the aegean before and after c. 2200 bc between europe and asia: trade as a prime mover of cultural...

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12/I 12/I 2 0 1 5 T A G U N G E N D E S L A N D E S M U S E U M S F Ü R V O R G E S C H I C H T E H A L L E

Herausgeber Harald Meller, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Reinhard Jung und Roberto Risch

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt?

22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?

7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentagvom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

22oo BC

– Ein K

limasturz als U

rsache für den

Zerfall der A

lten W

elt?

Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle

Band 12/I | 2015

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt? 22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?

7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

7th Archaeological Conference of Central Germany October 23–26, 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

landesmuseum für vorgeschichteLandesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt?

22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a

cause for the collapse of the old world?7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

7th Archaeological Conference of Central GermanyOctober 23–26, 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

Tagungen desLandesmuseums für Vorgeschichte HalleBand 12/I | 2015

herausgegeben von Harald Meller, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Reinhard Jung und Roberto Risch Halle (Saale) 2o15

Die Beiträge dieses Bandes wurden einem Peer-Review-Verfahren unterzogen. Die Gutachtertätigkeit übernahmen folgende Fachkollegen: Prof. Dr. Helge Wolfgang Arz, Prof. Dr. Robert Chapman, Prof. Dr. Janusz Czebreszuk, Dr. Stefan Dreibrodt, Prof. José Sebastián Carrión García, Prof. Dr. Albert Hafner, Prof. Dr. Svend Hansen, Dr. Karl-Uwe Heußner, Dr. Barbara Horejs, PD Dr. Reinhard Jung, Dr. Flemming Kaul, Prof. Dr. Ourania Kouka, Dr. Alexander Land, Dr. José Lull García, Prof. Dr. Rafael Micó, Prof. Dr. Pierre de Miroschedji, Prof. Dr. Louis D. Nebelsick, Prof. Dr. Marco Pacciarelli, Prof. Dr. Ernst Pernicka, Prof. Dr. Lorenz Rahmstorf, Prof. Dr. Roberto Risch, Prof. Dr. Jeremy Rutter, Prof. Dr. Gerhard Schmiedl, Anja Stadelbacher, Dr. Ralf Schwarz, Prof. Dr. Gerhard Trnka, Prof. Dr. Jordi Voltas, Dr. Bernhard Weninger.

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://portal.dnb.de abrufbar.

isbn 978-3-9445o7-29-3 issn 1867-44o2

isbn (universitat autònoma 978-84-49o-5585-o de barcelona)

Redaktion Markus C. Blaich, Konstanze Geppert, Kathrin Legler, Anne Reinholdt, Manuela Schwarz, Anna Swieder, David Tucker, Melina Wießler Redaktion und Übersetzung Sandy Hämmerle • Galway (Irland), Isabel Aitken • Peebles (Schottland), David Tucker der englischen Texte Organisation und Korrespondenz Konstanze Geppert, Anne Reinholdt Technische Bearbeitung Thomas Blankenburg, Anne Reinholdt, Nora Seeländer

Sektionstrenner Gestaltung: Thomas Blankenburg, Nora Seeländer; S. 33 Photograph Brooklyn Museum, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund, 39.1. Creative Commens-BY; S. 95 © Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen; S. 333 © UAB-ASOME; S. 481 © R. Kolev (National Museum of History, Sofia), © Dr. M. Hristov (National Museum of History, Sofia); S. 669 © J. Lipták, München; S. 8o3 © Aberdeen University Museum, © National Museums of Scotland, © Dr. A. Sheridan (National Museums of Scotland) Umschlag Malte Westphalen, Nora Seeländer

Für den Inhalt der Arbeiten sind die Autoren eigenverantwortlich.

© by Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt – Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte Halle (Saale). Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt unzulässig. Dies gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfil- mungen sowie die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen.

Papier alterungsbeständig nach din/iso 97o6 Satzschrift FF Celeste, News Gothic

Konzept und Gestaltung Carolyn Steinbeck • Berlin Layout, Satz und Produktion Anne Reinholdt, Nora Seeländer Druck und Bindung LÖHNERT-DRUCK

Dieser Tagungsband entstand mit freundlicher Unterstützung von: The conference proceedings were supported by:

Inhalt/Contents

Band I

9 Vorwort der Herausgeber/Preface of the editors

25 Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch What is an event?

Sektion Orient und Ägypten/Section Middle East and Egypt

35 Harvey Weiss Megadrought, collapse, and resilience in late 3rd millennium BC Mesopotamia

53 Helge Wolfgang Arz, Jérôme Kaiser, and Dominik Fleitmann Paleoceanographic and paleoclimatic changes around 22oo BC recorded in sediment cores

from the northern Red Sea

61 Michele Massa and Vasıf Sahoglu The 4.2 ka BP climatic event in west and central Anatolia: combining palaeo-climatic proxies

and archaeological data

79 Juan Carlos Moreno García Climatic change or sociopolitical transformation? Reassessing late 3rd millennium BC in Egypt

Sektion Östlicher und Zentraler Mittelmeerraum/Section Eastern and Central Mediterranean

97 Hermann Genz Beware of environmental determinism: the transition from the Early to the Middle Bronze Age

on the Lebanese coast and the 4.2 ka BP event

113 Felix Höflmayer The southern Levant, Egypt, and the 4.2 ka BP event

131 Lindy Crewe Expanding and shrinking networks of interaction: Cyprus c. 22oo BC

149 Lorenz Rahmstorf The Aegean before and after c. 22oo BC between Europe and Asia: trade as a prime mover

of cultural change

181 Stephan W. E. Blum and Simone Riehl Troy in the 23rd century BC – environmental dynamics and cultural change

205 Reinhard Jung and Bernhard Weninger Archaeological and environmental impact of the 4.2 ka cal BP event in the central and eastern

Mediterranean

235 Bernhard Friedrich Steinmann Gestürzte Idole – Das Ende der frühkykladischen Elite

253 Marco Pacciarelli, Teodoro Scarano, and Anita Crispino The transition between the Copper and Bronze Ages in southern Italy and Sicily

283 Giovanni Leonardi, Michele Cupitò, Marco Baioni, Cristina Longhi, and Nicoletta Martinelli Northern Italy around 22oo cal BC. From Copper to Early Bronze Age: Continuity and/or

discontinuity?

305 Giulia Recchia and Girolamo Fiorentino Archipelagos adjacent to Sicily around 22oo BC: attractive environments or suitable

geo-economic locations?

321 Walter Dörfler The late 3rd millenium BC in pollen diagrams along a south-north transect from the Near East

to northern Central Europe

Sektion Westlicher Mittelmeerraum/Section Western Mediterranean

335 Laurent Carozza, Jean-François Berger, Cyril Marcigny, and Albane Burens Society and environment in Southern France from the 3rd millennium BC to the beginning of

the 2nd millennium BC: 22oo BC as a tipping point?

365 Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch Transition and conflict at the end of the 3rd millennium BC in south Iberia

409 António Carlos Valera Social change in the late 3rd millennium BC in Portugal: the twilight of enclosures

429 Germán Delibes de Castro, Francisco Javier Abarquero Moras, Manuel Crespo Díez, Marcos García García, Elisa Guerra Doce, José Antonio López Sáez, Sebastián Pérez Díaz, and José Antonio Rodríguez Marcos

The archaeological and palynological record of the Northern Plateau of Spain during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC

449 Martin Kölling, Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch No indication of increased temperatures around 22oo BC in the south-west Mediterranean

derived from oxygen isotope ratios in marine clams (Glycimeris sp.) from the El Argar settle-ment of Gatas, south-east Iberia

461 Mara Weinelt, Christian Schwab, Jutta Kneisel, and Martin Hinz Climate and societal change in the western Mediterranean area around 4.2 ka BP

Band II

Sektion Mittel- und Osteuropa/Section Central and Eastern Europe

483 Martin Hristov New evidence for funeral and ritual activity in the northern part of the Balkan Peninsula:

a case study from Southern Bulgaria in the second half of the 3rd millennium BC to the first half of the 2nd millennium BC

503 Klára Pusztainé Fischl, Viktória Kiss, Gabriella Kulcsár, and Vajk Szeverényi Old and new narratives for Hungary around 22oo BC

525 Mirosław Furmanek, Agata Hałuszko, Maksym Mackiewicz, and Bartosz Myslecki New data for research on the Bell Beaker Culture in Upper Silesia, Poland

539 Janusz Czebreszuk and Marzena Szmyt Living on the North European Plain around 22oo BC: between continuity and change

561 François Bertemes and Volker Heyd 22oo BC – Innovation or Evolution? The genesis of the Danubian Early Bronze Age

579 Frank Sirocko Winter climate and weather conditions during the »Little-Ice-Age-like cooling events« of the

Holocene: implications for the spread of »Neolithisation«?

595 Alexander Land, Johannes Schönbein, and Michael Friedrich Extreme climate events identified by wood-anatomical features for the Main Valley (Southern

Germany) – A case study for 3ooo–2ooo BC

603 Matthias B. Merkl and Jutta Lechterbeck Settlement dynamics and land use between the Hegau and the western Lake Constance region,

Germany, during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC

617 Philipp W. Stockhammer, Ken Massy, Corina Knipper, Ronny Friedrich, Bernd Kromer, Susanne Lindauer, Jelena Radosavljevic, Ernst Pernicka und Johannes Krause

Kontinuität und Wandel vom Endneolithikum zur frühen Bronzezeit in der Region Augsburg

643 Andreas Bauerochse, Inke Achterberg, and Hanns Hubert Leuschner Evidence for climate change between 22oo BC and 216o BC derived from subfossil bog and

riverine trees from Germany

651 Johannes Müller Crisis – what crisis? Innovation: different approaches to climatic change around 22oo BC

Sektion Mitteldeutschland/Section Central Germany

671 Ralf Schwarz Kultureller Bruch oder Kontinuität? – Mitteldeutschland im 23. Jh. v. Chr.

715 Matthias Becker, Madeleine Fröhlich, Kathrin Balfanz, Bernd Kromer und Ronny Friedrich Das 3. Jt. v. Chr. zwischen Saale und Unstrut – Kulturelle Veränderungen im Spiegel

der Radiokohlenstoffdatierung

747 Kathrin Balfanz, Madeleine Fröhlich und Torsten Schunke Ein Siedlungsareal der Glockenbecherkultur mit Hausgrundrissen bei Klobikau,

Sachsen-Anhalt, Deutschland

765 Madeleine Fröhlich und Matthias Becker Typochronologische Überlegungen zu den Kulturen des Endneolithikums und der

frühen Bronzezeit zwischen Saale und Unstrut im 3. Jt. v. Chr.

783 Frauke Jacobi »Size matters!« – Die endneolithischen Gräberfelder von Profen, Burgenlandkreis,

Sachsen-Anhalt

793 André Spatzier Pömmelte-Zackmünde – Polykultureller Sakralort oder Ortskonstanz im Heiligtum während

einer kulturellen Transformation? Ein Beitrag zur Kulturentwicklung des späten 3. Jts. v. Chr. in Mitteldeutschland

Sektion Nord- und Westeuropa/Section Northern and Western Europe

805 Andrew P. Fitzpatrick Great Britain and Ireland in 22oo BC

833 Mike Baillie and Jonny McAneney Why we should not ignore the mid-24th century BC when discussing the 22oo–2ooo BC climate

anomaly

Anhang/Appendix

845 Autorenkollektiv/Collective contribution Ergebnistabelle/Table of results

TAGUNGEN DES L ANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

The Aegean before and after c. 2200 BC between Europe and Asia: trade as a prime mover of cultural change

Lorenz Rahmstorf

1 Andel et al. 1986; Andel et al. 199o; Zangger 1992; Whitelaw 2ooo.

Introduction

In many parts of the Aegean a cultural break is observable between the Early Bronze Age, EBA II and EBA III. This is especially evident on the Southern Greek mainland (Early Helladic, EH II–III) and in the Cyclades (Early Cycladic, EC II–III) and the north-east Aegean (Troy III–IV; Poliochni phases Yellow–Brown). The situation on Crete (Early Minoan, EM II–III) seems to have been somewhat different and con-tinuity more pronounced, but even on this island there are

many sites which witnessed destructions at the end of EM II. The cultural break has been long noticed on the Greek main-land, especially since the excavations during the 195os at Lerna in the north-eastern Peloponnese (Caskey 196o). It has been studied in detail in monographs (Forsén 1992; Maran 1998) and still attracts attention in the most recent publica-tions (Weiberg/Lindblom 2o14). Explanations proposed for the cultural break comprise migrations and foreign inva-sions (Howell 1973; Hood 1986), climatic change (Manning 1997; Finné et al. 2o11), and land degradation1. A combina-

Summary

Profound cultural changes occurred in the later 3rd millen-nium BC in many parts of the Aegean during the transition from the Early Bronze Age II to III (EBA II to EBA III). These are for example observable in the drastic changes in architec-tural and pottery styles. This contribution deals with some exam ples of archaeological indicators for long-distance con-tacts between the Aegean and the east (Asia Minor and even beyond) during the Early Bronze Age. Relevant archaeologi-cal material for textile manufacture, adornment, seal and weight use, and silver production will be discussed. It is argued that trade and the potential physical presence of for-eign merchants had a decisive impact on the »emergence of civilisation« during the EBA II. The long distance exchange was most likely driven by the eastern demand for silver and an Aegean desire for rare commodities, like specific »semi-precious« beads and woolen textiles. A considerable disrup-tion of this exchange pattern is witnessed by the beginning of the EBA III in the Aegean. It brought the development towards a more complex socio-economic organisation in many parts of the Aegean to a temporary end, with the nota-ble exception of Crete. In the light of the recent suggestions of an earlier beginning of the EBA III in the Aegean, it seems dif-ficult to reconcile this disruption with a potential climatic change around 22oo BC.

