Emily IkutaApril 28, 2010

Professor Jane SinghAsian American Studies 127

South Asian Americans: A sleeping political Giant?

Ever since the Immigration law of 1965, Asian

Americans, particularly South Asian Americans, have

maintained growing and diverse communities with high numbers

of educated professionals. Yet their numbers and economic

significance have not translated into increased political

representation. Asian Americans have one of the lowest

rates of voter participation among all ethnic groups.1 This

includes South Asians Americans who, due to constraints in

voting and political apathy, have long been underrepresented

in American politics. Will this lack of political awareness

and activity continue to plague the South Asian American

community into the 21st century? Fortunately, recent

developments among South Asians and Asian Americans in

general may be changing this trend. There is evidence to

suggest that South Asian Americans are becoming more

1 Gary Locke, “The Need for Asian American leadership: A Call to Action,” in Asian American Policy Review, ed. James Koshiba and Janice Yoojin Lee, ed., (Cambridge: Harvard University, 2000), Vol. IX: pg.2

politically active, and engaging in a broad range of

political activities that represent a break from their

political apathy before the 21st century. In this essay I

will first describe the obstacles that have and continue to

constrain South Asian political awareness and participation.

Then I will describe how South Asians have become more

politically active despite these constraints, such as the

growing number of South Asians elected or appointed to

political office at all government levels, the growth in

civic engagement among South Asians, and increasing

participation in electoral politics. I will also explain

the possible factors behind this development, in particular,

the aftermath of 9/11, efforts by both major parties to

appeal to South Asians for political resources, and changes

in technology.

There has been some difficulty in compiling evidence on

the South Asian American community. Statistics focusing

specifically on South Asian involvement can be hard to find,

and studies in political participation often lump South

Asians with other Asian groups. However, developments among

Asian Americans often reflect that of the South Asian

community as well, so information on Asian American

political activity helps shed light on the political

activity of South Asian Americans. As the second largest

Asian-American group in the US, and one that makes up about

20% of the Asian American population, there is no doubt that

any statistic measuring Asian American activity would

largely reflect that group. Another issue is that when

research and statistics do focus on South Asians, the focus

is often primarily on Asian Indian Americans. This may not

be too problematic, however, since Asian Indians comprise

the largest ethnic group among South Asians and different

South Asian groups share many characteristics in terms of

political activity. Thus, information on Indians often

sheds light on the larger South Asian American community.2

Taking into account these issues, I will argue that recent

developments show promising trends in the area of political

participation among South Asian Americans.

2 SAAPRI: South Asian American Policy and Research Institute Online, “Making Data Count: South Asian Americans in the 2000 Census with Focus on Illinois,” Asian Health Coalition of Illinois, http://saapri.org/pdfs/Web-Document5.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010).

Before I describe this development, I will outline some

political structural barriers that historically and

currently present a problem for South Asian political

participation, especially in terms of voting. One obstacle

is the fact that a large percentage of the South Asian

community are foreign-born, and that this group includes a

large number of non-citizens. According to a 2003 article

from Indian Life and Style Magazine, roughly 34% of the 2

million South Asians living in the US are citizens.3 Also,

according to the South Asian American Policy Research

Institute using data from a 2000 census, nearly 76% of South

Asians are foreign born, and of these 39% are naturalized.4

Since citizenship is one of the basic requirements for vote

registration, and since a large numbers of South Asians are

non-citizens waiting for naturalization, many are shut out

of the electoral process. In fact, according to the Pilot

National Asian American Political Survey   (PNAAPS) of 2000-

3 Reshma M. Saujani, “It’s Politics, Stupid,” Indian Life and Style, October 2003, pg. 20.4 SAAPRI: South Asian American Policy and Research Institute Online, “Making Data Count: South Asian Americans in the 2000 Census with Focus on Illinois,” Asian Health Coalition of Illinois, http://saapri.org/pdfs/Web-Document5.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010).

