PEACE

EDUCATION The UN Women Zimbabwe Peace Project

ABSTRACT “An effective peace education knowledge design

cannot preclude incorporation of a gender lens to

promote women’s participation in governance,

decision making and peacebuilding processes.

Likewise, an effective shift from state to human

security cannot negate the pivotal roles women

play at the local and international levels in

advocating for positive peace. Gender sensitive

peace education promotes a shift from the security

of the state towards the security of citizens. It

promotes a shift of responsibility and power of

influence in security policy from hegemonic state

politics to inclusive governance processes where

women and men participate as equal citizens.

Gender sensitive peace education informs theory

of change for sustainable peace through

systematic and reform-based knowledge solutions

that promote positive personal agency,

establishment of vibrant and inclusive home-grown

institutions which support eradication of violence,

poverty and exclusion, while strengthening

women’s capacities for effective and equal

participation in peace processes.”

Dudziro Nhengu African Peace Conference: Presentation Paper

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INTRODUCTION AND DEFINITION OF TERMS Effective peace education is not possible without addressing gender and women’s rights, and

without designing knowledge programmes that permit women’s participation in governance

and peacebuilding processes. Effective peace education should facilitate the transformation

of states from hegemonic political enterprises to human centred, participatory and inclusive

platforms of governance. In summary therefore, re-conceptualizing state security to human

security cannot succeed without paying attention to the pivotal roles women should play at

the international level in advocating for positive peace.

vor Staehr (1974: 296) defines peace education as, "The initiation of learning processes

aiming at the actualization and rational resolution of conflicts regarding man as subject of

action." Based only on its linguistic construction, this definition risks pointing only to man,

(as in human beings of a male gender) as agents for peace, while negating the role that

women also play on a daily basis to create peace.

Mushakoji, (1974: 3), a Japanese peace educator, states that peace education is concerned

with peaceless situations. While this is rightly so, peace education also finds meaning even

beyond conflict times to in peace times. Just as conflict is never static, so is peace, and for

peace to be sustainable, it has to be continuously nurtured and treasured.

Salomon, (2002) highlights that conflict is unavoidable part of humanity, and that it

evolves differently per context, and as such there are also many and different possible paths

to peace. Salomon further argues that peace education programs should thus take varied

designs, in response to the wide variety of conflicts that plague human existence. Salomon

further argues that each different form of violent conflict requires a unique peace education

strategy to resolve it. Building on Salomon’s argument, Harris (2005) further suggests three

different prongs of peace education, which are context based.,

“… Peace education in intense conflicts attempts to demystify enemy images and

urges combatants to withdraw from warlike behaviour. Peace education in regions of

interethnic tension, relies upon an awareness about the sufferings of the various

groups involved in the conflict to reduce hostilities and promote empathy for the pain

of others. Peace educators in areas free from collective physical violence teach about

oppression within that society, explain the causes of domestic and civil violence, and

develop a respect for global issues, environmental sustainability, and the power of

nonviolence.” (Harris: 2005)

Harris’ assertion argues for different levels of peace education to suit different levels of

conflict, which means that peace education, as already noted above, is never static, but like

conflict itself, should always evolve, and doing so in response to the dynamics and nature of

the conflicts. In summary, for as long as humanity thrives and development persists, so

should peace education thrive and persist, as a pre-requisite for egalitarianism.

Peace education, for purposes of this paper, refers to any form of education, both formal

and informal, that incorporates a gender perspective to ascertain how conflicts affect women

and men differently, in turn inferring recommended solutions for the creation of a democratic

society where both women and men participate freely as equal citizens in all development

processes.

A gender perspective implies a shift from the security of the state perse towards the

security of citizens. It implies a shift of responsibility and power of influence in security

policy from the high politics conducted by political and military elites to security in everyday

life in which all actors, including women and marginalised groups also participate, regardless

of their political power and influence.

The concept of security security embraces the individual and/or collective experiences of

women and men, is measured by the degree to which individuals in society feel secure and

express feelings of trust, freedom from fear and intimidation, and the elimination of all forms

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of violence. (UN: …) This gendered concept of security challenges power hierarchies and

power relations and responsibilities, while offering new governance theories and perspectives

to the participation of women in peace and decision-making processes. Gender sensitive

policies inform theory of change by bringing the marginalized to the centre to actively

participate in the creation and implementation of security policies at all decision making

levels.

A gender perspective also implies achieving stability and peace through systemic and

reform-based solutions such as developing gender sensitive curricula, building democratic

institutions aimed at eradicating poverty and exclusion, and strengthening women’s

capacities for effective participation in peace processes. A gender perspective notes that the

relationship between women and men in issues of peace and security is not an automatic

equation, and as such, development practice should incorporate various strategies make peace

happen for women. One of these strategies is calling for gender mainstreaming in peace and

security education curricula.

International peace and security underpins the United Nations Charter’s principles. This

Charter commits the international community to save succeeding generations from the

scourge of war. As such, gender mainstreaming is the strategy established by United Nations

as a tool to achieve gender equality.

Gender mainstreaming is defined in the Economic and Social Council agreed conclusions

of 1997/2 as “… the process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned

action, including legislation, policies or programmes in all areas and at all levels. It is a

strategy for making the concerns and experiences of women and men an integral dimension

of design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all

political, economic and societal spheres, so that women and men benefit equally and

inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal is to achieve gender equality.” Gender

mainstreaming therefore entails bringing the perceptions, experiences, knowledge and

interests of women and men to bear on policy-making, planning and decision-making.

In the same vein, the African Union Gender Policy seeks to enhance the role of women

in creating an enabling stable and peaceful environment for the pursuit of Africa’s

development agenda. This involves enhancing and increasing the participation of women in

the entire spectrum of peacebuilding. The policy further commits to promote the effective

participation of women in peace and security.

While the pressure to mainstream gender in education, coming from national and

international actors has influenced progressive transformation and strengthened security

sector education in Africa, but has to be understood with context specificity in order to avoid

ambiguities of using peace tools to fuel further conflict.

