the labyrinth: building, myth and symbol

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AEGAEUM 39Annales liégeoises et PASPiennes d’archéologie égéenne

METAPHYSISRITUAL, MYTH AND SYMBOLISM

IN THE AEGEAN BRONZE AGE

Proceedings of the 15th International Aegean Conference, Vienna, Institute for Oriental and European Archaeology,

Aegean and Anatolia Department, Austrian Academy of Sciences and Institute of Classical Archaeology, University of Vienna,

22-25 April 2014

Edited by Eva ALRAM-STERN, Fritz BLAKOLMER, Sigrid DEGER-JALKOTZY, Robert LAFFINEUR and Jörg WEILHARTNER

PEETERSLEUVEN - LIEGE

2016

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CONTENTS Obituaries ix Preface xiii Abbreviations xv KEYNOTE LECTURE Nanno MARINATOS

Myth, Ritual, Symbolism and the Solar Goddess in Thera 3

A. FIGURINES

Eva ALRAM-STERN Men with Caps: Chalcolithic Figurines from Aegina-Kolonna and their Ritual Use 15

Florence GAIGNEROT-DRIESSEN

The Lady of the House: Trying to Define the Meaning and Role of Ritual Figures with Upraised Arms in Late Minoan III Crete 21

Reinhard JUNG and Marco PACCIARELLI

A Minoan Statuette from Punta di Zambrone in Southern Calabria (Italy) 29

Melissa VETTERS All the Same yet not Identical? Mycenaean Terracotta Figurines in Context 37

Eleni KONSOLAKI-YANNOPOULOU

The Symbolic Significance of the Terracottas from the Mycenaean Sanctuary at Ayios Konstantinos, Methana 49 B. HYBRID AND MYTHICAL CREATURES

Fritz BLAKOLMER

Hierarchy and Symbolism of Animals and Mythical Creatures in the Aegean Bronze Age: A Statistical and Contextual Approach 61

Karen Polinger FOSTER Animal Hybrids, Masks, and Masques in Aegean Ritual 69

Maria ANASTASIADOU Wings, Heads, Tails: Small Puzzles at LM I Zakros 77 C. SYMBOLISM

Janice L. CROWLEY

In the Air Here or from the World Beyond? Enigmatic Symbols of the Late Bronze Age Aegean 89

Marianna NIKOLAIDOU Materialised Myth and Ritualised Realities: Religious Symbolism on Minoan Pottery 97

Helène WHITTAKER Horns and Axes 109

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iv CONTENTS

Olga KRZYSZKOWSKA Warding off Evil: Apotropaic Practice and Imagery in Minoan Crete 115

Emilia BANOU and Brent DAVIS The Symbolism of the Scorpion in Minoan Religion: A Cosmological Approach on the Basis of Votive Offerings from the Peak Sanctuary at Ayios Yeoryios Sto Vouno, Kythera 123

Nancy R. THOMAS “Hair Stars” and “Sun Disks” on Bulls and Lions. A Reality Check on Movements of Aegean Symbolic Motifs to Egypt, with Special Reference to the Palace at Malkata 129

Malcolm H. WIENER Aegean Warfare at the Opening of the Late Bronze Age in Image and Reality 139 D. SPACE / LANDSCAPE

Santo PRIVITERA The Tomb, the House, and the Double Axes: Late Minoan IIIA2 Hagia Triada as a Ritual and ‘Mythical’ Place 149

Sam CROOKS, Caroline J. TULLY and Louise A. HITCHCOCK Numinous Tree and Stone: Re-Animating the Minoan Landscape 157

Barbara MONTECCHI The Labyrinth: Building, Myth, and Symbol 165

Birgitta EDER Ideology in Space: Mycenaean Symbols in Action 175

Lyvia MORGAN The Transformative Power of Mural Art: Ritual Space, Symbolism, and the Mythic Imagination 187 E. FUNERALS

Luca GIRELLA Aspects of Ritual and Changes in Funerary Practices Between MM II and LM I on Crete 201

Anna Lucia D’AGATA and Sara DE ANGELIS Funerals of Late Minoan III Crete: Ritual Acts, Special Vessels and Political Affiliations in the 14th and 13th Centuries BC 213

Ann-Louise SCHALLIN The Liminal Zone – The Evidence from the Late Bronze Age Dendra Cemetery 223

Mary K. DABNEY Mycenaean Funerary Processions as Shared Ritual Experiences 229

Michael LINDBLOM and Gunnel EKROTH Heroes, Ancestors or Just any Old Bones? Contextualizing the Consecration of Human Remains from the Mycenaean Shaft Graves at Lerna in the Argolid 235 F. RELIGION / DEITIES

Jeffrey S. SOLES Hero, Goddess, Priestess: New Evidence for Minoan Religion and Social Organization 247

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CONTENTS v

Ute GÜNKEL-MASCHEK Establishing the Minoan ‘Enthroned Goddess’ in the Neopalatial Period: Images, Architecture, and Elitist Ambition 255

Veronika DUBCOVÁ Divine Power from Abroad. Some New Thoughts about the Foreign Influences on the Aegean Bronze Age Religious Iconography 263

Cynthia W. SHELMERDINE Poseidon, pa-ki-ja-na and Horse-Taming Nestor 275

Irene SERRANO LAGUNA di-u-ja 285 G. SANCTUARIES

Mercourios GEORGIADIS Metaphysical Beliefs and Leska 295

Wolf-Dietrich NIEMEIER Ritual in the Mycenaean Sanctuary at Abai (Kalapodi) 303

Olga PSYCHOYOS and Yannis KARATZIKOS The Mycenaean Sanctuary at Prophitis Ilias on Mount Arachnaio within the Religious Context of the 2nd Millennium B.C. 311 H. RITUALS / OFFERINGS

Barbara HOREJS and Alfred GALIK Hunting the Beast. A Reconstructed Ritual in an EBA Metal Production Centre in Western Anatolia 323

Philip P. BETANCOURT, Thomas M. BROGAN and Vili APOSTOLAKOU Rituals at Pefka 329

Alessandro SANAVIA and Judith WEINGARTEN The Transformation of Tritons: Some Decorated Middle Minoan Triton Shells and an Anatolian Counterpart 335