2001, 80% of South Asians cited non-citizenship as their

main reason for non-voting.5 Other barriers include the

unfair redistricting of Asian American communities and lack

of bilingual ballots and voting materials that prevent Asian

Americans (and South Asians) from exercising their full

voting rights. Interestingly, unlike other Asian ethnic

groups, which are to be found in disproportionately large

numbers on the west coast, the Indian population is more

evenly distributed throughout the US.6 This dilutes the

concentration and thus the political power and

organizational capacity of the South Asian community.

In addition to these barriers, there are also obstacles

within the community that hamper political participation.

One is the growing ethnic and economic diversity of the

South Asian community, which began during the third phase of

South Asian immigration in the 1980’s and continues to this

day. A large proportion of these immigrants entered the US

5 Pei-te lien, et al., “A Summary Report of the Pilot Study of the National Asian American Political Survey,” in 2001-02 National Asian Pacific American Political Almanac, 10th ed. (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American StudiesCenter, 2001), pg. 826 Vinay Lal, The Other Indians: A Political and Cultural History of South Asians in America (Los Angeles: Asian American Studies Center Press, 2008), pg.55

under the provision of the family reunification section of

the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act. During previous

phases of immigration, South Asians were accepted into the

US based on their education and occupational skills. The

recent third phase, however, involved the US allowing South

Asian Americans to bring family members with them to the

country. This phenomenon, combined with growing numbers of

non-Indians like Sri Lankans, Bangladeshis, and Nepalese

have resulted in a more racially and economically diverse

South Asian community.7 Nirav S. Desai, editor of the

Subcontinental, a publication on issues of the South Asian

American community, summarized the consequence of this

growing diversity in a 2003 edition: “The South Asian

American community today speaks with many disparate voices.

These viewpoints are often organized along old divisions and

rivalries that made sense in South Asian, but that hinder

the formation of a political identity needed to gain the

attention of U.S policymakers.”8 This diversity has led to 7 Nazli Kibria, “South Asian Americans,” in Asian Americans: Contemporary Trends and Issues, ed. Pyong Gap Min, 2nd ed. (California: Pine Forge Press,2006), pg. 207 8 Nirav S. Desai, ed., “Forging Political Identity: South Asian Americans in American Policymaking,” The Subcontinental: A Journal of South Asian

divisions and conflicts within the South Asian community

that have hindered the formation of a coherent political

identity. Persistent divisions have existed across

religious and racial lines, including tensions between

Pakistanis and Indians, or Hindus and Muslims. However,

economic divisions have also emerged as an influence on

political activity among South Asians. Middle and upper-

class South Asians felt that they had no need to fight

political battles; as an economically-successful group they

could insulate themselves somewhat from the class and racial

issues affecting other minorities. To this group, only the

poor or those on the fringes of society needed to be

politically organized, and that raising an issue was more an

excuse for failure than an indication of a real social

problem.9 Finally, many South Asians Americans,

particularly first generation South Asians or those who have

recently immigrated, continue to identity with the political

issues and trends of their birth countries rather than

American Political Identity, (Washingon: The Subcontinental, Spring 2003), vol.I, Issue 1: pg. 89 Arvind Rajagopal, “Better than Blacks? Or Hum Kalle Hain to Kya Hua,” SAMAR: South Asian Magazine for Action and Reflection, summer 1995, pg.8

political affairs in America.10 Many Indian Americans, for

example, are strongly concerned with foreign policy issues

relating to India. One article from a 2006 article of India

Life and Style mentioned this in light of a recent

demonstration by Indian Americans in California: “As the

gathering in Sunnyvale shows, it is still the issues in the

old country that are apt to get Indian Americans riled or

concerned. Many Indian Americans may yet be reluctant to

attend anti-war rallies or immigration rights

demonstrations, but events in India…..and a demonstration in

front of the Indian Consulate in San Francisco can turn up

at a few days notice.”11

So how have South Asians worked toward improving

political participation in light of all these obstacles?