The United Nations refers to security sector reform (SSR) as “… a process of

assessment, review and implementation as well as monitoring and evaluation led by national

authorities that has as its goal the enhancement of effective and accountable security for the

State and its peoples without discrimination and with full respect for human rights and the

rule of law.” (UN: 2000) The UN also notes that SSR is not palliative or short-term, but a

core element of multi-dimensional peacekeeping and peacebuilding, essential for addressing

the roots of conflict and building the foundations of long-term peace and development.”

(Ibid) The UN’s commitments to gender sensitive strengthening of security sector

institutions and processes is echoed through Resolution 1325, which calls for equal

participation of women and me n in peacebuilding and governance processes.

In response to numerous appeals for an ‘African-grown’ strategy for guiding SSR

processes on the continent, the African Union (AU) has finally couched and adopted an

African based SSR policy framework during the 20th Ordinary Session of the AU Assembly

in January 2013. This framework contributes to the AU’s broader peace and security goals,

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giving impetus to its post-conflict reconstruction and development agenda. It marks another

significant accomplishment for the AU towards further opening up and enlarging democratic

spaces within Africa’s security sector, taking (ISS: 2013) gender mainstreaming as one of its

key guiding principles.

In Zimbabwe, conceptualising SSR requires a good understanding of the history of this

country, which presents a dichotomy between nationalism and Western Imperialism.

It is undeniable that the UN Women gender peace and security project has positively

contributed to the strengthening of a viable national infrastructure for peacebuilding in

Zimbabwe which was enabled by the Global Political Agreement of 2008, using gender

mainstreaming as an entry point. There is a chance to promote development of positive

mind-sets and increase knowledge levels of security sector actors in Zimbabwe through these

gender mainstreaming initiatives, and also through increasing spaces of dialogue between

women and security sector actors for the elimination of violence against women and for

increased safety and security structures that enable women’s equal participation in all

development processes at all levels.

Nonetheless, the work of UN Women in Zimbabwe has to be guided by a good

understanding of the sensitivities surrounding the security sector in the country as already

highlighted above, coupled with a constant reflexivity on- and monitoring of emerging trends

in the political arena in the country. The need to understand the current Zimbabwean

political context better elicits an analysis of the relationship between the AU and its member

states as represented by the regional economic commissions, RECs.

The AU has one of the most comprehensive peace and security frameworks, the African

Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), drawing its relevance and effectiveness from its

expertly interlinked institutions and frameworks. As already noted, the AU has recently

enunciated an SSR agenda for African states, and key in this agenda is the need to

mainstream gender in all security sector reform processes. While this AU agenda, as well as

the UN security sector agenda are feasible at normative level, in practical terms

operationalisation of these agendas has to be undertaken with caution, and with context

specificity, and some of the reasons for this stance are enunciated below. Given the nature of

obtaining conflicts on the continent, African RECs have become by default, key players in

the operationalisation of the APSA, (Ibid) and have a special mandate in carrying out

mediation processes on the continent, which however is unique to each REC, as informed

especially by each REC’s colonial history. Article 16 of the African Union Peace and

Security Council protocol (AU PSC protocol) also outlines the relationship between the

African Union Commission (AUC) and the RECs, recognising the role of RECs in conflict

prevention, management and peacebuilding. (PSC Protocol: 2002.)

Zimbabwe is a member of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The

SADC agenda is influenced by the history of colonialism and apartheid, and key to the

nationalist brotherhood existing therein is the need to safeguard state sovereignty and

territorial integrity of state governments. This is coupled with a strong drive to dissociate and

safeguard the nationalist political agenda from previous foreign imperial infiltrations, and this

thinking has shaped the nature of engagements with the security sector in a specific and

highly politically sensitive manner in Zimbabwe.

Emergence of the opposition political party, the movement for democratic change

(MDC) in Zimbabwe was influenced among others by the ideological differences between the

nationalist leaders and the West over land reforms and other related issues. While the

nationalists argued for fast track land reforms following Britain’s failure to adhere to the

promise for financial support for the land reform programme, the opposition tended to lean

more on the West’s ideology, condemning the land reform programme and advocating for

regime change as an alternative.

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This agenda, also reinforced by the opposition’s need for financial support from the West

in the face of lack of local resources to finance their bid, led to sanctions and withdrawal of

donor aid as a means of enforcing a “hurting stalemate”1 that the West envisioned as one that

could lead to a negotiated compromise between the two parties. In the face of other social ills

like corruption, drought and HIV/AIDS, the economy of Zimbabwe deteriorated while

polarisation deepened, leading to the violent clashes of 2008 that were finally triggered by

elections. This background informs the polarisation that still exists between ZANU PF and

the MDC, and as such, operationalisation of the UN and AU security sector agendas remains

highly debatable, sensitive and off the nationalist political agenda in Zimbabwe. Given this

situation and context, peace education initiatives in Zimbabwe should always take cognisance

of these existing dichotomies in order to avoid ambiguities of fuelling further conflict.

Although Zimbabwe inherited colonial institutions of security sector governance from

the British, government efforts have enabled a vibrant security sector culture with

mechanisms for women’s protection such as the Victim Friendly Units at every level of

police, anti-domestic violence committees in rural areas as well as gender sensitive legal and

policy reforms, which nonetheless require much effort and commitment for effective

operationalisation. Both UN Women and UNDP have strengthened government’s efforts by

supporting women led community mechanisms for gender sensitive peacebuilding such as the

women’s peace committees in seven out of the ten provinces in the country, while UN

Women has taken further steps to influence gender mainstreaming in security sector

education.

This paper presents four cases of peace education initiatives successfully carried out both

formally and informally by the UN Women Zimbabwe country office from 2013 to date

under the Norway funded Gender Peace and Security project entitled “Strengthening

capacities for Gender Sensitive Peace and Security in Zimbabwe.”

The security sector in this paper is understood as a broad term used to describe the

structures, institutions and personnel responsible for the management, provision and

oversight of security in a country. It includes armed forces, police, intelligence, border

management and customs services, justice and penal institutions, non-statutory and traditional

justice and security providers, as well as actors that play a role in managing and overseeing

the design and implementation of security, such as ministries, parliaments, ombudsman

institutions, human rights commissions, universities and civil society organisations.