Artemis KARNAVA On Sacred Vocabulary and Religious Dedications: The Minoan ‘Libation Formula’ 345

Monica NILSSON Minoan Stairs as Ritual Scenes. The Monumental Staircases of Phaistos “66” and Knossos “Theatral Area” under the Magnifying Glass 357

Bernice R. JONES A New Reading of the Fresco Program and the Ritual in Xeste 3, Thera 365

Andreas G. VLACHOPOULOS Images of Physis or Perceptions of Metaphysis? Some Thoughts on the Iconography of the Xeste 3 Building at Akrotiri, Thera 375

Fanouria DAKORONIA Sacrifice on Board 387

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vi CONTENTS

Jörg WEILHARTNER Textual Evidence for Burnt Animal Sacrifice and Other Rituals Involving the Use of Fire in Mycenaean Greece 393

Chrysanthi GALLOU Mycenaean Skulls: “ἀμενηνά κάρηνα” or Social Actors in Late Helladic Metaphysics and Society? 405

Assaf YASUR-LANDAU The Baetyl and the Stele: Contact and Tradition in Levantine and Aegean Cult 415 I. MYTH / HEROES / ANCESTORS

Magda PIENIĄŻEK and Carolyn C. ASLAN Heroic Past, Memory and Ritual at Troy 423

John G. YOUNGER Identifying Myth in Minoan Art 433

Joanne M.A. MURPHY The Power of the Ancestors at Pylos 439

Elisabetta BORGNA and Andreas G. VORDOS Construction of Memory and the Making of a Ritual Landscape: the Role of Gods and Ancestors at the Trapeza of Aigion, Achaea, at the LBA-EIA Transition 447

Anne P. CHAPIN Mycenaean Mythologies in the Making: the Frescoes of Pylos Hall 64 and the Mycenae Megaron 459 J. METAPHYSIS

Robert B. KOEHL The Ambiguity of the Minoan Mind 469

Thomas G. PALAIMA The Metaphysical Mind in Mycenaean Times and in Homer 479

Alan PEATFIELD A Metaphysical History of Minoan Religion 485 POSTERS

Eva ALRAM-STERN A New Mycenaean Female Figure from Kynos, Locris 497

Katrin BERNHARDT Absent Mycenaeans? On Mycenaean Figurines and their Imitations on Crete in LM IIIA–IIIB 501

Tina BOLOTI

A “Knot”-Bearing (?) Minoan Genius from Pylos. Contribution to the Cloth/Clothing Offering Imagery of the Aegean Late Bronze Age 505

Dora CONSTANTINIDIS Proximity Analysis of Metaphysical Aegean Ritual Spaces During the Bronze Age 511

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CONTENTS vii

Stefanos GIMATZIDIS The Tree of Life: The Materiality of a Ritual Symbol in Space and Time 515

Louise A. HITCHCOCK, Aren M. MAEIR and Amit DAGAN Entangling Aegean Ritual in Philistine Culture 519

Petros KOUNOUKLAS Griffin at Kynos. How, Why, and When? 527

Tobias KRAPF Symbolic Value and Magical Power: Examples of Prehistoric Objects Reused in Later Contexts in Euboea 531

Susan LUPACK pu-ro, pa-ki-ja-ne, and the Worship of an Ancestral Wana x 537

Madelaine MILLER The Boat – A Sacred Border-Crosser in Between Land and the Sea 543

Sylvie MÜLLER CELKA Caring for the Dead in Minoan Crete: a Reassessment of the Evidence from Anemospilia 547

Marcia NUGENT

Portals to the Other: Stepping through a Botanic Door 557

Marco PIETROVITO Beyond the Earthly Shell: the Minoan Pitcher Bearers. Anthropomorphic Rhyta of the Pre- and Protopalatial Periods (Differentiating the Sacred from the Divine) 563

Jörg RAMBACH Early Helladic Romanos/Messenia: Filling a Well 567

Caroline THURSTON New Approaches to Mycenaean Figurines in LH IIIC 571

Michaela ZAVADIL Souvenirs from Afar – Star Disk Pendants Reconsidered 575 ENDNOTE

Joseph MARAN Towards an Anthropology of Religion in Minoan and Mycenaean Greece 581 TO CONCLUDE …

Thomas G. PALAIMA WI Fc 2014: When is an Inscribed Cigar Just a Cigar? 595

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THE LABYRINTH: BUILDING, MYTH, AND SYMBOL* Introduction

The focus of this paper is the labyrinth, something that can refer to three different entities: 1) a real building, since several labyrinths are mentioned in Egypt, Greece, Miletus and Italy by ancient authors and inscriptions1, 2) an imaginary building, that is a building consisting of numerous halls connected by intricate and tortuous passages in which, according to the myth, the Minotaur was held, and 3) a widespread metaphor and symbol, a unique configuration with certain well-defined and rigid characteristics which we find across the Mediterranean and beyond, from pre-history to the present day2.

Previous studies which have focused on different aspects of the question (for example, the analysis of the Linear B texts and the Greek literary sources, the etymology of the word, the recognition of the Labyrinth in the Knossos Palace or in other buildings or natural caves in Crete, the origin of the symbol and so on) are innumerable. Of course, I am not presenting a comprehensive and exhaustive study on the subject here, nor reviewing all the previous literature. Rather my aim is to re-evaluate the earliest attestations for each main value given to the “labyrinth” over the centuries until Hellenistic and Roman Times, starting with the epigraphic and iconographic evidence dating back to the Mycenaean Age. I intend to emphasize the diachronic perspective, in order to outline the transformation processes, and to walk the demarcation line between the two points of view from which the labyrinth can be approached - the physical and the metaphysical - trying to clarify how and when it achieved a material presence and come to occupy a specific place in the mind. Due to the gaps in the evidence at our disposal, chiefly for the final stages of the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age, we must be aware that we are retracing dashed and uncertain steps rather than following a continuous and developing trail. A physical, mythical, and metaphoric place

On three Linear B tablets recording religious offerings from Knossos we find the term da-pu(2)-ri-to. KN Gg(1) 702 (103) .1 pa-si-te-o-i / me-ri *209vas 1 .2 da-pu2-ri-to-jo , / po-ti-ni-ja ‘me-ri’ *209vas 1 KN Oa 745[+]7374 (-) .1 a-ka-[ ]-jo-jo , me- [ .2 da-pu2- [-to-jo ] po-ti-ni-j ri *166+WE 22[ KN Xd 140 (“124”) .1 da-pu-ri- [ .2a pa-ze-qe , ke-wo[ .2b *47-ta-qo[ .3 *47-[ .4 inf. mut. * I would like to thank Prof. Cynthia Shelmerdine for reading and commenting my paper, and all those

scholars who provided me with valuable suggestions during the Metaphysis Conference. Any remaining infelicities are my responsibility.

