parental attitudes and bilingual children
TRANSCRIPT
Simon Goddard Weedon May 31 2013
An analysis of attitudes toward English/Japanese bilingualism
among parents of bilingual children in Japan.
1. Hypothesis
Despite the statistically low number of foreign residents in Japan (1.6% of population) and
the far lower number of bilingual English/Japanese children, this research project posits that
parents of bilingual children place value on the use of both languages and actively seek
different pathways to simultaneous bilingualism.
2. Introduction
2.2 Japan as monoethnic / monoculutural society
According to the Ministry of Justice the population of Japan was 127,770,000 in October
2010. Of this number, 98.6% were classified as being Japanese, and with Korean and
Chinese residents forming 0.9% of the population the native English speaking community is
likely to number less than 0.5%. Available figures for Oita Prefecture, where the study was
conducted, show that non Japanese residents accounted for 0.9% of the population and US
citizens (the only native English speaking residents with sufficient numbers to be included in
the data) account for 0.2% of the population. While figures exist for the number of interracial
marriages, no data exists for the number of mixed race children as the Japanese census
doesn’t collect data on race, only on nationality.
Japan is often described as a group oriented society, where difference from the group is
often viewed in negative terms. Kamada (1999) notes that even among Japanese citizens,
returnee students from English speaking countries were viewed as problematic, especially
when they struggled to reintegrate into the Japanese education system. This sense of
difference or partial exclusion can be acutely felt by long term residents in Japan, where
even permanent residents are still required to carry ID cards (the “Certificate of Alien
Registration”) and are processed at a separate immigration counter when returning to Japan.
This can also be seen to have an effect on young children as they seek to establish
themselves within their group of peers. The following blog comment from a 20 year old of
mixed Japanese/American parents describes the feeling of many mixed race children living
in Japan:
“For as someone who currently possesses two nationalities, Japan and its culture are a
significant part of who I am. However, despite being so, through even the kindest of
Japanese eyes I’m still an outsider to some degree. I’m teetering between the fact that I’m
not a “real” foreigner, but I’m by no means a “real”日本人 (Japanese)”
2.3 Debate over bilingualism in Japan
The status of second or foreign languages in Japan is the topic of fierce debate at present.
In April 2011 classes began in public Elementary Schools that focus on raising awareness of
foreign culture, and particular the English language. However, there is still a “mother tongue
first” approach to language in Japan and a very clear link between language and national
identity: once in Elementary School children have “kokugo” (meaning ‘national language’)
classes, rather than “nihongo” (Japanese) classes.
In 2002 the then Education Minister made the pronouncement that “It is also necessary for
Japanese to develop their ability to clearly express their own opinions in Japanese first in
order to learn English. (Toyama 2002, *translated in Liddicoat). The belief that a second
language may encroach on the learning of Japanese, and affect identity has also been
frequently discussed in newspaper columns and letters pages. The following, from The Daily
Yomiuri on April 29th 2011, is representative of the kind of thoughts commonly expressed. “A
mother was interested in enrolling her preschool son in my class, but her husband was
against it, the reason being that he didn't want his son to lose his Japanese identity”
2.4 Increase in interracial marriage and returnee children.
Despite the representatively low number of non Japanese residents in Japan, incidences of
interracial marriage have grown in recent years. A report in The Hiragana Times noted that
5% of marriages in Japan are inter-racial according to Ministry of Justice, a significant
number when compared to the total 1.7% of non Japanese residents in the country. Despite
this, however, the concept of interracial marriage is still looked upon as a curiosity. In 2006-7
Japanese TV aired the programme “okusama ha gaikokujin” (My wife’s a foreigner)
focussing upon the difficulties that mixed race couples have, and in particular the idea that a
foreign wife would find it very hard to fully integrate and understand Japanese culture.
Similarly, in 2010 the popular book series “watashi no da-rin ha gaijin” (my darling is a
foreigner) was made into a movie, further cementing the popular image of mixed
relationships as points of curiosity.
Kamada (1999) also describes an increase in the number of returnee children to Japan
following the expansion of Japanese businesses overseas during the bubble economy, and
the reaction of Japanese society to these returnees. “White's (1988) study explained
returnee problems as stemming from the exclusive nature of Japanese society in which
attitudes prevail where returnees "contaminated" by the values of the outside world come to
be seen as "different," in a society where sameness is desired.……According to Goodman
(1990), the returnee problem is seldom seen by Japanese society as the result of the
educational system. Instead the fault is laid on the child or parent”.