Zusammenfassung

Die Ägäis vor und nach 2200 v. Chr. zwischen Europa und Kleinasien: Handel als Hauptantrieb des kulturellen Wandels

In vielen Teilen der Ägäis war das späte 3. Jt. v. Chr. durch tief greifende kulturelle Veränderungen während des Übergangs von der Frühbronzezeit Stufe FBZ II zur Stufe FBZ III geprägt. Dieser Wandel manifestierte sich beispielsweise in grund-legenden Veränderungen in der Architektur und in den stilis-tischen Ausprägungen der Keramik. Der Beitrag präsentiert einige Beispiele archäologischer Belege für frühbronzezeit-liche Fernkontakte zwischen der Ägäis und den östlich anschließenden Gebieten (Kleinasien und darüber hinaus). Entsprechende archäologische Funde und Befunde, die auf Textilherstellung, Schmuck, den Gebrauch von Siegeln und Gewichten sowie auf Silberverarbeitung hinweisen, werden diskutiert. Dabei zeigt sich, dass der Handel und die mögliche Anwesenheit fremder Handelsleute einen entscheidenden Ein-fluss auf die »Entstehung der Zivilisation« in der Stufe FBZ II ausübten. Die Grundlage des Fernhandels war mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit der Silberbedarf im Vorderen Orient einerseits und die hohe Nachfrage nach speziellen Luxus-gütern wie bestimmte Perlen aus »Halbedelstein« sowie Woll-stoffen in der Ägäis andererseits. Zu Beginn der Stufe FBZ III lässt sich ein abrupter Bruch in diesem Austauschmuster fest-stellen. Dieser brachte das vorläufige Ende der Entwicklung von komplexeren sozioökonomischen Strukturen in vielen Teilen der Ägäis, wobei Kreta hier eine Ausnahme bildete. In Anbetracht von neueren Erkenntnissen, die einen früheren Beginn der Stufe FBZ III in der Ägäis wahrscheinlich machen, scheint es nun fraglich, ob zwischen diesem Umbruch und dem potenziellen Klimawandel um 22oo v. Chr. ein Zusam-menhang bestand.


150 LORENZ R AHMSTORF

tion of various factors has also been discussed, most recently for example by M. Wiener (2o14). He mentioned among other things the displacement of trading networks which integrated the Aegean with the Mediterranean and the west-ern Asian world. This potential factor has rather been mini-mised as being such a small-scale phenomenon that it may not have been of much importance in the Early Bronze Age (Pullen 2o11, 19o). In recent handbooks (Betancourt 2oo8; Burns 2o1o, 293 f.) long-distance trade in the Early Bronze Age has usually been discussed only with respect to Crete. However, how the apparent material wealth was suddenly created remains enigmatic. C. Renfrew worked out more than 4o years ago his highly influential model of an endoge-nous development within the Aegean, based on intensified agriculture estab lished on the Mediterranean »triad« of wheat, olives, and wine (Renfrew 1972; Barrett/Halstead 2oo4). Archaeobotan ical data (for wine and olives) and evi-dence for large scale storage supporting such a theory remain rather sparse (Bintliff 2o12, 84). Nevertheless, many Aegean archaeologists apparently share an appraisal which O. Dickinson formu lated recently: »[…] the wealth accumu-lated and used for acquiring objects for display must have derived basically from agriculture, but quite how remains a problem […]« (Dickinson 2o14, 1867). This is especially hard to comprehend for the Cyclades with their arid climate and poor agricultural resources on most islands. In this paper, the evidence for wealth visible at many sites during the EBA II, and especially in its latter half, will be presented as the result of extensive commercial trade networks with the east. These were driven by the most important metal of the period: silver. Other new materials and commodities like

wool/textiles and precious stones may have also played a role. The scenario evoked here puts special importance on stimuli received from the eastern Mediterranean, for example the adoption and local interpretation of Near East-ern innovations like seals and weights, that facilitated the boom in exchange during the EBA II. The EBA III witnessed a decline of long-distance contacts between the east and most parts of the Aegean and the Greek mainland, while new networks with the Adriatic zone became established. In this paper I will briefly discuss changes visible in the settle-ments and in pottery styles and then I will proceed to an examination of textile production, adornment, seal and weight use, and silver production in the light of long-dis-tance communication, exchange, and trade.

A key issue is the absolute date of the transition from EBA II to EBA III. This depends, amongst other things, on the basic question as to what material culture is representa-tive for the EBA III period. While the ceramic change on the Southern Greek mainland between EH II and EH III was extensive (see also below), there was a potential transitional period of rather undefined length which has been observed at least at Tiryns in Argolid (see Maran 1998, 9–15; 153–156 with further references). On the Cyclades, also, there is a long-discussed problem of a potential gap in the sequence between EC II and EC III, first noticed by J. Rutter (1983). So far, it is highly difficult to define a phase in the Cyclades which is contemporaneous with at least the earlier part of EH III on the mainland. Settlement phase C at Dhaskalio Kavos promises to fill this gap now but the ceramic reper-toire is still unpublished. Like phase B, phase C also includes some Lefkandi I-Kastri pottery (Fig. 1,1o–15), yet depas

Fig. 1 Greece and the Aegean Sea between east and west during the second half of the 3rd millennium BC. The map shows the impact of foreign pottery styles and shapes (1o depas amphikypellon; 11 tankard; 12 two-handled bell-shaped cup; 13 plate or shallow bowl; 14–15 upright-necked jugs) originat-ing from Anatolia (c. 25oo–22oo BC) and the fusion of foreign and indigenous traditions (1–4 »Bass bowls« and related footed vessels; 5–9 one- and two-handled jugs) between the Adriatic/central Mediterranean and the Aegean (c. 23oo–21oo/2o5o BC). Abb. 1 Griechenland und die Ägäis zwischen Ost und West in der zweiten Hälfte des 3. Jts. v. Chr. Die Karte zeigt den Einfluss fremder Keramikstile aus Anatolien (1o depas amphikypellon; 11 Krug; 12 zweihenklige glockenförmige Tasse; 13 Teller oder flache Schale; 14–15 Schnabelkanne) (ca. 25oo–22oo v. Chr.) und die Verschmelzung von fremden und einheimischen Traditionen (1–4 »Bass bowls« und verwandte Gefäße mit Fuß; 5–9 ein- und zwei henklige Kannen) zwischen dem adriatischen und zentralen Mittelmeerraum und der Ägäis (ca. 23oo–21oo/2o5o v. Chr.).

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151THE AEGE AN BEFORE AND AF TER C . 220 0 BC BE T WEEN EUROPE AND AS IA : TR ADE AS A PRIME MOVER OF CULTUR AL CHANGE

amphikypellon sherds come exclusively from phase C (Fig. 1,1o and see below; Renfrew 2o13, 74). Generally the ceramic assemblage is equivalent to Phylakopi I on the Cyclades and EH III on the mainland. Most interestingly, phase C has now been dated by eight 14C samples to c. 24oo–23oo BC (Renfrew et al. 2o12; Bronk Ramsey et al. 2o13), which is a century or two earlier than the traditional dating (e. g. Renfrew 1972, 221 Tab. 13.VI; Maran 1998, Pl. 8o; 81; Manning 2o1o, 23 Tab. 2.2 – for a high chronology for EH III see also Jung/Weninger in the present volume). At many Cycladic sites, most importantly at Aghia Irini on Keos, an EC III phase has not been detected (Davis 2o13, Fig. 1). In the north-eastern Aegean there also seems to be a break, which also seems to have been caused by a habitation gap, for example between Troy III and Troy IV. The end of Troy III has been dated to 22oo/215o BC (Weninger/Easton 2o14). This article cannot contribute to this unsolved chron-ological debate. It is, however, important to note that current thinking implies a much earlier date for the cultural break

than traditionally assumed. As I am discussing below signs for long distance exchange, the earlier absolute date for the cultural break in the 24th century BC would be in line with the Akkadian military campaign to Syria and maybe even Anatolia. The consequences were potentially a disruption or at least a slow-down of international trade relations, something which is generally felt in many parts of the Aegean and the eastern Mediterranean during the late 3rd millennium BC. This contribution does not, unfortunately, discuss potential climatic proxy data from the Aegean and their interpretation. I have to leave this discussion to the specialists in the field. Nevertheless, my impression from the conference was that the dating and reading of these proxy data is as controversial as that of archaeological data. If a massive drought occurred in northern Mesopotamia in the late 23rd century BC, with various consequences for the cultural development (cf. Weiss 2o12), it is a potential scenario that this also affected the long distance relations of this region with Anatolia and even beyond. However, the

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Fig. 2a–d The settlements of Tiryns (a–b) and Lerna (c–d), both in Argolid, in late EH II Late and EH III. Broad dashed line in d indicates the location of the former »House of the Tiles«. Abb. 2a–d Die Siedlungen in Tiryns (a–b) und Lerna (c–d), beide in Argolis, während der späten Stufe EH II und EH III. Die gestrichelte Linie in d bezeich-net den Standort des ehemaligen »Haus der Ziegel«.



recent updating of the EBA III in the Aegean (cf. Jung/Weninger in the present volume) makes a chronological reconciliation now more difficult.

The architectural changes from EBA II to EBA III were profound, at least in some regions of the mainland, like the Argolid. At Tiryns, the part of the hill which was later occu-pied during the Mycenaean period by the so-called lower citadel (»Unterburg«) was covered in the EH II Late by densely packed houses with rectangular outline, often attached to each other or separated by narrow lanes (Fig. 2a). During EH III a completely different architectural tradition appears: free-standing apsidal buildings are now the only type of building documented (Fig. 2b). Perhaps even more striking is the change at Lerna. The specific, large-size (»monumental«) building of the corridor-house type, known only from a few other sites on the Greek mainland, like Ako-vitika (Peloponnese), Kolonna (Aegina), and Thebes (Central Greece) (Shaw 2oo7), but potentially existing at several more, is destroyed at the end of EH II. The corridor house at Lerna called the House of the Tiles (Fig. 2c) because of extensive finds of terracotta (and stone at the eaves) roof tiles, is a »[…] large, two-story building consisting of two or more large rooms flanked by narrow corridors on the sides […]« (Pullen 2oo8, 43 n. 22; see also Peperaki 2oo4; Peperaki 2o1o). At the end of EH II, a mound was built of the debris of the House of the Tiles right on top of its remains (Wiencke 2ooo, 297 f.; Banks 2o13, 23–31). Then – unfortunately it is unclear whether very soon after or only decades later (but cf. Weiberg/Lindblom 2o14) – apsidal buildings in wattle-and-daub were constructed and dominated (Fig. 2d; Banks 2o13, 33–11o), although rectangular houses also appeared. Eventually, in the later phase of the EH III, the site’s inhabi-tants completely overbuilt the tumulus erected over the House of the Tiles. It has been suggested that the apsidal building was an architectural innovation which only appeared in the EH III on the Southern Greek mainland, espe-cially in the Peloponnese (Hood 1986, 43; 47; Hiller 1984, 42 f.; cf. Maran 1998, 199 n. 457). This is not really the case, as J. Forsén demonstrated, because there are some (although not all very well identified and dated) examples from EH II on the Southern Greek mainland (Forsén 1992, 197–2o3; Wiersma 2o13, 222). J. Forsén indicated the long building his-

tory of apsidal buildings in Northern Greece and the south-ern Balkans from the Chalcolithic period onwards. The sug-gestions that there are apsidal buildings at Karatas in western Anatolia in the Early Bronze Age (Warner 1979, 138 f. Ill.3; Banks 2o13, 347 f.) are not really substantiated by the pre-served house plans. A recent comprehensive study on domes-tic architecture in western Anatolia demonstrated the absence of apsidal buildings in Asia Minor (Perello 2o11, 123). In general, it can be clearly observed that there was a consid-er able increase in the importance of this specific building type only in the latest phase of the Early Bronze Age on the Greek mainland and this building technique was only adopted on a large scale during this period (Maran 1998, 199–2o1; Wiersma 2o13, 196; 222). A northern inspiration seems to be most likely.

The discontinuity at many settlement sites is observable: »[…] many sites are destroyed and/or abandoned between the end of the EH II period and the beginning of MH I […]« (Voutsaki 2o1o, 1o2). The numerous surveys undertaken in recent decades in Southern Greece documented a drop in the number of sites from the EH II to EH III, as J. Wright has illus-trated (Fig. 3; Wright 2oo8, Fig. 1o,2; see also Wright 2oo4; Weiberg/Finné 2013, 3–9). This reduction seems to be quite profound, although graphs like the one in figure 3 may give an exaggerated impression of this shift. First of all, the EH II period covers some 4oo or even 5oo years, whereas the EH III spans only 1oo–15o years. Hence, it would not be surprising at all to have a five-times-higher site density for the EH II. In addition, while EH II is rather easy to identify, EH III pottery shows a wide range of diversity and it has been acknowledged that this fact has distorted the perception of the decline in site numbers (Mee/Taylor 1997, 54). However, arguments in favour of the rather noticeable decline in the number of sites can also be put forward. Most EH II sites date to the second or late phase of that period, that is EH II Developed (= Lerna III C) and EH II Late (= Lerna III D; cf. Maran 1998; Wiencke 2ooo), as publications of excavated EH II sites have shown. These subphase or subphases cover only 3oo years, hence the drop in site numbers from EH II to EH III would still be quite impressive. Survey data also indicate that small rural sites are abandoned during EH III and MH I, indicating »strong reduc-tion of occupation« (Bintliff 2o12, 169).

