in, 349 (5st, 48 pad, 342 pst;in, 48 pojds, 214 6st;ir, 64 poln, 356 (Jtva, 57 p(Jp, 343 6vca, 74 ppt, 563 ovčina, 73 ppto, 344 6v;in, 73 pozd, 345 OV<JS, 74 pozde, 345 pž, 55 pozdf, 345 pz;ik, 56 p6zdi, 345 6z<Jl, 75 prag, 352 parnet, 319 prdh, 545 pds, 214 prase, 344 pdzdiha, 545 praži ti, 423 pdzduha, 545 pre-, 352

INDICES 665

pręsan, 370 sej, 451 solnce, 390 štirje, 241

pręsti, 423 sęjati, 395> 398 som, 440 šulj, 455

pfh, 357 se/9, 387 sovati, 441 ta, 459

pri, 371 sam, 157 spęh, 419 taki, 468

prid, 371 sęme, 393 spęti, 420 tanki, 464

pr6siti, 370 sim, 389 sraka, 440 tdšč, 475

pfsi, 358 sęn(I, 447 srcę, 449 teči, 462

pfskati, 370 sasati, 552 srebr(I, 396 tęgniti, 466

pfst, 357, 358 sęsti, 395 sręda, 443 tęk, 553

pfvi, 357 sestra, 395 sręda, 443 tama, 553

pfžiti, 421 sęver, 447 sręmsa, 444 tamim, 458

ptič, 374 sęvar, 447 sręmša, 444 taniJk, 464

ptica, 374 sila, 397 sręn, 444 tenęt, 467

pust, 563 sfn, 435 sręnj, 444 tenętva, 467

rak, 155 sipati, 436 sfna, 429 tepsti, 464

rakfta, 533 sir, 437 sfst, 451 tesati, 459

ra/9, 60 sit, 418 sfšen, 450 tJšč, 475

rama, 204 sft, 398 stan, 429 tęti, 467

rame, 204 sit9, 397 star, 430 težak, 467

ramo, 204 siv, 451 stati, 430 težak, 467

rataj, 62 skrbęti, 410 staviti, 430 tf, 473

rbika, 203 slab, 411 stenjati, 427 tfl, 474

ręd, 383 sladak, 388 staza, 551 tispča, 473

rędak, 547 slama, 548 stlati, 565 tla, 465

ręšak, 156 slana, 439 st(I, 448 tlaka, 457

rigati, 385 slap, 388 stog, 426 tlęči, 463

ri/9, 547 slava, 453 stbl, 426 tma, 553

rit, 382 slavac, 564 stręči, 394 tok, 457

riti, 379 slina, 550 stric, 432 t6lči, 463

rpb, 385 slpka, 412 struja, 424 t6liti, 457

r(lg, 375 sl6v9, 452 strumen, 424 tfd, 477

r6ka, 376 slov(I, 452 strup, 378 tręti, 468

r6sa, 376 slUšati, 249 stržęn, 565 trętji, 470

rov, 379 smęjati, 551 suh, 390 triję, 471

rqzga, 379 smęjati, 551 surpv, 437 trpd, 469

rud, 377 smrad, 414 sušiti, 391 tropati, 470

rvati, 379 smrdęti, 415 suti, 436 trpt, 469

sad, 416 smrt, 321 suvati, 441 tfst, 472

saditi, 417 snęg, 416 suvati, 441 trad, 472

saja, 435 snovati, 551 svast, 437 tr11p, 566

sani, 454 so-, 388 svękar, 446 tučan, 460

ščit, 404 spdrag, 115 svękrv, 455 tuj, 461

ščfba, 405 spdraga, 115 svękrva, 455 tur, 460

SfČi, 391 spdrga, 115 svęst, 437 tuta, 462

sęči, 205 s6ha, 439 svęt, 456 tvar, 477

sędam, 393 spk, 67 šęst, 446 tvfd, 477

sędęti, 391 s(lk, 387 šęsti, 446 tv(lr, 476

sędmi, 394 s(ll, 548 šiti, 400 u-, 68, 556

666 INDICES

učiti, 208 volgak, 503 zvęzda, 523 boda, 76

uh(J, 71 v6lgak, 503 žaba, 557 b6diir, 105

ujac, 74 v6lhak, 503 žal, 167 boja se, 89

ulica, 70 vplja, 487 ždęti, 167 balna, 79

ulj, 70 volk, 503 želęz9, 169 b6rja, 82

um, 71 v6lna, 504 Mlod, 175 bos, 83

um, 71 vŲs, 566 žęlva, 533 brada, 82

usta, 482 vpse, 566 žena, 558 bradat, 82

Ustiti, 71 v(Jsak, 493 žerjav, 172 bran, 81

v, 197 v(Jsk, 493 žęti, 170 brdsna, 103

varfti, 554 v6zal, 75 žica, 175 brašn6, 527

viis, 502 v6ziti, 494 žila, 179 brat, 102

vd(Jva, 567 vŲž, 55 žit9, 557 brazda, 91

večęr, 485 vrag, 490 žlv, 180 brekna, 101

vędęti, 566 vran, 491 živefti, 179 breza, 88

vędr9, 494 vrana, 490 živOt, 180 brezda, 91

vęjati, 499 vrata, 492 žlefza, 169 brod, 97

vęk, 501 vfba, 505 žolč, 475 br6dja, 97

vęka, 509 vręs, 507 ž6lna, 176 brnsja, 98

vefk9, 509 vrefščati, 497 žalt, 169 brusnica, 103

velefti, 496 vrefti, 507 žref/9, 172 brut, 98

vJS, 507 vfst, 491 žrefti, 172 buča, 84

vęsna, 493 vrsta, 491 budja, 83

vesti, 499, 500 vfsta, 491 Bulgarian cedja, 400

vętar, 500 vfša, 492 alčen, 49 cena, 217

vefti, 499 vrtefti, 506 aine, 153 cenja, 218

vefverica, 510 zarja, 513 ave, 341 cev, 438

vi, 215 zavrefti, 498 avlfga, 509 cjal, 559

vid, 494 zębsti, 515 az, 63 čar, 238

vidęti, 495 zelen, 512 baba, 96 čas, 560

vidra, 477 zelo, 161 bdlvam, 94 čelovek, 484

vihar, 501 zemlja, 516 balxa, 96 čerda, 239

vihar, 501 zet, 516 b&rna, 106 čeren, 247

vihra, 501 zid, 564 bdja, 104 červ6, 560

vir, 505 zidati, 519 bivam, 108 čt!sto, 244

vit, 508 zijati, 520 bjagam, 86 četiri, 241

viti, 508 zijati, 520 bjal, 78 četvdrti, 242

vkup, 233 z(ma, 518 bjas, 77 čist, 405

vkupe(j), 233 zlat(J, 554 blds'bk, 95 čovek, 485

vladati, 486 znati, 520 bled, 92 daga, 114

vlaga, 486 zŲb, 512 bleja, 528 dilx, 148

vldk, 487 z6ra, 513 blešti, 95 ddlilg, 199

vldt, 487 zpra, 513 bleštja, 95 dam, 147

vlefči, 504 z6rja, 513 bljas'bk, 528 d&no, 144

v6da, 488 zŲrja, 513 bljuja, 94 davam, 530

v6diti, 484 zrefti, 517 bljuvam, 94 debel, 531

vŲgal, 55 zfn9, 520 blud, 93 delja, 111

volčica, 503 zvęr, 524 b6biir, 85 den, 127

INDICES 667