It is against this societal backdrop that the parents of bilingual children make decisions over
language development efforts and the degree to which their children attempt to integrate
fully, or maintain their unique cultural heritage. The popular term in Japan for mixed race
children is “ha-fu” (half), however, this is often viewed by parents of such children as a
stigmatizing term, perhaps due to the negative English connotation of “half cast” or “half
breed”. In reaction to this some parents of mixed race children in Japan use the term
“daburu” (double) to present the image of receiving the benefit of two cultures. (see Kosaka
2009) For “visible ha-fu” children, those whose features are clearly non Asian and names
are not Japanese, English becomes another aspect of difference that has the potential to
cause anxiety. At least one of the respondents in the survey has experienced situations at
school where other children use the address ‘gaijin’ (foreigner) for their child and frequently
ask ‘eigo de hanashite’ (say something in English).
The participants of the study deal with this reality on a daily basis and their responses may
shed some light on attitudes to bilingualism formed in this unique linguistic situation.
Methods
3.1 The Respondents
The respondents to the questionnaire were chosen from the researcher’s acquaintances in
the Oita area, with a total of 7 families (N11) participating in the study. Six of the families
comprise of a Japanese woman married to a man from New Zealand or the United Kingdom.
The remaining family are all native Japanese, but spent a period of 6 years living in England,
with 2 of their 3 children born and partially raised in the UK. The age of the children ranged
from 6 months to 9 years old, with the average age being 5-6 years.
This age period was specifically chosen in light of two factors.
1. None of the children have received any formal English education in the Japanese school
system. English is introduced as a school subject at age 12-13 in public Junior High
School, while from April 2011 public Elementary Schools have provided an average of
one period a week for cultural awareness activities that loosely introduce English to
students.
2. The concept of the Critical Period Hypothesis (described in Brown, 2007), and more
recent research cited by Patricia Kuhl (2010) that places the critical language acquisition
period as 0 to 7 years. The respondents all have children currently in the age period
described by CPH and it was the researcher’s intention to focus on parental attitudes to
bilingual language acquisition for children in this age group.
3.2 Questionnaire
All the respondents completed a questionnaire covering family make up, language use at
home, current language use of the child and finally opinions on 10 statements relating to
bilingual language use. The responses to the opinion statements were designed using a
Likert scale and respondents were also invited to add further commentary where they
wished. This was not a requirement however, as the aim was to minimize the burden to
those that had agreed to participate in the study.
The final phase consisted of telephone and face to face interviews with the participants to
further explore some of the points raised in the initial questionnaire feedback.
Results
4.1 Respondents L1 and L2
Respondents English as L1 Japanese as L1 L2 spoken No L2 spoken
11 6 5 10 1
A total of 7 families were given the questionnaire, with all families responding, however, for 3
of the families only the husband (in each case the L1 English speaker) provided responses.
In 6 of the 7 families both parents spoke both English and Japanese, while in the remaining
family the mother spoke both languages, while the father spoke only English.
4.2 Language use at home
English Japanese Both
Language spoken at home by
parent
3 1 7
Language spoken at home by child 1 *6
Language spoken between parent
and child
5 2 4
*The data concerning responses for language spoken by the child at home has been altered to reflect the
number of families involved, rather than the mean number of responses. As data was missing from 3 of the
mothers the initial figure would have provided an inaccurate description.
In the questionnaire, one respondent indicated speaking Japanese at home, however, in the
comments section denoted that she uses English when her husband is at home.
In only one family (the Brooks) English was the child’s predominant spoken language. In this
case the child is 3 years old and both parents speak exclusively in English with their children.
(see Analysis below for a further discussion of this case)
4.3 Current language use by each child
Child’s current language use
Balance of English and Japanese 1
Main language is Japanese but also speaks English 5
Predominantly speaks English 1
*The data concerning responses for current language use by each child has been altered to reflect the
number of families involved, rather than the mean number of responses. As data was missing from 3 of the
mothers the initial figure would have provided an inaccurate description.
In the case where a balance of English and Japanese is spoken the child is still 2 years old
and has only recently started attending day care. The family has chosen English as the
language to be used at home, and the child’s main Japanese input comes from his mother
when they are outside the home and also once a week from his grandmother. The child
speaking predominantly English is 3 years old and as yet has not attended any kind of
pre-school. Furthermore, his parents speak only English at home.