0

50

100

150

200

250

LH IIICLH IIIBLH IIIALH I-IIMH IIIMH IIMH IEH IIIEH II

Fig. 3 Chronological site distributions (number of sites known) for the north-east Peloponnese, Laconia, and south-west Messenia. EH Early Helladic; MH Middle Helladic; LH Late Hella-dic. Abb. 3 Chronologische Einordnung der Fundstel-len (mit Anzahl der bekannten Fundstellen) auf der nordöstlichen Peloponnes, in Lakonien und Südwestmessenien. EH Frühhelladisch; MH Mit-telhelladisch; LH Späthelladisch.



2 E. g. Nakou 2ooo; Nakou 2oo7; Kouka 2oo9; Kouka 2o13; Rutter 2o12.

Ceramic links between the Tarxien Cemetery Culture on Malta and the EH III were first identified by J. D. Evans and M. Cavalier in the 195os. The whole phenomenon, however, only began to be understood when J. Maran included the Adriatic zone, especially the Cetina Culture of the western Balkans. As he demonstrated in detail, the pottery around c. 22oo BC from the Caput Adriae in the north to Southern Italy and Malta in the south and the Peloponnese in the east shares similar characteristics in shape, syntax, and decorative motifs. This concerns for example the framing of the handle with parallel lines and sometimes dots (Fig. 1,1–9; Maran 2oo7, 14 Pl. II,1–9). J. Maran considers this to be a blending of different pottery traditions. In the Peloponnese the Cetina-influence started only with EH III. In some settlements in the western Peloponnese, like Olympia and Andravida-Lechaina, it continued into the MH I (Rambach 2oo7, 84–88), but the clearest links can be placed during EH III, while at Lerna such pottery appeared only in phases IV,1 and IV,2. This indi-cates a most likely date of the late 24th and 23rd centuries BC. Settlements with the Cetina-like pottery are consid ered to be trading posts of an exchange network which connected the Adriatic and Ionian Sea, as well as South-Eastern Italy, east-ern Sicily, and Malta (Maran 1998, 443–45o Pl. 71A).

Nevertheless, there is not only a western impact on the pottery of the later 3rd millennium BC. Strong impulses came also from the east, but these started earlier and changed drastically around 22oo BC or before. In the scien-tific literature the importance of Anatolian-style pottery, the so-called Lefkandi I-Kastri-Group, has been identified as the primary indication of cultural impact from western Anatolia on the northern and central Aegean islands and the Eastern Greek mainland (Fig. 1,1o–15). The Anatolian-style pottery com prises a tall two-handled cup (depas amphikypellon; Fig. 1,1o), one-handled tankards (Fig. 1,11), a two-handled bell-shaped cup (Fig. 1,12), a plate or shallow bowl (Fig. 1,13), and a beaked or upright-necked jug with cut-away spout (Fig. 1,14–15) as first defined by J. Rutter (1979, 1–8) and ini-tially observed by D. French as the first phase at Lefkandi on Euboia and Kastri on Syros in the Cyclades (Bossert 1967). The pottery of the type Lefkandi I-Kastri now defines a whole period of c. 3oo years between c. 25oo BC and 22oo BC in the Aegean Sea and the eastern coast of mainland Greece. There has been a long-lasting discourse in Aegean archaeo-log ical research (a) on the relative and absolute dating of this ceramic assemblage and (b) on the interpretation of the phe-nomenon. While problem (a) can be considered to be largely solved in the sense that the assemblage has to be placed ter-minologically within the second half of the EBA II and in absolute years in the period c. 25oo–22oo BC, problem (b) is a matter of controversial discussion2. However, (a) has direct consequences on (b) as it cannot be maintained any more that the dissemination of the ceramic assemblage only appeared in a short period of time and can be explained by a model of invasion by refugees or conquerors. As C. Brood-bank emphasised, »[…] this model rests on the conflation of separable and in certain instances palpably chronologically disassociated phenomena, namely the appearance of the Kas-

tri-Group itself, the inflow of eastern metals and metal objects, the numbers of fortified Cycladic settlements encountered in EB II and the desertion of most settlements by the end of the EBA […]« (Broodbank 2ooo, 311 with refer-ences). It is also a matter of discussion what other novelties can be connected with the Lefkandi I-Kastri pottery group. I would like to discuss two other cultural expressions in the material culture which have most likely had a direct connec-tion to the Lefkandi I-Kastri phenomenon in the Aegean and which have not been widely recognised so far: the evidence from textile production and personal adornment by using pins.

Textile production

Incised biconical spindle whorls

So far, it has been pointed out only by a few authors, espe-cially by P. Sotirakopoulou (2oo8, 544 f.), less clearly by S. Hood (1981–82, 635–643), that biconical incised spindle whorls are a new cultural trait appearing in the Aegean during the Early Bronze Age (Fig. 4). It had been observed before that biconical whorls, most often incised, were com-mon in the north-east Aegean and western Anatolia (e. g. Caskey 1955, 37; Cosmopoulos 1991, 87). J. Carington Smith had already stated that they seem to be derived from Anato-lia (Carington Smith 1975, 215). More precisely, it can be said that this new type appears in the middle and late 3rd millen-nium BC on the central Aegean islands and more rarely on the Greek mainland, but always in low numbers. It is worth mentioning that in the Aegean and in other parts of Europe and the Mediterranean, biconical spindle whorls of various sizes were already present in the Neolithic, but the new incised type appeared only in the 3rd millennium BC. On the Greek mainland the standard type of spindle whorl during this period is convex-sided or hemispherical and undeco-rated (Carington Smith 1992, 682; Siennicka 2o12, 67 f. Pl. XXV,a–c), whereas in the Cyclades the most common type is flat, discoid, and undecorated (Gavalas 2oo6, 2o1). However, in the eastern Aegean the situation is different. At Emporio, 86 % of the spindle whorls from period II and I at the site, paralleled with the end of Troy I and Troy II, are biconical (Hood 1981/82, Fig. 286; 287c; 288). S. Hood stated that decorated whorls were most common during period II (Hood 1981–82, 636 Tab. 2). He also noted that the number of decorated whorls increased strongly from Troy I to Troy II–III, a development similar to Poliochni where »[…] incised decoration was virtually unknown on whorls of the Blue period, rare on those of the Red, but very common on ones of the Yellow contemporary with Troy II […]« (Hood 1981–82, 636; cf. Bernabò-Brea 1976, 28o). Hence, we can clearly discern here a development which starts before the middle of the 3rd millennium BC and drastically increases in the later part of the millennium. On the Greek mainland, biconical incised whorls remain very rare during the later 3rd millennium BC. Two biconical incised whorls with a



countersunk top were found in layers of Lerna IV in EH III (Caskey 1955, Pl. 22,l; Banks 1967, 495 f. no. 1284; 5o1 no. 1318). They are, according to E. Banks »[…] almost cer-tainly not locally made […]« (Banks 1967, 537). The dissem-ination of biconical whorls in small numbers in the Cycla-des and on the Southern Greek mainland mirrors the dissemination in small percentages of the pottery group of the type Lefkandi I-Kastri.

In Bulgaria the change from EBA II to EBA III around 25oo BC can be similarly connected to the appearance of the biconical whorls. Suddenly this type reaches percentages of up to 9o % or even more, with shape varieties (personal comm. Vanya Petrova 13.o3.2o15). At »Little Troy«/Kanlıgeçit in the Turkish part of Thrace, again over 9o % of the whorls are biconical, even if only a few of them are incised (Özdogan/Yılmaz 2o12, Fig. 181–183; 192,9–114; 193,1–4; Tab. 19–23; 25). On Cyprus »[…] definite spindle whorls did not appear until the start of the Philia facies […]« (Crewe 1998, 35), and they are predominately biconical. The Philia phase, as the beginning of the Early Cypriote, has recently been slightly down-dated to c. 24oo/235o–23oo/225o BC (Manning 2o13, 513 Fig. A1o). This phase is considered to be a period of »[…] profound social, economic and technological transformation […]« with »[…] innovations in ceramics, architecture and domestic and burial practices and the introduction of cattle, donkeys and possibly new species of goat and sheep as well as plough agriculture and intensive metallurgy […]« (Webb 2o13, 135; also cf. Crewe in the present volume). A significant

increase in caprines, mainly sheep, is strongly felt in the archaeozoological sample at the Philia site of Marki Alonia (Webb 2o13, 139 with further reference).

In western Anatolia biconical whorls are ubiquitous. For example, at Çukuriçi Höyük biconical whorls are the most common and »[…] the preference for biconical spindle whorls becomes even more pronounced during the Early Bronze Age […]« (Britsch/Horejs 2o14, 231). At Demircihüyük, 25 km west of Eskisehir, province of Eskisehir, 8o % of the whorls are of this or of the related rounded biconical shape (Obladen-Kauder 1996, Fig. 158; 16o; Pl. 9o–95). In Aphrodisias such whorls only become common with the EBA II in the local site sequence (see Appendix 1). At Troy I and II around 75 % of the whorls from C. W. Blegen’s excavations have a biconical shape (Obladen-Kauder 1996, 235). It is important to note that incised biconical whorls were already used in the late Chalcolithic in Anatolia, as documented at Aphrodisias (Sharp Joukowsky 1986, Fig. 312,1.3–5.7.9–12; 313,1.3.7–14.16) and Alishar Höyuk (von der Osten 1937, Fig. 98,198–2o3.273–276). While biconical whorls are also documented in Greece and other regions in the 4th millennium BC, it seems that it is only in Anatolia, especially in western Ana-tolia, that biconical and, at the same time, incised whorls become ubiquitous during the Early Bronze Age. Their rather sudden appearance in the middle of the 3rd millennium BC in Bulgaria (very common), in the Cyclades, and the eastern part of the Southern Greek mainland (occasional occur-rences), as well as in Cyprus (common) indicates, together

Karataş

Dhaskalio

Thermi

Lerna

Poliochni

Troy/Troia

KüllüobaDemircihüyük

Demircih.-Sarıket

Chalandriani

TarsusBademagaci

Kanlıgeçit

Beycesultan

Alişar Höyük

Harmanören

Küçükhöyük

Ikiztepe

Myrina

Emporio

AphrodisiasManika

Heraion

Aplomata

Phylakopi

BozüyükSitagroi

Kusura

Çukuriçi Höyük

PolatliKonya

YortanKumtepeBabaköy

EtiyokuşuKoçumbeli

KarmiLapithos Vounous

DheniaPhilia Aghia Parakevi

Marki Alonia

LimassolSotira

Fig. 4 Distribution of incised biconical spindle whorls in the Early Bronze Age in the Aegean and Anatolia (only a selection of the relevant sites in Ana-tolia). Scale of whorls: 1:2 except Lerna and Myrina (no scale). Abb. 4 Verbreitung der ritzverzierten bikonischen Spinnwirtel in der Ägäis und in Anatolien in der Frühbronzezeit (nur eine Auswahl der wichtigsten ana-tolischen Fundstellen). Maßstab der Spinnwirtel: 1:2 außer Lerna und Myrina (ohne Maßstab).



3 Efe/Ay Efe 2oo1; Sahoglu 2oo5; Efe 2oo7; Efe/Türkteki 2o11; Bachhuber 2o12.

with elements of material culture such as clay andirons or hobs in hearths (Rahmstorf 2o1o, 272–277 Fig. 5–7; Webb/Frankel 2o11) or pottery (above and Peltenburg 2oo7), that this novelty was transmitted from Asia Minor to the west and south. The question is naturally why the new type of spindle whorl was widely adopted in the second half of the 3rd millennium BC.

How important was the biconical shape? C. Britsch and B. Horejs have recently suggested that biconical whorls spin faster, which is an advantage when processing fine, short fibres (Britsch/Horejs 2o14, 231 f.). They argue that this is an indication that they were primarily used for spinning wool, while flat whorls (like those in the Early Bronze Age Cycla-des) or conical whorls (as on the Early Bronze Age mainland) which spin in larger and slower circles, are suitable for lon-ger, coarser fibres such as those of flax. On the other hand, it has been convincingly demonstrated in systematic experi-mental tests that the profile of a spindle whorl (biconical, conical, spherical) does not play a significant role in spin-ning, regardless of the fibre. Only in the case of discoid whorls, which rotate differently (more slowly), are shape and height of importance (e. g. Grömer 2oo5). Instead, what seems to be of importance and influences the rotation of the whorl, and thus the thickness and quality of the spun thread, is the size and weight of the spinning tool (Grömer 2oo5; Mårtensson et al. 2oo5-o6; Mårtensson et al. 2oo6, 12 f.). And even this might be overemphasised because the »[…] spinner held the most influence in determining the properties of the yarn, making the tool only a secondary influence if one at all […]«, as K. Kania has recently demonstrated (Kania 2o15, 18). Nevertheless, we should not rule out the possibility that the biconical incised whorls, which appeared in the 3rd millen-nium BC, were indeed used to spin wool. The reasons may have been not so much practical as conventional, as these spinning tools may have been introduced together with a new type of wool, the so-called long-staple or woolly wool, which started to spread out from Central Asia probably from the 4th millennium BC. The biconical incised spindle whorls may have belonged to a »wool package«, that is, they were new tools adopted at the same time and together with a new sort of wool and thus they may be seen as an indication for new textile techniques spreading from east to west.