1 Pliny Nat. Hist. XXXVI.19; Strabo VIII.6.2 and XVII.1.37; at Rome, IG 14.1093; at Miletus, Milet.7.56, Supp.Epigr.4.446 (3rd/2nd B. C.).

2 Inter al. H. KERN, Labyrinthe. Erscheinungsformen und Deutungen. 5000 Jahre Gegenwart eines Urbilds (1982); P. REED DOOB, The idea of the Labyrinth from Classical Antiquity through the Middle Ages (1990).

Barbara MONTECCHI 166

On the first tablet, in the second line, we clearly read da-pu2-ri-to-jo as a genitive singular, and it is likely that in the other two fragmentary texts we must also read da-pu2-ri-to-jo as part of the goddess Potnia’s title. The first tablet records two offerings of honey, one jar for all deities (pa-si-te-o-i), and one jar for the Potnia of da-pu2-ri-to, and the second an offering of linen cloth, again for the Potnia of da-pu2-ri-to. Therefore, from these texts da-pu2-ri-to seems to be the name of a cult place. Moreover, in the first line of the third tablet we find the term da-pu-ri- [, which can be an alternative spelling of da-pu2-ri-to, but it is too fragmentary to add further information. From a syntactic point of view, it is equally possible that it is either a place-name, the name of a sacred cave, or the name of a building. Nevertheless, no place name still in use in historical times can be compared with this term, while the comparison with the word is linguistically plausible3. The alternation between dental and liquid sounds is also attested in other words of pre-Hellenic origin, such as / (from which Latin Ulixes derives)4. On the other hand, syllabogram *29, which is widely accepted as a phonetic variant of pu and conventionally transcribed as pu2, is used as an unvoiced aspirated labial in instances such as pu2-te-re /phut res/ “planters” (KN V(1) 159.4; PY Na 520.B), or ]pu2-te-me-no /[pe]phutemenon/ “planted” (PY Er 880.2). However, this does not rule out its possible use also as the voiced labial “b”, as several scholars have already argued5. This would be shown also by the alternative spelling da-pu-ri-to in KN Xd 140. Therefore the linguistic interpretation as /daburinthojo potnij i/ is the most likely, although it remains doubtful whether we can translate it as “to the Mistress of the Labyrinth”, with specific reference to the mythical Labyrinth of Knossos6, or whether it should be translated as “to the Mistress of Labyrinth”, that is to say “worshipped in a place called Labyrinthos (or something similar)”, in a translation that does not imply any reference to the myth7. We can add that the suffix -inthos/-ynthos often characterises place names of pre-Hellenic origin, like Kórinthos and Amárynthos8, but this is not a rule and, as a consequence, doesn’t prove the hypothesis that the word

originally was a place name. Moving to historical times, we must wait for the 5th century B.C. for the first attestations of the

term. We possibly find a brief reference to the Labyrinth as a building with a roofless area (i.e. a court) in a fragment of Sophocles ( )9, but the oldest meaningful mention of the term is in Herodotus (II.148), who uses it for a huge and extremely complex Egyptian funeral temple. Then, the metaphorical notion of inextricabilis error10, applied to tortuous questions or arguments, prevails in poetic and figurative speeches beginning with Plato (Euthyd. 291b). Therefore, we can say that the word basically indicated something tortuous.

On the other hand, according to the mythological tradition attested only from the Hellenistic period onward, by authors such as Callimachus (Del. 311), Diodorus Siculus (I.61), Hyginus (Fab. 40 and 41), Plutarch (Thes. 15-16 and 19), Apollodorus (Bibliotheca III.1.4 and III.15.8) and Pausanias (I.27.10), was the name of the building built by Daidalos to hold the Minotaur, the hybrid creature, a man with a bull’s head, who was born from the union of a bull sent by Poseidon to Minos, king of Knossos, and Pasiphae, the king’s wife11. As everybody knows, the Labyrinth was characterised by such a complex and confusing series of passageways that nobody could find their way out from it,

3 L.R. PALMER, “Observations on the Linear B Tablets from Mycenae”, BICS 2 (1955) 40; ID., The

Interpretation of Mycenaean Greek Texts (1956) 238-239. 4 Recently Y. DUHOUX, “Mycenaean Anthology”, in Y. DUHOUX – A. MORPURGO DAVIES (eds.),

A Companion to Linear B Mycenaean Greek Texts and their World I (2008) 263. 5 Inter al. J.L. MELENA, “On Untransliterated Syllabograms *56 and *22”, in Tractata Mycenaea (1987) 226-

227. 6 Inter al. L. GODART, “Il labirinto e la Potnia nei testi micenei”, RendNap 50 (1975) 144. 7 Among the scholars who argue that da-pu(2)-ri-to-jo is a place name, see S. HILLER, “Amnisos und das

Labyrinth”, ZivaAnt 31 (1981) 63-72. 8 A. QUATTORDIO MORESCHINI, Le formazioni nominali greche in -nth- (1984). 9 Fragmenta ed. by A.C. PEARSON (1917) 1030; A. NAUCK – B. SNELL (eds.), Tragicorum Graecorum

Fragmenta (1964) 342 Soph. fr. 926. 10 Inextricabilis error is the expression used by Vergil Aen. VI.27. 11 For a complete review of all attestations of the Labyrinth as the Minotaur prison house see F.

HUMBORG, s.v. Labyrinthos, in RE XII 1 (1924) 311-322.

THE LABYRINTH: BUILDING, MYTH, AND SYMBOL 167

except Thesesus, son of the king of Athens, who managed to kill the Minotaur and escape from the Labyrinth, thanks to the thread he was given by Ariadne, daughter of Minos. On Attic red-figure vases (ca. 440-430 B.C.) Theseus is at times represented dragging the dead Minotaur out of the Labyrinth, depicted as a temple with Doric or Ionic columns12. On at least one example, Athena, the patron goddess of Athens and consequently of Theseus, is overseeing what is happening13.