Recent political trends show that more South Asians are

trying to defy or downplay these constraints. One promising

trend is the growing number of South Asians, as well as

Asians in general, running for or being appointed to

10Rudolph J. Vecoli, ed., Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural America, (Detroit: Gale Research Inc., 1995), pg. 13111 Ashfaque Swapan, “The Power of Protest,” Indian Life and Style, July-September 2006, pg. 48

political offices. There has been an unmistakable increase

in the political participation and presence of Asian

Americans in electoral politics. For example, the first

edition of the Asian Pacific American Political Roster and

Resources Guide published in 1978 listed over several

hundred Asian American politicians, while the 1995 edition

of this guide listed over 1,200 Asian Americans elected or

appointed as major officials, a huge increase.12 This trend

has continued into the 21st century, with South Asians (in

particular Indian Americans) leading the way in mostly local

offices. South Asian American candidates ran in more than

30 races around the country in 2006. State legislature and

local city council elections showed that ethnically South

Asian citizens were mobilized behind candidates who

represented their concerns.13 These politicians motivate

their communities into supporting their campaigns, usually

in the form of donations for their fundraising activities. 12 Paul Ong and Don Nakanishi, “Becoming Citizens, Becoming Voters: The Naturalization and Political Participation of Asian Immigrants,” in 1996National Asian Pacific American Political Almanac, 7th ed. (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 1996), pg. 155-15613 Daya Gamage, “Asian American Clout in US politics on the Rise,” Asian Tribune, 31 December 2006, http://www.asiantribune.com/node/3926 (accessed 20 April 2010)

Those who were hesitant to donate to politicians in the past

became more willing to part with their money for candidates

they saw as trusted intermediaries for their communities.14

Yet South Asian politicians are not limited to local office;

the highest ranking South Asian American elected to office

is Bobby Jindal, the second-Indian American elected to

Congress in 2004 and the first Indian-American governor

after winning the race for Louisiana Governor in 2007. In

addition to these accomplishments, there is even speculation

of Jindal as a potential candidate for the 2012 presidential

election.

While more South Asian Americans are getting involved

in political offices and positions, trends in voter turnout

and registration are complicated and difficult to determine.

The electoral participation of Asian Americans has been

marked by highs and lows rather than predictable trends, and

Asian Americans continue to vote in lower numbers compared

to other ethnic groups. However, recent presidential

14 Shira Toeplitz, “Indian-American Priming the Pump,” Roll Call, 20 October 2009, http://www.rollcall.com/issues/55_43/politics/39676-1.html(accessed 20 April 2010)

elections show rising voter turnout among Asian Americans.

According to a table released by the Pew Research Center on

the change in Voter Turnout Rates among Eligible Voters in

the 2004 and 2008 elections, Asian American turnout was up

2.4 percent points – 47% in 2008 versus 44.6% in 2004.

While this is lower than the high of 54% in 1992, this

represents a reversal of the downward trend in turnout that

reached its nadir in the 2000 presidential election.15

In addition, a NY Times article reported that about

600,000 more Asian Americans turned out at the 2008 national

election. Among 18-24 year olds, voter turnout increased

from 34.4% in 2004 to 40.6% in 2008, while turnout among 25-

44 year olds increased from 40.2% in 2004 to 47.3%, a

difference of about 6% and 7%. This shows that not only

that Asian Americans turned out in higher numbers, but that

many of the new voters consisted of young to middle-aged

citizens.16 Finally, while young Asian American 15 Mark Hugo Lopez and Paul Taylor, “Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S History,” PewResearchCenter, 30 April 2009, http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/108.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010), pg. 416 Sam Roberts, “2008 Surge in Black Voters Nearly Erased Racial Gap,” The New York Times, 20 July 2009, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/21/us/politics/21vote.html (accessed 20