The link between biconical incised spindle whorls and wool is at this stage of research only a hypothesis, but it seems plausible that the introduction of the new type of wool with long fibres occurred in Central Asia and then slowly spread across western Asia and reached the Aegean during the 3rd millennium BC. The gradual dissemination of the biconical spindle whorls from east to west is clearly trace-able in the archaeological record. The first use of the woolly wool may have started in the second half of the 4th millen-nium, as B. Arbuckle (2o12) has argued, but there is »[…] little indication for a drastic increase in the scale of caprine pastoralism […]« (Schoop 2o14, 429) during this period. Nevertheless, there are several sets of proxy data suggesting that a »fiber revolution« (McCorriston 1997) was on the way during the later 4th millennium BC in Mesopotamia. The

enormous importance of wool in the 3rd millennium BC is then very well documented in the cuneiform record from many sites in Syria and Iraq (Breniquet/Michel 2o14). It is very likely that new kinds of cloth were very soon desired all over the place. It has recently been suggested by U. Schoop, building on the ethnographic case study of the Lele in Congo, that woolen cloths were used in the early stages of the Late Chalcolithic in Anatolia, especially as a means to create and maintain social networks and to obtain personal prestige, and that they were worn especially during important social events (Schoop 2o14, 434–437). According to him, no impor-tant economic role for textiles yet existed, as seen for example in the fact that there is no increase in sheep num-bers in proportion to the other domestic stock during this period. Schoop assumes that only with the Old Assyrian merchants of the early 2nd millennium BC was a »textile market« introduced, based on the introduction of silver as a means of free exchange and the principles of a more profit-orientated economy (Schoop 2o14, 438). In my understand-ing, both components (silver as primary exchange equiv-alent and profit-oriented trade) were already characterising exchange in the 3rd millennium BC (see below). There are several indications that we may assume a rather similar west-ern Anatolian – south-eastern Anatolian/northern Mesopo-tamian exchange network already in place in the middle and later 3rd millennium BC3. Wool/textiles could have already have played an important role in it. The enormous importance of cloth is emphasised by the elaborate textiles worn by gods, priests, officials, and kings in Mesopotamian depictions on seals and reliefs (Foster 2o1o). Another hint for the exceptional role woolen textiles might have played in the 3rd millennium BC is the possibility of dyeing wool. Plant fibre can also be dyed, but only wool can be dyed so effec-tively that it results in very bright colourful cloth (for dying in general see Cardon 2oo7). This effect could be one of the primary reasons why woolen textiles became widely used in the Bronze Age Near East and beyond. It seems unlikely that practical reasons were the motivation for this change from plant to animal fibre as the climate in this region is much more appropriate for plant fibres.

Crescent-shaped loom weights

Not only were spindle whorls of potential Anatolian origin; in at least a few Aegean sites loom weights have been found which have their best parallels again in Anatolia. These are the so-called crescent-shaped loom weights (Fig. 5). In the Aegean they are known from only a few sites: Tiryns and Geraki in the Peloponnese, and Thermi and Troy in the east-ern Aegean (Siennicka 2o12, 7o). At the Peloponnesian sites they appear in later EH II and in EH III, whereas in the east-ern Aegean and especially in western Anatolia they are known since the earlier part of the Early Bronze Age. Hence, as with the incised biconical spindle whorls, there is a chron-ological gradient from east to west. In Anatolia this kind of loom weight continues to be used in the Middle Bronze Age



and Late Bronze Age, while it is not found in 2nd millen-nium BC contexts in Greece. While the function of these objects as loom weights has sometimes been disputed, the direct contextual association of pyramidal loom weights with a rectangular section and crescents is confirmed by a heap of 21 pyramidal loom weights and 8 crescents found against the east wall of a room of the Early Bronze Age phase E1 (around c. 28oo BC) in Demircihüyük (Korfmann 1981, 33 f. Fig. 45), implying the use of different loom weights even in a single loom set-up (Obladen-Kauder 1996, 239 Fig. 168).

Most recently, A. Wisti Lassen has conducted experi-ments with crescents and concluded that they »[…] would enable a craftsperson to produce some of the most compli-cated weaves of the Bronze Age, such as different types of twill and patterned weaves, with relative ease […]« (Wisti Lassen 2o13, 81). She reconstructed the crescents in a loom set-up hanging in two rows with three handle rods (Wisti Lassen 2o13, Fig. 5; 6). With such a loom, twills, and panama weaves could have been created. Wisti Lassen identified a fragment of twill cloth from a Chalcolithic burial at Alishar Höyük, province of Yozgat, Turkey (Wisti Lassen 2o13, Fig. 5; 15; cf. Fogelberg/Kendall 1937). It came from level 13 at the site (von der Osten 1937, 48; 5o f. Fig. 58; 6o). The pre-cise dating of the sequence at Alishar is still difficult, due to the lack of a recently excavated reference sequence for cen-tral Anatolia which comprises the whole later Chalcolithic (Schoop 2oo5, 93). Schoop dates it generally to the 4th mil-lennium BC (Schoop 2o14, 426), while R. Dittmann pro-

poses the final phase of the Chalcolithic period, at the end of the 4th millennium BC (Dittmann 2oo9, 11). Wisti Lassen argues that the Early Bronze Age crescents were unsuited for the production of twills – in contrast to the crescents from the Middle Bronze Age – because they seem to be too heavy and too big. However, she can only provide data for eight crescents weighing around 8oo–9oo g (Wisti Lassen 2o13, 87 Fig. 5; 23). It is not stated from which site(s) these data have been obtained. Comparative data exist so far only from Early Bronze Age Tiryns. Two completely preserved cres-cents there weigh around 45o g and 6oo g (Siennicka 2o12, 7o). It is also implied by the size of crescents from other sites that the differences in weight could have been quite consider-able. It is therefore in my view premature to conclude that only Middle Bronze Age crescents might have been suited to producing twill.

Adornment

Pins with spherical head

While this type of pin has been published in recent excava-tion reports on the Cyclades it has not received much atten-tion so far, apparently because of its simplicity. Pins of this kind have a spherical or semispherical head. They are the most common type in Anatolia from the late Chalcolithic to the Early Iron Age (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1984, 15 with further

Thermi

Tiryns

Troy/Troia Demircihüyük

Geraki

Tarsus

Konya

Kusura

Aphrodisias

Bozöyük

Polatli

Fig. 5 Distribution of crescent-shaped loom weights in the Aegean and Anatolia in the Early Bronze Age (only a selection of the relevant sites in Ana-tolia). Scale of loom weights: no scale. See appendix 2. Abb. 5 Verbreitung der halbmondförmigen Webgewichte in der Ägäis und in Anatolien in der Frühbronzezeit (nur eine Auswahl der relevanten anato-lischen Fund stellen). Maßstab der Webgewichte: ohne Maßstab. Siehe Anhang 2.



references). In the eastern Aegean and Anatolian coastal sites like Troy, Poliochni, and Thermi they appear at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age, but they become much more common in the later Early Bronze Age, when they are used also on central Aegean islands and at a few mainland Greek sites (Fig. 6). This type has not so far been recognised in Aegean scholarship as new and foreign in origin. Once more, as in the case of the biconical spindle whorls or the crescent-shaped loom weights, this interpretation is sup-ported by the chronological gradient from east (Anatolia) to west (Aegean) and by the differences in the number of pins of this type in the two regions. In western Anatolia it is the most common type (Efe/Fidan 2oo6, Pl. 6; 7). In the ceme-tery of Demircihöyük-Sarıket the pin is found in many graves, made in a copper-based material such as bronze, or in silver (Appendix 3). In one example (Fig. 7,21a–b; Seeher 2ooo, Fig. 38, G. 3o9c Pl. 19,15), a pin with a spherical head and the uppermost part of the shaft covered with gold foil was found in a grave together with a »Syrian« bottle in lead (Fig. 7,22; Rahmstorf 2oo6, 55–57 Abb. 4; 5) and a silver ring (Fig. 7,2o). Such pins could be understood as slightly less valuable copies of pins made in precious metals found in Mesopotamia. In the Royal Graves at Ur, similar pins often have a spherical head of silver or gold, or even of lapis lazuli (Pittman 1998, Cat.-No. 36; 84–87). In the Aegean also, the material used for such pins was specific. In cases where they have been analysed they seem to be frequently made of tin bronze, an alloy still rarely found in the 3rd millennium BC

Aegean. For example, only two of ten copper-based artefacts analysed from Markiani on Amorgos are an alloy of copper and tin. One of these two objects is a pin with a squatly spher-ical head (Fig. 7,8). At Poliochni on Lemnos, the pins also seem to be most often manufactured in tin bronze, espe-cially during phase Yellow in the later 3rd millennium BC (Fig. 8,4.8.1o; Pernicka et al. 199o, Lab.-Nos. 911. 917. 921). In addition, pins with spherical heads were also uncovered at Chalandriani on Syros, in graves 2o5 (Fig. 7,19) and 372 (Fig. 7,13) together with a local Cycladic pin type (Fig. 7,12). Even more telling are the find contexts. The pins are found with pottery assemblages of the Lefkandi I-Kastri type in the Aegean and Thrace. This is evident in the assemblages of graves 2o4–2o5 and 372 at Chalandriani (Rambach 2oooa, 335–343). At Kanlıgeçit in Thrace, tankards (Fig. 7,23–25), a red-slipped and burnished flask (Fig. 7,27–28), and the pin (Fig. 7,26) come from contemporaneous settlement layers. The combination of pins with spherical heads and tankards of the Lefkandi I-Kastri assemblage can often be observed, for example at Markiani (Fig. 7,5.7–8), Chalandriani grave 372 (Fig. 7,1o.13) or Polio chni, phase Yellow (Fig. 8,2–4.8–1o). At Poliochni the distribution of finds may even indi-cate a link between these two categories of finds and tools used for administrative and commercial activities, like seals (Fig. 8,7) and weights (Fig. 8,5–6). Moreover, all these finds cluster in central »megaron«-like buildings within the insulae: in room 412 in Insula VI and room 6o5 in Insula VIII. The latter room is especially impressive, being the largest in

Karataş

Dhaskalio

Markiani

Emborio

Thermi

Manika

Poliochni

Troy/Troia

Zygouries

Küllüoba

Demircihüyük

Demircihüyük-Sariket

Chalandriani

Tarsus

Bademagaci

Kanlıgeçit

BeycesultanPalamari

Asine

Alişar Höyük

Kaklık Mevkii

Harmanören

KüçükhöyükAghios Ermolas

Kavos

Kalinkaja

Ikiztepe

Fig. 6 Distribution map of pins with spherical head in the Early Bronze Age Aegean and Anatolia (only a selection of the relevant sites in Anatolia). Scale of the pin with spherical head: 1:2. Abb. 6 Verbreitungskarte der Kugelkopfnadeln in der Ägäis und in Anatolien in der Frühbronzezeit (nur eine Auswahl der relevanten anatolischen Fund-stellen). Maßstab der Kugelkopfnadel: 1:2.



1

3 4

10

87

65

9

11 17

19

18

15

14

13

12 16

2

2423 25

26 27 28

20

22

21b21a

[ + 1 ceramic

bowl]

Trench II

Trench XV

Trench XLII Trench XIII

Trench VI

Trench XTrench XXIV

Trench XIV

Trench XXXVI

Trench XXX

Trench XXIII

Trench XX

Trench XXXV

Trench XL

Trench XXIII Trench XVII

Trench XXV

Trench XXII

Trench XXITrench VII

Trench XLI

Trench I

N

5 m

5 cm

5 cm



the whole settlement during phase Yellow (Fig. 8,1). The unique Near East ern-style cylinder seal in ivory underlines the exceptional character of this house complex, with multi-ple adjacent stor age rooms (Fig. 8,1: rooms 6o6–6o9). It is important to note that the shape of other pins in the Cycla-des also points to the east. A pin, again made of silver, from grave 343 at Chalandriani has a head in the shape of a vessel (Rambach 2ooo, Pl. 46,2; 171,7–8). This is the well-known shape of the lentoid jug with cutaway spout of the Lefkandi I-Kastri assem blage (cf. Fig. 1,15) as commonly found in west ern Anatolia, for example at Karatas (Warner 1994, Pl. 172,e). Most inter estingly, this kind of jug is also repre-sented on the »sealing leader« from Lerna: a seal that was used more than any other at this site (Weingarten 1997, 153 Fig. 3,1o9). J. Weingarten has already argued on the basis of this and other indications for the presence of foreign (prob-ably Anatolian) traders at Lerna (Weingarten 1997, 158–161). Even pins in the shape of a vase neck, again made of silver, from Avdeli/Naxos grave 1 (Rambach 2ooo, Pl. 93,3; 171,4) or unspecifi cally from Naxos (Marangou 199o, 62, no. 35, with-out known provenance) find parallels in Anatolia, for example in a pin made of bronze, gold, and carnelian from Tomb K at Alacahöyük (Bingöl 1999, 193 Cat.-No. 213). Taking all indications together, the pins with a spherical head (and a few other pin types) seem to be traditional costume pins of people in the Aegean wearing Anatolian-style (woolen?) clothes, made with the new textile tools men-tioned above, and using Anatolian style pottery. The pins are often made of bronze, most likely mimicking the shine of gold, or even silver, and potentially imitating even more precious pins of a fairly similar type, with composite heads of lapis lazuli, as worn in Mesopotamia during this period.