The first case study will highlight the success story of a gender gap analysis initiative in

4 security sector institutions which seeks to strengthen gender sensitive responses to women’s

peace and security needs in the security sector, and this is set to be achieved through gender

mainstreaming initiatives in the peace and security education, processes and mechanisms.

The work is done in partnership with the Government of Zimbabwe, (GoZ) and through

selected security sector institutions, academies and universities. This work has so far

culminated in the designing of fifteen (15) gender sensitive diploma and degree curricula

modules in five (5) universities and two security sector training institution, four (4) of which

have already been adopted and implemented.

Methodologies for carrying out this study were highly participatory, involving lecturers

and young scholars of peace and security studies. Some knowledge products from this

initiative have been published, and adopted for implementation in the relevant institutions,

while for others, efforts to advocate for their adoption are still under way.

The second case showcases a three stage cumulative conflict transformation course

designed to deliberately impact on relations of 30 women from three warring political parties

soon after the 2013 elections. This initiative seeks to mainstreaming gender in parliamentary

1 See Zartman: 2008

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processes and mechanisms; to ensure that female legislators have increased capacities to

respond to gender sensitive peace and security issues for the protection of women and

children from all forms of violence, and also to enable women’s increased participation in

leadership and decision making processes at all levels. The work with parliamentarians

resulted in the designing of gender sensitive training curricula on “Transformative

Leadership, Conflict Management and Conflict Resolution”, incorporating a “Mentor-

Mentees” model for ensuring that the training is cascaded to other women in the political

structures from national to community level.

The third case involves working with communities for the establishment of gender

sensitive women led processes and mechanisms to ensure increased participation of women

in peace and security issues, as well as to increase frameworks for women’s protection from

all forms of violence. Outcomes for this initiative were development of community level

training curricula for women’s peace groups and women’s peace journalists, as well as

launching of a community peace quarterly newsletter, the WeConnect. The initiative, which

started initially as a partnership with the Women’s Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCoZ), the

umbrella body for women’s organisations in Zimbabwe, is now being carried out in

partnership with the Peace Building and Community Development Forum (PACDEF), a local

CSO. This initiative is slowly building up towards the setting up of an informal women-led

community early warning system that will feed into the national, regional and continental

early warning system at the African Union Situation Room in 2016.

The final case is a gender audit of the laws and policies in the security sector, and a

gender audit of the ICS. The two initiatives resulted in three knowledge products: a gender

gap analysis report of the laws and policies of the security sector in Zimbabwe, which in turn

helped to inform the re-alignment of laws and policies initiative that was later initiated by the

MWAGCD and supported by UN Women and some civil society women’s organisations,

namely the Women Lawyers for Southern Africa Education Trust (WILSA) and the

Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association (ZWLA); a gender gap analysis report of the ICS

and a gender policy developed for the ICS.

The paper will also showcase how a successful rights based and results-based monitoring

and evaluation framework is key in guiding successful peace education initiatives. CLIMATE SETTING: THE ZIMBABWE COUNTRY CONTEXT

Zimbabwe ratified a number of Global and Regional Treaties, and key among them are the

Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW),

the Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA) and the United Nations Resolution 1325 on women,

peace and security (UNSCR1325). At the national level, Zimbabwe adopted the four Ps on

protection, prevention, participation and programmes (humanitarian aid and relief) through

the national gender machinery, the Ministry of Women Affairs, Gender and Community

Development (MWAGCD).

The four Ps are a gender sensitive concept of security based on several principles that (i)

embrace the individual and/or collective experiences of women and men, (ii) is measured by

the degree to which individuals in society feel secure and express feelings of trust, freedom

from fear and intimidation, and (iii) the elimination of all forms of violence (direct, structural,

cultural). They are basically founded on the root tenets of Resolution 1325 and its ensuing

resolutions, and also well aligned with Global and Regional calls for women’s participation,

prevention of violence, protection of women and children and designing of programmes that

are gender sensitive.

The Protection pillar in the Zimbabwe four Ps emphasises knowledge on women’s rights

in relation to gender based violence (GBV), as well as the use of the domestic violence act

(DVA) to seek recourse through both the formal and informal courts. The Programmes pillar

emphasise on families or workmates holding daily or weekly dialogues on aspects of DV, and

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any other programmes related to gender equality and women’s empowerment. Participation

entails taking action against domestic violence (DV) through raising consciousness for the

protection of survivors, while the prevention framework includes economic empowerment,

especially of women, youths and communities, knowledge and use of the DVA and other

laws, planning for the future (wills and inheritance) and going for counselling before a

situation gets worse among others.

This paper acknowledges the absence of an official National Action Plan (NAP) for

implementing Resolution 1325 in Zimbabwe, while also noting that the absence of a NAP

does not translate into an absence of policy actions that are consistent with gender equality

and women’s empowerment perse. The paper also validates gender sensitive peace education

as an effective advocacy tool that can be effectively utilised to non-violently engage the GoZ,

working hand in hand with the MWAGCD for adoption of a suitable NAP for implementing

those aspects of Resolution 1325 that are relevant to Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe has made a number of significant strides towards mainstreaming gender in the

peace and security realm, and these include the Zimbabwe Constitution (2013), which calls

for gender equality and gender balance in all public sector institutions. Additionally, the

Zimbabwean government has adopted a number of legal instruments and policies relevant to

the security sector, also aimed at advancing the country’s national, regional and international

commitments to gender equality and women’s human rights, and catering for gender specific

needs of men and women in advancing and promoting peace and security. These include, in

addition to the DVA noted above, the Defence Act, the Police Act, and the Prisons and

Correctional Services policies, the Zimbabwe National Gender Policy, the National Gender

Based Violence Strategy and the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Economic

Transformation (ZIMASSET). ZIMASSET, in a general and broad sense, highlights that the

education sector still faces a challenge of curriculum that does not match the developmental

needs of the country.

To fully operationalise the highlighted legal and policy instruments, Zimbabwe has

established relevant institutions for advancing the gender, peace and security agenda;

including the MWAGCD the National Gender Commission (GC), the Zimbabwe Human

Rights Commission and the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC), also

established by the Constitution (2013), but yet to be operationalised.