dera, 132 gramada, 190 klada, 252 lomja, 272 desen, 124 gramada, 191 kl&ka, 262 lop, 273 dever, 128 greba, 186 kleča, 250 lopata, 293 devet, 126 greda, 189 klešti, 252 lud, 289 deveti, 126 grfva, 535 koj, 230 luna, 561 dim, 145 gromada, 191 kol, 263 m&ča, 305 dirja, 131 grub, 190 k6lja, 222 m&dar, 303 dišam, 148 gruda, 191 koljano, 235 magia, 317 dlab, 113 xabja, 407 kopa, 225 max, 326 dlan, 121 xrabiir, 550 kopaja, 225 maxam, 323 dlat6, 556 ida, 151 korja, 218 maja, 324 d6ba, 110 igla, 555 kosa, 231 mak, 44 dom, 328 igo, 213 kotri, 232 m&kna, 325 drag, 530 ime, 557 k6tryj, 232 m&lnija, 544 drozd, 431 fnej, 201 kova, 234 malzja, 311 dux, 118 iskam, 198 krada, 539 mamja, 323 dupe, 116 {va, 198 kratak, 230 manja, 323 duša, 117 iz, 206 krav, 255 med, 309 dva, 143 ja, 63 krava, 230 mex, 299 dvor, 149 jabalka, 340 kr&v:m, 261 mek, 319 e, 157 jablo, 340 kres/6, 257 melja, 303 ecam, 202 jabol, 340 krija, 256 mene, 304 edva(m), 510 jagoda, 480 kri/6, 409 menja, 299 elavo, 53 jalov, 526 kriv, 256 mesec, 311 elha, 50 jalovica, 526 kropen, 255 mes6, 312 emež, 278 jarka, 154 kuka, 232 meta, 314 erbica, 203 jasen, 45, 481 kuna, 242 mežda, 309 esetra, 156 jasika, 154 kup, 233 mig, 315 ezero, 158 jatr6, 559 ladija, 152 migam, 315 ezik, 285 jave, 341 lag, 560 mija, 307 ež, 160 jaz, 159 laja, 294 mil, 316 g&rlo, 195 jazva, 46 lak, 273 mir, 316 garmada, 191 jecam, 202 laka, 272 mjax, 299 garmja, 191 jela, 151 lakat, 51 mlad, 561 giist, 536 jelen, 152 Iam, 292 m6ga, 298 gazja, 185 jesen, 555 /apa, 292 moj, 561 giža, 196 jesika, 154 led, 277 m6kar, 301 gladak, 183 k&lka, 262 leha, 289 mor, 305 glava, 162 k&rpa, 266 leja, 284 more, 305 giedam, 534 kasae, 231 lemež, 278 mreža, 543 glina, 182 k&sam, 231 len, 287 muxa, 326 gliva, 182 k&sen, 267 leska, 276 navi, 337 gnezd6, 290 kašlja, 254 letja, 278 ne, 331 gnida, 183 kašljam, 254 liko, 296 nebe, 118 g6nja, 164 kat, 224 list, 271 ni, 331 gora, 178 kila, 262 liža, 285 noga, 327 gorja, 165 kipja, 264 ljub6v, 282 n6kat, 327 grad, 164 kisel, 541 lom, 272 nos, 336

668 INDICES

nošt, 328 prast, 357, 358 slama, 548 trud, 472

nov, 330 preda, 423 slana, 439 trup, 566

nazdra, 330 presen, 370 sl&nce, 390 tučen, 460

nužda, 562 pri, 371 slava, 453 tur, 460

odva(j), 510 pridat, 371 slavej, 564 tvar, 477

agan, 478 pro-, 369 slavo, 452 tvard, 477

ora, 61 proseja, 398 s/Ušam, 249 u, 68, 556

arex, 382 prasja, 370 smardja, 415 u-, 68

orei, 155 ptica, 374 smart, 321 u-, 556

arja, 60 pust, 563 smeja, 551 uča, 208

OS, 63 rab, 385 smrad, 414 uxa, 71

osa, 488 rak, 155 snjag, 416 ulej, 70

asen, 481 raka, 376 snova, 551 ulica, 70

asmi, 64 rakita, 533 soča, 387 usta, 482

osten, 48 ralo, 60 soxa, 439 v, 197

ovca, 74 ramo, 204 sok, 387 valk, 503

oves, 74 red, 383 som, 440 valna, 504

p&xam, 359 reja, 547 srebra, 396 v&lna, 504

p&kal, 355 rija, 379 sreda, 443 varba, 505

p&len, 356 rilo, 547 srjada, 443 varja, 554

parnet, 319 rosa, 376 stan, 429 vartja, 506

pap, 343 rov, 379 stana, 430 v&zel, 75

parvi, 357 rud, 377 star, 430 vdovica, 567

p&rža, 421 sa-, 388 stelja, 565 večer, 485

pat, 563 sadja, 417 sto, 448 vedra, 494

pčela, 92 san, 389 stol, 426 vext, 500

peka, 238 sarce, 449 straž, 389 veja, 499

pera, 419 sarna, 429 struja, 424 velja, 496

peš, 353 sažda, 435 SUX, 390 vetxi, 500

peša, 353 sedem, 393 suša, 391 veverica, 510 pet, 351 sedja, 391 svekar, 446 vid, 494

peta, 352 seja, 395, 398 svek&rva, 455 vidja, 495

peti, 351 seka, 205 svet, 456 vixar, 501

pija, 563 selo, 387 svraka, 440 vija, 508

piskam, 359 seme, 393 šest, 446 vir, 505

piša, 354 sena, 447 šesti, 446 vjatar, 500

pjana, 418 sestra, 395 šija, 400 vlaga, 486

plesen, 349 sever, 447 štit, 404 vlak, 487 pljava, 350 sila, 397 tama, 553 vleka, 504

pljuja, 422 sin, 435 t&men, 458 voda, 488

pljuvam, 422 sipja, 436 t&nak, 464 vadja, 484

plasak, 545 sit, 418 teka, 462 vaxkyj, 503

pod, 342 sito, 397 težak, 467 valja, 487

pajas, 214 siv, 451 ti, 473 vasak, 493

prag, 352 sjadam, 395 til, 474 vazja, 494

prax, 545 skarbja, 410 trast, 472 vrag, 490

prase, 344 slab, 411 treti, 470 vran, 491

pr&ska, 370 sladak, 388 tri, 471 vrana, 490

INDICES

vrata, 492 ANATOLIAN vreštja, 497 vrja, 507 Hittite zab, 512 aiš, 482 zarn6, 520 aiš l išš-, 480 z&rno, 520 alpu-, 52 ztistra, 72 ama/i-, 561 zeja, 520 appezzi(ja )-, 58 zelen, 512 aršane-" l zemja, 516 aršan-, 61 zet, 516 arš-'; l arš-, 376 zid, 564 ed-" l ad-, 158 zidam, 519 esbar l išban-, zima, 518 526 zlač, 475 bamank-i / zlato, 554 bame/ink-, 56 znaja, 520 banna-, 55 znam, 520 bant-, 57 zora, 513 banza, 57 zra, 517 bara( n )- , 155 zvjar, 524 bartakka-, 204 žaba, 557 bubba-, 74 žalt, 169 buųart- i l hurt-, ž&na, 170 489 želad, 175 išbaii- l išbi-, željazo, 169 397 žena, 558 išbamin-, 398 žerav, 172 išbianzi, 398 žica, 175 iškalia- ; l iškali-žila, 179 , 402 žito, 557 iškunnahiš, 243 živ, 180 išpai- i 1 išpi-, živ6t, 180 420 žleza, 169 išša-, 197 žrel6, 172 ka- 1 kū- l ki-, žuna, 517 451

kiš-Z', 231 Macedonian labui- / labu-, brada, 82 284 brat, 102 la i- / /-, 277 brazda, 91 lapp-" / lapp-, brekna, 101 293 breza, 88 lešš-'; / /išš-, 281 brna, 106 maldi l mald-, dzastra, 72 302 jave, 341 malla-i l malla-, lemeš, 278 303

meri- / mar-, 321

nabi - / nabb-, 336

nai-', 544 nata/i- , 332 neAdJ, 335, 545 nekuz, 328 nepiš-, 118 neųa-, 330 šakk-; l šakk-,

205 tekan l takn-,

516 ųalb-'', 496 ųarp-", 497 ųatar l ųiten-,

488 unu-", 73 urani, 507 zama(n)kur, 414

Palak hari, 340

Luwian asu-, 65 būba-, 74

TOCHARIAN

Tocharian A akar, 63 kolye, 263 pats, 346 was, 69

Tocharian B antapi, 43 awi, 74 antpi, 43 ap, 483 alme*, 52 oko, 480 tano, 146 taš, 346

669

telki, 457 pyakar, 360 mank-, 311 yasa, 69 laks, 274 lesto, 560 suwarn, 517 tsak-, 127

INDO-IRANIAN

Sanskrit arnhu-, 56 ak?a-, 63 ak?i-, 47 agam, 184 agni-, 478 agra-, 526 anka-, 56, 493 angara-, 55 acati, 493 aja-, 342 ajina-, 341 ark-, 56, 493 aiijasa, 56 ati, 66 titti, 158 anakti, 56 anrk?ara- , 156 antara-, 57 anti, 57 ap-, 483 apa-, 369 apatya-, 58 apavp:zoti, 67 api, 58 aritra-, 203 aritra-, 203 argha-, 49 arma-, 52 armaka-, 52 ar�ati, 376 arhati, 153 alpa-, 52 ava, 68, 556 avi-, 74