registration rates fluctuated during presidential elections

from 1990 to 2004, registration rates during midterm

elections show a clear upward trend.17 It is assumed that

these trends extend to South Asian American turnout as well,

although some further elaboration is useful. According to a

1995 encyclopedia, only 25% of Asian Indians were registered

voters. Also, according to a 2003 article in India Life and

Style, a little over a quarter of South Asian Americans

voted in the last election (2000) compared to majority of

whites and African Americans.18 However, a 2000-2001 Pilot

National Asian American Political Survey (PNAAPS) reported

that the turnout rate was highest among South Asians

(93%).19 The National Asian American Survey (NAAS), which

was released just before the 2008 presidential election,

reported that among Asian American citizens, 65 percent can April 2010)17 Karlo Barrios Marcelo, et al., “Civic Engagement Among Minority Youth,” Circle: The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement, January 2007, http://www.civicyouth.org/PopUps/FactSheets/FS_07_minority_ce.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010), pg. 818 Reshma M. Saujani, “It’s Politics, Stupid,” Indian Life and Style, October 2003, pg. 20.19 Pei-te lien, et al., “A Summary Report of the Pilot Study of the National Asian American Political Survey,” in 2001-02 National Asian Pacific American Political Almanac, 10th ed. (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American StudiesCenter, 2001), pg. 82

be described as likely voters. Japanese American citizens

were the most likely to vote (82%), followed by Asian Indian

(73%), Koreans (72%), Filipinos (67%), Vietnamese (65 %) and

Chinese (60%).20

After the 2008 presidential election, the coalition

at SAALT.org (South Asian Americans Leading Together) didn’t

provide numbers on South Asian American voter turnout, but

did report that the election "marked a turning point in the

participation of South Asian American citizens in the

American democracy.  We witnessed robust South Asian voter

turnout at the polls on Election Day; steady involvement

with political campaigns; and bids for local and national

office on the part of South Asians."21 So, there is good

reason to believe that South Asian Americans, as well as

other Asian Americans, turned out at higher rates in the

2008 election compared to previous elections. While still

20 Jane Junn, et al., “Asian Americans and the 2008 Election,” NAAS: National Asian American Survey, 6 October 2006, http://www.naasurvey.com/assets/NAAS-National-report.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010), pg. 21

“SAALT in ’08: Amplifying the South Asian Voice in the Elections andBeyond,” SAALT: Strengthening South Asian Communities in the Unites States, 2008, http://www.saalt.org/pages/Elections-2008.html, (accessed 20 April 2010)

low compared to other ethnics groups except Hispanics, Asian

Americans (and in extent South Asians) are coming out in

larger numbers, demonstrating a growing political awareness

in the community. Whether this trend will be continue in

the next election remains to be seen.

In addition to voting and registration, studies of

other methods of political participation help shed light on

important political developments among South Asian

Americans. Circle, a non-profit research center that

conducts research on the civic and political engagement of

young Americans, released a report on the Civic engagement

of minority youth in 2007 that reveals important information

on the political activity of Asian Americans (and thus South

Asians). A Figure 9 table on electoral activities shows

that among Asian American 15-25 year olds, 51.3% tried to

persuade others in an election, higher than any other ethnic

group. In addition, while only 4.2% of Asian Americans are

regular volunteers for political candidates or groups, this

was still a higher rate than those of other ethnic groups.

Focusing on South Asians, a graph from the 2008 National

Asian American Survey found that 70% of Asian Indians

discussed politics with family and friends, and 14% visited

the internet to discuss a candidate or issue.22 At last, a

prominent method by South Asians in influencing politicians

and policy-makers is financial political contributions.

This type of political activity had been utilized by South

Asians since 1980 and will become even more prominent and

significant as more South Asians run for office. For

example, in 1996 Indian Americans alone contributed $7

million to political campaigns.23 Ashish Sen of the

Subcontinental described the continued significance of this

activity among South Asians: “Political fundraisers are

widely acknowledged as the quickest way to carve a niche in

the good books of Washington’s powerbrokers. The

22 Jane Junn, et al., “Asian Americans and the 2008 Election,” NAAS: National Asian American Survey, 6 October 2006, http://www.naasurvey.com/assets/NAAS-National-report.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010), pg. 2123 Nirav S. Desai, ed., “Forging Political Identity: South Asian Americans in American Policymaking,” The Subcontinental: A Journal of South Asian American Political Identity, (Washingon: The Subcontinental, Spring 2003), vol.I, Issue 1: pg. 7

community’s influence on the political process has been

primarily measured by its ability to raise hard money.”24

An important indicator of South Asian political

participation is the recent appearance of South Asian

political organizations, national and local, aimed at

informing and mobilizing South Asian Americans on a variety

of issues. These organizations demonstrate a growing

political awareness compelling South Asians to form groups

that provide information, assistance, and opportunities to

unite behind issues that most concern their Communities.