Additionally, Zimbabwe is one of the few countries where the number of peacekeepers

meets the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations (UNDPKO)’s required

minimum 20 percent representation of women in Southern Africa. Furthermore, Zimbabwe

already has one female Brigadier in the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA), who was

appointed in 2013, signalling efforts underway towards ensuring that women are represented

in decision making positions in the security sector.2

Many training institutions in Zimbabwe are now emphasizing affirmative action in

recruitment, staff development and training, even though the representation of male officers

still outweighs that of females, especially in substantive positions. As a result, there is a

notable increase in the number of female Junior Officer Cadets in security sector training

institutions such as the National Defence College (NDC), the Zimbabwe Staff College and

the Zimbabwe Military Academy (ZMA), as well as in universities teaching security sector

related courses. Additionally, there is also notable effort to ensure that there is gender-

balance in teaching and training staff. For example, the Zimbabwe Staff College (ZSC) has

the first female paratrooper3 who is also a lecturer in some of their programmes, while the

2 Statistics on women’s representation in the security sector are provided as an annexure to this paper. 3Conversation with Major Fungai Mapaya at the UN Women Gender Mainstreaming Workshop held at ACCORD, South Africa on 25 August 2015.

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first female pilot is also usually invited to conduct some of the training courses at the college.

Evidently, efforts on gender mainstreaming in taught courses are already underway at this

institution.

Despite these notable gender mainstreaming efforts, some challenges still remain in

Zimbabwe, and of concern to this paper is the continued under-representation of women as

participants and candidates in peace and security training institutions. As notable in the

statistics provided, the figures in the defence and security field are still biased in favour of

men, and this is compounded by the fact that training institutions, especially in defence and

security, get candidates who are already working in the security field, which is skewed in

favour of males. For examples, the ZSC is not really in control of the officers recruited by

the ZDF. As a result, participants in the Diploma in Defence Studies tend to be overly

represented by males.

The need to increase the numbers of women in high level decision making bodies in

security apparatus remains crucial as female representation in substantive decision making

still falls short of the 50-50 representation called for by the regional organisations such as the

Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU).

Furthermore, since power relations between men and women agreeably take time to address,

the importance of gender mainstreaming in peace and security education and in training

curricula can therefore not be under-estimated. Additionally, sustainable development is

intrinsically tied to gender equality, and this is espoused in the Millennium Development

Goals (MDGs). BACKGROUND TO THE UN WOMEN ZIMBABWE’S GPS PROJECT IN ZIMBABWE

The initiative to support gender sensitive peace education in Zimbabwe is undertaken within

the framework of the UN Women project titled, “Strengthening Capacities for Gender

Sensitive Peace and Security in Zimbabwe.” This project is a 5 year partnership between UN

Women Zimbabwe and the Government of Norway, with the objective of promoting gender

sensitive security sector response to citizens’ security issues in the country, especially to

women and children who by nature and design, are mostly affected by direct, structural and

cultural violence in society. The project uses gender mainstreaming in security sector

processes and frameworks as the entry point, thriving on the three prongs already mentioned

above, all targeted at the three different levels of our peacebuilding pyramid as a nation.

The issue of marginalisation of women is not unique to Zimbabwe alone. From the local

to the global level, women’s leadership and political participation are restricted. Women are

underrepresented as voters, as well as in leading positions, whether in elected office, the civil

service, the private sector or academia. This occurs despite women’s proven abilities as

leaders and agents of change, and their right to participate equally in democratic governance.

Women face several obstacles to participating in political life. Structural barriers

through discriminatory laws and institutions still limit women’s options to run for office.

Capacity gaps mean women are less likely than men to have the education, contacts and

resources needed to become effective leaders.

As the 2011 UN General Assembly resolution on women’s political participation notes,

“Women in every part of the world continue to be largely marginalized from the political

sphere, often as a result of discriminatory laws, practices, attitudes and gender stereotypes,

low levels of education, lack of access to health care and the disproportionate effect of

poverty on women.”4 Individual women have overcome these obstacles with great acclaim,

and often to the benefit of society at large. But for women as a whole, the playing field needs

to be levelled, opening opportunities for all”.

4See online http://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/leadership-and-political-participation

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In 2013, thirty four (34) countries had achieved the 30 per cent critical mass mark for

women’s representation in parliament, an increase from 26 in 2011, with 29 of these having

used temporary special measures in order to achieve the target, and only 16 elected heads of

State are women, compared to 38 male heads of State. Women also remain underrepresented

in local government. Globally, only 21 percent of senior management roles are held by

women.5

As in many countries around the world, Zimbabwean women are generally marginalized

from the political sphere, often as a result of practices, traditional norms and attitudes, gender

stereotypes, low levels of education, lack of access to information and the disproportionate

effect of poverty on women. The number of female members of parliament (MP) in

Zimbabwe is at 34%: 48 percent of Senate and 32 percent of the National Assembly. In the

National Assembly, 26 women won constituency seats out of the 111 women who contested.

In total, (Assembly and Senate) women comprise 124 of the 360 or 34 percent of the

legislators in Zimbabwe, up from 19 percent after the 2008 elections. Compared to 2008

elections, the number of female candidates who stood for elections dropped from 118 to 111,

while the number of women who won dropped from 34 to 26. Without the quota, the

percentage of women in the National Assembly would have dropped from 18 to 12 percent.

However, as a result of the 60 seats reserved for women and distributed among parties on

a proportional basis, women now constitute 86 of the 290 seats, or 32 percent of the total.

The temporary measure will be in effect for the first two Parliaments elected after the

Constitution came into effect (2013 and 2018). The quota however did not extend to local

government. The reserved seats for women in both Legislatures are distributed

proportionally to the number of seats each party has won in the respective elections. In 2013,

Zimbabwe joined Mauritius in having the lowest cabinet representation of women in

parliament globally. The patterns also reveal deep rooted concerns and challenges to

women’s leadership and participation.

