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Old w orld tra d itio n s an d m odern sensibilities: L ate e ig h teen th -cen tu ry a rch itec tu re in M arb le to w n , N ew York

Ryan, Thomas Robert Ambrose, M.A.

University of Delaware, 1994

Copyright © 1994 by Ryan, Thomas Robert Am brose. All rights reserved.

U M I300 N. Zeeb Rd.Ann Arbor, MI 48106


OLD WORLD TRADITIONS AND MODERN SENSIBILITIES:

LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE IN

MARBLETOWN, NEW YORK

by

Thomas Robert Ambrose Ryan

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Early American Culture

Spring 1994

Copyright 1994 Thomas Robert Ambrose Ryan All Rights Reserved


OLD WORLD TRADITIONS AND MODERN SENSIBILITIES:

LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY ARCHITECTURE IN

MARBLETOWN, NEW YORK

Approved:

Approved:

Approved:

by

Thom as R obert Ambrose Ryan

- ~ _______________________

Bernard Lania Herm an, Ph.D.Professor in charge of thesis on behalf of the Advisory Comm ittee

Ct. ___________Jam es C. Curtis, Ph.D.D irector of the W interthur Program in Early American CultureL /

}Cl ~Carol E. Hoffecker, Phy Associate Provost for C m duate Studies


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am grateful to the hospitable and generous people of Marbletown,

Hurley, and Kingston, New York, for the many kindnesses extended to me

during my research for this thesis. Particular thanks go to my brothers and

their wonderful families. Special thanks too, go to Fran Numrich, Bob & Lou

MacKinnon, Gil Richter, George Van Sickle, Dorothy Pratt, John Novi, Vi &

Bob Opdahl, Gary Tinterow, Olive Clearwater, Janet & Harry Hansen, and the

staff of the Stone Ridge Library.

All of these people are acutely aware of their role as stewards of a

remarkable past and their interest in houses and people from the past is

contagious. One of the most enjoyable aspects of returning to the Hudson

Valley has been the opportunity to spend time with several cohorts in the field,

in particular, Neil Larson and the ever delightful and eminently knowledgeable

Herb Cutler. Ruth Piwonka, as well as May Stone and Margaret Heilbrun of

iii


the New-York Historical Society, have been of tremendous help in pointing me

in fruitful directions

Closer to home, I am a lucky man to have the partnership and

companionship of Tracey Weis and Michael Ryan. The Henry Francis du Pont

Winterthur Museum has given me so much in the past few years, especially the

assistance and support of Jim Curtis and Neville Thompson, and, most precious

of all, the friendship and collegial support of Jeff Hardwick and Bemie

Herman. I hope this research, which seeks to contribute a more nuanced

understanding of the past, will cause others to ask provocative questions about

all people in the past: European and African, poverty-stricken and prosperous,

female and male, slave and free. A faithful reconstruction of their relationships

to each other, to the land, and to the built environment will bring us to a fuller

understanding of the historical landscape of Ulster County and the Hudson

Valley.

It is with a thankful and joyful heart that I dedicate this thesis to my

parents, Marie Ambrose Ryan and William Joseph Ryan.


TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................ vi

ABSTRACT ................................................................................ xi

INTRODUCTION ................................................................................ 1

PRIVATE BUILDINGS AND PUBUC RECORDS ............................. 18

THE 1798 FEDERAL DIRECT TAX: WINDOW TO THE PAST 31

MARBLETOWN’S EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY HOUSING:A TYPOLOGY ................................................................................ 38

TRANSFORMATIONS OF ARCHITECTURE AND DAILY LIFE . . 81

THE THREE-ROOM H O U S E ................................................................ 105

CONCLUSION ................................................................................ 115

ENDNOTES 118

BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................ 128

APPENDIX: 1798 FEDERAL DIRECT TAX FOR MARBLETOWN,NEW YORK ................................................................................ 137

v


LIST OF FIGURES

1. Broadhead-Dubois house, Lucas Turnpike, Marbletown,Ulster County, New York ..................................................................... 11

2. Plan of the Broadhead-Dubois house, Lucas Turnpike,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York ............................................... 12

3. Hillside, Bramham, Yorkshire, England............................................... 13

4. Plan of Hillside, Bramham, Yorkshire, England.................................. 14

5. Three-room house, late eighteenth-century, Wicres,Artois, France ..................................................................................... 15

6. Plan, three-room house, Wicres, Artois, F ra n ce .................................. 16

7. Map of New York’s Hudson River Valley .......................................... 17

8. Andries DeWitt House, early eighteenth-century,Hurley Mountain Road, Marbletown, Ulster County,New York 25

9. Map of the Town of Marbletown, 1797 ............................................... 26

10. John A. DeWitt tenant house, mid-eighteenth- century, North Marbletown Road, North Marbletown,Ulster County, New York ..................................................................... 27