While looking through the 7th edition of the National Asian

Pacific American Political Almanac of 1997, I counted only

one South Asian organization in the list of national, state,

and local Asian American civil rights groups.25 In

contrast, I counted 12 South Asian organizations in the 12th

edition, 2005-2006 copy of the National Asian Pacific

24 Ashish Kumar Sen, “South Asian American Political Clout: No Giant Leaps…Yet,” The Subcontinental: A Journal of South Asian American Political Identity, ed. Nirav S. Desai, (Washington: The Subcontinental, Summer 2003), vol. I: Issue 2: pg. 1525 “National Asian Pacific American Civil Rights Groups and Political Party Organizations,” in 1996 National Asian Pacific American Political Almanac, 7th ed. (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 1996), pg. 196-199

American Political Almanac.26 Political organizations are

forming all over the country, including the Indian American

Political Action Committee (IAPAC) in Seattle and Houston,

Project-Impact on the East Coast, the newly formed Indian

American Policy Institute, the Indian American Republican

Council, Sikh Media Watch and Resource Taskforce (SMART),

the Indian American Leadership Incubator, and the South

Asian leaders of Tomorrow (SAALT) organization focused on

civil rights, to name a few.27 SAALT, for example, was

formed in 2000 and is the only national staffed organization

in the United States that advocates issues affecting South

Asian communities through the use of a social justice

framework. National organizations like SAALT are not the

only means by which South Asian come together; numerous

state and local organizations have also been created to

provide crucial services to South Asians, like NOT IN OUR

26 “National Asian Pacific American Civil Rights Groups and Political Party Organizations,” in 2005-2006 National Asian Pacific American Political Almanac, 12th ed. (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 2006), pg. 49-5727 Nirav S. Desai, ed., “Forging Political Identity: South Asian Americans in American Policymaking,” The Subcontinental: A Journal of South Asian American Political Identity, (Washingon: The Subcontinental, Spring 2003), vol.I, Issue 1: pg. 10

NAME, a New York coalition established in 2002 that

campaigns against post-9/11 crackdowns on civil liberties.

Friends of South Asia (FOSA) is an organization founded in

2001/2002 with a focus on issues in South Asia, and in 2006

it joined with the Alliance of South Asians Taking Action

(ASATA), an organization formed in 2000 by a group of

second-generation South Asians. This alliance was formed to

create DESIST, or Desis to Stop the War, to coordinate anti-

war activism and address violence and discrimination of the

South Asian community.28 Some organizations are purely

political, such as the US Indian Political Action Committee,

or USINPAC, that was founded in 2002 with goals of getting

Indian Americans into political office and impacting policy

issues important to the Indian American community. Other

political South Asian organizations have been created to

support specific candidates, most notably South Asians for

Kerry (SAKI) and South Asians for Obama (SAFO).

These are just some of the many organizations created

by South Asian Americans covering a wide range of issues.

28 Ashfaque Swapan, “The Power of Protest,” Indian Life and Style, July-September 2006, pg. 50

What’s important about these organizations are the ways

they’ve circumvented the traditional political constraints

within the South Asian Community. However, the importance

of these organizations in politically motivating the South

Asian American community cannot be fully understood without

taking into account certain events and developments. For

example, technological developments like the internet have

given the South Asian community a crucial organizing tool,

and it is being heavily exploited in the 21st century. Now,

many recent organizations come with websites that can reach

and service South Asian Americans from all around the

country, helping to overcome the problems that geographic

dispersal posed for organization. The 2004 Indian Life and

Style article helps illustrate the importance of the

internet in mobilizing political participation among South

Asians: “Republican and Democratic volunteers this year say

it’s easier than ever to get involved in campaign politics.