670 INDICES

avika-, 69, 73> ka-, 230 caturthci-, 242 dampati-, 346 74 kak$a-, 248 catvaras, 241 dai-, 129, 131

asman-, 47 katara-, 232 carman-, 560 dart, 123 asru-, 63 kada, 216 cayati, 560 dasa, 124 asva-, 65 karoti, 238 citra-, 219 dahati, 119 asvii-, 65 karki-, 221 cetati, 219, 401, daru, 123, 124 �tama-, 64 kari:ia-, 540 553 dldaya, 112 �tau, 65 kas-, 254 chiiya-, 549 diyati, 532 �thlva(nt)-, kasika-, 254 chinatti, 400 dlrghci-, 200

438 ki$kU-, 248 jani-, 558 duhitcir-, 145 asrk, 526 kupyati, 264 jambha-, 512 durva-, 133 asti, 157 kulva-, 163 jambhate, 516 dnad-, 525 asthi, 48 kuha, 265 jambhayati, 516 deva-, 128 asmi, 157 kri:ioti, 267 jarati, 520 devar-, 128 aham, 63 kftvas, 229 javate, 522 devi-, 119 iikhU-, 266 krntati, 248 jasate, 173 d6$-, 347, 545 iikhukarf$a-, kfmi-, 246 janati, 520 dvaya-, 149

266 krsa-, 228 jasayati, 173 dva, 143 akhukiri-, 266 kfSyati, 228 jiya-, 179 dhamati, 145 akhūtkara-, 266 kr$i:ia-, 240, 247 jihva-, 285 dhiinal;, 146 at, 339 kf-, 266 jivati-, 179 dhiirayati, 116 ati-, 57 k65a-, 234 jfva-, 180 dhūma-, 145 antra-, 559 kravis-, 255 jnati-, 554 dhni:iu-, 137 avi$, 71, 341 kravya-, 255, 261 jnatra-, 516 dhr$i:i6ti, 140 as-, 480, 482 kvathant-, 541 jya-, 179 dhenu-, 127 ahanas-, 163 kles-, 252 jvalati, 524 nakt-, 328 icchati, 198 k$am-, 516 tal'J'IS-, 464 nakhci-, 327 irasyati, 61, 204 k$6bhate, 410 teikti, 462 nagna-, 339 ilayati, 53 khad-, 232 tak$ati, 459 narĮa-, 332 irma-, 204 gacchati, 177 tanu-, 465 napiit-, 332 i$ii-, 197 gandhci-, 173 tantra-, 467 napti-, 332 ucchciti, 72, 484 gaya-, 162 tand-, 458 nabhas-, 118 ucyati, 208, 214 gav-, 536 tarp-, 459 nayati, 544, 545 udan-, 488 gayati, 174 tarh-, 463 nava, 126 udara-, 346, 494 gahate, 185 timira-, 458 nava-, 330 ubhci-, 43 girati, 172 ti$fhati, 430 nava-nfta-, 545 U$tls-, 483 giri-, 178 tirthci-, 466 navya-, 330 adhar, 346 grbhi:iati, 186 trtiya-, 470 nas-, 336 ūrmi-, 504 grhci-, 164 tucchya-, 475 nasyati, 330 ūri:ia-, 504 gri:iati, 178 tu/a-, 474 nabhi-, 562 ūrva-, 483 grama-, 191 tejate, 552 naman-, 557 fk$a-, 204 grlvii-, 535 tray-, 471 nidiigha-, 110 rnjanti, 381 ghana-, 163 tsarati, 392 niniiya, 545 ejati, 45 gharma-, 534 dak$ii:ia-, i24 nindanti, 334 eti, 151 ghri:ia-, 165 dadati, 147, 530 nlrĮa-, 290 6kas-, 208 cakarsa, 228 dadhati, 125 nu, 338 ojman-, 68 cakra-, 220 dadhciu, 125 pacati, 238 6$fha-, 482 caturas, 241 dant-, 115 panea, 351

INDICES 671

pati-, 346 bodhayati, 83 yakar-, 211 vayu-, 496 patni-, 346 bhanga-, 81 yav-, 210 var-, 215 pada-, 347 bhafij-, 86 yava-, 210 vdra-, 485 pantha-, 563 bhanakti, 86 yatar-, 211 vdla-, 485 payas-, 353 bhay-, 89 ydti, 213 vidhava-, 567 pay-, 359 bhtirati, 88 yu-, 216 vis-, 502 pari, 352 bhtivati, 108 yuga-, 213 vispati-, 502 paru$a-, 343 bhavayati, 108 yudhma-, 213 vispatnl- , 502 pan:ia-, 419 bhuri-, 106 yunakti, 214 Vl$U-, 507 paryari1;1i-, 154 bhūrja-, 88 yuvati, 210 virti-, 505 parsu-, 358 bhnti-, 91 yilvan-, 209 vfka-, 503 palva/a-, 349 bhrajate, 99 yu$-, 216 vrki-, 503 palvalya-, 349 bhru-, 103 raghu-, 280 vr1;16ti, 253 palava-, 350 bhrū1;1a-, 528 rajju-, 380 Vf$an-, 498 pa5u-, 348 magha-, 298 ratha-, 376 veti, 508 pasu-, 348 majjati, 308 radhyatu, 289 veda, 566 pa5ca, 345 majjan-, 413 randhayati, 289 vedas-, 494 pati, 353, 563 mati-, 320 rasa-, 376 ve5a-, 502 payit-, 353 madhu-, 309 rasti-, 376 sakrt, 448 pirhsati, 354 madhya-, 309 radhyate, 384 saliku-, 67 pinii$ti, 359 madhyarrz- rdyati, 294 sata-, 448 pitu-, 354 dina-, 127 ri1;1dti, 547 stirna-, 454 pua-, 563 d-manas, 482 rireca, 287 samya-, 223, 224 pipaya, 359 manthati, 314 risate, 381 sayu-, 442 pTvan-, 354 mantha-, 311 riyate, 547 sardha-, 239 pivas-, 355 manyate, 318 rujati, 276 sardhas-, 239 putra-, 374 mayate, 544 rudanti, 377 sa5a-, 564 puruk$u-, 483 marya-, 306 rudhira-, 384 saka-, 442 puyati, 374 ma5aka-, 306 ruvati, 377 siikha-, 439 pur-, 356 marhsa-, 312 reiĮ,hi, 285 siipa-, 440 pūr1;1a-, 356 matar-, 324 TOcf$-, 561 s&ri-, 440 purva-, 358 mat&, 324 laghU-, 280 siva-, 550 p[cchati, 370 mdm, 304, 562 limpati, 288 sisira-, 439 pft-, 359 mas, 312 lisate, 381 su$ka-, 390 prthu-, 362 mas-, 312, 313 loka-, 275 seva-, 550 pf$ant-, 357 misrayati, 300 Zopasa-, 505 so$ayati, 391

Pr$tha-, 358 mivati, 308 vat-, 209, 216 smasru-, 414 pesas-, 342 mucyate, 325 vadati, 484 syama-, 443 pra-, 369 mundti, 325 vamiti, 497 syava-, 451 prati, 546 mr1;1iiti, 303 vayati, 72 srayate, 452 prathate, 365 mrdu-, 561 vartate, 498 sravas-, 452 pramarti-, 305 mf$yate, 320 vartayati, 492 5rita-, 345 pra5na-, 370 megha-, 315, 317 var$man-, 506 5r61;1i-, 452 pTU$1;16ti, 370 medhii-, 304 var$man-, 506 sr6$ati, 249 phena-, 418 mena-, 298 vasanta-, 493 svan-, 455 babhril-, 85 me$a-, 299 vasar-, 493 5vasura-, 446 barhi$-, 79 m6date, 325 vahati, 500 frasrti.-, 455 biidhate, 75, 97 mriyate, 321 vdti, 499, 500 svit-, 456