We must also recall that Diodorus Siculus (I.61 and I.97) and Pliny the Elder (Nat. Hist. XXXVI.19) argued that Daidalos’s construction derived from the aforementioned Egyptian funerary temple, remarkable for its complex design, which was still visible at the time and was previously mentioned by Herodotus (see supra). Nevertheless the word - doesn’t find any definitive correspondence either in Greek or in the Egyptian vocabulary (the suffix – is Greek)14. I personally think that Herodotus, followed by other authors, might have given the Egyptian building a name already in use in Greece to refer to something extremely complex and tortuous, as he did when he called Egyptian deities with the name of Greek deities who shared the same characteristics with them (e.g. Apollo for Horus, and Dionysus for Osiris).

Finally, some authors and inscriptions mention several other buildings as labyrinths. Pliny the Elder, for example, also tells us about a building known as “labyrinth” on the island of Lemnos, and another made by King Porsena in Etruria to serve as his tomb. Moreover, Strabo also uses the term labyrinths for unspecified structures built inside “Cyclopean” caverns near Nauplion, in the Argolid (Geography VIII.6.2). Since no structure inside huge caverns is known near Nauplion, it is probable that Strabo reports information derived from his sources without really understanding or personally checking it. Thus, such labyrinths might refer to a Mycenaean complex of rock-cut chamber tombs15, as Strabo clearly distinguishes these “Cyclopean” caves and the works therein from the “Cyclopean” walls of Tiryns, but suggests that they might have been built by the same Cyclops (Geography VIII.6.11). The myth

At this point, the first question that arises is related to when and where the myth of the Minotaur and the Labyrinth was born. In order to try to answer this question, we can collect and assess evidence for the existence of a Mycenaean narrative core to this myth.

Let us start with two epigraphic suggestions from Knossos. The first deals with the term da-da-re-jo-de, an allative form attested in a record of olive oil intended as cult offering (KN Fp 1.3) and on a very small fragment (KN X 723). KN Fp(1) 1 (138) .1 de-u-ki-jo-jo ‘me-no’ .2 di-ka-ta-jo / di-we OLE S 1 .3 da-da-re-jo-de OLE S 2 .4 pa-de OLE S 1 .5 pa-si-te-o-i OLE 1 .6 qe-ra-si-ja OLE S 1 [ .7 a-mi-ni-so , / pa-si-te-o-i S 1 [ .8 e-ri-nu , OLE V 3

12 LIMC VII/1 s.v. Theseus and Minos I. 13 The scene is depicted on kylix no. 11265 kept at the National Archaeological Museum of Madrid (LIMC

VII/1, 941 and VII/2, 661: Theseus 240). The scene is comparable with that on kylix E 84 at the British Museum in London.

14 C. Obsomer, who writes in favour of the derivation of the term Labyrinth from the name of the Egyptian building mentioned by Herodotus, admits that no Egyptian etymology is fully convincing: C. OBSOMER, “Hérodote, Strabon et le mystère du labyrinthe d’Égypte”, in Amosiadès. Mélanges offerts au

Professeur Claude Vandersleyen par ses anciens étudiants (1992) 221-333; C. OBSOMER, “Hérodote II 148 à l’origine du mot Labyrinthos? La minotauromachie revisitée”, Cretan Studies 9 (2003) 105-186, spec. 112-114, with previous references.

15 More than 50 chamber tombs are known at Nauplion: B.L. SJÖBERG, Asine and the Argolid in the Late

Helladic III Period (2004) 124.


.9 *47-da-de OLE V 1

.10 a-ne-mo , / i-je-re-ja V 4

.11 vacat

.12 to-so OLE 3 S 2 V 2

KN Fp 1 records different amounts of olive oil sent to deities, such as Zeus Diktaios and the Pantheon, to the priestess “of the Winds”, and to two names in the allative form, da-da-re-jo-de, in line three, and *47-da-de, in line nine. Therefore, due to the religious context, the interpretation as

“to the Sanctuary of Daidalos” is fairly safe. The possibility that da-da-re-jo is derived from the name of a god or hero is suggested by comparison with analogous forms such as po-si-da-i-jo(-de) in PY Tn 316v.1 and Fn 187.2. Moreover, a is attested in Attica by an inscription dated to 367/6 B.C.16. This seems to refer to a shrine in Attica where Daidalos, who at that time symbolized the craftsman par excellence, was honoured as a local hero17. Nevertheless, comparison with forms like di-ka-ta-jo (attested in the same tablet, at line two) prevents us from ruling out the possibility that da-da-re-jo was not derived from a personal name, but from a place name18.

Although the oldest references to Daidalos as the architect of the Labyrinth of the Minotaur are obviously as late as mentions of that Labyrinth, he is already known as the most famous artist and craftsman who worked in the service of king Minos and his family from Homer onward19.

Finally, the a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja attested in a fragmentary religious text (KN V 52.1), may have something to do with the myth of the Athenian hero Theseus20. Also in this case the ambiguity of the Linear B spelling leaves us in doubt as to whether the first part of the sequence, a-ta-na, is a dative singular (“To the Mistress Athana”), possibly connected with the name of the goddess Athena21, or a genitive singular dealing with a place name (“To the Mistress of Athana”), possibly Athens in Attica22. We do not even know whether Linear A syllabic groups A-TA-NA-JE, inscribed on a Cretan pithos found at Akrotiri (THE Zb 6), and A-TA-NA-TE on two tablets from Zakros (ZA 9.4 and 10.2) have anything to do with Linear B a-ta-na-23.

Moving on to the iconographic evidence dating back to the Late Bronze Age, we find several depictions of hybrid creatures carved on Minoan seals, in which human and animal (including bovine) features are variously mixed24. The most remarkable as regards the present study are: 1) a man with a possible bull’s head on a sealing from Zakros that dates to the LM IB, i.e. the 16th cent. – beginning of the 15th cent. B.C., (CMS II/7.021)25, 2) a hybrid creature, portrayed with a human body, at least from the waist down, with the neck and head of a bull, which we found in the large group of so-called “Spectacle-Eye” seals, which date as back as the LM IIIA1, i.e. late 15th - early 14th century B.C., (CMS II/3.67; III.363; VI.302; IX.127; X.145; XI.251; XIII.61.84; V/Suppl. 3.223)26.