Carnelian beads

Etched carnelian beads were bleached in an alkali liquid after firing the bead. This specific technique is typical for the Mature Harappa Culture in the greater Indus region. Such beads were also common in much later periods in this region (Roux 2ooo). The later beads, however, can be differ-entiated due to a different morphology and decorative motifs, while the origins of these specific beads can be traced

back to the Harappan period (Beck 1933, 394 with Fig.; During Caspers 1971). The earliest etched carnelian beads have been found at Nausharo in Baluchistan in layers of the Early Harappa phase, i. e. before 26oo BC (Barthélemy de Saizieu 2ooo, 447 Fig. 2a–c). Apparently, traces of work-shops with furnaces to produce the beads have been exca-vated, together with such beads, at Lothal and Chanhu-daro (Fig. 9). No clear evidence for such workshops comes from Mesopotamia, where the beads have also been found in con-siderable numbers (cf. Fig. 9). The lack of workshops for etched carnelian beads in Mesopotamia, the long tradition in this specific technique of bead manufacture further east, and the much higher numbers of sites with beads of this type in the greater Indus region are all indications that these beads were probably only produced in the latter region. In contrast to older compilations including 2o sites (Roaf 199o, 98 Fig. [without no.]; Aruz/Wallenfels 2oo3, Fig. 74), it is now possible to map 5o sites with etched carnelian beads in the 3rd millennium BC, especially in Pakistan and Western India (cf. Fig. 9). Nevertheless, S. Ratnagar has emphasised that they are also rare and valuable beads in the Harappan Culture (Ratnagar 2oo4, 179). Etched carnelian beads are mentioned in this contribution because of the sensational find of one in a hoard at Kolonna on Aegina during the exca-vations in 2ooo (cf. Fig. 9; Aruz/Wallenfels 2oo3, 261 Cat.-No. 166; Reinholdt 2oo8, Pl. 3,o32; 4,1 [right]; 5,3; 13,1). This bead was found nearly 2ooo km west of the most western Mesopotamian site to have yielded such beads. This kind of bead has not even been found at Early Bronze Age Syrian sites like Ebla or Mari. Its decoration with concentric circles finds many parallels in Mesopotamia and especially in the Indus, for example at Baror (cf. Fig. 9; Sant et al. 2oo4-o5, Pl. 15).

The second very specific type of bead made of carnelian are elongated beads which have a length of up to 15 cm. Once more, they are most typical in the Indus region, but appear also in Mesopotamia (Fig. 1o). Only in the realm of the Mature Harappan Culture have stone drills in »Ernes-tite«, an extremely hard (Mohs 7) and durable metamor-phous stone named after Ernest J. H. Mackay, been uncov-ered. Such drills have been found at Mohenjo-daro and Chanhu-daro, both province of Sindh in Pakistan (Ludvik et al. 2o14, Fig. 82 [left]), Harappa, district of Sahiwal in Pakistan, and Dholavira, district of Kutch in India. These tools enabled craftsmen to drill the beads with a speed of about 2.5 cm per hour. The production of one elongated car-nelian bead probably required between three and eight days (Kenoyer 1998, 161). Complete necklaces or girdles with dozens of elongated carnelian beads have been found at Allahdino and Mohenjo-daro, both province of Sindh in Pakistan (cf. Fig. 1o [top right]) with 36 beads being sepa-rated by spacer beads. J. M. Kenoyer calculated that it took 2–3 years to produce such a girdle (Kenoyer 1998, 162). For this reason alone it is very likely that the beads, and espe-cially complete girdles, had an outstanding value. Further to the west the very long carnelian beads also appear, but in most cases they seem to be singular pieces. In some cases they were similarly worn in necklaces of parallel beads sepa-rated by spacer beads, but they are much shorter, like the ones from grave PG 55 from the Royal Cemetery at Ur (Pitt-

Fig. 7 (left page) Assemblages with pins with spherical heads in the Early Bronze Age Aegean (1–19) and Anatolia (2o–28). 1–4 Dhaskalio Kavos: 1 plan of the site; 2–4 some objects from trench VI West, period C; 5–8 Markiani on Amorgos: some objects from T2,1–T2,2, phase IV; 9–13 Chalandrian on Syros: grave 372; 14–19 Chalandriani on Syros: grave 2o5; 2o–22 Demircihüyük-Sarıket, province of Eskisehir (Turkey): grave 3o9; 23–28 Kanlıgeçit, province of Kırklareli: some objects from phase 2. Scale 1:2: 2, 4, 6, 8, 12–13, 18–21, 26; scale 1:4: 5, 7, 9–11, 14–17, 22–25, 27–28; scale 2:1: 3. Abb. 7 (linke Seite) Fundkomplexe mit Kugelkopfnadeln in der Ägäis (1–19) und in Anatolien (2o–28) in der Frühbronzezeit. 1–4 Dhaskalio Kavos: 1 Plan der Fundstelle; 2–4 einige Funde aus Graben VI West, Phase C; 5–8 Markiani auf Amorgos: einige Funde aus T2,1–T2,2, Phase IV; 9–13: Chalandrian auf Syros: Grab 372; 14–19: Chalandriani auf Syros: Grab 2o5; 2o–22 Demircihüyük-Sarıket, Prov. Eskisehir (Türkei): Grab 3o9; 23–28 Kanlıgeçit, Prov. Kırklareli (Türkei): einige Funde der Phase 2. Maßstab 1:2: 2, 4, 6, 8, 12–13, 18–21, 26; Maßstab 1:4: 5, 7, 9–11, 14–17, 22–25, 27–28; Maßstab 2:1: 3.



Fig. 8 Two examples of assemblages with pins with spherical heads from Poliochni in period Yellow. 2–5 Some objects from room 412: 2–3 pottery; 4 arsenical copper pin; 5 weight; 6–9 some objects from room 6o5: 6 weight; 7 ivory cylinder seal; 8, 1o bronze pins; 9 pottery. Scale 1:2: 4–8; 1o; scale 1:4: 2–3; 9. Abb. 8 Zwei Beispiele für Fundkomplexe mit Kugelkopfnadeln aus der Gelben Phase von Poliochni. 2–5 Einige Funde aus Raum 412: 2–3 Keramik; 4 Nadel aus Arsenkupfer; 5 Gewicht; 6–9 einige Funde aus Raum 6o5: 6 Gewicht; 7 Rollsiegel aus Elfenbein; 8, 1o Bronzenadeln; 9 Keramik. Maßstab 1:2: 4–8; 1o; Maßstab 1:4: 2–3,9.

1

7 8

4

2

3

INSULA V

INSULA VI

INSULA VII

INSULA VIII

INSULA IX

INSULA X

INSULA XXI

INSULA XX

INSULA XXVI

5

9

6

10

N

20 m



man 1998, 121 Cat.-No. 91). Still, smaller biconical carnelian beads with a length of about 1.5o–3.75 cm have been found at a couple of settlements, mostly in rich hoards like the one at Kolonna/Aegina (Reinholdt 2oo8, Pl. 13,2–3:o33.o38), Troy (Tolstikow/Trejster 1996, 111; 172 Cat.-No. 121–122. 221) or Eskiyapar (Özgüç/Temizer 1993, 616 Pl. 115,1). Two such beads have also been found recently at Kavos and Dhaskalio on the Cyclades, one in a ritual (?) and one in a settlement context (Birtacha 2oo7, Fig. 9,15–16, no. 411; Haas-Lebegyev/Renfrew 2o13, 663 f. Fig. 31.2o–21, no. 12562). The small biconical carnelian beads could be interpreted as pale reflec-tions of the impressive elongated carnelian beads from the Indus. Most recently, highly interesting preliminary results have been announced by a group of scholars (G. Ludvik, M. Pieniążek, and J. M. Kenoyer) who investigated the pro-cesses of bead manufacture with scanning electron micro-scopy (SEM). With this method it becomes possible to iden-tify the type of drill employed to perforate the beads. An elongated carnelian bead from Bogazköy-Hattusa, province of Çorum (Turkey) (cf. Fig. 1o), typologically datable to 26oo–19oo BC, clearly shows a drilling pattern that implies a manufacture in the Indus Valley or by Indus craftsmen living in Mesopotamia (Ludvik et al. 2o14, 148–151 Fig. 83). Moreover, a bead from an Early Bronze Age context at Troy exhibits application of the same technique. It will be very interesting to see their results published because the carne-lian beads from the hoard from Kolonna on Aegina have also been analysed (cf. Fig. 1o; Reinholdt 2oo8). A scientific examination with this technique of the carnelian beads from Dhaskalio and Kavos (cf. Fig. 1o) would be highly appreciated in the future. We can conclude that the distribu-tion of the etched and elongated carnelian beads demon-strates that the Aegean-Anatolian region was not only inte-grated in the dissemination of these specific beads, but the impressive results of G. Ludvik and others imply that they were manufactured at least 25oo km to the east. This is a remarkable further indication (cf. Rahmstorf 2oo6) of the well-developed and extensive exchange patterns in the east-ern Mediterranean in the mid and later 3rd millennium BC, which included the region of the entire Aegean.

Stone arm or wrist guards/stone bracers

A stone bracer from Dhaskalio phase C has recently been published (Fig. 11,7; Haas-Lebegyev/Renfrew 2o13, 663 f. Fig. 31,22.23). The authors consider it to be a stone amulet, not an arm or wrist guard, a characteristic object of the Bell Beaker phenomenon spread all over Central and Western Europe (Harrison 198o, Fig. 36). A few years ago, J. Maran suggested that bracers found in the Aegean might have been used in a similar way as in the Bell Beaker world (Maran 2oo7, 13 f. Pl. IV,1–5). At that time, they were only known from Cretan tholos tombs, datable imprecisely to the Early Minoan and the early Middle Minoan periods, and from Lerna. At Lerna four plates (L3.241; L4.21o; L3.249; L7.1o6) were found in layers of Lerna IV (= EH III), and one, highly fragmented, (L7.328) in an unphased Lerna III (= EH II) con-text (Banks 1967, 214–219). In 2oo8 I published three stone

bracers from Kolonna on Aegina which all seem to date to EH III (Fig. 11,6; Rahmstorf 2oo8, 16o f. Fig. 5). The new find from the settlement of Dhaskalio confirms such a dating because it was found in phase C of the settlement, dated by a series of 14C datings to 23oo–22oo BC (Renfrew et al. 2o12). To sum up, all well-dated contexts with stone bracers are contemporary with a later stage of the Bell Beaker period. Hence, the adoption of this kind of object from the Bell Beak- er world or the import of stone bracers to the Aegean world is plausible. Only if one is not precisely differentiating stone bracers, with one or two holes at both ends, from normal whetstones, with a perforation at just one end, does the pic-ture become blurred (cf. Rahmstorf 2oo8, 16o–162; Rahm-storf forthcoming, n. 13). The objects from the Aegean consid ered here to be arm or wrist guards are fairly similar to the typical Bell Beaker artefacts of this type; furthermore, the dating of them in the Aegean confirms this link. The only missing piece of evidence so far in the Aegean is a direct confirmation of the placement of such an artefact within a single grave next to the lower part of the arm of the deceased because all known examples have so far been found either in settlements or else in collective graves where their original placement on a body could no longer be deter-mined.

Bone toggles

The so-called bone toggles are rod pendants with swollen ends and most often a central perforation (Fig. 11,1–3.5). In some cases the central part is not perforated (Fig. 11,4), but rather constricted. Maran has demonstrated the wide distribution of bone toggles throughout Central Europe, South-ern France, Italy, and in the north-east Peloponnese in Greece (Maran 1998, 292; 371–373 Pl. 55). More sites with such objects have been added by other scholars in recent years, for example Boscombe Down in southern England (Fig. 11,1; Fitzpatrick 2o11). The only examples from the Aegean derive from three sites in the north-east Pelopon-nese: Lerna (Fig. 11,5), Zygouries, and Korakou. Only the objects from Lerna can be dated and the dates indicate that they only occurred with the latest EH II and mainly EH III (Banks 1967, 457–459 Pl. 14a–b). Their use continued into the Middle Bronze Age. This parallels very well the dating of the more recent finds of stone bracers mentioned above. If these objects were indeed used for a specific way of wearing a cloak (Rahmstorf 2oo8, 158), they could indicate the adop-tion of a foreign clothing style in the Peloponnese; however, I would not go so far as to suggest that this might be an indi-cation for a potential climatic change. Toggles without perfo-rations but a thinner diameter in the middle are also known from the 2nd millennium BC on the Southern Greek main-land. They are made in precious materials, like gold, silver, or ivory, and are interpreted as clasps used for fastening cloth on the shoulder. This is also implied by the find contexts of such objects at Mycenae, Asine, and other sites (Konstanti-nidi-Syvridi 2o14, 153 f. Fig. 6,25–26). E. Konstantinidi-Syv-ridi has presented a reconstruction of how they were used (Konstantinidi-Syvridi 2o14, 154 Fig. 6,24).



Kol

onna

Abr

aq (

Tell)

Muq

ayya

r (T

ell)/

Ur

Susa

His

sar

(Tep

e)

Har

appa

Moh

enjo

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Kal

iban

gan

Loth

al

Man

dy >

Shah

Tep

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ortu

gai

Hib

a (T

ell e

s-)/L

agaš

Abu

Sal

abik

h

Kal

leh-

Nis

sar

Asm

ar (

Tell)

/Ešn

unna

Ingh

arra

and

el-

Ohe

imir

(Tel

ls)/

Kiš

and

Hur

sagk

alam

a

Sher

qat

(Qal

‘at)

/Ašš

ur

Sar

el-J

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Med

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Ham

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Mow

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Ken

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Shah

dad

Cha

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Am

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Chí

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mb

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Bhi

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hul-

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Kur

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Seal and weight use

Most recently I have discussed the earliest use of seals and weights in the Aegean (Rahmstorf forthcoming); hence it is sufficient to present here only a short summary. The earliest sealings have been excavated at Myrina on Lesbos, Mar kiani on Amorgos, and most likely also at Knossos on Crete, in stratigraphical contexts which date their use before the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. Because of the limited evi-dence it is hard to tell whether this could imply that seals were already in regular use for securing, documenting, and administrating surplus in staple agricultural products, or even in small amounts of highly valuable materials like metals. Contextual evidence for the massive use of seals has so far been documented only in the later EH II period at three sites (Lerna, Geraki, Petri) in the Peloponnese. From the sites with early sealings mentioned above it is clear that the implementation of this innovation – foreign in origin – had decisive consequences for social and economic be- haviour and got off the ground even before the first »Anato-lising« pottery of the type of Lefkandi I Kastri is found in

the southern Aegean, from around the middle of the 3rd mil-lennium BC. It is also important to note that we have no indi-cations in the form of sealings that seals were still being used to create such impressions during EBA III and the ear-lier Middle Bronze Age on the Greek mainland and the Aegean islands, with the sole exception of Crete (cf. Maran 1998, 238 f.). There is extensive evidence for administrative seal use on Crete during the Old Palace period, for example prominently at the »archivio di cretule« at the palace of Phaistos (Krzyszkowska 2oo5, 1o4–1o8 with further refer-ences). On the mainland and the islands, the use of seals seems to have been either not required or just interrupted for several centuries.