11. James Oliver tenant house (Davis Tavern), late- seventeenth- to early eighteenth-century, Route209, North Marbletown, Ulster County, New Y ork ............................. 28

12. John A. DeWitt tenant house plan, NorthMarbletown, Ulster County, New York ............................................... 29

vi


vii

13. James Oliver tenant house plan, North Marbletown,Ulster County, New York .................................................................... 30

14. Adam Yaple log bank-house, 1798, Mossy Creek Road,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York ................................................ 35

15. Cornelius and Cornelia Wynkoop house, c.1772,Stone Ridge, Marbletown, Ulster County,New York .................................................................................... 36

16. Thomas Jansen house, late eighteenth-century,Hurley Mountain Road, Marbletown, Ulster County,New York. .................................................................................... 37

17. Loft door, Matthew Ten Eyck house, early and mid eighteenth-century, Hurley Mountain Road,Hurley, Ulster County, New York ....................................................... 61

18. John Keator house, c.1765, Binnewater Road,Rosendale (Marbletown in 1798), Ulster County,New York .................................................................................... 62

19. Plan, John Keator house, Binnewater Road,Rosendale, Ulster County, New York.................................................... 63

20. James Oliver tenant house plan, North Marbletown,Ulster County, New York .................................................................... 64

21. Broadhead-Smith house, late seventeenth to early eighteenth-century, Cottekill Road, Marbletown,Ulster County, New York .................................................................... 65

22. Broadhead-Smith plan, Cottekill Road, Marbletown,Ulster County, New York .................................................................... 66

23. Adam Yaple plan, 1798, Mossy Creek Road,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York .............................................. 67

24. Typical Flurchukenhaus p lan ................................................................ 68

25. Cast iron plate stove, mid eighteenth-century,Schifferstadt, Frederick, M aryland....................................................... 69


viii

26. Scar from comer display shelf, Manor Township,Lancaster County, Pennsylvania........................................................... 70

27. Paled ceiling, Manor Township, Lancaster County,Pennsylvania ................................................................................... 71

28. Snyder-Wedderwax house, c. 1765, Cottekill Road,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York .............................................. 72

29. Snyder-Wedderwax plan, Cottekill Road,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York .............................................. 73

30. Konradt Lasher house plan, 1752, near Germantown,Columbia County, New Y ork ................................................................ 74

31. John Lounsbury house, c. 1790, Stone Ridge,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York ............................................. 75

32. Sarah Tack house, mid eighteenth-century, StoneRidge, Marbletown, Ulster County, New Y o rk .................................... 76

33. Probably John Broadhead house, 1791, Route 209,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York ............................................. 77

34. John Broadhead house plan, Route 209, Marbletown,Ulster County, New York....................................................................... 78

35. Simeon DePuy house, 1797, High Falls, Marbletown,Ulster County, New York .................................................................... 79

36. Simeon DePuy house plan, High Falls, Marbletown,Ulster County, New York .................................................................... 80

37. Ephraim and Magdalena Chambers house, southeast facade c. 1755, Kripplebush, Marbletown, UlsterCounty, New Y ork................................................................................. 94

38. Ephraim and Magdalena Chambers house, north facade showing 1772 addition, Kripplebush,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York ............................................. 95


39. Ephraim and Magdalena Chambers house plan,Kripplebush, Marbletown, Ulster County,New York .................................................................................... 96

40. Schematic drawing showing the variety of ways Marbletown residents added kitchens and outletsto their houses .................................................................................... 97

41. Cornelius and Cornelia Wynkoop kitchen addition, after 1772, Stone Ridge, Marbletown, UlsterCounty, Newr Y ork.................................................................................. 98

42. Dutch Barn, near Port Jervis, Orange County,New York .................................................................................... 99

43. Three-room house with outlet, late eighteenth-century, Wicres, Artois, France ............................................................ 100

44. Gerrit Van Waggenen house with outlet, early eighteenth-century, Berme Road, Marbletown,Ulster County, New York .................................................................... 101

45. Cornelius and Cornelia Wynkoop plan,Stone Ridge, Marbletown, Ulster County,New York .................................................................................... 102

46. Paneled fireplace wall, original green paint, with tin-glazed earthenware tiles in fireplace surround, Wynkoop house, Stone Ridge,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York ............................................... 103

47. Second floor best chamber, original blue paint on mantle, earthenware tiles, Wynkoop house,Stone Ridge, Marbletown, Ulster County, New Y o rk ........................ 104