According to the UN Women Annual Report 2012 – 2013, there are a number of issues

that prevent women from accessing the right to political participation by competing for

political positions. These include patriarchal ideology, traditions/customs and religion, low

level of education, lack of self confidence among women, male dominated political parties,

legal criteria in the form of electoral laws, procedures and other cultural inhibitions, together

with skills of how to run campaigns and high costs of running good campaigns.

Of late, the political terrain in Zimbabwe is marred by inter- and intra-party polarization.

These patterns spill into parliament, shifting women’s focus from pushing for gender equality

and women’s empowerment issues as they pursue partisan agendas. This scenario also

erodes women’s confidence to stand for political office, and politics is turned into a power

game.

In view of these dynamics, there is need for UN Women to design training programmes

that equip women political leaders as well as their male counterparts with knowledge and

skills to mitigate conflict and transcend their political party divisions to unite for national

development. There is need to pair the provision of quotas for women with genuine cultural

and social transformation of the perceptions of women’s leadership in Zimbabwe. At the

same time UN Women needs to work with the new women Parliamentarians to secure gains

made so far as a strategy to prepare for the 2018 elections.

In Zimbabwe, the UN Women Country Office mirrors the efforts of the MWAGCD.

Until 2020, and according to the UN Women strategic note currently under review, the UN

Women’s GPS programme in Zimbabwe will focus on the following interventions:

Women’s participation at all levels of peace and security policy making;

5See online http://www.catalyst.org/knowledge/women-management-global-comparison

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Strengthening capacities of security sector actors to respond to gender insecurities;

Supporting mechanisms for peace building at the community level.

The ensuing sections present the three cases on initiatives so far to propel a gender sensitive

peace education agenda in Zimbabwe through this UN Women project: CASE 1: GENDER MAINSTREAMING IN SECURITY SECTOR EDUCATION

It is recognised that conflict prevention, recovery and management (CPRM) cannot succeed

if women, who constitute half the population, are excluded. Meanwhile, achieving gender

equality and equal participation of women in governance and other substantive processes in

Africa and beyond is not a simple equation. It requires various strategic entry points that can

effectively influence policy makers in key institutions of governance to embrace women’s

rights as the pre-requisite for building a positive peace and the desired sustainable

development. Increasing the knowledge and skills of security sector actors on gender, peace

and security through academic and continuous in-service training programmes is one sure

way of achieving this. All too often, educational curricula reproduce gender inequalities in

the public and private spheres, and these inequalities in turn sustain hegemonic and gender

insensitive governance structures. A gender sensitive peace and governance curicula has

potential to challenge embedded social constructions as well as shift mind-sets for the better.

In the context of this particular case, gender sensitive curricula refers to the extent to

which the different curricula are responsive to the values and experiences of women in

relation to men, in terms of the content representation, teaching and learning methods. Also

central to this exercise is the extent to which the curriculum makes visible the differentiated

nature of these experiences. In similar manner, curriculum is defined as a systematic and

intended packaging of competencies, knowledge, skills and attitudes underpinned by values

that learners should acquire through organized learning experiences both in formal and non-

formal settings. Curriculum is also increasingly called upon to support the learner’s personal

development by contributing to enhancing their self-respect and confidence through gender

equality, motivation and aspirations. However, all too often curricula reproduce gender

inequalities in the public and private sphere, while sustaining hegemonic male systems on a

national and global scale.

In Zimbabwean universities curriculum development is generally guided by the standards

specified in the Zimbabwe Council of Higher Education-National Qualifications Framework

regulations, and a curriculum framework policy document which covers the process and

procedures for the development, teaching and assessment of all programmes that lead to

qualifications. (GoZ: 2010) Gender sensitive curriculum in institutions of higher learning

plays an important role in forging life-long learning competencies, as well as social attitudes

and skills, such as tolerance and respect, constructive management of diversity, peaceful

conflict management, promotion and respect of human rights, gender equality, justice and

inclusiveness. This paper acknowledges the existence of different forms of curricula in the

formal and informal education systems, and distinguishing the various forms of curriculum as

crucial in understanding the impact of the planned course content on peace and security in

Zimbabwe. These include the “planned curriculum,” “delivered curriculum,” “experienced

curriculum,” “hidden curriculum” and the “societal curriculum,” among others. (Abbot, S:

2014)

The planned curriculum is a formal syllabus which is often written down and expressed

through the course outlines and modules, while the “delivered curriculum” is defined as the

way the subject is taught, including methodology and structure of the course. (Ibid) The

“experienced curriculum” refers to the sum total of the learners’ experiences through their

interaction with the structure and learning environment, and which is what they often

remember and apply in their own environments.

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The “hidden curriculum” refers to covert lessons from the institution and it often results

in the transmission of norms, values, attitudes and practices. This syllabi is often acquired

from observing the nature and structure of the learning institution. The “societal curriculum”

refers to the continuous learning process which takes place outside of the formal learning

environment, often in the community. This type of curriculum also transmits values, attitudes

and behaviours onto learners and impacts on the way they experience the planned and

delivered courses.

The Ad Hoc Committee of the General Assembly emphasise the importance of

integrating gender and curriculum development, noting that, “Peace is inextricably linked to

equality between men and women and development.” (General Assembly Official Records:

2000:13). They also further note that the exclusion of women from peace processes

jeopardizes sustainable peace and security (UNDP: 2002:11).

The UN Women CO has been involved in initiatives to mainstream gender in peace and

security processes and mechanisms since November 2012. In January 2013, the CO trained

civil society organisations to develop strategies for mainstreaming gender and security sector

issues in their programmes. UN Women CO also championed gender mainstreaming

education for the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) senior commissioners in January 2013, in

partnership with the National University of Science and Technology (NUST). This was

followed by a further gender mainstreaming training bringing together senior level police

commissioners and women from civil society, an initiative that also succeeded in enabling

increased spaces of dialogue between women and the police.

In the period between 2013 -2014, the country office undertook a gender-gap analysis of

existing curricula in universities and academic institutions. Participating institutions included

the Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE), Solusi Adventist University, Africa

University’s Institute of Peace, Leadership and Governance (IPLG), and the Institute of

Correctional Services (ICS), among others. This process led to development of training

modules on gender mainstreaming, accompanied by Training of Trainers workshops on the

same theme, to equip teaching personnel with knowledge and skills on designing and

implementing gender sensitive courses.