672 INDICES

sveta-, 456 hasta-, 347 uruuaesaiieiti, l.Psa!g, 274 ?'4-, 446 hima-, 519 375 ?a?tha-, 446 hirai:iya-, 554 vaeti-, 508 sa, 459 hird-, 514 varak-, 504 GREEK

sakft, 229 hfd-, 443, 449 yar-, 154 sacate, 392 hvarate, 524 yasta-, 215 Greek sajati, 391 zarštuua-, 525 aaw, 510 sana-, 393 Pali zasta-, 347 ayEtpW, 191 sarridhci-, 389 makasa-, 306 MIKT], 337 sapta, 393 Late Avestan UT]µL, 499 saptama-, 394 Avestan aesma-, 197 UTJCTL, 500 saptatha-, 394 apufJra-, 482 ayra-, 526 aiyic;, 45 sam, 388 aza-, 342 fštana-, 420 aia0avoµai, 71, sar-, 393 aat, 339 hunaoiti, 396 341 sa5casi, 392 atar-, 340 hura-, 435 aixµi'J, 198 sa-, 400 auuiš, 341 karana-, 540 UKµWv, 47 sadayati, 417 ąnasaf, 330 maeya-, 317 aKpoc;, 64 sindti, 397 baraziš-, 79 mana, 304 6.A.aoµai, 526 sivyati, 400 daenu-, 127 mązdra-, 303 MEW, 200 sudrn-, 434 dašina-, 124 paiiah-, 353 MKTJ, 50 sun6ti, 396, 435 dažaiti, 119 pouruša-, 343 iiUoµai, 393 sura-, 435 daraz-, 133 ra1Jha-, 376 čiAoĘ, 504 sūnu-, 435 arazi, 62 ražaiieiti, 380 čiAc;, 548 sūrya-, 390 haraiti, 394 sarata-, 439 6.A.cpi'J, 49 setu-, 386 huuarii, 390 sama-, 443 aµEt�W, 544 a-skunoti, 243 isaiti, 198 uruuisiieiti, 383 aµe>.yw, 311 stan-, 427 jiia-, 179 varasa-, 485 aµfoaw, 326 stana-, 420 kaena-, 217 xšuuaš, 446 aµuxi'J, 327 stabhndti, 426 mae8anam, 321 ziid, 519 aµcpw, 43 stamba-, 426 mazda-, 304 av, 54 stambha-, 426 mazga-, 413 Old Persian CtVE\ŲL6<;, 332 sthdna-, 429 mąm, 304 kara-, 226 avi'Jp, 329 sphayatai, 420 mi8naiti, 321 avv[c;, 55 sphira-, 420 pada-, 347 Middle Persian avi:a, 57 sphurjati, 421 paeman-, 353 gurbag, 505 avi:l, 57 smayate, 551 pasu-, 348 aĘwv, 63 sravati, 424 para8u-, 362 Modern Persian an6, 369 srutei-, 425 pipiiūši, 359 alixtan, 269 an6UuµL, 372 svadu-, 388 raecaiieiti, 269 amaj, 278 apa, 59 svapati, 389 raopi-, 505 dana, 146 apa, 59 svapna-, 389 raoxšna-, 561 gurba, 505 apaptCTKW, 61

svapnya-, 389 raman-, 53 magas, 306 apynoc;, 534 svar-, 390 sara8a-, 239 pinu, 353 apt0µ6c;, 547 svasar-, 395 snaooa-, 317 saya, 549 apKeu0oc;, 534 svidyati, 552 spanta-, 456 apKTO<;, 204 harhsa-, 514 sraoni-, 452 Ossetic apoTpOV, 60 hcinti, 164, 177 taka-, 457 brelon, 78 ap6w, 61 hciri-, 169, 512 udra-, 477 dombaj, 433 apariv, 498

INDICES 673

čipTL, 61 om6c;, 149 Ėpnµ6v, 203 KUKO<;, 237 ČlOKap[c;, 403 OOALX6c;, 200 ĖpEl>yoµm, 377 KaAaµ11, 548 auA.aĘ, 504 Mpu, 123 Ėptw, 489 KaAaµoc;, 548 m)A6c;, 70 opfrcw, 135 Ėpu8p6c;, 377, KaAEW, 220 ai>A.wv, 70 OpU71'.TW, 532 384 KciµaĘ, 223 auoc;, 390 Mw, 143 EOKET0, 392 Kciµapoc;, 236 ai\pLOV, 72 ĖaAWV, 496 Eo71'.Epoc;, 485 Kaµacn1v, 440 čttiTµtj, 396 fop, 493, 526 foT(, 157 Kciµµapoc;, 236 Axtpwv, 158 i:p0oµoc;, 394 i:wpoc;, 437 Kaµ71'.TW, 224,

axAfic;, 555 eP11v, 184 ETT)c;, 437 263 pčtAavoc;, 175 tyw, 63 ETL, 66 Kan:v6c;, 268 papa8pov, 195 EOµEVaL, 158 ĖTpU<j>'lV, 137, KappaTLVaL, 266 potw, 89 EOOVTEc;, 115 532 Kapoia, 443, ptpE8pov, 195 i:(oµm, 391 EU8Evtjc;, 163 449 PtPpwOKw, 172 d8ov, 495 txivoc;, 160 KclPV'l, 218 Ptoc;, 179 dooc;, 494 expaov, 187 KUp71'.clTLVOV, pooKw, 166, 194 Eiµ(, 157 (ELUL, 210 266 poūc;, 536 dµt, 151 (uy6v, 213 KUŪKO<;, 234 ppaouc;, 195 ELVUTEpEc;, 211 (wvvuµt, 215 KauA.6c;, 233, 262 ppoxoc;, 543 E'ipyw, 490 (woT6c;, 215 KEYKEL, 237 ytvEmc;, 517 dpw, 549 f\Pri, 210 KEtpW, 248 ytvw, 536 ĖKaT6v, 448 �EAtoc;, 390 KEµcic;, 454 ytvuc;, 512 ĖKUp6c;, 446 �ffiwc;, 567 KEpa6c;, 230 ytpavoc;, 173 i::A.mpoc;, 153 �VEYKOV, 334 K'lKL<;, 454 ytyvWOKW, 520 €A.mpp6c;, 280 �n:ap, 211 K'lµ6c;, 223 yAciµwv, 182 ėA.axt>c;, 280 8ELVW, 164, 177 Kfjp, 443, 449 yA.lv11, 182 ĖAEAl(w, 269 8Epµ6c;, 165, 534 K'lp[ov, 254 yA.ot6c;, 182 EAEvoc;, 152 8fooao8m, 345 K'lp6c;, 254 yva8µ6c;, 512 ĖAEU8Epoc;, 282 etw, 150 KA.aic;, 252 yvci8oc;, 512 tAA.6c;, 153 StjA.11, 121 KA.foc;, 452 y6µcpoc;, 512 i:A.µaw, 436 Stjp, 524 KA.11ic;, 252 yūp6c;, 195 tµt, 562 StjoaTo, 531 KvtjµT), 245 ywAE6c;, 194 tµtw, 497 Spaoi>c;, 137 KVijV, 253 00.tjp, 128 EVUTOc;, 126 Spfov, 472 KVŪ>, 253 oaioµm, 112 ĖVEYKEiV, 334 8pumw, 137, 532 KVWOaAOV, 232 OclKpU, 63 evEAoc;, 152 Sp&oow, 123 KVWOWV, 232 Ocl71'.EOOV, 130 Ėvvfo, 126 Sl>a, 144 Kvaµa, 245 Ocimw, 134 Ėv(v)tn:w, 392 SUa, 144 KOLVcl, 447 OEaTO, 112 EVTEpa, 559 SuyciT'lp, 145 Ko[pavoc;, 226 OEKa, 124 tĘ, 206 8U11, 144 KOAWV'l, 221 OtKawc;, 124 i:Ę, 446 8ūµ6c;, 145 Kov[c;, 183 otvvoc;, 173 em, 58 Supat, 147 K071'.poc;, 448 &Ęm:p6c;, 124 ėn:ln:A.oov, 366 topwc;, 552 K071'.TW, 225, 226 otpw, 123, 132 Ėn:in:A.ooc;, 366 LKW, 397 KOpaĘ, 440, 490 0E071'.0T'lc;, 346 i:n:oµm, 392 tA.u, 537 Koptvvūµt, 445 OEŪpo, 71 ėmei, 393 foT11µL, 430 Kpfoc;, 255 O(OwµL, 147, 530 ĖpElKW, 381, 382 txSūc;, 523 Kptµuov, 239 omo[, 149 Ėpfoow, 205 KayKl>A.ac;, 454 Kp1)71'.l<;, 266

674 INDICES

Kpo16c;, 256 µtjTT)p, 324 6puoow, 378 nn:p6v, 419 Kp6µuov, 239 µrixavtj, 298 OPXEtc;, 62 mioow, 359 KpOTEW, 257 µJixoc;, 298, 322 6pivw, 547 m6A.1c;, 356 Kpouw, 261 µioyw, 300 OOOE, 47 7tŪp6c;, 372 Kplvw, 258 µuia, 326 60Tfov, 48 nwA.tw, 350 KUKAQ, 220 µ<iKWV, 44 ou8ap, 346 1tWVW, 563 KUToc;, 267 VEKUc;, 330 6<j>pūc;, 103 mim, 353 KUWV, 455 vrny1AA.6c;, 521 oxfoµm, 494 pa, 59 KW�t6c;, 193 vfoc;, 330 7taAK6c;, 350 pamw, 497 KWAOV, 235 vt<j>oc;, 118 naA.A.w, 350 pEūµa, 424 KW7tfj, 264 vtw, 336 naaxw, 241 ptw, 424 M�oµm, 412, w(v), 338 7tclTO<;, 563 potj, 424