Similarly, a second important socio-economic innovation, the use of scales and weights, appeared as early as the 29th/ 28th centuries BC in the Aegean (Rahmstorf forthcoming). Indubitable weights have been documented, for example, at Çukuriçi Höyük near Ephesos on the eastern Aegean coast (Horejs 2oo9; Horejs forthcoming), both sphendonoid weights made of dark iron oxide stone (often but not always hematite), similar to the ones from Poliochni (Fig. 8,6), as well as one spool-shaped potential weight, like those known from very many Aegean sites, for example Poliochni (Fig. 8,5), Aghia Irini (Fig. 12,2–4.6–7.9–1o), Dhaskalio (Fig. 7,4; 12,12–14), or Provatsa/Leondari (Fig. 12,16). While the correct identification of such objects as balance weights is not easy and unambiguous for the earliest potential

Fig. 9 (left page) Distribution map of etched carnelian beads. Beads not to scale. See appendix 4. Abb. 9 (linke Seite) Verbreitungskarte der ätzverzierten Karneolperlen. Perlen nicht maßstabsgerecht abgebildet. Siehe Anhang 4.

Nuffar/Nippur

Dhaskalio

Muqayyar (Tell)/UrSusa

Harappa

Mohenjo-daro

Lothal

Mardikh (Tell)/Ebla

Ingharra and el-Oheimir (Tells)/Kiš and Hursagkalama

Brak (Tell)/Nagar

Jalalabad

Chanhu-daro

Allahdino

Baror

Lohumjo-daro

Kuntasi

SurkotadaBagasra

Kavos

Troy

Hariri (Tell)/Mari

Tello/Girsu

Dholavira

KolonnaKültepe/Karum Kaneš

Umm an-Nar

Bogazkoy/Hattuša

Kalibangan

Banawali

Fig. 1o Distribution of elongated carnelian beads (red dots) and short biconical carnelian beads (green dots; only a selection of the relevant sites for the latter). See appendix 5. Abb. 1o Verbreitung der länglichen (rote Punkte) sowie der kurzen bikonischen Karneolperlen (grüne Punkte; bei Letzteren ist nur eine Auswahl der relevan-ten Fundstellen aufgeführt). Siehe Anhang 5.



weights from the earlier part of the 3rd millennium BC (cf. Rahmstorf forthcoming), it is not in doubt that weight metro-logy was known in the Aegean before the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. As with the seals, the practice of using weights also seems to have been lost on the mainland and the islands after 22oo BC, with the exception of Crete. Notwith-standing, it would be worth further investigating some pos-sibly relevant artefacts, for example those from Middle Hella-dic Malthi (Valmin 1936-37; Valmin 1938, 277–288; Schon 2o15), in order to check their potential use as balance weights with the help of current knowledge and methodology.

Silver production

The first and very rare silver finds date to the 5th millen-nium BC and maybe even late 6th millennium BC (Hansen 2o14, Fig. 11). These earliest finds are considered to be made from natural gold-silver alloys and indeed they often consist of electrum rather than silver (Hansen 2o14, 398; Helwing 2o14, 415 n. 14). The 4th millennium BC saw the first regular use of silver. This development is apparently connected to the invention of an extraction process of silver from silver-lead ores. First, argentiferous lead ores are smelted to lead. In a second stage called cupellation the lead is oxidised to litharge (PbO) and separated from the silver. All impurities are also removed (Pernicka 2o14, 155). Cupellation can be documented in the archaeological record by finds of litharge, the residue of this process. The oldest contextual evidence for this process comes from sites in eastern Anatolia, Iran, and Turkmenistan dating to the first half and the middle of

the 4th millennium BC (Helwing 2o14, 415 Fig. 3a). Litharge has also been found in the Aegean in Final Neolithic con-texts dating again to the 4th millennium BC, most probably to its latest stage, but only short preliminary reports have been published so far about the relevant sites, such as Lam-brika and Koropi in Attica (Kakavogianni et al. 2oo8), and Limenaria on Thasos (Fig. 12,1; Papadopoulos 2oo8). Silver production apparently increased during the Early Bronze Age in Attica and on Siphnos in the western Cyclades (for several further sites not mapped in figure 12 see now Douni et al. 2o15 and Kafaya 2o15). At Lambrika many bowl-shaped fragments of litharge with depressions at the bottom have been found in EH I layers (Fig. 12,17). The exact function of these depressions is still open to discussion (but see now Douni et al. 2o15). It is nevertheless highly interesting to observe that 25oo years later examples of litharge from Attica look similar (Kakavogianni et al. 2oo8, 53). The amount of litharge is sometimes considerable – at Akro-tiraki on Siphnos over 18 kg of litharge were found (Papa-dopoulou 2o11, 15o), while at other sites (Fig. 12,11; Dhaska-lio and Kavos) only small pieces have been recorded. It is theoretically possible that litharge was smelted back to lead but this is archaeologically documented only for much later periods (Georgakopoulou 2oo7). Generally the concurrence of the developments in silver production in the later 4th mil-lennium BC and 3rd millennium BC in the western Asia and the Aegean is striking. As S. Sherratt has already put it: »[…] it would seem curious if the Aegean were to have thought of working silver, especially silver obtained by cupellation, entirely independently at the same time […]« (Sherratt 2oo7, 257).

WeimarBoscombe Down

KolonnaLerna

Dhaskalio Kavos

Nogarole di Mezzolombardo

Grotte Barriera

1 2

7

6

3

5

4

Fig. 11 Distribution of arm or wrist guards/stone bracers in Greece (green dots) and bone toggles in Europe (red dots). Illustrations of the objects at scale 1:2. Abb. 11 Verbreitung der steinernen Armschutzplatten in Griechenland (grüne Punkte) und Knochenknebel in Europa (rote Punkte). Abbildungen der Objekte im Maßstab 1:2.



Most interesting is the link between silver production and weight metrology. At the sites from which the small finds have been fully published (Aghia Irini, Dhaskalio and Kavos), spool-shaped potential weights have also been exca-vated in very great numbers. Dhaskalio and Kavos, with more than 1oo examples taken together, have produced by far the greatest number of spool-shaped potential weights known from a single site (Fig. 12,12–14 shows just three

examples). At Aghia Irini over 4o such objects have been excavated, the third largest number. In addition, at Aghia Irini litharge was even found in the same contexts as weights in Deposit AI (Fig. 12,2, weight: Wilson 1999, Pl. 38.96, SF 111; litharge: Wilson 1999, 173, SF 29) and Deposit AD (Fig. 12,3–5, weight: Wilson 1999, 15o Pl. 38.96, SF 113–114; litharge: Wilson 1999, 117 Pl. 94, SF 28) from period II, and Deposit BO (Fig. 12,6–1o, weight: Wilson 1999, 15o f. Pl. 38;

Fig. 12 Distribution of litharge finds (1; 5; 8; 11; 15; 17) in the Final Neolithic/Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age Aegean and its nexus to spool-shaped potential balance weights (2–4; 6–7; 9–1o; 12–14; 16) in the Early Bronze Age. Scale 1:2: 1–5; 7; 9–15; 17; Scale 1:5: 6; Scale 1:1o: 8; 16 without scale. See appendix 6. Abb. 12 Verbreitung von Bleiglättefunden (1; 5; 8; 11; 15; 17) des Endneolithikums/der Kupferzeit und der Frühbronzezeit in der Ägäis und ihre Verbin- dung mit möglichen spulenförmigen Gewichten (2–4; 6–7; 9–1o; 12–14; 16) in der Frühbronzezeit. Maßstab 1:2: 1–5; 7; 9–15; 17; Maßstab 1:5: 6; Maßstab 1:1o: 8; 16 ohne Maßstab. Siehe Anhang 6.

Aghia Irini

Leondari/Provatsa

Dhaskaleio/Kavos

Lambrika

Limenaria

Markopoulo, Merenda

Kapsalos Platy GialosAghios Sostis

Akrotiraki

Koropi

109

7

6

8

5

43

1

2

17

1615

14

11 12 13



96, SF 115. 124. 128, litharge: Wilson 1999, 146; 197 Pl. 94, SF 31) from period III. It is also interesting to note that 25–3o % of the pottery at Aghia Irini II and III is imported (Wilson 1999, Tab. 3,1). The excavations of the settlement of Dhaskaleio also brought to light extensive indications for metal production (Georgakopoulou 2o13). At Dhaskalio and Kavos and at Aghia Irini the number of very large and heavy spool-shaped potential weights (Fig. 12,6.14) is exception-ally high (Rahmstorf forthcoming, n. 8). In addition, there are also Early Bronze Age sites with both litharge (Lam-brika: Fig. 12,17; Leondari/Provatsa: Fig. 12,15) and spool-shaped potential weights, even if we do not know yet their precise contextual assemblages. The spool-shaped potential weight from Lambrika is exhibited in the Museum at Brau-ron Markopoulo Mesogaias in Greece. The spool-shaped potential weight from Leondari/Provatsa is made of lead (Fig. 12,16). Weights in this material have come to light at a couple of sites, for example, two at Dhaskalio (of which one is marked: Fig. 7,4), which further underpins the function of these objects as weights. To conclude, the logical interpreta-tion of these contextual indications implies that the silver was measured precisely at the sites where it was produced. This flourishing phase of silver production ended in the later 3rd millennium BC, maybe around 23oo BC. The important sites of Aghia Irini and Dhaskalio and Kavos were aban-doned; first Aghia Irini, a little later also Dhaskalio and Kavos at the end of phase C. The link between Lefkandi I-Kastri pottery and sites with litharge is also quite striking: this is obvious for Aghia Irini and Dhaskalio. At Akrotiraki on Siphnos, tankards, one of the type of vessels of the Lef-kandi I-Kastri style, have been excavated in the upper level of grave 142 (Matthäus 1985, 28 Fig. 8,2; Rambach 2ooo, 6o f.; 334 f.) and at Laurion such vessels and a depas were found within mine 3 (Spitaels 1984, 166–169 Fig. 1o5; 1o6). It is therefore likely that the users of the Anatolian-style Lef-kandi I-Kastri pottery were especially active in silver pro-duction and trade within the Aegean – maybe they were for-eign, not of Cycladic or southern mainland origin.

Conclusions

In the case of Cyprus it has been suggested that the innova-tions appearing with the Philia phase around the middle of the 3rd millennium BC were the result of »a process of coloni-sation – that is, as a migration involving the planned depar-ture of individuals from one or more communities to estab-lish new communities that replicate those at home« (Webb 2o13, 136). During the last 4o and more years, Aegean schol-ars have only very restrictedly taken into account migration as a factor of cultural change. And indeed, it was most prob-ably not a large-scale migration which occurred during the middle and later 3rd millennium BC in the Aegean. However, by taking into account the evidence presented above, as well as other indications not mentioned here, like »Syrian bot-tles« (Rahmstorf 2oo6, 55–57 Fig. 4; 5), incised bone tubes (Genz 2oo3; Saliari/Draganits 2o13), roller impressions (Krzyszkowska 2oo5, 52–56; Rahmstorf 2oo6, 62–67 Fig. 8; 9), lead figurines/»trinkets« (Vorys Canby 2oo3; Jablonka 2o14, 45 Fig. 3) or flat beads with tubular mid rib and quad-

ruple spirals, both often made in gold or silver (Rahmstorf 2o11, 147 Fig. bottom, 149 Fig. top), it seems likely to me that smaller mobile groups of specialists, traders, and prospec-tors/metallurgists infiltrated the Aegean from the east (west-ern Anatolia and even beyond) right from the beginnings of the Early Bronze Age and brought these new ideas with them. It is also quite obvious from the evidence at our dis-posal that these new commodities, styles or innovations were sometimes changed from the Near Eastern prototypes within the context of interaction with the local Aegean population and adapted to meet local needs. For example, the specialists were mostly likely responsible for the dissem-ination of the highly important innovations from Syro-Mesopotamia of seal and weight use. However, the local Aegean people interpreted these innovations in their own specific way. The style, shape, and specific implementation (cf. Maran/Kostoula 2o14 for the use of seals at Lerna) of the seals and weights differ often considerably from the eastern models.