In addition to the activities held in 2013 and 2014, in August 2015, UN Women

partnered the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD), for

training on Gender Mainstreaming in Curriculum Development for the Zimbabwean

Curricular Advisory Bodies, tutors, and lecturers from the University of Zimbabwe, the

Zimbabwe Staff College, the Zimbabwe Institute of Correctional Services, the Institute of

Peace, Leadership and Governance – Africa University, the President’s Department and the

Bindura State University of Science Education. The training enhanced participants’

understanding of key issues in gender, peace and security, while building on their experiences

in mainstreaming gender in peace and security training curricula previously held in

partnership with UN Women in 2013 to 2014. This training further provided a platform for

sharing experience on how practitioners from some of these institutions have integrated

gender in their respective institutions, culminating in the designing of nine gender-sensitive

curricula modules by all representatives from participating institutions. In addition, UN

Women also commissioned a private consultant to undertake a gender gap analysis of four

curricula modules of the Zimbabwe Staff College (ZSC), as well as develop a gender

sensitive curricula module of the National Defence College (NDC), a subsidiary of the ZSC.

Overall, this gender-gap project seeks to ensure that training and academic security

sector practitioners offer programmes and courses that are in line with regional and global

standards for gender sensitive peace and security. The expected outputs on the UN Women

processes include adoption and teaching of gender sensitive curricula in all security sector

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and related academic institutions in the country, leading to the ultimate development of a

critical mass of male and female practitioners in peace and security issues.

a) Mainstreaming gender in security sector curricula is an effective way of ensuring that

Zimbabwe’s security sector institutions are complying with international frameworks on

gender, peace and security. Integration of gender into the security sector will not only ensure

that policies and practices of the Zimbabwe’s security institutions are in line with

international and regional mandates, but will also ensure better service delivery. When

gender issues are addressed within the security sector, the role of maintaining public security

and order, and contributing to human security will be more effectively handled.

b) The integration and inclusion of a gender perspective in policies, processes and

programmes of security sector institutions is necessary for meeting the interests and needs of

the population, in particular, women and girls. Security sector institutions are central towards

the achievement of gender equality in any country. In promoting human security and

sustainable peace, it is important for security sector institutions to address key gender issues

such as gender based violence, gendered representation in leadership as well as women and

men’s practical gender needs. Thus, this gender gap analysis is one of the strategies for use

in helping institutions and countries identify opportunities and challenges for the promotion

of gender equality and gender equity.

c) Gender is an inter-disciplinary concept which can be linked to specific insecurities such as

poverty, human rights, HIV/AIDS, and as such, reasons for its relevance in curriculum cannot

be under-estimated. Gender sensitive courses expose participants in related institutions to

gender issues in security, as well as further their skills in gender mainstreaming of the

security sector, ultimately leading to gender responsive security institutions and processes.

UN Women, however, notes that gender mainstreaming in the security sector is not an

end in itself, rather, gender mainstreaming is a strategy to ensure that initiatives of the

security sector are an advocacy strategy non-violently targeted at government and its security

sector institutions for them to consider and ensure that their institutional frameworks respond

to different security and welfare needs and capacities of both women and men both in times

of conflict and in peace. Thus, it aims to promote gender equality in society at large and

ensure that all activities integrate the human rights of all. A gender mainstreaming therefore

enables everyone’s rights, perspectives and needs to be codified within policy and practice. METHODOLOGY AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR THIS WORK

The gender sensitive curriculum exercise was based on the theoretical framework of

“appreciative inquiry”, an approach which emerged from the fields of organizational

development, leadership, change management and peacebuilding (Cooperrider and Suresh:

1987; See also Cooperrider: 1990; Srivastva and Cooperrider: 1990, Whitney and Trosten-

Bloom: 2003; and Cooperrider et al: 2005.) Appreciative inquiry accentuates confirmation

rather than denigration, and calls for building on obtaining opportunities rather than focusing

on deficiencies and errors. The exercise included a desk review, participatory consultations

with the institutions involved, and with UN Women. The approaches used to undertake the

assignment are described in detail below: METHODOLOGY A

Phase I: Desk Review To engage in an informed gender-gap analysis process, the consultant analysed available

literature, reports and official documents regarding the work of institutions that were

partnered for this process. The desk research was also characterized by the scoping of

literature on gender, peace and security, including examination of other curricula of other

institutions on the continent that have advanced their paces on gender sensitive curriculum

development in order to make a comparative analysis and also to determine the topical issues

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for inclusion in the development of the compulsory gender-sensitive modules to be

considered by the Zimbabwean institutions.

Phase II: Participatory Consultations with the ZSC The Consultant engaged in inception meetings and consultations with representatives

(teachers, students and support staff) from the various institutions. This was crucial in fully

agreeing on the objectives of the study. The consultations contributed to the generation of

critical information essential for determining the needs of the institutions in the process of

gender mainstreaming in their curriculum. The consultations were also key towards

facilitating ownership of the subsequent curriculum review report.

Phase III: Development of a Recommendations Report on gender mainstreaming In this phase the Consultant developed a report highlighting emerging issues from the gender

gap analysis of the curricula under review. The phase also led to the identification and

proposal of recommendations for gender mainstreaming in the same.

Phase IV: Development of the Compulsory Gender-sensitive Modules The compulsory gender-sensitive modules that were developed took into cognizant the

insights emerging from the desk research, consultations and primary data collection. These

recommendations examined core issues at the intersection of gender and security, while

incorporating innovative ways of mainstreaming gender into security discourse, as well as

providing insights on how to influence adoption of the modules by the institutions.