For the sake of completeness, we also mention a Minoan gold signet ring found in a Mycenaean tomb in Athens (CMS V.173). It might support the idea of a possible connection of the myth with Athens and/or Athena as far back as the Mycenaean Age, if we see in it a man with a bull’s head,

16 SEG XII 100.11-12. 17 S.P. MORRIS, Daidalos and the Origins of Greek Art (1992) 259-261, 357-358. 18 HILLER (supra n. 7) 68. 19 MORRIS (supra n. 17). 20 S. HILLER, “Mycenaean religion and cult”, in Y. DUHOUX – A. MORPURGO DAVIES (eds.), A

Companion to Linear B Mycenaean Greek Texts and their World 2 (2011) 205. 21 L. GODART (supra n. 6); C. BOËLLE, PO-TI-NI-JA: L’élément féminin dans la religion mycénienne (2004) 68-

69. 22 J.GULIZIO, K. PLUTA and Th.G. PALAIMA, “Religion in the Room of the Chariot Tablets”, in

POTNIA, 456-457 and 460. 23 Ch. BOULOTIS, “ (THE 7-12):

”, : 1967-1997 (2008) 69-71. 24 N. SCHLAGER, “Minotauros in der ägäischen Glyptik?”, in Fragen und Probleme der Bronzezeitlichen

ägäischen Glyptik (1989) 225-239; J.L. CROWLEY, The Iconography of Aegean Seals (2013) 52, 97-98, 232-234. 25 D. LEVI “Le cretule di Zakros”, AnnScAtene 8-9 (1925-1926) 174, nr. 171, fig. 209. 26 J. YOUNGER “The Spectacle-eyes Group: Continuity and Innovation”, in Minoisch-mykenische Glyptik:

Stil, Ikonographie, Funktion, V. internationales Siegel-Symposium, Marburg 23.-25. September 1999 (2000) 350.


leading away two captive girls, with, on the extreme left, a column or pillar suggesting a building27. Of course, Minoan vessels and seals found in LH IIIA1 contexts testify contacts and exchanges between Crete and Athens from the first half of the 14th cent. B.C.28, but the understanding of the scene carved on that seal and the recognition of the bull’s head are far from clear, so I prefer to leave this out of my arguments.

Although the term is never attested in Homer or in Hesiod, the oldest allusion to the Cretan exploit of Theseus is in Od. XI.321-325, when Odysseus tells the Phaecians he saw Ariadne on the island of Dia, left there by Theseus, who at first intended to take her to Athens from Crete. On the other hand, the oldest depictions of Theseus and the Minotaur date to the mid 7th century B.C. (e.g. on a stamnos from Sicily)29. Moreover, many scholars agree in recognizing the Minotaur in a quadruped with a horned, presumably human, head, depicted on the neck of the Basel amphora dating as far back as to 675-650 B.C.30, and perhaps on other two roughly contemporary fragmentary amphorae, one from Attica, and the other from the island of Tenos31. These three amphorae belong to the workshop of the Tenian relief vases, thus they attest the existence of a different and less successful iconographical type of “Minotaur”, at least in the Cyclades in this early phase. However, it is safe to say that the myth of Theseus and the Minotaur was already defined in the seventh century B.C. The symbol

On the reverse of tablet PY Cn 1287, we find a drawing that already represents a labyrinth in the shape of the symbol that will be widespread in the First Millennium and which is still depicted and used today (Pl. LVIIIa)32. Based on a suggestion by Sir Arthur Evans, some scholars think that it was born as a schematic representation of the architectural plan of the Palace of Knossos33. Evans34, in fact, took a piece of information from Plutarch, who argues that would have meant “double axe” in the Lydian language, which in Greek is (Moralia IV.302a). Then he linked it with the central figure of the bull, both in the myth of the Minotaur and in the wall paintings with bull-leapers from the Palace of Knossos, possibly representing a ritual performed in the central court of the Palace. As a result, he argued that the double axe was a ceremonial tool used to sacrifice bulls and identified the Knossos palace with the Labyrinth, which would have meant “House of the Double Axes”. Moreover, Evans pointed out that the Egyptian Hieroglyph for “Palace” (a a) represents the plan of the Palace courtyard, with a two-storey tower-like building standing in its innermost angle, and suggested that this pattern itself could be regarded as the nucleus of the standard meander pattern, which might have been taken over to represent the Cretan Palace-Sanctuary, in other words, the Labyrinth35.

Nevertheless, ancient literary sources never identify the Labyrinth with the Palace of Minos and that traditional etymology based on the presumed link between and is today mostly abandoned36. It must be clear that we have no evidence supporting the hypothesis that the drawing on PY Cn 1287, which is not an ideogram, originated from the plan of a Minoan Palace. Such a high degree of abstraction as is implied in the creation of a symbolic convention by moving

27 S.A. IMMERWAHR, The Athenian Agora. The Neolithic and Bronze Ages (1971) 192. 28 N. SGOURITSA, “Myth, Epos, and Mycenaean Attica: the Evidence Reconsidered”, in EPOS, 268-271;

S. PRIVITERA, Principi, Pelasgi e pescatori. L’Attica nella Tarda Età del Bronzo (2013) 36. 29 LIMC VI/1 575; VI/2 pl. 316.6. 30 LIMC VI/2 pl. 321.33. 31 E. SIMANTONI-BOURNIA, “Minotaur: The acclimatization of a Cretan hybrid in the Cyclades”, in

Kreta in der geometrischen und archaischen Zeit (2013) 383-393. 32 J. HELLER, “A Labyrinth from Pylos?”, AJA 65 (1961) 57-62. 33 F. CORDANO “Il labirinto come simbolo grafico della città”, Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome 92/1

(1980) 11; A.L. D’AGATA, “The many lives of a ruin: history and metahistory of the Palace of Minos at Knossos”, in Cretan Offerings: Studies in honour of Peter Warren (2009) 366.

34 A. EVANS, “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult and its Mediterranean Relations. With Illustrations from Recent Cretan Finds”, JHS 21 (1901) 106-112.