413 VŪV, 338 ntoov, 347 potKO<;, 375 A.aµ�avw, 412 vuĘ, 328 1tEKW, 353 p6oc;, 424 A.aµmic;, 293 Vl>OTQ�W, 415 ntµmoc;, 351 o�tvvūµ1, 173 Mµnw, 293 VWAEµtc;, 279 ntvoµm, 356 onpa, 476 A.nµwv, 543 vwpEi, 336 7tEVTE, 351 otA.µarn, 436 AEioc;, 542 ĘuA.ov, 455 7tEp[, 352 oKaipw, 403 M1xw, 285 oa, 198 7tEptT]µEKTEW, OKaAAW, 402 AEAOl7tEV, 287 oyKoc;, 56, 493 298 OKŪVŪ, 549 Mnw, 293 Mwv, 115 7tEplKnAAtjc;, 352 OKap[OEc;, 403 AE\JKT], 282 o�w, 482 ntpvriµ1, 357 OKlŪ, 549 AWKOc;, 275 ori, 198 nfoow, 238 OKŪTO<;, 243 AEUOOW, 275 o'iaĘ, 197 7tEUKT], 373 oop6c;, 476 ATJKŪV, 278 otfo, 566 nivw, 563 onapyaw, 423 AT]KclW, 278 O'ifj, 198 7tLOOQ, 355 onfoow, 419 ALVOV, 287 oIKoc;, 502 7tLWV, 355 on6A.1a, 418 A.maivw, 288 O'iVT], 501 nA.awc;, 362 onouotj, 419 A.inoc;, 288 ore;, 74 nA.wµwv, 362 07tŪp6c;, 372 A.imw, 284 ofoTpoc;, 45 nMw, 364 OTEyoc;, 429 A.otw, 284 6AEKpavoc;, 51 nA.tjoow, 361 OTELXW, 427 A.01y6c;, 283, 286 6A.o<j>, 479 7tAUVW, 368 OTEAAW, 565 A.om6v, 269 6A.o<j>upoµm, nA.ww, 364 OTEVW, 427 A.om6c;, 283 479 n6a, 354 OTEpyw, 394 A.uyĘ, 297 6µEixw, 322 no8tw, 345 oTtjµwv, 433 Myoc;, 290, 294 6µiXATJ, 317 7tOi, 217 oToxoc;, 426

A.tl>�TJ, 413 6µcpaA.6c;, 562 7tOLT], 354 mwµ1Ę, 433 µaivoµm, 318 OVELOoc;, 334 7totµtjv, 353 ocpapayfoµm,

µaww, 324 ovoµa, 557 7tOLVtj, 217 421 µaoow, 315, 318 ovuĘ, 327 n6A.1c;, 356 axi�w, 400 µaxoc;, 298, 322 6Ęiva, 46 7tOVTOc;, 563 Tay6c;, 346 µtooµm, 307 6napa, 556 7t6otc;, 346 rnva6c;, 465 µt&, 309 om8Ev, 58 7tOTEpoc;, 232 Tapaoow, 123 µEipaĘ, 306, 312 Člmcr8EV, 58 7tOTVla, 346 Taūpoc;, 460,

µE[c;, 312 6n6c;, 387 npamc;, 357 461 µtA.ac;, 310, 544 6nwpa, 556 nptc;, 546 Teyoc;, 429 µtjKWV, 44 6ptyw, 381 7tp6, 369 TEfpw, 468 µriww, 324 opvtc;, 155 7tTQLW, 360 TEixoc;, 127, 519

INDICES 675

Teµvw, 467 Mycenaean anguis, 55 cernere, 258 TEp7tW, 459 aikasama, 198 angulus, 54 cervus, 230, 429 Twwµio11c;, 461 e-pi, 58 angustus, 56 einis, 350 Tfj, 462 e-we-pe-se-so- ansa, 62 cfvis, 550 tl'J0'1, 118 me-na, 72 anser, 514 claudere, 252 TiS'lµL, 125 o-pi, 58 anus, 55 clavis, 252 TAQVQL, 465 aperlre, 67 cleta, 251 TAfjVaL, 465 Modem Greek aqua, 46 clūnis, 452 Tpa7tEW, 470 �CtATO<;, 80 arare, 61 cohors, 536 TpEi<;, 471 armus, 204 collis, 221 Tpeµw, 470 au-, 68, 556 columba, 170 Tpe<f>w, 138 PHRYGIAN audlre, 341 corbis, 227 TpŪ7tCtW, 473 niptiyai, 332 augere, 68 corvus, 490 TŪA.11, 474 niptiyan, 332 augmentum, 68 coxa, 248 u&poc;, 494 augustus, 70 crabro, 450 UcSpa, 477 auris, 71 crocfre, 260 uowp, 488 ANCIENT aurum, 69 cruor, 255 U7tVO<;, 389 MACEDONIAN auster, 72 cūdere, 234 ucpaivw, 72 QAL�a avena, 75 culmus, 548 <j>atcSp6c;, 17 4 Teuwµoc; avus, 74 cupere, 264 <j>at6c;, 161 axis, 63 currere, 228 <j>e�oµm, 86 barathrum, 195 curvus, 257 <j>epw, 88 ITALIC barba, 82 cutis, 243 cpeuyw, 83 barbatus, 82 dare, 147, 530 cpA.tw, 94 Old Latin būfo, 557 dea, 119 cpoi�oc;, 523 cluere, 453 caecus, 235 decem, 124 <j>p&T'lp, 102 dingua, 285 caelum, 559 dens, 115 cpl>oµm, 108 fivere, 127 calamitas, 222 deus, 128 cpuTAOV, 105 fūl, 108 calare, 220 dexter, 124 xe1µwv, 519 nei, 332 calere, 448 dies, 127 xeA.uc;, 533 poste, 345 calidus, 221 dissipare, 436 XEAUV'l, 533 calva, 162 dlvidere, 500 x�v, 514 Latin calvus, 163 dolare, 114 xewv, 516 ab, 369 calx, 262 domus, 328 xA.wp6c;, 169, 512 abolere, 372 campus, 224 ebulum, 43, 151 xoA.�, 511 acer, 64 canis, 455 ebulus, 43 xoA.oc;, 475 acipenser, 156 canus, 564 edere, 158 xop6c;, 512 acus, 48 caput, 234 ego, 63 xpfw, 188 adnuere, 334 carbo, 267 emere, 200 1jlm<6.c;, 418 aeruscare, 198 carere, 228 emungere, 325 1j!EKCt<;, 418 alere, 66 carinare, 218 equus, 65 1j!UAA.a, 96 Almo, 52 carpere, 247 erūgare, 377 WAEV'l, 52 alnus, 50 carus, 227, 538 et, 66 wpa, 154 ambulare, 526 caucum, 234 ex, 206 wpl>oµm, 377 an, 54 caulis, 233 excellere, 236 WTElA�, 510 anas, 57 caurus, 447 exstinguere, 428

ancus, 56 causa, 120 faber, 110 anguilla, 479 centum, 448 faces, 523

676 INDICES

įar, 527 humi, 515 mollis, 561 per, 352 farina, 527 ianitrices, 211 monere, 305 per-magnus, 352 fax, 523 ignis, 478 mori, 321 pinsere, 359 feci, 125 induere, 73 mors, 321 pix, 355 Jei, 475 ingruo, 187 movere, 308 plangere, 361 felare, 121, 531 inquit, 392 mūcro, 327 planus, 367 ferlre, 82 iocus, 214 mulgere, 311 pons, 563 ferre, 88 Ira, 45 murmurare, 326 porcus, 344 ferus, 518, 524 ire, 151 musca, 326 pullus, 343, 349, fiber, 85 iugum, 213 nancisci, 336 374 figere, 127, 515 iungere, 214 naris, 336 pulvis, 350 filius, 531 iūs, 216 natiO, 171 putare, 360 filum, 179 iuvenis, 209 ne-, 331 pūtere, 374 jlere, 528 lacer, 291 ne, 331 putillus, 37 4 fligere, 96 lama, 292 necubi, 265 putus, 360 jloccus, 362 lana, 504 nepas, 332 qualis, 253 jluere, 94 lascivus, 291 neptis, 332 quatere, 268 fodere, 89 latrare, 294 nere, 336, 551 quii!s, 243 foedus, 77 lavare, 284 ni, 332 quinque, 351 foramen, 107 lenis, 279 nidus, 290 quintus, 351 forare, 82, 106 lepidus, 52 ninguit, 416 restis, 380 įorda, 87 levis, 280 nomen, 557 ros, 376 įores, 147 li!vis, 542 nonus, 126 rota, 376 forum, 149 liber, 296 novem, 126 ruber, 384 fovere, 119 liber, 282 novus, 330 rudere, 377 fraces, 135 lingere, 285 nox, 328 ruere, 378, 379 frangere, 102 linum, 287 nūdus, 339 rūfus, 377 frater, 102 lira, 289 occa, 46 rumpere, 378 frendere, 186 luctor, 290 octavus, 64 rūta, 379 įūmus, 145 lūcus, 275 octo, 65 sal, 548 gemma, 515 lūdere, 277 oculus, 47 saliva, 564 gena, 512 lūna, 561 ornus, 481 satis, 418 gens, 171 lūx, 561 os, 480, 482 scindere, 400 glaber, 183 macerare, 301 ostium, 482 scindo, 400 glans, 175 mancus, 311 ovis, 74 scribere, 408 gobius, 193 manus, 311 palea, 350 scrobis, 407 granum, 520 marcere, 312 pallidus, 343, scūtum, 404 gremium, 191 mare, 306 349 secare, 205 grūs, 173 maritus, 306 palūs, 349 sedere, 391 gurdus, 195 mater, 324 pectere, 353 si!men, 393 haruspex, 514 medius, 309 pecu, 348 senex, 393 helvus, 169, 512, mi!nsis, 312 pecū, 348 sentire, 398, 399