Key outcomes

An emerging output from this assignment was a set of knowledge products comprising i) the

gender gap analysis report for all the institutions involved, ii) a recommendations report for

mainstreaming gender in the selected courses of the different institutions and iii) Gender

sensitive modules for possible adoption in the institutions. METHODOLOGY B

The second method was undertaking a training on “Gender Mainstreaming in Curriculum

Development for the Zimbabwean Curricular Advisory Bodies, Tutors and Lecturers.” This

was undertaken in partnership with ACCORD, building on the initiative of the previous

curriculum development exercise. The training was also informed by a Training Needs

Assessment (TNA), developed in line with UN Women Zimbabwe and ACCORD’s

objectives of ensuring that the provisions of the UNSCR 1325 are fully implemented. The

training additionally sought to achieve the goal of strengthening the capacities of security

sector actors to respond to gender insecurities, as well as to increase the knowledge and skills

of academic security sector practitioners while ensuring academic and continuous in-service

training that is in line with regional and global standards for gender sensitive peace and

security. The training also intended to support the practitioners’ engagements with regional

bodies for shared best practices, and as such allowed participants to interact with three

experts from the AU peace and security division. Since the training took place in Durban, it

by default enabled a south-south learning exchange programme bent on enlarging the

exposure and knowledge levels of local teaching practitioners through shared knowledge and

best practices from other regions. ACHIEVED OUTCOMES

The following were the achieved outcomes of the training on Gender Mainstreaming in Peace

and Security Training Curriculum held in partnership with ACCORD:

a) Development of nine (9) gender sensitive modules A key outcome of this training workshop was the design of gender-sensitive courses and

modules by the participants from all the institutions. The courses which were developed can

be taught in the respective institutions, and they are attached in this report as an Annexure.

b) Creation of a critical mass of gender sensitive peace and security training personnel

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The Training workshop led to the strengthening of a corpus of individuals with renewed skills

and expertise on gender mainstreaming from peace and security institutions.

c) Creation of platform for networking and sharing best practices Participants used the training workshop to share ideas, reflect on their institutional processes

and practices as well as share best practices for peace education. Through a simulation

seminar held there, particiapants reflected on the challenges they confront while seeking

ways of addressing the inhibitions, as well as sharpened their skills on influencing adoption

of these curricula in their respective institutions.

d) Institutionalisation of platforms for conversations on gender mainstreaming The Training Workshop institutionalized platforms for engaging in open debates on gender

mainstreaming in peace and security.

e) Enriching local and south-south partnerships

Another key outcome of the training workshop on Gender Mainstreaming in Curriculum

Development was the creation of networking platforms, especially the linking of academic

and training institutions with practice-oriented organizations such as the AU, ACCORD and

UN Women. From this workshop, it is envisaged that possible areas of further cooperation

between academic institutes, training institutions and intergovernmental organisations were

explored and are likely to be further concretized. CASE 2: TRAINING OF FEMALE PARLIAMENTARIANS

This initiative came as a response to the national infrastructure for peacebuilding enabled by

the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2009. The peace implementation process enabled

establishment of transitionary institutions that demanded for a 50-50 representation between

women and men as required by Article 7 of the peace agreement. In a bid to ensure that

women’s leadership needs were met, UN Women conducted a rapid needs assessment for

capacity building of female political leaders in 2012. A needs assessment report was

produced, which was later used to guide the formulation and designing of the envisaged

training curricula in 2013, based on adult learning methodologies, including feminist popular

education.

“The UN Women’s mandate among other commitments strives to promote women’s

empowerment, including promoting ‘top-down and bottom-up ownership’ of the PSC-F and

expanding the Women’s Platform initiative and in the context of UNSC Resolution 1325. In

spite of the existing legal and policy frameworks for addressing conflict related challenges to

women and girls, there is more to be done through targeted support and protection of

women’s human rights; the mitigation of vulnerability of women and girls to SGBV,

promoting initiatives that promote economic empowerment of women as well as addressing

sexual and gender-based violence. This training, in part aims at equipping women political

leaders with skills and tools that would enable them legislate in an environment that is free

from confrontational politics, capacitate them to address the culture of impunity, as well as

enhance their capability to identify political entry points in order to promote their

participation in political processes and strengthening their leadership capacities.” (Onditi:

2015)

Thirsty (30) women leaders from the political parties, drawn on a quota system of 10

women from each of the three major political parties the Zimbabwe African National Union

Patriotic Front (ZANU PF), the Movement for Democratic Change led by Tsvangirai (MDC-

T) and the Movement for Democratic Change then led by Arthur Mutambara (MDC) were

trained on Leadership, Conflict Management and Conflict Resolution at two cumulative

levels, Level I and Level II.

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Twelve further women meritoriously chosen from the three initial political groupings,

were further trained on Transformative and Inclusive Leadership and Conflict Resolution.

The training was done in partnership with the African Centre for Transformational and

Inclusive Leadership (ACTIL). ACTIL is based in Kenya, and is a Pan-African training

centre that focuses on capacity building of women and youths for transformative leadership.

This initiative also culminated in participants creating individual action plans and political

party action plans for implementation to effect desired change in the male dominated political

terrain. The individual plans have a mentorship component to facilitate cascading the

mentoring initiatives from national levels down to the grassroots communities working with

parliamentarians as trainers to build the self-confidence of ordinary women to participate in

governance and peacebuilding processes as a critical mass.

Overall, combining adult training methodologies with popular education practices, this

curicula in the end helped unite women from across the three warring political parties, and

has enabled designing of both local and regional curicula for women politicians. The training

has contributed to growth and transformation, and a UN Volunteer on the Zimbabwe Peace

and Security Project shared the following story of significant change:

I was amazed to see women from different political parties who were once ruled by

animosity working together so enthusiastically. The women were united and very

eager to learn. The unity of purpose they showed was amazing. It helped see that

when given a platform women leave behind their differences to achieve a common

goal. What united them was the desire to learn, acquire skills and information for self

enhancement and betterment of the women of Zimbabwe. They helped each other

through the different assignments and groups-work and even had time to chart the

way forward when they went back to Parliament. They could vision their work

beyond the conference and it was encouraging. They had respect for each other’s

views and their leader despite the fact that she was not of their party. I was

encouraged and uplifted, yet anxious to see how the momentum will be carried

forward for building a positive peace in Zimbabwe. Some of the women at the last

training were already strategizing for the upcoming elections, showing that they have

indeed gained confidence to claim their space in the public sphere through elections6. CASE 3: GENDER MAINSTREAMING IN COMMUNITY PEACEBUILDING PROCESSES

The third initiative started as a partnership for promoting gender sensitive community

security sector initiatives between UN Women and the Women’s Coalition of Zimbabwe

(WCoZ), an umbrella body for women’s organisation in Zimbabwe. Through the WCoZ, UN

Women supported training of 18 community peace journalists to document peace and

security issues in the rural and urban communities, and publish them through a quarterly

community newsletter, the WeConnect.