In the remaining cases, all children are now attending either Japanese pre-school or
Elementary School.
4.4 Parental attitudes towards bilingualism
How would you describe your
attitude to the following:
Strongly
agree
Agree neutral disagree Strongly
disagree
I want my children to speak both
English and Japanese
11
I encourage my children to speak 8 2 1
both English and Japanese
I encourage my children to read
both English and Japanese
9 2
Using English could slow my child’s
development in Japanese
1 3 4 3
Using Japanese could slow my
child’s development in English
1 1 3 3 3
Using both English and Japanese
will benefit my child’s development
10 1
My child will choose which
language they want to use
5 3 2 1
One parent should speak only
English, the other only Japanese
4 3 4
Both parents should speak either
language
3 2 4 2
Analysis
It is significant that all respondents show a strong desire for bilingualism to develop,
displaying a respect for both their own L1 and also the L2. In terms of language input and
output there is a very strong tendency towards encouraging spoken competence in both
languages and also a clear focus on literacy. With regards to literacy, Smith’s comment here
is pertinent. “Children should not be encouraged to assume that the minority language
exists mainly as a means of communication in their own families and only importantly as the
spoken word” (1996). In the follow up interviews all respondents reported reading aloud to
their children in both English and Japanese, with the readings being done predominantly by
the L1 speaker. Having books read aloud during infancy has been shown to be a major
determiner of academic success throughout a child’s schooling, the 1985 Commission on
Reading report states “The single most important activity for building knowledge for their
eventual success in reading is reading aloud to children”. Similarly, Unesco has stated
that, ”the biggest single indicator of a child's future success at school is whether they read
for pleasure” (quoted in Richardson, 2011).
A clear majority of respondents disagreed with the idea that using English could negatively
affect their child’s progress in Japanese further displaying a positive stance towards
establishing simultaneous bilingualism.
There was also a clear majority support for the child having the choice over which language
they speak, with only one respondent feeling there should be a degree of parental control
exerted.
The final section saw no support for an absolute “one parent, one language” approach,
preferring a mix of approaches which are described in detail in the following section
Having seen the overall trends described by the responses to the questionnaire, the
following section describes the attitudes and approaches adopted by each individual family
and points out areas of salience and difference.
5.2 One parent, one language?
A two part feature in “Bilingual Japan”, the Japanese Association of Language Teachers
Special Interest Group Newsletter, in April, 2002 carried the following: “I felt it was important
to speak only in English to him from the beginning, since my (Japanese) husband and I both
hoped he would be bilingual.”
This is very close to the approach my wife and I have taken with our daughter, Hana,
currently 6 years old. My personal feeling is that, with English being the minority language, it
is important to maximize the natural input Hana receives in her interactions with me. My wife
predominantly speaks Japanese to Hana, and stated her belief that children are able to
separate appropriate languages according to their perception of speaker’s likely language
use, and therefore it is better that children get L1 level input from their interlocutors –
interestingly, Hana will usually reply in Japanese if spoken to in English by another
Japanese person. When Hana was visiting my parents in England, however, she naturally
spoke English to my wife during phone and Skype conversations and my wife continued the
conversation in English. Neither of us believes in a dogmatic approach to language use and
are happy to speak our L2 with Hana if that’s the language she wishes to use at a particular
time.
The Kudo family are in a similar position, with the father speaking exclusively in English;
however the mother switches between English and Japanese depending on the participants
of the conversation. This is echoed in the experiences described in the JALT feature, where
Japanese use between the L2 speaking mother and her bilingual child only occurred when
they were in a group of predominantly Japanese speakers.
5.3 One language at home, One outside?
The Hall family have one child aged 2 years old and made the decision to use only English
within the family home, hoping to maximize the amount of English input their child receives
on a daily basis. The mother is conversationally fluent in both languages, and the father has
basic conversational competence in Japanese. Both parents feel that the surrounding
linguistic environment is ‘input scarce’ for English and wish to maximize the amount of
English input available.
Mrs Hall commented that while speaking English at home usually poses few problems, she
finds herself naturally using Japanese on occasions and then being unsure whether or not to
repeat the utterance in English. However, she noted that such instances are not
commonplace and in general she feels comfortable using English at home.