35 EVANS, PM I 358-359, fig. 257. 36 B. MONTECCHI, Luoghi per lavorare, pregare morire. Edifici e maestranze edili negli interessi delle élites micenee

(2013) 40, 42-44 with previous references.


from the architectural design of a real building, is fairly unlikely if not aimed at being used as an ideogram, and would remain an unexplained and isolated phenomenon. In Mesopotamia and Egypt architectural plans are well known starting from the late 3rd Millennium B.C.37, but they served practical building purposes, while the first architectural plan attested in the Greek world is incised on the Hellenistic temple of Athena at Priene38. On the other hand, the graphic affinity with meander patterns or solar symbols is shown by many comparisons with decorative ornaments from Egypt, the Near East, and Aegean. As far as Egypt is concerned, we may also recall the meander patterns on seals and plaques of the 6th Dynasty and the immediately ensuing period, i.e. from the second half of the 3rd Millennium B.C. on (Pl. LVIIIb)39, and those painted on the ceiling of the tomb of Hepzefa at Assiut during the reign of Sesostris I (1971-1928 B.C.)40. A reduction of all these patterns to the “Palace” hieroglyph mentioned above remains a pure speculation. Moreover, the meander pattern and its many variants cannot be exclusively connected to the “Palace” imagery.

In the Aegean, various meander patterns, compositions of solar symbols and spirals are well known on seals from at least the Final Neolithic Period onward (e.g. CMS V.78.80.521.714). On Crete in particular, we have several examples on seals and sealings from the EM II onward (e.g. CMS II/1.16.38.60.314; II/7.223; III/1.15)41, in addition to the meanders depicted on a painted floor from the Palace of Phaistos (Pl. LVIIIc), and on the fresco fragments from the Lower passage-way, just East of The Hall of the Double Axes, both dating to the MM III42. Summing up, this wide patrimony of ornamental designs provides a reliable iconographic background and shows a technique which could lead towards the evolution of the “labyrinth” as it is depicted on the reverse of PY Cn 128743, but does not at all prove the existence of any reference to the Palace of Knossos.

Moreover, it is important to underline that no true link exists between the meander drawn on the Pylian tablet and the daburinthojo potnija, nor with the myth of the Labyrinth. The front of the tablet, in fact, records goats given by various individuals, including craftsmen and a “slave” of the Goddess Diuja, therefore it may be a list of religious offerings, but, given the high percentage of Linear B records written for various religious purposes, this is not a meaningful datum in itself, and no word overlaps with the Knossian records where daburinthojo potnija is attested. Furthermore, the tablet belongs to a different geographical area and chronological period. It dates, in fact, to the end of the 13th/beginning of the 12th cent. B.C., while the three Knossian tablets date to the 14th cent. B.C., even if they are probably not contemporaneous (they come from three different contexts: Gg 702 from the “Gallery of the Jewel Fresco”, Oa 745[+]7374 from the “Throne Room”, and Xd 140 from the “Room of the Chariot Tablets”)44.

Here we can only hint at the round type “labyrinth”, which spreads during the Iron Age and might have a parallel, somewhat independent, development, only later conceptually overlapping with the square type as the symbol of the Minotaur’s Labyrinth. Archetypes of the canonical round type “labyrinth” can be seen in the spiral shape configurations which are widespread all around the world, including the Bronze Age Aegean45. Moreover, some examples engraved on stones in Italy (Val

37 J.P. HEISEL, Antike Bauzeichnungen (1993) 9ff. 38 HEISEL (supra n. 37) 158ff; L. HASELBERGER, “Architectural likenesses: models and plans of

architecture in classical antiquity”, Journal of Roman Archaeology 10 (1997) 77-94. 39 EVANS, PM I 357, 359 fig. 258. 40 M.C. SHAW, “Ceiling Patterns from the Tomb of Hepzefa”, AJA 74 (1970) 25-30, pl. 5-6. 41 CROWLEY (supra n. 24) 124 I 123, 286 E 314. 42 P. MILITELLO, Gli affreschi minoici di Festòs (2001) 148-149, pl. A.2; EVANS, PM I 356-357, fig. 256. See

also L. MORGAN, “Minoan Paintings and Egypt: the case of Tell el-Dab‘a”, in Egypt, the Aegean and the

Levant: interconnections in the Second Millennium BC (1995) 43-44. 43 See also L.J.D. RICHARDSON, “The Labyrinth”, in Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium on Mycenaean

Studies (1966) 285-286, with previous references. 44 The chronology of the ca. 3500 tablets and sealings found in the Palace of Knossos is a matter of dispute,

for an overview see J. DRIESSEN, “Chronology of Linear B Texts”, in Y. DUHOUX – A. MORPURGO DAVIES (eds.), A Companion to Linear B. Mycenaean Greek Texts and their World I (2008) 72.

45 I thank Prof. J. Younger for providing me with information and photographs of a clay stamp seal with an interesting spiral or round maze configuration from Gournia which dates to the MM IIB. It will be


Camonica, and Luzzanas in Sardinia), Spain and Northern Europe could even go back to the Bronze Age, but the chronology of such incisions and compositions is highly uncertain46. In any case, explaining the astonishing diffusion in time and space of the “labyrinth” symbol in the canonical round and square types, and clarifying the relationship between the two, remains beyond the scope of the present contribution.

Moving on, Pliny the Elder47 was the first to observe that the Labyrinth built by Daidalos was characterised by a complex and confusing series of pathways, whereas the labyrinth symbol, depicted for example on Roman mosaic floors, had a single through-route, like the one on the Mycenaean tablet, with twists and turns but without branches. A labyrinth in this sense has an unambiguous route to the centre and back and is not designed to be as difficult to navigate as the building in which Theseus would have risked getting lost if he had not had Ariadne’s thread48.

Indeed, at first sight the labyrinth’s path, chiefly in the rounded type, may appear allusive of Ariadne’s thread, even if it is not constituted by a single continuous line. It has also been suggested that the configuration originated with the steps of the particular dance Daidalos devised for Ariadne (Il. XVIII.590-592)49, but it seems to me that this suggestion rests upon a weak and over-interpreted piece of evidence50. Finally, Latin sources tell of games performed by boys following similar paths in the Campus Martius, the so called Lusus Troiae51. Such a ceremonial “ride” might be represented on the famous Etruscan jug from Tagliatella (late 7th cent. B.C.) with a round type “labyrinth” depicted behind two horsemen and qualified by the inscription “truia”52. Indeed, this seems an additional use of the labyrinth pattern, which perhaps may have originated in the Etruscan area in the First Millennium and concerns only the round type.