515 merda, 415 pecus, 348 septem, 393 hiare, 520 mergere, 308 pedere, 89 septimus, 394 hiems, 519 metere, 314 peilis, 365 sequi, 392 homo, 521 miscere, 300 pendere, 420 serere, 395, 549 hordeum, 525 mitis, 316 penum, 350 serescere, 267 hortus, 536 molere, 303 penus, 350 si!rus, 267

INDICES 677

servare, 394 ursus, 204 Lombardian dia, 128

sex, 446 uterus, 494 palta, 80 doi!, 545

sextus, 446 ūva, 198 do·e-prinn, 99

socer, 446 vanus, 510 Piemontese domain, 144

socrus, 455 vapor, 264, 268 pauta, 80 domun, 144

sol, 390 varus, 505 draigen, 140

somnus, 389 vehere, 500 Oscan druid, 431

sopire, 389 velle, 496 tauto, 461 ech, 65

soror, 395 verbera, 505 fedb, 567

spernere, 422 verbum, 489 fedid, 484, 499

spolium, 418 vermis, 490 CELTIC fer, 505

spuere, 422 verrūca, 567 fichid, 494

spūma, 418 versus, 491 Old Irish fid, 309, 500

stamen, 433 vertere, 498 aball, 339 folt, 487

stare, 430 vespa, 488 ad, 462 gaibid, 167, 184

striga, 432 vesper, 485 airne, 480 galar, 511

strigare, 432 vetus, 500 ait, 340 glenaid, 183

subūcula, 69 vicinus, 217 as·gleinn, 534 gran, 520

sūcus, 552 vicus, 217, 502 au, 71 gulban, 193

sūdor, 552 videre, 495 aue, 74 ingen, 327

suere, 400 viere, 508 bairgen, 527 ingreinn, 187

sūgere, 552 vincere, 494, bech, 92 intech, 553

supare, 436 495 ben, 558 irar, 155

talis, 468 vincire, 495 b6, 536 lainn, 291

taurus, 460 vir, 505 both, 107 lan, 356

tendere, 458 virere, 495 bra, 103 luaidid, 363

tenebrae, 479 virga, 509 brU, 100, 103, lug, 297

tenuis, 465 vivere, 179 528 mathir, 324

terere, 468 viverra, 510 buith, 108 meilid, 303

terlius, 470 vivus, 180 caech, 235 mid, 309

tongere, 467 volpes, 505 cern, 238 muir, 306

trabs, 472 vomere, 497 cesaid, 241 nanaid, 332

tremere, 470 vorare, 172 cliath, 251 necht, 332

tres, 471 vulpes, 274 ciu, 452 nel, 317

tū, 473 cnai"d, 253 nenaid, 337

tueri, 461 Medieval Latin crothaim, 257 nert, 329

tumere, 335 punctum, 111 cruach, 258 noine, 337

turdus, 431 cruim, 246 nue, 330

uer, 493 French cu, 455 6, 556

uidua, 567 suie, 435 cuach, 234 6 (ua), 68

ulna, 51 vermeil, 567 cual, 233 radid, 384

umbilicus, 562 cuar, 232 rai"t, 205

umbra, 478, 479 Spanish daingen, 530 raith, 344, 419

uncare, 202 a/iso, 50 dair, 143 rigid, 380

uncus, 56, 493 daur, 143 roth, 376

unda, 488 Romanian delg, 130 ruad, 377

unguis, 327 balta, 80 derb, 143 salach, 564

ūnus, 501 derg, 116 salann, 548

678

scaraim, 405 sce, 410 sciath, 404 sen, 393 siur, 395 sle(1)th, 392 smech, 414 snigid, 416 snffd, 336 sruith, 432 suide, 435 tanae, 465 t-anaic, 336 techid, 462 treb, 472 truid, 431 truit, 431 tuath, 461 tuilid, 466 ubull, 340 uilen, 51 uinnius, 481

Middle Irish ailit, 153 cosachtach, 254 crem, 239 crim, 239 cuire, 226 elit, 153 escung, 55 find, 566 laidid, 277 ochtach, 373 tochra, 258

Modem Irish bolg, 79 draoib, 135 meith, 322 moais, 299

Old Welsh ocet, 46 strutiu, 432

Middle W elsh di-llyd, 284

elein, 153 galar, 511 gieu, 179 huddygl, 435 nerth, 329 ucher, 485

Welsh afal, 340 afall, 339 bara, 527 bwyd, 558 cawg, 234 ceinach, 564 cern, 238 cnoi, 253 coel, 559 cordd, 226 craf, 239 dryll, 142 eirin, 480 ewig, 73 galiu, 162 gogrynu, 258 gw(y)chi, 488 gwallt, 487 gwydd, 500 g'Wydd, 500 gylf, 193 gylfin, 193 llywarn, 274 medi, 314 megin, 301 merch, 312 newyn, 337 pas, 254 pryf, 246 rhudd, 377 rwhygo, 381 ysbyddad, 410 ysgwyd, 404

Old Breton guohi, 488

Breton huzel, 435 spezad, 410

INDICES

Gaulish diups, 144, 532 dubnos, 144 dius, 117 mercasius, 306 drauhsos, 142 odocos, 151 driugan, 137

faihu, 348 Celtiberian f airnin, 352 silabur, 396 fimf, 351

frajJi, 371 frajJjan, 369

GERMANIC frojJs, 371 fulls, 356

Gothic fuls, 360, 372 af, 369 gadaban, 110 ajhlajJan, 252 gadaursan, 137 afmauijJs, 324 gadraban, 137 afskiuban, 410 gadrauhts, 137 aggwus, 56 galeiks, 286 ahana, 555 galga, 511 ahs, 48, 158 gamunds, 320 ainlif, 283 ganaitjan, 334 akran, 480 garaid, 547 alhs, 50 (ga)raidjan, 548 anjJars, 57 gards, 164 ara, 155 garedan, 384 arms, 204 giban, 167 asans, 556 gojJs, 110, 194, asilus, 63 534 appan, 66 graban, 186 atjJinsan, 464 grid, 187 aukan, 68 gulp, 554 auso, 71 guma, 521 awo, 74 hafjan, 254 ba, 75 hails, 559 bai, 43 haims, 441 baidjan, 85 hairda, 239 bairan, 88 hairto, 443, 449 bairgan, 90 hamfs, 224 barn, 88 harjis, 226 biuhts, 208, 214 hauri, 267 blandan sik, 93 heito, 219 brikan, 102 hilpan, 168, 442 brojJar, 102 hina, 451 bruPfajJs, 346 hleijJra, 251 dailjan, m hoha, 439 daug, 117 hors, 538 dauhtar, 145 huhrus, 237 distairan, 123, hunda, 448