48. Gerardus Hardenburgh house, c. 1762, Mill Dam Road,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York ............................................... 109

49. Gerardus Hardenburgh plan, Mill Dam Road,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York ............................................... 110


X

50. John and Maria Hasbrouck house, 1776, Rest PlausRoad, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York .................................... I l l

51. John and Maria Hasbrouck, plan, Rest Plaus Road,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York ............................................... 112

52. John A. DeWitt house, c. 1788, North Marbletown,Ulster County, New York ..................................................................... 113

53. John A. DeWitt house, plan, North Marbletown,Ulster County, New York ..................................................................... 114


ABSTRACT

This project is a study of houses and people in Marbletown, New

York at the end of the eighteenth century. It relies on the 1798 Federal Direct

Tax Census for Marbletown and surviving eighteenth-century domestic

architecture in the town to construct a typology of late eighteenth-century

housing forms and to argue for the rise of a regional architecture. The Direct

Tax "A" list for Marbletown describes 171 houses valued above $100.00. It

provides valuable information such as: house dimensions, assessed value,

construction materials, condition, ownership, etc. Sets of quantitative measures

based on these variables provide a window onto the architectural landscape of

Marbletown in 1798. A systematic field survey of extant houses dating from

1798 in Marbletown, conducted during the summer of 1992, identified 90

eighteenth-century houses. Fifty of these houses were measured and

documented to provide the primary evidence for a typology.

The eighteenth-century inhabitants of Marbletown, New York,

reflected a variety of Northern European, African, and British cultural

xi


traditions that cannot be subsumed under the general category "Dutch." The

houses that survive bear powerful evidence of this variety. Likewise, the house

demonstrate that Marbletown’s wealthier merchants and farmers were not

steadfastly tied to the past. Houses built toward the last quarter of the

eighteenth century offer clues about how Marbletown’s elite incorporated new

ideas about fashion into traditional notions of architectural design.

In the end, we seek a better understanding of the people of

Marbletown in 1798. Objects and the way they are used reveal human values

and thought. Patterns in the material world reveal culture. As we explore the

houses of Marbletown, and the manner in which they were designed and

inhabited, we gain a new perspective on the complex cultural life of a rural

Hudson Valley community.


INTRODUCTION

Scholarship on material life in New York’s Hudson Valley has

focused almost exclusively on the Dutch cultural contribution to the region. *

Despite the presence of northern European and African peoples in the

seventeenth century, early twentieth-century antiquarians and architectural

historians portray the Hudson Valley as a historicized "Dutch" landscape.^

Scouring the landscape, looking for examples of "Dutch" domestic architecture,

they have contributed to this reductionist reading of Hudson Valley culture.

Particular architectural features, like the horizontally divided door with a

sheltering hood, stepped gable, gambrel roof, protruding brick bake oven,

dressed stone facade with rougher side and rear walls, and the jambless

fireplace, were classified as Dutcb.^ This characterization of Dutch houses in

the Hudson Valley by architectural historians and antiquarians in the second

quarter of the twentieth century provides the backdrop for this thesis.

In 1929, Helen Wilkinson Reynolds, pioneer of architectural study in

the Hudson Valley, published her most significant work Dutch Houses in the

1


2

Hudson Valley. In her introduction she announced that "The first object in

preparing this book has been to learn what sort of house was built by the

majority of Dutch families in the region of the Hudson River before 1776."

Reynolds claimed to be looking for a "Dutch average" and thereby a

general average; for the fact has been revealed that the people of the Hudson Valley, of whatever European extraction: Dutch,Flemish, French, Teutonic, Scandinavian, all built alike.

Her broad definition of "Dutch" relied on the membership rules of the Holland

Society, the sponsors and publishers of her study. The rules stipulate that

"eligibility to membership in the Holland Society consists of descent in the

male line from an ancestor who was a citizen of New Netherland before

1675." To be included in her study, a house had to have been connected to

such a person. The second of Reynolds’ principal criteria is that a house must

have been built prior to the American Revolution. She concludes that "The

houses finally presented have been chosen as providing a general and a nearly

accurate idea of what the average domestic architecture was like along the

Hudson before the Revolution." The resulting work is an impressive catalogue

of over 150 houses covering all of the counties along the Hudson River from

just north of New York City to Albany. Based largely on a genealogical

approach to the material evidence, Reynolds’ search for a "Dutch average"