The initiative resulted in community dialogues to share the news from the WeConnect,

and these were held in the communities with the aim of building awareness on gender

sensitive peacebuilding for community women and girls, community police, traditional

leaders, men and boys. The women organised themselves into community peace committees

to provide support on peace and security issues in the communities. As a result of this

initiative, women in one of the provinces have worked their way into the traditional court

system, claiming their space there to play different peacebuilding roles, including ensuring

that traditional court systems are gender sensitive. The same women also provide and

midwifery services to fellow women in the communities, who cannot access professional

medical services owing to poverty and other issues of access.

The women’s efforts to provide a community policing mechanism have seen one of their

community police women linked up with the Zimbabwe Republic Police in their district, and

6Sarah Murera, UN Volunteer – Gender Peace and Security.

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provided with training, uniforms and other necessary equipment to make community policing

possible. As a result, a clearly defined referral path for community security issues to feed

into national ones has been developed. These peace committees now also provide a link

between peacebuilding initiatives and economic empowerment, as women are now working

through them to do various income generating activities such as rotational savings schemes,

community gardens, sewing clubs and others. Peace cannot prevail amidst poverty, and

Zimbabwe needs to ensure that its economic empowerment blueprint, ZIMMASSET, delivers

well for women’s economic empowerment in order for peace to be realised. CASE 4: GENDER AUDIT OF SECURITY SECTOR LAWS AND POLICIES AND GENDER AUDIT OF THE INSTITUTE OF

CORRECTIONAL SERVICES

In this fourth initiative UN Women commissioned two gender audits. The first audit was on

security sector laws and policies while the second study sought to audit the policies,

frameworks and mechanisms of the ICS. The main purpose of this study was to conduct a

gender audit of the Policies, laws, systems and mechanisms of operation of the Institute of

Prisons and Correctional Services.

The study reviewed a number of laws and policy documents aimed at identifying any

barriers to achieving that goal and make recommendations for overcoming these barriers.

The study also covered all aspects of Correctional Services, i.e., administration, staffing,

resource allocation, and programme planning, implementation and evaluation. The gender

audit’s objectives were not only to identify gaps, but to mainstream opportunities that will

help in meaningfully engaging women and men in all existing initiatives of the Institute of

Prisons and Correctional service so as to increase their knowledge of, and responsiveness to

their rights, perspectives and needs. Likewise, the gender audit of the security sector laws

and policies sought to identify existing gaps in the security sector laws and policies. METHODOLOGY

This audit adopted a ‘Gender responsive’ approach, which is an approach to service delivery

that acknowledges and addresses the distinct needs and life experiences of the gender of the

individual to whom services are provided. The term does not imply that the needs of men

and women are totally discrete and should be provided for separately. It does, however,

suggest that gender is an important consideration in the design and delivery of correctional

programmes, arguing that men and women are different, and therefore respond differently to

interventions.

Over the years, little attention has been paid to gender issues in the field of development

until Ann Oakley distinguished between gender and sex in the early 1970s. This became a

stepping stone towards the realization of the several approaches to gender issues in the gender

discourse that include gender responsiveness which Bloom and Covington define as creating

an environment that reflects an understanding of the realities of women’s lives and addresses

the issues of the participants. (UN Women: 2014)

Outcomes

The ICS study culminated in production of a gender gap analysis study of the ICS, as

well as a model gender policy for the same institution for possible adoption by the same

institution. This Gender Policy, if adopted, will guide the equitable operations of the

institute, with a view to ensuring that the employment policies, practices, and procedures of

the Correctional Services promote equity in the workplace, consistent with the expectations

of the Government of Zimbabwe Public Service Commission with respect to all government

departments, agencies, boards, and commissions. The audit of security sector laws and

policies coincided with a period of re-alignment of laws and policies in Zimbabwe following

adoption of a gender sensitive Constitution, an initiative carried out by the MWAGCD.

Findings of this study were used to support this MWAGCD initiative by UN Women,

working hand in hand with women civil society organisations. CONCLUSIONS

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One of the several ways of measuring project success is assessing its impact, based on the life

changing contribution a project makes to its intended beneficiaries. In short, a good project

thus seeks to fulfil its designed theory of change.

This peace education project in Zimbabwe has contributed to the development of women

and men from different sectors of society. It has challenged men to shift their mind-sets and

embrace women as equal partners for working towards change, while also enabling women to

take up leadership positions to curve a new terrain for peace and cohesion in their

communities. The project has helped increase the self-confidence of formally marginalised

women and girls, and has also created new possibilities for peacebuilding, such as women

community police, women peace journalists, a community newspaper, women presence in the

traditional court system, which all contribute to the elimination of violence in society and

informing a community early warning system with potential to feed into national, regional

and continental early warning system. The project has also enabled fruitful local and south to

south partnerships, and these partnership have been vehicles of opportunity for project team

members at UN Women, government and civil society to perfect their skills for designing of

further sustainable peacebuilding initiatives in Zimbabwe. The project’s pathway to change

has a five year life span, defined by the UN Women Global Strategic Plan currently adopted.

By the year 2020, the project envisages the following achievements:

Working more with community women and the MWAGCD to mainstream gender in

the communities and to support the mainstreaming of a community early warning

system (early warn). This early warn system will be warehoused in one of the

provincial MWAGCD offices, and will feed information on GEWE and women’s

participation in electoral systems and decision making into the national, regional and

AU early warning system.

Influencing setting up of an autonomous women’s peace and security institute in one

of the existing universities or government academies in the country.

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