132 hunds, 455

INDICES 679

Ivas, 230 sandjan, 399 wulfs, 503 flj6ta, 363 lvapar, 232 saps, 418 wulla, 504 fljuga, 363 lvapo, 541 satjan, 417 484 fl6a, 364 ik, 63 sauil, 390 fl6rr, 367 itan, 158 saurgan, 399 Old Icelandic forkr, 352 ip, 66 sibun, 393 argr, 62 fr6or, 371 jer, 154 silubr, 396 askr, 481 fplr, 343 jus, 215 sitjan, 391 austr, 72 galgi, 511 kaurn, 520 siujan, 400 ax, 158 gaili, 511 keinip, 518 skulan, 402 barn, 88 gina, 520 kinnus, 512 snaiws, 416 barr, 527 glfkr, 286 kunnan, 520 sniwan, 551 belja, 90 g6mr, 184 laikan, 269, 278 speiwan, 422 berja, 82 gųrn, 514 lauf, 296 steigan, 427 berr, 83 gramr, 191 leihts, 280 stigqan, 428 bjalki, 81 grapa, 189 lein, 287 stilan, 392 bjarga, 90 grautr, 187 letan, 277 stols, 426 bjųrn, 87 greioa, 548 lewjan, 282 sunus, 435 blanda, 93 greior, 547 lisan, 281 swistar, 395 blunda, 93 grind, 189 liufs, 282 tagr, 63 blundr, 93 gumpr, 535 liugan, 294' 295 taihswa, 124 bora, 82 ha, 237, 442 liuts, 289 taihun, 124 branga, 98 haddr, 231 loja, 292 taihunda, 124 bringa, 98 hamr, 538 mag, 298 pagkjan, 467 brj6ta, 99 har, 67, 443 malan, 303 parba, 458 broddr, 104 ha-sin, 245 marei, 306 paurp, 472 brun, 100, 103 haugr, 232 maurgins, 320 peihan, 465 buo, 107 haull, 262 mena, 312 piuda, 461 by, 92 hauss, 234 midjis, 309 pugkjan, 467 dao, 125 heimr, 441 mimz, 312 pusundi, 474 dalkr, 130 heitr, 219, 220 mitan, 307 triu, 123 dapr, 529, 531 hela, 439 nahts, 328 tuggo, 285 deyja, 150 herr, 226 naqaps, 339 uspriutan, 472 draf, 135 heymeiss, 299 naus, 337, 338 waggs, 488 dregg, 135 hjalpa, 168, 442 naups, 562 wair, 505 drengr, 136 hjarn, 444 nepla, 336 wairilom, 567 drepa, 138 hjarri, 229 ni, 331 wairpan, 498 drjugr, 142 hj61, 220 niujis, 330 waldan, 486 dr6ttinn, 137 hlaun, 452 niun, 126 wato, 488 dųkk, 529 holmr, 222 niunda, 126 waurd, 489 eista, 202 horr, 228 niutan, 330 waurms, 490 eitr, 537 hraor, 255, 257 nu, 338 weihan, 494 ekki, 153 hrata, 257 qiman, 177 weihs, 502 epli, 340 hrjufr, 255 qino, 558 widuwo, 567 falr, 350 hrffi, 540 raups, 377 wiljan, 496 feyja, 374 hryggr, 258 rodjan, 384 witan, 495 fjall, 365 huo, 243 saian, 395 wrikan, 490 fla, 545 hungr, 237 salt, 388 wulan, 497 fleyor, 364 hvannj6li, 70

680 INDICES

hvel, 559 rjufa, 378 pungr, 467 tira, 131 hyrr, 267 rjupa, 203 p9mb, 463, 468 vale, 44 h9ggva, 234 r6a, 205 p9rf, 458 var, 497 illr, 51 ryja, 379 ur, 215 istr, 205 rrelJa, 384 valr, 59, 496 Old Swedish jarpi, 212 saga, 386 vangr, 488 drygher, 142 j9lstr, 50 sa/d, 398 var, 497 mygga, 326 kambr, 512 salr, 387 vatn, 488 valmoghe, 44 kind, 171 sar, 396 vax, 493 var, 497 klina, 183 saurr, 437 vega, 500 klfpa, 181 segja, 387 veig, 501 Swedish kryppa, 190 silfr, 396 vilJr, 500 alla, 152 kvelia, 162 sine, 420 vilJr, 309 brind, 100 k9kkr, 196 sj6lJa, 396 visir, 485 bulta, 90 Zagr, 543 skarlJr, 404 visk, 509 dank, 529 lax, 274 skarpr, 408, 550 v9rr, 567 harr, 228 leig(j)a, 269, skera, 248, 405 ylgr, 503 mjag, 414, 415

287 slag, 452 res, 62 smula, 414 leika, 269, 278 slelJi, 413 9gn, 555 streke, 565 lemja, 272 slim, 412, 550 9gr, 158 valbji:im, 44 likr, 286 slyngva, 412 91, 53 lind, 281 snua, 551 9/r, 50 Old English lisan, 281 s6t, 435 9m, 155 acweoma, 510 lj6tr, 289 speni, 420 9sp, 154 a-JYran, 360 ljuga, 295 sperna, 422 tigietan, 522 16fi, 292 sporna, 422 Modern aldaht, 152 lylJr, 281 spraka, 422 Icelandic alor, 50 magi, 301 spretta, 423 hlar, 448 :Edre, 340 mega, 298 springa, 422 meilJ, 322 regnan, 555 meilJa, 300 stakkr, 426 :Es, 300 meiss, 299 stinga, 428 Norwegian brer, 83 melr, 414, 415 st6rr, 430 bolta, 90 bealca, 79, 81 mergr, 308, 413 straumr, 424 dabb(e), 531 beard, 82 miga, 322 suga, 552 daper, 529, 531 beo, 92 mj9llnir, 544 surr, 437 dobbe, 143 beofor, 85 mosi, 326 svefn, 389 dokk, 529 bera, 87 my, 326 sveinn, 437 drav, 135 blandan, 93 myrkr, 317, 320 s9lr, 564 dump, 145 blat, 92 m9skvi, 308 telgja, 113 flein, 366 blendan, 93 nar, 337, 338 tivar, 128 gana, 170 bleo, 92 nata, 337 trega, 141 harr, 228 boti, 105 naulJ, 562 tregr, 139 hjarn, 444 brecan, 292 nift, 332 tyr( v)i, 123 kumla, 536 breotan, 99 nj6ta, 330 pak, 429 nor, 333 broc, 292 nyt, 330 piggja, 462 olda, 152 brū, 103 6ss, 480 porp, 472 smol, 414 cinn, 512 ra, 376 praut, 472 smola, 414 clyppan, 181 rilJa, 381 pr9str, 431 temba, 468 cū, 536

INDICES 681

cwelan, 162, 170 hreodan, 256 sot, 435 bugbear, 109 cwellan, 162 hruse, 261 sped, 420 dike, 159 dted, 125 hungor, 237 spincan, 421 drone, 469 dalc, 130 hweohhol, 220 spornan, 422 dump, 143 delfan, 120, 556 hweol, 220 spowan, 420 hame, 223 deorc, 116 hwosta, 254 sprincan, 422 hoar, 440 deorfan, 131 hyd, 243 springan, 422 maiz, 299 dic, 126 hyll, 221 stelan, 392 quab, 557 ealdoht, 152 idel, 168 stenan, 427 sallow, 564 ear, 209 igel, 160 stowian, 430 spunk, 421 eg(_e)pe, 46 igel, 160 sunne, 390 ened, 57 inca, 153 sūr, 437 Old Frisian eoh, 65 leah, 275 swiit, 552 Bugibus, 109 fiim, 418 lesan, 281 swot, 388 fearn, 419 lind, 281 tengan, 122 West Frisian fell, 365 lox, 297 teoru, 123 dreech, 142 jleogan, 363 m<to, 307 pearf, 458 jleos, 363 melcan, 311 prafian, 469 Old High jlies, 363 mengan, 305 preotan, 472 German jlocan, 361 migan, 322 pūma, 335 ahil, 158 jlor, 367 nearu, 333 punian, 468 ahir, 158 jlowan, 364 neja, 332 tiergan, 131 ahsa, 63 frod, 371 nest, 290 tolūcan, 276 iila, 199 fūl, 372 netel, 337 ūder, 346 angar, 479 jyran, 360 netele, 337 wad, 496 anut, 57 f<Et, 372 netie, 337 wang, 488 apful, 340 gealla, 511 rrecan, 380 wear, 567 aran, 556 geap, 192 reofan, 378 weax, 493 ar-fūrian, 360 gelic, 286 reotan, 377 weleras, 567 ase, 481 gemynd, 320 ringan, 375 widu, 500 aspa, 154 gietan, 522 rowan, 205 word, 489 iitar, 340 grimman, 191 sii, 396 wrioan, 381 attah, 151 grindan, 186 sagu, 205, 386 wrion, 383 attuh, 151 ham, 528 sceofan, 410 wyrm, 490 balg, 79, 81 hara, 564 sceorfan, 407 bar, 83 hiit, 220 sceorpan, 407 Middle English barn, 88 heap, 233 sceort, 403 blundren, 93 bart, 82 helma, 236 sceran, 405 bugge, 109 bellan, 90 heorr, 229 scia, 438 humbul-be, 222 berjan, 82 hiwan, 550 scort, 403 scolden, 220 bero, 87 hnitu, 183 screpan, 407 wodewiile, 509 bia, 92 hofer, 265 scūfan, 410 wrau, 375 bibar, 85 hOh, 245 sear, 390 bini, 92 holm, 222 sendan, 399 Modem bleizza, 92 hriPd, 255 seooan, 396 English boron, 106 hriPa;, 255 slidan, 413 ail, 158 brart, 104 hramsa, 239 slim, 550 blunder, 93 brehhan, 292 hreaw, 261 slincan, 412 bugaboo, 109 bruoh, 292