obscures the subtle distinctions of cultural diversity and architectural variety

characteristic of life in New Netherland and eighteenth-century New York.^

In 1952 architectural historian Hugh Morrison, leaning heavily on

Reynolds’ fieldwork, described the typical Mid Hudson Valley Dutch

farmhouse as "one room deep with three rooms strung out in a row, two ofn

them with outside doors... and three chimneys." The type of house Morrison

portrayed began as a one-room house -- later expanded, by adding first one and

then a second room to the gable ends. Late twentieth-century writers, such as

Lee and Virginia McAlester, reiterate Morrison’s description focusing on the

additive quality of these buildings: "Dutch Colonial houses thus often show a

linear sequence of two or three (rarely more) units built at different times."^

What makes this kind of house Dutch? How was it put together? Was it

common on the landscape? Where did it fit in the broader range of housing

options in the region? A close look at one such house launches our

investigation into the broader architectural landscape of Marbletown, New

York and raises questions about the standard "Dutch" attributions placed upon

many Hudson Valley houses. Furthermore, placed in the context of other

surviving houses in the town, the characterization of this house built in phases

as "typical" encounters a serious challenge.


4

On January 25, 1735, members of two prominent Ulster County

families gathered to celebrate the marriage of Wessel Broadhead and Catrina

DuBois.^ Broadhead’s family had been among the first settlers of Marbletown

in 1668. Catrina Dubois’s ancestors had helped establish the neighboring town

of New Paltz in 1678. Shortly after marrying they built a one-room house at

the confluence of the Doverkill and the Rondout Creek in a remote comer of

Marbletown (Figure 1). Perched atop a hill, they had broad vistas of the

winding creek and their fertile bottomlands.

Their one-room house was made of native limestone, a plentiful

building material in Ulster county, gathered from the land as they transformed

it from forest to field. A simple roof framing system, covered with boards or

thatch, sat atop the one-story stone walls while clapboard siding sealed the

gable walls of the garret. One door and one window pierced the two-foot thick

walls on the front side facing the creek. Inside the house a large fireplace,

used to heat and light the room and to prepare food, occupied most of one

gable wall. Here occurred the repetitive day to day activities of food

preparation and consumption, washing and spinning, socializing and sleeping.

Here too, the cycles of birth, life, and death were played out against the larger

seasonal backdrop of clearing land, planting, harvesting, and marketing

produce. On such land and in such houses, the Broadhead-DuBois family, and


5

many Marbletown families, made their mark on the rural landscape of the mid-

Hudson Valley.

People change the form of buildings to accommodate their needs,

to keep apace with changing fashions and social demands, and to express their

sensibilities and aspirations. The Broadheads were no exception. By the end

of the eighteenth century the Broadheads had added two rooms nearly tripling

their living area (Figure 2). The transformation of the Broadhead’s house from

a single room encompassing many activities to a three-room house represents a

major shift in the conception and experience of domestic space. Each addition

occasioned changes in lifestyle. All of the rooms had a gable chimney, front

door, and front window resulting in a six bay facade. Cooking activities were

relocated in the South addition. The north addition probably served as a

chamber and parlor.*® The former one-room house, now at the center of the

three-room plan could have functioned as a passage, parlor, dining room, or

chamber. The transformation of the house yielded a dwelling with functionally

specific spaces which operated in an open and accessible plan. Besides the

three-room plan, several other architectural features of the Broadhead house

are of the type often cited as typically Dutch. These include: one-and-one-half

stories of roughly laid up limestone walls, clapboard on the gable ends above


6

the first floor, a protruding or "bee hive" oven, irregular o r uneven ridgelines,

and the horizontally divided door.11

Hugh Morrison, in what is still the standard treatise on early

American architecture, would have us believe that this house represents the

typical rural D utch farm house of the Mid-Hudson Valley. Yet, it is not typical

of surviving eighteenth-century houses in Marbletown, New York; of the 50

dwellings surveyed for this study, only the Broadhead house has three rooms

strung out in a row and built in phases.12 Neither can it be considered

exclusively Dutch since Wessel B roadhead’s family was from the W est Riding

of Yorkshire England, where three-room houses built in phases survive from

the seventeenth century (Figures 3 & 4).13 Furtherm ore, the family o f Catrina

DuBois, B roadhead’s wife, was from the Artois region of France where three-

room farm houses, also built in phases, survive in large numbers from the

eighteenth-century (Figures 4 & 5). Is it correct, then, to call the Broadhead

house a Dutch house? The basic form and plan of the Broadhead house is

akin to houses from northern France, Belgium, and parts of rural England.