It is plausible that the number of »eastern people« increased, particularly when the Lefkandi I-Kastri pottery assemblage becomes visible throughout the Aegean. This was also related to new developments in metallurgy and new ceramic sub-assemblages, as suggested by G. Nakou (2ooo; 2oo7). In this contribution the connection of the Lef-kandi I-Kastri phenomenon with the dissemination of some new textile tools and specific pin types has been empha-sised. These people possibly came from western Anatolia – this is at least implied by the archaeological evidence. Maybe as early as the late 24th century BC this strong east-ern orientation of cultural influence and exchange patterns temporarily stops on the Greek mainland and most of the Aegean islands, with the exception of Crete. This date would roughly coincide with the Akkadian expansion into upper Mesopotamia and potentially even Anatolia (even the later Mesopotamian written sources mentioning an Akkadian invasion in Anatolia are far from being in any sense histori-cally accurate). It is possible that the military campaigns by Sargon the Great, which may have reached even Anatolia (van de Mieroop 2ooo; Foster 2oo5, 71–75), disrupted long-established trade encounters or that these endured during the Akkadian period – roughly contemporary with much of EH III – or that they continued only on a much reduced scale. During the EBA III the former Anatolian-style pottery types are melded into local styles, but some technological impetuses, like wheel-thrown pottery, were actually taken up only during this period on the Greek mainland, after a long process which required »[…] apprenticeship, […] ampli-fied through training, practice, and repetition […]« (Choleva 2o12, 375), with direct, sustained, and long-term contacts with western Anatolia, where wheel-thrown pottery had appeared around the middle of 3rd millennium BC. After 23oo BC (although this process probably started earlier), the Greek mainland, especially the western part, experienced a strong impact from the Adriatic and central Mediterranean zone. This can be most clearly seen in the pottery, but also in rare, small find groups, like bone toggles and stone bracers, which point to the west and north-west, and in fact to the wider Bell Beaker world. We should not exclude migration as the reason for these phenomena. It is of particular impor-



4 Schliemann 1881, 47o–472, nos. 787–792; Renfrew 1972, 4o8 f. Tab. 19.1; Fig. 19,1; Born et al. 2o14, 43; 49–53 Fig. 5; 6.49–5o; Hänsel 2o14, 141 Pl. 11; 1o–16.

tance that we have now, in strontium isotope and ancient DNA analyses, new methods to investigate and potentially eventually determine whether movements of people were actually involved.

The potential »easterners« appeared on the Aegean scene in the 3rd millennium BC as the result of the desire for silver (cf. Weingarten 1997; Broodbank 2o13, 337 f.). This can be convincingly documented for Anatolia and Syro-Mesopo-tamia first by archaeological finds, and later also by written evidence (Bachhuber 2o12 with some references). Key sites like Troy witnessed particularly intensive relations with Syria, potentially seen even in architectural style (Jablonka 2o14, 43–45 Fig. 1). Thus, it is maybe not so surprising that the precious finds from treasures of Troy exhibit very strong typological links to that region. The trade in silver and other commodities, most likely textiles, brought foreign goods and capital into the Aegean. At Troy six large silver ingots, most likely related to weight measures (9.4 g-unit; mina of 47o g), were found by H. Schliemann4. Pessimists would say that this is much too slight an indication of large-scale trade between the Aegean and the east in the 3rd millennium BC, but they should reflect on the fact that we have also no direct archaeological evidence for the large-scale Assyrian trade network of the early 2nd millennium BC, no finds of silver or tin ingots, or textiles, nor do we have any well-preserved

temple or palace repositories from Mesopotamia. Instead, astonishing amounts of silver were recorded in the archives of the palaces of Syro-Mesopotamia, for example, at Ebla in the 24th century BC. One text mentions in total 4535 minas (Archi 1988, text 7, 1o1), which equals 2131 kg when calcu-lated with Old Syrian mina of 47o g. In this respect, the sil-ver ingots from Troy and a dozen sites with litharge (and weights) are not the weakest indications upon which to build an argument. The arguments presented here may remind many of G. V. Childe – and rightly so. The apparent failure of a theory of indigenous development of cultural complexity in the Aegean during the 3rd millennium BC makes some of Childe’s ideas seem more appropriate at this particular moment in time.

Acknowledgements

My thanks go to H. Meller, R. Jung, H. W. Arz, and R. Risch for the invitation to this stimulating conference. The improve-ments suggested by the anonymous referee and the editors were extremely helpful. I would like to thank A. Reinholdt, K. Geppert, and K. Legler for the careful revision of the text. Special thanks are due to M. Siennicka for her comments.



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Source of figures

1 1–9 Maran 2007, Pl. II,1–9 and cf. Maran 1998, Pl. 71 A for wavy line; Poursat 2008, Fig. 107

2 a Kilian 1983, Fig. 39b, modified by author; b Kilian 1982, Fig. 39; modified by author; c Wiencke 2ooo, Plan 8; d Banks 2o13, Plan 4; modified by author

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4 author, with illustrations from Caskey 1955, Pl. 22,l (Lerna); Gavalas 2o13, Fig. 31.9, 5484 (Dhaskalio Kavos); Hood 1981–82, Fig. 288,26 (Emporio); Archon-tidou-Argyri/Kokkinoforou 2oo4, 84 bottom middle (Myrina); Blegen et al. 195o, Fig. 367 (Troy); Obladen-Kauder 1996, Pl. 93,7 (Demircihüyük), Warner 1994, Pl. 194,h (Karatas); Gürkan/See-her 1991, Fig. 24,7 (Küçükhöyük); Goldman 1956, Fig. 448,28 (Tarsus)

5 author, with illustrations from Crouwel et al. 2oo9, Fig. 4 (Geraki); from author (Tiryns, Object-No. UB 71, 589); Lamb 1936, Pl. 24, no. 31-16 (Thermi); Obladen-Kauder 1996, 1996, Pl. I (fourth row, secon from left) (Demircihüyük); Sharp Jouko-wsky 1986, Fig. 431,51 (Aphrodisias)

6 author, with an illustration from Rambach 2ooo, Pl. 32,8 (Chalandriani)

7 1 Renfrew et al. 2o13, 717 Fig. 34.2. right; 2 Georgakopoulou 2o13, 677 Fig. 32,18; 1o611; 3–4 Renfrew et al. 2o13, supple-mentary material on compact disc; 4 Renfrew et al. 2oo7; 5;7 Eskitzioglou 2oo6, 145 Fig. 7; 19,2.5; 6 author; 8 Birtacha 2oo6, 215 Fig. 8.24; 6,9–13; Rambach 2ooo, Pl. 53, 9–13; 14–19 Ram-bach 2ooo, Pl. 32,3–8; 2o–22 See-her 2ooo, Fig. 38, G. 3o9; Pl. 19,15; 23–26 Özdogan/Parzinger 2o12, Fig. 126; 147; 162,3

8 1 Bernabò-Brea 1976; Kouka 2oo2, Plan 9, modified by author; 2–4; 8–1o Bernabò-Brea 1976, CCIII,b; CCVIII,g–h; CCXXX-VII,1.18.24; 5–6 author; 7 Aruz/Wallenfels 2oo3, 271 Cat.-No. 177 left

9 author, with illustrations from Aruz/Wallenfels 2oo3, nos. 79b; 166; 2o1; 2o8; 2o9; 284; Sant et al. 2oo4-o5, Pl. 15; Rao et al. 2oo4-o5, Pl. 16

1o author, with illustrations from Reinholdt 2oo8, Pl. 13, 2 (no. o38) (Kolonna); Renfrew et al. 2o13, supplementary material on compact disc: IMG_33o62 (Dhaskalio); Tolistikow/Trejster 1996, 111 Cat.-No. 122 (Troy); Lud-vik et al. 2o14, Fig. 83 (Bogazkoy/Hattuša); Aruz/Wallenfels 2oo3, 144 Cat.-Nos. 85a (bead bottom right) (Mari); Cifarelli 2o1o, Fig. 2

(Ingharra and el-Oheimir (Tells)/Kiš and Hursagkalama); Aruz/Wallenfels 2oo3, 129, Cat.-Nos 78 (bead on the lower string bottom right) (Ur); Aruz/Wallenfels 2oo3, 392, Cat.-No. 279 (Mohenjo-daro, depicted in figure 1o in full in upper right and as close up from the middle part of the belt) and also http://www.harappa.com/indus/8o.html; cf. Marshall 1931, 529, Pl. CLI, B1o (Mohenjo-daro)

11 author, based on the map in Fitz-patrick 2o11, Fig. 21 for the bone toggles. 1 Fitzpatrick 2o11, Pl. 18; 2–3 Maran 1998, 57o (with further references), Pl. 55,2. 22. 26; 4 Nicolis 2oo2, Fig. 2; 5–6 author; 7 Renfrew et al. 2o13, supplementary material on com-pact disc: chapter 31_artefacts_ 31E_IMG_28312

12 1 Padadopoulos 2oo8, Fig. 5a (mid); 2–4; 6–7; 9–1o author; 5; 8 Wilson 1999, Pl. 94, SF 28. SF 3o; 11 Birtacha 2oo7a, Fig. 11; 22; 12–13 Renfrew et al. 2o13, supplementary material on compact disc; 14 Hass-Lebegyev/ Renfrew 2o13, Fig. 25,2,1o765; 15 Spitaels 1983, Fig. [no no.]; 16 Spitaels 1982, Abb. 13; 17 Kakavogianni et al. 2oo8, Fig. 13

Appendix author 1–5

Address

Associate Professor Dr. Lorenz RahmstorfUniversity of CopenhagenThe SAXO InstituteKaren Blixensvej 423oo [email protected]



No. Site Reference

1 Aplomata/Naxos, Greece Marangou 1990, 81 nos. 76, 78

2 Chalandriani/Syros, Greece Tsountas 1899, 105 Pl. 10,6; Rambach 2000, Pl. 63,6

3 Dhaskalio Kavos, Greece Gavalas 2013, 650 Fig. 31.9,11167.5484; 31,10.11167.5484

4 Emporio/Lesbos, Greece Hood 1981–82, 636; 639 Fig. 228 Pl.133, bottom right

5 Heraion/Samos, Greece Milojcic 1961, Pl. 23,5–10; 32,6; 41,27–28.31–33; 43,4–9; 49,3–6.11–14

6 Lerna, Greece Caskey 1955, 37, Pl. 22,l

7 Manika, Greece Sampson 1985, 298

8 Myrina/Lesbos, Greece Archontidou-Agyri/Kokkinoforou 2004, 84 bottom, 85 centre

9 Phylakopi/Melos, Greece Atkinson et al. 1904, 213, Pl. XXXVIII,15–17

10 Poliochni/Lemnos, Greece Bernabò-Brea 1964, 655 Pl. CLXVIII,5.8; Bernabò-Brea 1976, 280 Pl. CCXXVII,a–d.g–j; CCXXVIII; CCXXIX,a–d.f–l; CCXXX,a – d; CCXXXI–CCXXXIII (not all are biconical or spherical to biconical

11 Sitagroi, Greece Elster 2003, 232, Pl. 6.6

12 Thermi, Greece Lamb 1936, 161–163 Fig. 47,2–4.6–13.16–21.23

13 Alishar Höyük, Turkey von der Osten 1937, 93 Fig 98.198–203.273–276

14 Aphrodisias, Turkey Joukowsky 1986, Fig. 374,6; Fig. 407,20–23; Fig. 15,6; Fig. 416,6; Fig. 420,7.9.15; Fig. 421,38–39; Fig. 424,5–6.8; Fig. 429,9.12; Fig. 430,7; Fig. 431,4.11.13.16–18.21–24.28–30.33.35; Fig. 432,5.11–12; Fig. 433,6.12.19; Fig. 435,14; Fig. 436,46–47; Fig. 440,31–32.34–36; Fig. 446,9.11–12.18.20; Fig. 449,19.21; Fig. 450,13–15; Fig. 451,12–16.19.22–25; Fig. 469,2.4.20.23; Fig. 453,22

15 Babaköy, Turkey Kökten 1949, 814

16 Bademagacı, Turkey Duru/Umurtak 2007, 10

17 Beycesultan, Turkey Lloyd/Mellaart 1962, Fig. F.5. (all) F.6. (most)

18 Bozüyük, Turkey Körte 1899, 36 Fig. 1,3–5

19 Çukuriçi Höyük, Turkey Britsch/Horejs 2014, 230 Fig. 3

20 Demicihüyük, Turkey Obladen-Kauder 1996, Pl. 91,1–3.6–15; 91,1–5.7; 93–95

21 Demicihüyük-Sarıket, Tur-key

Seeher 2000, passim

22 Etiyokusu, Turkey Kansu 1940, Fig. 89; 90

23 Harmanören, Turkey

24 Kanlıgeçit, Turkey Özdogan/Yılmaz 2012, Fig. 183,13–16.19

25 Karatas, Turkey Warner 1994, Pl. 183–185

26 Koçumbeli, Turkey Tezcan 1966, Pl. 36

27 Konya, Turkey Bahar/Koçak 2004, Pl. 67,2

28 Küçükhöyük, Tukey Gürkan/Seeher 1991, Fig. 24,5–12; 25,1–8.17–19

29 Küllüoba, Turkey http://kulluobakazisi.bilecik.edu.tr/IcerikDetay.aspx?No=22>Tezgah Agırlıklarından Örnekler (14.09.2015)

30 Kusura, Turkey Lamb 1937, Fig 13–14; Lamb 1938, Fig. 20

31 Polatlı, Turkey Lloyd/Gökçe 1951, Fig. 15

32 Tarsus, Turkey Goldman 1956, 329 Fig. 446; 447

33 Troy, Turkey Schmidt 1902, 206; Blegen et al. 1950, 216–218 Fig. 222,33.116.33.264.35.103.36. 277; 366–368; Blegen et al. 1951, 233–234, Fig. 54,57–58,151–153,236–237

34 Yortan, Turkey Kiamil 1980, 37–38 Fig. 84,11–15; 85,20–22.26–30

Appendix

Appendix 1 Biconical incised spindle whorls in the 3rd millennium BC (compare Fig. 4). Anhang 1 Bikonische ritzverzierte Spinnwirtel des 3. Jts. v. Chr. (vgl. Abb. 4).