682 INDICES

chuo, 536 hal(a)m, 548 leisa, 289 rucki, 258 dah, 429 halon, 220 lesan, 281 saga, 386 darba, 458 hama, 528 linta, 281 salwo, 564 dicken, 462 hamo, 223, 538 liogan, 295 salz, 548 digen, 462 har, 443 liuti, 281 scart, 404 dlhan, 465 harawen, 218 loh, 275 scellan, 220 dingan, 465 harmilln, 445 loub, 296 schurz, 403 dioh, 460 harmo, 445 luhs, 297 scina, 438 draen, 468 haso, 564 magan, 298 scrintan, 248 egida, 46 hei, 219 mago, 44, 301 sehs, 446 eihhurn( o), 510 heim, 441 mahhOn, 315 sehsto, 446 eiscon, 198 heiz, 219, 220 maho, 44 seid, 386 eitar, 537 hemera, 236 malan, 303 seil, 67 elina, 51 heri, 226 mano, 312 sibunto, 394 elira, 50 hilfan, 442 maska, 308 silabar, 396 erila, 50 hinta, 454 mein, 298 sinnan, 399 erwergen, 499 hladan, 252 meisa, 299 siadan, 396 fallan, 372 (h)niz, 183 metu, 309 skeran, 265 falo, 343 hola, 262 mos, 326 skero, 265 farah, 344 hornuz, 450 mucka, 326 slango, 412 Jarh, 344 houwan, 234 muntar, 303 slingan, 412 faz, 372 hovar, 265 muoan, 324 slito, 413 fearh, 344 hrad, 255 muojan, 324 snabul, 415 fehtan, 353 hrucki, 258 muon, 324 sorga, 399 feim, 418 hūfo, 233 muoter, 324 spannan, 356 Jei, 365 humbal, 222 murmulon, 326 stechan, 552 fihu, 348 hummel, 222 naan, 551 steg, 551 fimfto, 351 hungar, 237 naba, 562 stellen, 565 fiuhta, 373 hunt, 448 nabalo, 562 stillen, 466 flah, 361 huosto, 254 nabulo, 562 swehur, 446 fliogan, 363 hūt, 243 nagai, 327 swein, 437 fliugan, 363 igil, 160 nasa, 336 swelli, 436 flocko, 362 igil, 160 nezzila, 337 swigar, 455 fluor, 367 ital, 168 nift, 332 sworga, 399 įrisk, 370 jar, 154 not, 562 tapjar, 529, 531 fūl, 360, 372 kalo, 163 nuoen, 253 touwen, 150 galgo, 511 kinan, 518 ottar, 477 tragi, 139 gans, 514 kiuwan, 517 quala, 167 trebir, 135 geil, 161 klenan, 183 quelan, 170 treffan, 138 gelo, 169, 512, korb, 227 rad, 255, 376 treno, 469

515 kraen, 190 ratan, 384 truhtin, 137 gersta, 525 kranuh, 173 rawa, 53 tungen, 121 git, 167 kropf, 190 redan, 257 tuon, 125 glat, 183 laffa, 292 rehhan, 490 turi, 147 goumo, 184 lahs, 274 reihhon, 380 unc, 55 guomo, 184 lao, 448 rlho, 382 vlius, 363 guot, 194 lappa, 293 ringan, 375 waen, 499, 500 hahsa, 248 /appo, 292 rosa, 261 wajsa, 488

wahs, 493 wala, 487 waldan, 486 warah, 497 wele, 503 were, 492 werdan, 498 wintbrawa, 566 wirken, 492 wisa, 433 witu, 500 wolehan, 486 wormo, 567 wurgen, 499 zan(d), 115

Middle Higb German babe, 96 blaejen, 528 bobe, 96 derken, 122, 123 dingen, 465 draben, 469 droz, 472 galle, 511 gereite, 547 getwas, 149 glinzen, 534 grit, 187 ham(e), 223 harm, 441 harn, 441 helm, 236 hemer, 236 hemere, 236 hoeker, 232 hover, 265 kamp, 224 klafter, 181 lafter, 249 leeken, 278 mane, 311 meren, 312 quetsehen, 173 reite, 547 seherzen, 403 sehrimpfen, 408

slltan, 413 terken, 122, 123 tungen, 121 vern(e), 352 vern(en)t, 352 vlies, 363 vlius, 363 witewal, 509

Modem High German alden, 152 Barseh, 159 be-, 58 denken, 467 drisseln, 317 Drohne, 469 drusen, 317 drussig, 317 Hasen, 433 jauge, 208 jok, 214 kampen, 224 Kaulquappe,

557 kennig, 237 Kummet, 223 munter, 325 quappe, 557 Seher, 265 Teieh, 159 Trauermantel,

442 Wange, 488 wiedewaleh, 509 Wisent, 433 Zarm, 444 Zarm, 444 zergen, 131 Zerm, 444

Middle Low German anken, 202 brok, 292 draf, 135 grinen, 188 henge, 237

INDICES 683

hOp, 233 spoed, 420 inster, 205, 559 sproe, 422 nare, 333 swager, 455 narwe, 333 verseh, 370 quabbe, 557 vlae, 361 seharf, 227 vloeke, 362 slap, 411 wrijeh, 382 snavel, 415 wrijf, 382 tergen, 131 wrijghe, 382 visel, 354

Modem Dutch Modem Low bij, 92 German donderen, 185 drabbe, 135 donk, 529 konke, 237 draf, 135 naar, 333 haam, 223 gubbe, 535 haas, 248 krumpen, 540 janken, 202

kwaad, 167 Old Saxon kwab, 557 adro, 340 kwabbe, 557 balko, 79, 81 quabbe, 557 dreno, 469 liek, 286 harmo, 445 lieken, 286 hetian, 219 naar, 333 hramusia, 239 seharten, 403 quala, 167 seheuren, 410 quappa, 557 spinnekop, 266 linda, 281 spoed, 420 magosamo, 44 spokken, 421 makon, 315 sprokken, 421 meldon, 302 stillen, 457 seuddian, 268 tergen, 131 seggian, 387 wielewaal, 509 seimo, 436 woest, 129 thiggian, 462 wringen, 375 thili, 465 zaluw, 564 thrabon, 469 watar, 488

ARMENIAN Middle Dutch alowes, 274 dapper, 529 anie, 183 deel, 465 anieanem, 334 dele, 465 arawr, 60 dije, 126, 529 ard, 61 quabbe, 557 ardn, 60 laeu, 448 atamn, 115 lees, 289 awj, 55

684 INDICES

beran, 106 sirt, 443, 449 NON-INDO- Estonian ehar, 353 stin, 420 EUROPEAN angerjas, 479

eln, 153 xacanem, 232 hOim, 441

efam, 61 Finnish kaav, 438

ezr, 158, 159 aes, 46 magun, 44

geljk', 169 ALBANIAN ankerias, 479 pahr, 344

gišer, 485 ah, 481 harja, 443 vaha, 493

hac'i, 481 balte, 80 harju(s), 228 haw, 74 hie, 549 heimo, 441 Livonian henum, 356 k6he, 560 heina, 447 aina, 447

Jil, 179 Uge, 283, 286 jarvi, 209 ardo, 60

k 'irtn, 552 mjekre, 414 kak/a, 220 kekš, 235

kalal, 194 m6tre, 324 karpas, 227 kow, 166

kardam, 178 vetulle, 509 kauha, 234 maggon, 44

kaw, 557 kaula, 220 krukn, 195 kesa, 556 Karelian kufn, 195 MESSAPIAN koivu, 166 ardo, 60

lakem, 271 �pev<5ov, 100 /auta, 364 macanim, 315 �pEVTOV, 100 lautta, 363 Vepsian malem, 303 lohi, 274 ard, 60

meg, 317 lunka, 296 hard'uz, 228

mor, 301 THRACIAN nuode, 554 harjus, 228

ner, 211 Tautomedes, rastas, 431 net, 332 461 saiko, 511 Saami olb, 479 silta, 466 suoidni, 447

oln, 51 tuhat, 474 orcam, 377 vaha, 493 Mongolian ozni, 160 khom, 223

safn, 444 khomut, 223