While possessing features common to many houses associated with Dutch

ownership, these features are not found exclusively on Dutch houses. The

Broadhead-DuBois house challenges architectural historians to reassess some

long held views on architecture in the Hudson Valley.14


7

Helen Reynolds, in her introduction to Dutch Houses in the Hudson

Valley left open the possibility of such reassessment when she wrote: "the

function of the field survey has been to observe and record facts within a fixed

territory and to specialists in various lines is left the task of correlating the

results of the survey with other sets of f a c t s . "Th i s thesis utilizes two such

"sets of facts;" the 1798 Federal Direct Tax list for Marbletown, New York, and

extensive fieldwork conducted in the town. The Direct Tax richly details 171

houses in the community and enhances Reynolds’ findings by providing a

window onto the landscape of late eighteenth-century Marbletown. My

fieldwork, more geographically concentrated than Reynolds’ study, looks to

Marbletown’s surviving eighteen-century houses to generate a catalogue of

house types built by Marbletown residents in the eighteenth century. The study

concludes with a focus on the most common type, the three-room house, and

posits not a "Dutch" house type, but the rise of a unique regional architecture

that combined elements of Northern European building traditions with modern

aesthetic sensibilities. This fresh look at the architectural and documentary

evidence of one town, with an appreciation for ethnic diversity, and the benefit

of recent scholarship in vernacular architecture, enhances our understanding of

Hudson Valley architecture.


8

The cultural complexity of the land that would become the Hudson

Valley was foreshadowed in the autumn of 1609 when Henry Hudson, an

English citizen employed by the Dutch East India Company, began his third

exploratory mission up the North River. Robert Juet, a Frenchman and an

officer on the Halve Maen, described the landscape on September 25, 1609:

The five and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind at South a stiffe gale. We rode still, and went to Land to walke on the West side of the River, and found good ground for Come and other Garden herbs, with great store of goodly Oakes, and Walnut trees, and Chest-nut trees, Ewe trees, and trees of sweet wood in great abundance, and great store of slate for houses and other good stones

The natural topography of gentle mountains, meandering waterways,

and fertile valleys observed by Hudson and Juet is part of present-day Ulster

County, New York. Marbletown, New York, sits in the geographic center of

Ulster County, just west of the Hudson River, about midway between

Manhattan and Albany (Figure 7). Along the town’s north boundary the

Catskill mountains begin their gentle ascent, while in the southeast comer of

the town, the Shawangunk Mountains terminate in a steep, stony outcropping.

Between these mountain borders lie rolling hills and rich bottomland along the

Esopus and Rondout Creeks. The native Esopus people, relatives of the

Delaware and members of the Algonquin family of nations, successfully farmed


9

and hunted this land at the time of Hudson’s visit. By century’s end, however,

their imprint on the land had all but vanished.

Sixty years after Hudson’s explorations, in 1669, a band of recently

decommissioned British soldiers, the widow of one officer, and two or three

Dutch settlers founded Marbletown. Within a generation more Dutch and

French immigrants, slaves from West African and the West Indies, and a

remnant of the Esopus Indians, made their homes in the town. Germans and

Scots-Irish arrived in the early eighteenth-century further expanding

Marbletown’s ethnic makeup. The interaction of at least seven distinct ethnic

groups in Marbletown as early as the 1710s raises several important questions

about local culture and its material products. What mark did these discrete

ethnic groups make on the common landscape of Marbletown? Was there a

dominant group in the town? How did cultural expression change and develop

over the course of the eighteenth century? More specifically, what kind of

houses did people build? Were they based on traditional, familiar forms? If

so, which traditions and to whom were they familiar? How did buildings

change over time and what role did popular fashion play in determining the

shape of the town’s architecture? To probe these questions we turn to the

eighteenth-century houses still standing in Marbletown an to the eighteenth-


10

century descriptions of houses provided by the assessors for the 1798 Federal

Direct Tax.


11

Figure 1. Broadhead-Dubois house, Lucas Turnpike, Marbletown,Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


12

1=T

C 4 1I

t « # « • • • i

' #

c . n 3 i" zzg pvt & r i

■ W

Figure 2. Plan of the Broadhead-Dubois house, LucasTurnpike, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


13

Figure 3. Hillside, Bramham, Yorkshire, England. (Photo,Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England)


14

Figure 4. Plan of Hillside, Bramham, Yorkshire, England. (Drawing,author, after Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England)


Figure 5. Three-room house, late eighteenth-century, Wicres, Artois, France. (Photo, author)


16

WIC.WES , AftTbis, FRANCE.