You don’t need money, a lot of free time, political

experience, or powerful friends – just the Internet.”29 The

29 Neil Shah, “On the Campaign Trail,” Indian Life and Style, July/August 2004,pg. 56

internet has also resulted in the explosion of blogs by

South Asians who want to express their political and

cultural concerns, allowing them to not only express

themselves but also to be noticed and heard. Influential

blogs include Sepia Mutiny, which started in 2002 to covers

South Asian issues and include posts on South Asian American

political participation and voter turnout.30

Certain events and situations have also pushed South

Asian Americans to respond out of fear, which includes

creating these political and social organizations. Often

these events are hate crimes or displays of discrimination

that the community cannot ignore. Perhaps the most

significant event to impact the South Asian community was

the 9/11 attacks and the federal legislation and hate crimes

that followed. These events not only pushed South Asians

into becoming more politically conscious, but also reduced

the salience of intra-community divisions like class,

ethnicity and religion. Since all South Asians became

potential targets of post-9/11 legislation and

30 Mandira Banerjee and Aswin Punathabekar, “Blog.ind: The Browning of Blogsophere,” Indian Life and Style, September-October 2005, pg. 54

discrimination, old divisions gave way shared feelings of

vulnerability. The environment of heightened hostility may

spur political solidarity among South Asian Americans and

make them organize along pan–South Asian lines. Already

many influential South Asian Americans are calling for

increasing efforts toward uniting different segments of the

South Asian community in order to present a large and

coordinated front against unconstitutional laws and hate

crimes that target them all regardless of ethnicity,

religion, and class.31 Many hope to take advantage of this

move toward solidarity in the face of discrimination and

hate to create a fixed pan-South Asian community united

under one political banner to maximize the political and

financial clout of the community in issues outside post-9/11

concerns.32 (Indian life and Style 2004 pg. 58).

Already there are signs that South Asians are reaching

across class, religious, and ethnic lines to help each

other. Many of the organizations I’ve mentioned have turned31 Nazli Kibria, “South Asian Americans,” in Asian Americans: Contemporary Trends and Issues, ed. Pyong Gap Min, 2nd ed. (California: Pine Forge Press,2006), pg. 21132 Reshma M. Saujani, “It’s Politics, Stupid,” Indian Life and Style, October 2003, pg. 20.

to other organizations in helping to compile information and

provide services to their targeted groups. SAALT especially

has not only collaborated with specific South Asian groups,

but also Asian American organizations. For example, during

the days leading up to the 2008 presidential election, SAALT

recruited and worked with volunteers around the country as

part of the AALDEF (Asian American Legal Defense and

Education Fund) Asian American Voter Survey. Currently,

SAALT is working on a project, the National Coalition,

involving the agreement of 34 South Asian community

organizations from 12 regions throughout the United States

to form of a National Coalition of South Asian

Organizations. “Coalition partners provide services to,

advocate on behalf of, or organize individuals from

Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and the

diaspora. The Coalition also serves and represents

individuals of diverse faiths including Muslims, Christians,

Hindus, Jains, and Sikhs.”33  

33 “SAALT in ’08: Amplifying the South Asian Voice in the Elections and

Beyond,” SAALT: Strengthening South Asian Communities in the Unites States, 2008, http://www.saalt.org/pages/Meet-the-National-

Thus, South Asian Americans are becoming more

politically active in a broad range of activities that

includes both electoral and non-electoral activities.

Despite structural and intra-community obstacles to

political participation, South Asian Americans are learning

to bypass these limitations to participate more actively in

political issues. This has resulted in higher voter

turnout, as well as heightened political activity in other

areas like running for office, handing out donations, and

creating organizations aimed at serving the community.

These developments have existed due to technological

advances like the Internet and events like 9/11 that have

raised political awareness among South Asians and pushed

them to work together on issues that matter most to them.

But, are these developments the beginning of a powerful and

united South Asian political group, with political resources

that will allow them to influence policy and address issues

like discrimination? Or is this a short-term fad that will

peter out by the next election, with South Asian American

Coalition.html, (accessed 20 April 2010)

returning to isolation and political apathy? Only time will

tell.

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