Ultimately, what is at stake in the definition of the way out of the Labyrinth? The concept of centre seems to embody the entire symbolic value: it is something that swallows you up like vertigo, and doesn’t let you out. For this reason, from Antiquity to the present day, it has acted as a powerful metaphor for a special human condition, not only of the body, but above all of the mind and soul, when we feel trapped and imprisoned with no way out.

At this point we may wonder when the relationship between the meander pattern and the myth of the Labyrinth is first attested. As we have already pointed out, the meander pattern is widely attested all over the Mediterranean and Near East, from the Neolithic Age onward, in contexts with no reference to the myth of the Minotaur nor to the Labyrinth. Just to give one of the many known examples from the Historical Period, we can recall the famous loom weights from Francavilla Marittima, an indigenous site in Southern Italy, which date to the 8th century B.C.53 On these loom weights various meander patterns act as frames enclosing human or animal figures, such as aquatic birds or horses. More striking is the square type “labyrinth” scratched, as a doodle, on the upper side of a gabel-sima from the Acropolis of Athens dated to the 6th cent. B.C.54 Meander patterns act as frames in the depictions of the Minotaur on Attic vases (at least from the first half of the 5th cent. B.C.), but we must wait for the coins from Knossos, dated from the second half of the 5th to the 2nd cent.

published, with references and comparanda, next year in the Hesperia Journal.

46 KERN (supra n. 2) 34, 38, 39, 87-98. 47 Nat. Hist., XXXVI. 19. 85. 48 Visual representations of labyrinths in antiquity always show just a single route: inter al. REED DOOB

(supra n. 2). 49 KERN (supra n. 2) 56-64. 50 On this matter MONTECCHI (supra n. 36) 41. 51 Vergil Aen. V.588ff., and Pliny Nat. Hist., XXXVI.19.85. 52 KERN (supra n. 2) 99-111, with previous references. The depiction on the Tagliatella jug has also been

contrasted with two labyrinths of the round type on fragmentary jugs from Tell Rifa’at in Syria, but both the interpretation and the chronology (perhaps 8th – 7th cent. B.C.) of the latter are doubtful: P. E. PECORELLA, “Una testimonianza del labirinto nella Siria settentrionale”, in Antichità Cretesi: Studi in onore

di Doro Levi (1974) 168-171. 53 M. KLEIBRINK, Oenotrias at Lagaria near Sybaris: a native proto-urban centralised settlement (2006) 104-105, 123-

124, figs. 33.19a, 38c, 49.5-8. 54 E. BUSCHOR, Die Tondächer der Akropolis I (1929) 45-46.

z21

Hervorheben

Tra

z21

Hervorheben

Tra


B.C., to find the meander or the “labyrinth” symbol on its own (i.e. without any function as a frame) and with a clear and unambiguous reference to the Labyrinth of the Minotaur55. The oldest examples portray the Minotaur on one side and on the other a symmetrical meander pattern (Pl. LVIIId). Only later (from the late 4th cent. B.C.) do we find a square labyrinth of the conventional type on the reverse (Pl. LVIIIe), at times containing a star or the Minotaur’s head at its centre, and the head of different goddesses and gods on the obverse (e.g. Hera, Apollo, Zeus or Minos)56. In addition to this, we can mention the meander pattern carved on the ceilings of the two staircases located at both sides of the ante-chamber of the Hellenistic Temple of Apollo at Didyma57. These two staircases led to an upper gallery overlooking the cella and to the roof, but what is striking is that they are referred to as labyrinths in the construction-records of the building58. Due to the technical nature of the text, here the term may mean “corridors”, more precisely corridors with twists, since they are -shaped, but other scholars prefer to explain the name with a supposed function in chthonian oracular rituals of possible Pre-Greek origins59. However, the first attestation of the word in connection with that well defined square configuration we find on the Pylos tablet as well as on Hellenistc coins from Knossos is on a Graffito from “Casa di Lucrezio” in Pompeii (CIL IV 2331)60.

Summing up, we lack the evidence to suggest that the drawing on the verso of Cn 1287 symbolised the Knossian Labyrinth. It is a peculiar configuration, which takes four stages to be drawn, starting with a cross with angle brackets and corner dots61. In the end, the “labyrinth” on Cn 1287 could be nothing more than a doodle or a game, a diversion from the boring work of record-keeping, like the other drawings we occasionally find on the reverse of Linear B tablets (e.g. MY Oe 106), or in place of the inscription (HM 1259)62. Concluding remarks

I. Although I have previously suggested that da-pu(2)-ri-to was the name of a still unidentified cult

building dedicated to the Potnia in or near Knossos63, after a more detailed consideration of the evidence at our disposal, it seems more likely that da-pu(2)-ri-to was the name of a place near Knossos where a sanctuary dedicated to the Potnia was located, in other words a building, or a cave, or an open-air place of cult.

II. The etymology of the word is still debated64, but if we assume that it originated from this place name, we must take into consideration that: 1) in historical time this term is chiefly applied to physical and metaphoric tortuous pathways, 2) Minoan and Mycenaean cult architecture is anything but complex, and 3) the Minoan tradition of sacred caves is well known. Therefore, as has already been suggested by other scholars, if da-pu(2)-ri-to corresponded to

, such a Potnia’s sanctuary should be located in a cave65. Going forward on this route, as the “meander” originated from the name of a river in Caria noted for its winding course (the

River), so the “labyrinth” could have originated from the peculiarities of a Cretan

55 W.H. MATTHEWS, Mazes and Labyrinths (1922) 44-45, figs. 20-31. 56 G. LE RIDER, Monnaies crétoises du Ve au Ier siècle av. J.-C. (1966) 175-181, in particular 178 n. 1. 57 Th. WIEGAND, Didyma. Erster Teil. Die Baubeschreibung (1941) 79-80, tab. 85 fig. 327. 58 Th. WIEGAND, Didyma. Zweiter Teil. Die Inschriften (1958) nos. 25ff. 59 J.C. MONTEGU, “Note on the Labyrinths of Didyma”, AJA 80 (1976) 304-305. 60 MATTHEWS (supra n. 55) 45-46. 61 HELLER (supra n. 32) 58; RICHARDSON (supra n. 43) 285-299. 62 HELLER (supra n. 32) 59; M.A.V. GILL, “HM 1259 – A Minoan ‘doodle’”, Kadmos 9 (1970) 38-41. 63 MONTECCHI (supra n. 36) 44. 64 P. CHANTRAINE, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque (1999) s.v.; M. GUIDI, “Greco :

note di linguistica mediterranea”, Minos 25-26 (1990-1991) 175-193, with previous references. 65 Recently inter al. G. SARULLO, “The Cretan Labyrinth: Palace or Cave?”, Caerdroia 37 (2008) 31-40.