The Sakata’s are the only family compromising entirely of Japanese citizens. They have
three children, aged 10 months, 3 years and 6 years, with two of the children born in
England. The elder child was 4 years old when the family moved back to Japan and the
parents are keen to ensure that language attrition does not set in once she enrolls in
Japanese Elementary School.
In order to maintain English level they enrolled her in a pre-school that offers English
classes with an L1 English speaker and also pay for a private L1 English speaking tutor
once a week. In addition to this they have an extensive collection of books and DVDs that
they encourage the children to use. While the mother speaks to the children in Japanese the
family adopted an English only rule when all members of the family are present in the house
together. With a view to establishing biliteracy they have recently enrolled their second
daughter in a private class focused on establishing basic phonics understanding in English.
The Brooks have two children aged 2 and 3 years old. The mother is fluent in both
languages, while the father has intermediate level Japanese ability. While they speak in
Japanese with Mrs Brooks’ parents, they decided to speak only English with their children.
Similarly, they choose English audio channels when available and their son currently shows
a preference for this. In the comments attached to the questionnaire they stated that they
believe Japanese ability will increase rapidly once pre-school begins and therefore English
input is more important at this stage of their children’s development. This is echoed by the
experience recounted by Noguchi in ‘Bilingual Japan’:
“We have noticed a marked improvement in his Japanese speaking ability since he began
first-grade, and are hopeful that this progress will continue. What he mostly seems to lack is
vocabulary, and as he reads more and more in Japanese we expect this to improve.”
The approach taken by all three families described here is also supported by Anthea Fraser
Gupta, Senior Lecturer in Modern English Language at the University of Leeds, who states:
“If both parents can speak a minority language then their best strategy might be to speak
only the minority language to their children, and let them learn the majority language of the
community outside the home.”
5.5.3 Two languages intermixed
The Walsh family have two children aged 4 months and six years. Both parents speak
English and Japanese and feel that there should be no separation of language by parents
L1, and that seeing both parents use both languages will provide a more appropriate model
for their children.
Discussion
“The 'one-parent-one-language' method is sometimes put forward as the only way to raise
bilingual children. It isn't. There are many routes to this end”. (Gupta)
Of the seven families surveyed here, none reported a strong feeling for the strict one parent,
one language approach. What is evident is a desire to establish and maintain a level of
bilingualism in their children despite the input scarce English environment that Japan offers.
Furthermore, despite the difference in approach taken by each family none of the
participants showed concern over incidences of language mixing by their children. The
importance of this is noted by Ford (2000), “The attitudes of the parents of bilingual children
are very important when it concerns language mixing. The perception of language mixing as
a problem can negatively affect the child's bilingual development.”
Another interesting point is that, with the exception of the Sakata’s, none of the families
report labeling languages as English or Japanese. In my own family situation we have opted
for “mummy says ….” and “daddy says ….” if differentiating and Hana will frame questions
as, ”What does daddy say for “X”?, if she wants to know a particular word or phrase. The
Brooks noted that their son talks of “daddy song” and “nana song”, showing an apparent
mapping of language to people by the child as he separates the two kinds of linguistic input
he receives.
Conclusion
It is clear from the responses given in both the questionnaire and in follow up interviews that
parents attach “linguistic capital” (Bourdieu, 1976, 1997; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990, cited
in Talbot et al., 2003) in roughly equal measures to both English and Japanese. Given the
overwhelming need for Japanese in the environment the participants are in, the parents’
strong desire for a balanced bilingualism is telling.
The respondents all show a positive image of bilingualism and a belief that the ability in two
languages, and the biculturalism that follows, will be a positive force in their child’s
development.
The differences in approaches to attaining simultaneous bilingualism also mirror the debates
that occur among linguists. The participants in the study demonstrated One parent One
Language (OPOL), Minority Language at Home (ML@home)
At this stage all parents are following their own path to bilingualism. One word of warning,
however, is provided by Pulvers (2009). “In the very early years of the child's life, the parents
may very well be convinced that they are having success. The child will easily distinguish
between languages and learn quickly to speak unaccented English with their mother and
perfect Japanese with their father. ..Bilingualism up to age 6 is a cinch …you won't really be
able to say your children are bilingual until they are in their high teens”
It would be interesting then to follow up with the same group after a prolonged period of
Japanese schooling and the socializing effects of the mainly monocultural Japanese
education system, and to see the extent to which parents attitudes change – particularly
whether or not they give up on the minority language – and also the extent to which the
children involved do indeed develop into fully bilingual adults.
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