Figure 6. Plan, three-room house, Wicres, Artois,France. (Drawing, author)


17

x«s«ctii»m

‘UfJ

Figure 7. Map of New York’s Hudson River Valley.(Drawing, author)


PRIVATE BUILDINGS AND PUBLIC RECORDS

Few sources provide as stable and permanent a record of historic

landscapes as the domestic architecture of a community. From the period of

first European settlement to the end of the eighteenth century, Marbletown

citizens designed, built, and inhabited houses which today provide abundant

evidence about how they thought, acted, and interacted. Fortunately, in 1798,

James Oliver and four assistants painstakingly cataloged information about

these houses. These two bodies of evidence, the 1798 Federal Direct Tax list

for Marbletown and the town’s extant eighteenth-century houses, form the basis

of this study and reveal patterns of human thought and behavior.

In July 1798 Congress passed legislation mandating a "Federal

Direct Tax" to be assessed on all real estate in the United States, consisting of

three "Particular Lists." Particular list A recorded all houses judged by the

assessors to be worth $100 or above. On particular list B assessors recorded all

houses valued less than $100, all non-domestic buildings (such as barns, mills,

tanneries, or commercial buildings), and all acreage. Particular list "C"

provides a list of all slaves and slaveholders in a community. The 1798 Direct

18


19

Tax documents were never centralized and only survive for scattered areas of

the country.^ For Marbletown, the A list alone survives and offers

information on 171 houses valued $100 or greater. A local 1800 tax list of all

Marbletown properties, as well as the "B" list from the neighboring town of

New Paltz, help to establish a picture of the larger built environment for

Marbletown.^®

James Oliver, principal assessor for the Direct Tax in Ulster County,

and his four assistants, recorded a wealth of information on each Marbletown

21house. These five men recorded the property owner’s name, and, if rented,

the tenant’s name, the length and breadth of the house, the number of stories,

the materials used to construct it, and the number and size of windows. For

instance, Oliver sent an assistant assessor to the house owned and occupied by

Andries DeWitt (Figure 8). He found DeWitt’s stone house to be a single

story high, 26’ wide at the gable ends and 73’ long. DeWitt’s house had two

small windows (42" x 24") and six large windows (60" x 32"). This level of detail

affords present-day historians ample opportunity for statistical analysis of

aggregate features of the town’s buildings. For example, we can calculate that

Andries DeWitt’s house totaled 1,898 square feet of living space making it the

fourth largest house in Marbletown and much larger than the median house

size of 800 square feet. Information on condition, age, and assessed value


20

provide a useful means of comparison between all 1798 houses. The assistant

assessor believed DeWitt’s house to be in "good repair" and assessed it at $540.

Principal assessor James Oliver increased the DeWitt assessment by 50%

raising it to $810.^ This places Andries DeWitt’s house in the top five

percent of all houses and suggests DeWitt was a man of wealth and status in

the community. Finally, the assessor assigned the number "20" to Andries

DeWitt’s house and recorded it as being situated on the west side of the

Esopus Creek. By combining this geographic description, often given in

relation to topographical features, roads, or adjacent property owners, with the

number assigned to each house indicating the order in which the census was

taken, we can map the location of houses in relation to one another and to

various features on the land. Such precise mapping assists in locating surviving

houses and allows for the reconstruction of an entire landscape of which only

portions survive in the present.

The Direct Tax list provides a valuable resource for understanding

Marbletown’s late eighteenth-century architecture by furnishing a broad

historical context of houses. However, the document raises questions that it is

unable to answer. For instance, how many rooms were in Andries DeWitt’s

house and how were they laid out? Where were chimneys placed and doors

located? What choices did the DeWitt’s make about interior decorative finish?


21

Were the exterior walls made of finely cut and dressed stone or were they used

as found in the fields? Were all 73 feet of DeWitt’s house built at the same

time or were there additions and alterations? Did DeWitt rely on European

architectural traditions when designing his house? Beginning to answer these

questions requires a first-hand encounter with the surviving buildings. Linking

the architecture in the field with the 1798 document furnishes us with a more

comprehensive picture of Marbletown’s architecture.

A recent field survey in Marbletown revealed a landscape replete

with examples of eighteenth-century houses. The survey utilized contemporary

topographical maps that depict every building in the town. This modem map

was cross-referenced with a 1797 map drawn a year before the Direct Tax was

assessed showing 97 houses on the principal roads and waterways with the

owner’s name written next to many of the houses (Figure 9 ) .^ By combining

the two maps with the descriptions of the geographic "situation" of the 171

houses in the Direct Tax A list, 90 eighteenth-century buildings were

identified.^ This high survival rate of 52 percent of the houses valued over

$100 underscores the importance of studying Marbletown’s architecture.

Considered in the broader context of all of Marbletown’s houses, these 90

dwellings represent 26 percent (90/334) of all houses registered in a local

Marbletown tax list for the year 1800.^ For the purposes of this study, 50 of


22

the 90 houses were measured and documented. This provides the basis for a

typology of late eighteenth-century housing forms in the town.