Suggested identifications include the Skoteino Cave, about 9 km South-East from Amnisos: P. FAURE, Fonctions des cavernes crétoises (1964) 166-173, and HILLER (supra n. 7) 72. Less likely is the identification with a cave near Gorthys, which is first referred to as the Labyrinth of the Minotaur in the 11th cent. A.D. by Georgius Cedrenus Hist.compend., in Patr.Gr. CXXI.248 D: D.V. SIPPEL, “The Supposed Site of the Cretan Labyrinth”, The Ancient World 14/3 (1986) 67-79.


cave noted for its corridors66. Following this scenario over time, the Greeks would have used this name both for figurative and concrete meanings, the latter being for buildings, both real and mythical, which were supposed to share an analogous tortuous plan and/or function as a jail.

III. Some scholars have compared Linear B da-pu2-ri-to with, on the one hand, Linear A(-)DU-PU2-RE (PK Za 8, 15, HT Zb 160, and perhaps KO ZA 1) and, on the other, with Hebrew debîr (“the innermost recess” of the Temple of Jerusalem) and abbûr (“omphalos”), and have concluded that Linear B da-pu2-ri-to came from Linear A(-)DU-PU2-RE and that the latter meant “sacred cave”67. This hypothesis is indeed very intriguing, since these terms might sound similar, but how reliable is it?68

IV. Evidence at our disposal suggests that the myth of the Minotaur developed in a fluid and non linear way, with elements taken from various sources of inspiration and progressively added and changed. The figure of the monster itself could refer to the hybrid creature, half man and half bull, attested on Cretan seals at least from the LM IIIA1, if not even from the LM IB69. Nevertheless, on the one hand, the man-headed bull variant attested by three Tenian relief amphorae shows flexibility in the representation of the imaginary being70, and, on the other, we have no secure evidence for a Cretan origin of the myth of the Athenian hero Theseus fighting against the Minotaur. Therefore, it is likely that this exploit of Theseus was elaborated in the Athenian context, after the Late Bronze Age, possibly in the late 8th cent. B.C., that is, not much before its first attestations, in which, as we have just said, an initial flexibility in the Minotaur iconography can be still detected71. This might be when the name of the real Mycenaean cult place dedicated to the Potnia near Knossos shifted to the mythical building where the Minotaur was held. This may also be when the name Daidalos, from which the Cretan cult place da-da-re-jo derives, might have shifted to refer also to the mythical artist.

V. However, the hypothesis that Linear B da-pu(2)-ri-to corresponds to alphabetical Greek is fascinating and plausible, but far from certain. Therefore, we cannot completely

rule out another possibility, that both the name and the square type symbol of the Labyrinth had an Egyptian origin, and perhaps that “labyrinth” was indeed the name of such a peculiar configuration. Further studies would need to be carried out in a diachronic perspective, with the assistance of a specialist in Egyptology, in order to clarify the use of the meander pattern, both as a decorative and ideographic sign, and to evaluate possible Egyptian comparanda for the term.

VI. As far as the symbol of the square “labyrinth” is concerned, a graphic and perhaps conceptual relationship with the widespread meander-shaped configuration is shown by many comparisons, but it is not always possible to distinguish when they are used as simple decorative patterns, often with an idea of frame and enclosure, and when they also have a symbolic implication, referring to something that holds and swallows you, and from which you cannot get out. What is sure is that the meander pattern and the peculiar configuration already attested on the reverse of PY Cn 1287 began to be used as symbols of the mythical building of the Minotaur only in the First Millennium B.C. We cannot say exactly when, since we can pinpoint it with certainty only from the early Hellenistic Period.

Barbara MONTECCHI

66 Ovid compares the Labyrinth’s passageways built by Daidalos with the winding course of the Meander

River (Met. VIII.162-168). 67 F. ASPESI, Archeonimi del labirinto e della ninfa (2011) 11-37. 68 For different interpretations of Linear A DU-PU2-RE and the texts in which it is attested, see recently B.

DAVIS, “Syntax in Linear A: The Word-Order of the ‘Libation Formula’”, Kadmos 52/1 (2013) 43-46, with previous references.

69 SCHLAGER (supra n. 24). 70 SIMANTONI-BOURNIA (supra n. 31) 387-390. 71 Of course, we cannot rule out the possibility that “Theseus incarnates the Mycenaean memories from

Attica” and that “these narratives were based on a sound prehistoric substratum” (SGOURITSA supra n. 28), but the commercial ties between Attica and Crete during the LH IIIA-B do not provide us with evidence for this.


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl. LVIIIa Reverse of tablet PY Cn 1287 with the “labyrinth” drawing (courtesy of the National Archaeological Museum of Athens; ©Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports /Archaeological Receipts Fund.).

Pl. LVIIIb Egyptian seal with meander pattern (after EVANS, PM I 358, fig. 258c). Pl. LVIIIc Painted plaster from the Palace of Phaistos (after D. LEVI, Festòs e la civiltà minoica I [1976] pl.

LXXXVb). Pl. LVIIId Coin from Knossos, late 5th cent. BC. (after LE RIDER [supra n. 56] pl. XIV.24). Pl. LVIIIe Coin from Knossos, beginning of the 3rd cent. BC. (after LE RIDER [supra n. 56] pl. VII.13).

LVIII

a b

c

d e

the labyrinth: building, myth and symbol

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