No. Site Reference

1 Geraki, Greece Crouwel et al. 2007, Fig. 4 Pl. II

2 Thermi/Lesbos, Greece Lamb 1936, Pl. 24,31–16

3 Tiryns, Greece Müller 1938, 64 Fig. 50; Weißhaar 1981, 237 Fig. 77,7; 82,7; Siennicka 2012, 70 Pl. XXV,h

4 Aphodisias, Turkey Joukowsky 1986, Fig. 412,19; Fig. 417,16; Fig. 417,9; Fig. 431,51; Fig. 451,9.18.26; Fig. 453,1.5

5 Bozöyük, Turkey Mus. Bonn, B 432a

6 Demircihükük, Turkey Korfmann 1981, Fig. 45; Obladen-Kauder 1996, Pl. I [bottom]

7 Konya, Turkey Bahar/Koçak 2004, Fig. 67, bottom; Fig. 68 top; Pl. 10

8 Kusura, Turkey Lamb 1938, 256

9 Polatlı, Turkey Lloyd/Gökçe 1951, Pl. IV,f

10 Tarsus, Turkey Goldman 1956, Fig. 441,11

11 Troy, Turkey Schmidt 1902, 296 no. 8260

12 Zinçirli, Turkey Andrae/Luschan 1943, 62 Fig. 74 – not securely datable to the Early Bronze Age

Appendix 2 Crescent-shaped loom weights in the 3rd millennium BC (compare Fig. 5). Anhang 2 Halbmondförmige Webgewichte aus dem 3. Jt. v. Chr. (vgl. Abb. 5).

Appendix 3 Pins with spherical or semi-spherical heads (compare Fig. 6). Anhang 3 Nadeln mit kugel- oder halbkugelförmigen Köpfen (vgl. Abb. 6).

No. Site Reference

1 Aghios Ermolaos/Lemnos, Greece

Agallopoulou 1994

2 Asine, Greece Frödin/Persson 1938, 258 Fig. 182, no. 1 left

3 Chalandriani/Syros, Greece Rambach 2000, Pl. 32,8; 53,12; Rambach 2000a, 357

4 Dhaskalio, Greece Georgakopoulou 2013, 678; 685 Fig. 32.18.10611; 32.19.10611

5 Kavos/Keros, Greece Georgakopoulou 2013, 678

6 Manika/Euboea, Greece Sampson 1985, drawing 72, 5 Fig. 98a Pl. 93; Sampson 1988, 22; 28 Fig. 3; 90

7 Markiani/Amorgos, Greece Birtacha 2006, 213, Fig. 8,24; Andreopoulou-Mangou 2006, 21, Tab. 8,18

8 Palamari/Skyros, Greece Hadjipouliou 1987, 358 Fig. 8

9 Poliochni/Lemnos, Greece Bernabò-Brea 1964, Pl. LXXXXVII,7; 664, Pl. CLXXVI,5.7–8.10–13; Bernabò-Brea 1976, Pl. CCXXXXVII,1–29 (no all, but many of these)

10 Thermi/Lesbos, Greece Lamb 1936, 166, Fig. 48a,31.53

11 Zygouries, Greece Blegen 1928, Pl. XX,8

12 Alishar Höyük, Turkey Schmidt 1932, Fig. 67; 69

13 Bademagacı, Turkey Duru 2008, Fig. 351,3–4.7

14 Beycesultan, Turkey Lloyd/Mellaart 1962, 289 Fig. 11,3, Pl. XXXV,3

15 Demircihüyük, Turkey Obladen-Kauder 1996, 314, Pl. 156,1–5

16 Demircihüyük-Sarıket, Turkey Seeher 2000, 58, Fig. 16; 21,G.83,c; 22,G.95,d; 33,G.243,h; 34,G.261,b; 37,G.299,b; 38,G.309,c; 45,G.419,d; 51,G.517,c

17 Harmanören, Turkey Efe/Fidan 2006, Pl. 6,12–13

18 Kaklık Mevkii, Turkey Efe/Fidan 2006, Pl. 6,10

19 Kalınkaya-Toptastepe, Turkey Zimmermann 2007, 16 Fig. 5,f–g

20 Karatas, Turkey Warner 1994, Pl. 187,h; 188,a

21 Küllüoba, Turkey Efe/Fidan 2006, Pl. 6,15–16

22 Küçükhöyük, Turkey Gürkan/Seeher 1991, Fig. 22,3

23 Troy/Troia, Turkey Schliemann 1881, 505 nos. 934–935; Sazcı 2001, Fig. 428 (left)

24 Tarsus, Turkey Goldman 1956



No. Site Reference

1 Kolonna/Aegina, Greece Aruz/Wallenfels 2003, 261 Cat.-No. 166; Reinholdt 2008, Pl. 3,032; 4,1 (right); 5,3; 13,1

2 Abu Salabikh, Iraq Roaf 1990, 98 Fig. (map)

3 Asmar (Tell)/Ešnunna, Iraq Frankfort 1933, 48–53 Fig. 31–33

4 Sherqat (Qal’at)/Aššur, Iraq Andrae 1938, 80 Pl. 11

5 Hiba (Tell es-)/Lagash, Iraq Bahrani 1989, 116 Pl. LVII,2

6 Ingharra and el-Oheimir (Tells)/Kish and Hursagkalama, Iraq

Mackay 1925, Pl. IV,B23; Mackay 1929, 184–185 Pl. XLIII,6.8.9; LX,54–58.62–63

7 Khafajah/Tutub, Iraq Meyer 1981, 84

8 Muqayyar (Tell)/Ur, Iraq Woolley 1934, 165. 373–374. 397 Fig. 80 Pl. 133; 134, U. 34 (top row); 220, U.8931. U.9786

9 Nuffar/Nippur, Iraq McCoron et al. 1967, Pl. 150,9–10

10 Umm el Jir/Umm el-Jerab, Iraq Gibson 1972, 294 no. 336

11 Hissar (Tepe), Iran Schmidt 1937, 223. 229 Pl. XXXV. LXVI, H 3215–H 3216

12 Jalalabad, Iran Chakrabarti/Moghadam 1979, 167 Fig. 10

13 Kalleh Nisar, Iran Vanden Berghe 1970, 73

14 Kenaru, Iran Baghestani 1997, 45

15 Pusht-i Kuh, Iran Haerinck/Overlaet 2010, 146–147 Fig. 47,A4 Pl. 55,14; XXV (mid right)

16 Shahdad, Iran Hakemi 1997, 665 Ha.8

17 Shad Tepe, Iran Arne 1945, 290 Pl. LXXVI,615; XCII,612,b

18 Susa, Iran Tallon 1987, I, 1: 272; I, 2: 115. 316 Fig. 1171

19 Yahya (Tepe), Iran During Caspers 1971, 92 n. 38

20 Hamad Town/Madinat Hamad, Bahrain

Aruz/Wallenfels 2003, Cat.-No. 208; De Waele/Haerinck 2006, 33 Fig. 2,1

21 Sar el-Jisr, Bahrain De Waele/Haerinck 2006, 33–34 Fig. 2,2

22 Abraq (Tell), United Arabian Emirats Aruz/Wallenfels 2003, Cat.-No. 209

23 Al Sufouh, United Arabian Emirats De Waele/Haerinck 2006, 34 Fig. 2,4

24 Hili, United Arabian Emirats De Waele/Haerinck 2006, 35 Fig. 7; 8

25 Mowaihat, United Arabian Emirats De Waele/Haerinck 2006, 34–35 Fig. 2,5

26 Shimal, United Arabian Emirats De Waele/Haerinck 2006, 35

27 Umm an-Nar, United Arabian Emirats De Waele/Haerinck 2006, 34 Fig. 2,3

28 Amri, Pakistan Casal 1964, 155 Fig. 122,16

29 Chanhu-daro, Pakistan Mackay 1943, Pl. LXXIX; Aruz/Wallenfels 2003, Cat.-No. 284,a–g

30 Chiri-damb, Pakistan During Caspers 1971, 95 n. 56

31 Gumla, Pakistan Dani 1970/71, 86 Fig. 8,3

32 Harappa, Pakistan Vats 1940, Pl. 128–132

33 Kalibangan, Pakistan Possehl 1996, 154 with further references

34 Moghul-Ghundai, Pakistan During Caspers 1971, 90 n. 32 with reference

35 Mohenjo-daro, Pakistan Marshall 1931, Pl. 146; Mackay 1938, Pl. 135–138

36 Nausharo, Pakistan Barthélemy de Saizieu 2000, 447–488 Fig. 2,a–c Pl. 2,c

37 Tor-Dherai, Pakistan During Caspers 1971, Fig. 2 (map)

38 Bagasra, India Sonawane 2005, 29 Fig. 21,2

39 Banawali, India Kharakwal 2005, 48

40 Baror, India Sant et al. 2004/05, Pl. 15

41 Bhirrana, India Rao et al. 2004/05, Pl. 16

42 Farmana, India Shinde et al. 2010, 148 Fig. 79

43 Juni Kuran, India Pramanik 2003/04, 55 Pl. 5 (mid left)

44 Lothal, India Rao 1985, Fig. 131,5

45 Mandy, India Kharakwal 2005, 47



No. Site Reference

46 Nagwada, India Ratnagar 2004, 179 with reference: »eye beads« (?)

47 Rojdi, India Chitalwala 1989, 158 Fig. 84,6; Possehl 1996, 157 Fig. 10

48 Surkotada, India Joshi 1990, 316. 330 Fig. 76,78–80 Pl. LXIX,78–80

49 Mundigak, Afghanistan Casal 1961, 242 Fig. 138,23

50 Shortugai, Afghanistan Francfort 1989, 72, 3 Pl. XXXVI,e

51 Altyn-depe Ratnagar 2004, 185 with reference

Appendix 4 Etched carnelian beads in the 3rd millennium BC (compare Fig. 9). Anhang 4 Ätzverzierte Karneolperlen aus dem 3. Jt. v. Chr. (vgl. Abb. 9).

Appendix 5 Elongated carnelian beads in the 3rd millennium BC (compare Fig. 1o). Anhang 5 Längliche Karneolperlen aus dem 3. Jt. v. Chr. (vgl. Abb. 1o).

No. Site Reference

1 Bogazköy-Hattuša, Turkey Ludvik et al. 2014, 150, Fig. 83

2 Tell Brak/Nagar Oates et al. 2001, Fig. 474,69; 227 Fig. 241 (bottom)

3 Tell Hariri/Mari, Syria Parrot 1956, 167 (M. 134) Pl. LXI; Parrot/Dossin 1968, 32 (no. 32) Pl. XVII; N. Cholidis in Aruz/Wallenfels 2003, 143–145 Cat.-No. 85 a–b

4 Tell Mardikh/Ebla, Syria Matthiae 2010, 714 n. 62

5 Tello/Girsu, Iraq Inizian 1995, 25 Fig. (top left)

6 Kiš, Iraq Mackay 1929, 184 Pl. 43,9

7 Ur, Iraq Woolley 1934, 367 Pl. 131. 147; Kenoyer 1998, 98 Fig. 5,27

8 Nippur, Iraq McMahon 2006, Pl. 146,5c

9 Susa, Iran Chakrabarti/Moghadam 1977, 167 Fig. 10,3

10 Jalalabad, Iran Chakrabarti/Moghadam 1977, 167 Fig. 10,1–2.4

11 Allahdino, Pakistan Kenoyer 1998, 199 Cat.-No. 48

12 Chanhu-daro, Pakistan Mackay 1943, 203–204 Pl. XCIII,14

13 Harappa, Pakistan Vats 1940, CXXXIX,21.25; CXXXI,2a–b

14 Lohumjo-daro, Pakistan Majumdar 1934, 49 Pl. XXXIII

15 Mohenjo-daro, Pakistan Marshall 1931, Pl. CLI,b; Mackay 1938, 512–513 Pl. LXXXII,9–10; CXXXVI,4; CXXX-VII,47; J. M. Kenoyer in Aruz/Wallenfels 2003, 392–393 cat.-no. 279

16 Bagasra, India Sonawane 2005, 29 Fig. 21,1

17 Baror, India Sant et al. 2004–05, 54

18 Dholavira, India Bisht/Gehlot 1999–2000, Pl. 16

19 Kuntasi, India Dhavalikar et al. 1996, 193–196 Fig. 7,1/11–15; 7,2/11–15

20 Lothal, India Rao 1973, Pl. 29,e

21 Surkotada, India Joshi 1990, 329 Fig. 76



No. Site Reference

1 Aghia Irini/Kea Gale et al. 1984, 403 (K23. K26. K27); Wilson 1999, 146 Pl. 94, SF-28. SF-30

2 Aghios Sostis/Siphnos Pernicka et al. 1985, 194

3 Akrotiraki/Siphnos Papadopoulou 2011, 150–152 Fig. 15,4

4 Kavos/Keros Georgakopoulou 2007, 396–397. 399

5 Kapsalos/Siphnos Pernicka et al. 1985, 199

6 Koropi Kakavogianni et al. 2008, 50 Fig. 8

7 Lambrika Kakavogianni et al. 2008, 47–49 Fig. 7.11–14

8 Leondari-Provatsa/ Makronissos

Spitaels 1983, Fig. (bottom)

9 Limenaria/Thasos Papadopoulos 2008

10 Markopoulo, Merenda Kakavogianni et al. 2008, 49; 50

11 Platy Gialos/Siphnos Pernicka et al. 1985, 197

12 Tsepi Pantelidou-Gopha 2005, 68. 323 Pl. 7,3

13 Dhaskalio Georgakopoulou 2013, 684, 687

Appendix 6 Litharge finds in the Final Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Aegean (compare Fig. 12). Anhang 6 Bleiglättefunde aus dem Endneolithikum und der ägäischen Frühbronzezeit (vgl. Abb. 12).


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the aegean before and after c. 2200 bc between europe and asia: trade as a prime mover of cultural...

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