The standing houses bring us face to face with particular details of

the past. When studied as a body the houses suggest patterns of choice and

individual behavior. The houses afford us the opportunity to examine spatial

relationships between rooms, levels of interior fin ish, and evidence of

alterations and change over time. A study of the surviving houses reveals the

level of variety in the architectural landscape, expands on the information given

by the tax list, and cautions us against making simplistic assumptions based only

on the tax information. For instance, two houses that appear sim ilar on the tax

list may in fact be very different when studied in the field. John A. DeWitt,

son of Andries DeWitt, and James Oliver, principal assessor for the Direct Tax,

owned houses with virtually identical descriptions on the tax list. DeWitt’s

rental property was 25’ x 40’ containing 1,000 square feet and Oliver’s rental

property was 25’ x 39,’ or 975 square feet. DeWitt’s house had four windows

while Oliver’s had five. Both were located on the Kingston Road. The

assessors thought both houses were "old ” and in "bad condition" and assessed

their values similarly with DeWitt’s at $165 and Oliver’s at $195.


23

A first-hand look at the houses reveals important differences

between them. The facade of the DeWitt house is a three bay, bilaterally

symmetrical arrangement with carefully cut rectangular stones laid up in

regular courses (Figure 10). The Oliver facade has five irregularly spaced

openings consisting of three windows and two doors with stone walls of uncut

or roughly cut fieldstone laid up in a random fashion (Figure 11). On the

inside, John DeWitt’s two-room house has a centrally located open stair and

opposed entries (Figure 12). On the other hand, Oliver’s property is a two

room plan with an outside entry into each room and an enclosed winder stair

in the comer of one room (Figure 13). An "old kitchen" measuring 16’ x 18’

was attached to Oliver’s house in 1798 and has been replaced with a modem

leanto kitchen. DeWitt’s house had no such kitchen. The Oliver house, which

served as a tavern for much of the eighteenth century, with its steep roofline,

irregular fenestration and two-room plan, is reminiscent of vernacular houses

found across a broad stretch of Northern Europe. On the other hand, DeWitt’s

house, with its bilaterally symmetrical exterior and centrally placed stair,

reflects a vernacular interpretation of fashionable Renaissance architecture.

This comparison points out the danger of making assumptions about similarity

in architectural form based on comparable descriptions in the Direct Tax.


24

As sources for historical research both the tax list and the surviving

houses have their own strengths and inherent weaknesses. The "A" list of 171

houses provides an opportunity to reconstruct the more costly architectural

landscape of late eighteenth-century Marbletown. This information situates the

surviving houses in a broad context. The rich body of information in the tax

list allows for complex statistical analysis. Patterns in the built environment

based on house size, value, age, materials, or the ethnicity of owners, reveal the

larger story of the community. But the 1798 data does not reveal what the

houses looked like, how rooms were arranged and used, or the subtleties of

interior finish and construction details. In a similar manner, despite the

valuable information obtained by studying the surviving houses, they do not

represent the broadest architectural context of housing in the town and

generalizations based solely on surviving examples can lead to biases. For

instance, in 1928 Helen Reynolds claimed that in "Ulster (County) frame

houses were almost unknown before the Revolution and became common there

only in more recent years."2*’ However, on the Direct Tax list, 20 percent of

all houses valued over $100 were frame and another 7 percent were partially77

frame. Through the linkage of architecture and the Direct Tax list the

strengths of each source are revealed and their weaknesses minimized.


25

Figure 8. Andries DeWitt House, early eighteenth-century, HurleyMountain Road, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


4\i

-V; ' - J1MIT1U t» m a ^ )r J lt^ J U i» i i- /« » * - -» ,A T t N T .

o " r r V .'< y - • '.

SSri «LT-.T-Vl4;. .

- irVkv '” ”“■STiR s;!S*.*.»:H»jk?

:\5 :

w r aS F f - r :t e r —

• j tfcf ^ pij v

<r r p r

Figure 9. Map of the Town of Marbletown, 1797. (New York StateMuseum. Courtesy of Dorothy Pratt)


27

Figure 10. John A. DeWitt tenant house, mid-eighteenth-century,North Marbletown Road, North Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


28

Figure 11. James Oliver tenant house (Davis Tavern), late-seventeenth- to early eighteenth*centuiy, Route 209, North Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


29

I /]=I b e

Figure 12. John A. DeWitt tenant house plan, North Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


30

k c

Id r a

Figure 13. James Oliver tenant house plan, North Marbletown,Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


THE 1798 FEDERAL DIRECT TAX: WINDOW ON THE PAST

By the time James Oliver and his assistant assessors conducted the

1798 Direct Tax, Marbletown had been settled for 130 years. Its population of

2,847, including 804 children and 400 families, resided in 336 houses in this

Hudson Valley town. 363 African-American slaves and 81 free people of color

lived and worked scattered throughout this agricultural landscape of 290

2 Rfarms. The surviving Direct Tax list reveals that 171 of these families lived

in houses valued over $100 in 1798. What was the general appearance of these

houses?

A revealing portrait of the town’s architecture may be gleaned from

information in the Direct Tax list. Owner occupancy rates were veiy high.

Eighty five percent of Marbletown residents with houses valued over $100

owned the house in which they resided (145/171). James Oliver and his

assistants found that 97 percent of dwellings were a single story high, three of

every four houses were built of stone, and the rest were either frame (33/171)

or log (9/171). Adam Yaple owned and lived in the least expensive abode, a

two-room log house located on the remote rocky slopes of the Shawangunk

Mountains and assessed at $151.50 (Figure 14). Cornelius and Cornelia

31


32

Wynkoop maintained the most expensive house in Marbletown, a magnificent

three story, 13 room, stone house, situated at the most prominent spot on the

principal road to Kingston, the county seat, and valued at $2,100 (Figure 15).

Thomas Jansen lived in his three-room stone house far from the center of town

on rich agricultural land along the Esopus Creek known as the Hurley flats

(Figure 16). Jansen’s house, assessed at $345, represents the median value of

all houses on the "A" list. As for the location of houses, greater than one third

(62/171) were situated on or near the Road to Kingston and another 25%

(42/171) were sited on waterways within the town.

Most Marbletown residents took good care of their houses. Sixty-

five percent were listed as either "new and not finished" or in "good condition"

(109/171). Twenty-two percent were listed as ’bad," "out of repair," or "wants

repair" (37/171). Ten percent were in "middling" condition and the remainder

were unspecified. Only half of the houses had information on age with 62

listed as new and 21 considered old. The assessors noted that 53 people had

added a kitchen or an "outlet" to their house. There were 31 kitchen additions

and 22 outlet additions recorded. While most additions were made of stone,

their building material did not always match that of the original building.


33

In Summary, according to the Direct Tax list, the majority of

Marbletown residents with houses valued over $100 lived in their own one story

stone house ranging in size from 575-900 square feet. It was in good condition,

was located near a principal road or waterway, and was valued between $300

and $600. Slightly less than one in three of these homeowners had a kitchen or

an outlet addition. It is important to remember that these statistics pertain

only to the 171 houses valued over $100. Without the Direct Tax B list for

Marbletown, what can we learn about the rest of the town’s architecture at the

close of the eighteenth century?

In August 1800, Marbletown’s local assessors Isaac Davis, Isaac

Robison, and Andries Roosa, conducted an assessment of all houses, mills, and

land in the town. This document confirms that in addition to the 171 houses

on the Direct Tax A list, at least 165 more houses were in Marbletown and

would have appeared on the lost Marbletown B list. The B list for the

neighboring town of New Paltz survives and suggests that the 165 remaining

houses were likely to be one-story, one-room, log or frame houses, with a

median value around $20. A reconstruction of normative houses provides a

glimpse of the cultural landscape of late eighteenth-century Marbletown.

However, culture is not normative; it is complex and many faceted. There was

no single, common house type or value in eighteenth-century Marbletown.


34

People chose to build many kinds of houses, utilized a variety of buildings

materials, and altered their houses as needs, resources, and ideas about fashion

changed. Houses, like written documents, carry meaning, and until "we have

learned to read the silent artifact" our attempts to understand history will be' I f )

incomplete. So we turn to the remnants of this eighteenth-century

landscape for evidence about the meaning of Marbletown’s houses.


35

Figure 14. Adam Yaple log bank-house, 1798, Mossy CreekRoad, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


36

Figure 15. Cornelius and Cornelia Wynkoop house, c.1772,Stone Ridge, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


Figure 16. Thomas Jansen house, late eighteenth-centuiy, Hurley Mountain Road, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


MARBLETOWN’S EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY HOUSING: A TYPOLOGY

This study seeks out patterns of thought and activity embedded in

Marbletown’s surviving domestic architecture and internal to the local culture

of this eighteenth-centuiy community. Henry Glassie calls this the "abstracted

context" of an object. He claims that the "particularistic context" of an artifact,

such as its original use or its actual former historical surroundings, is less

accessible to the modem researcher than the abstract context of design and

thought practiced by the community. 1 Aware of the importance of the

functional and decorative aspects of Marbletown’s buildings, this study,

nonetheless, favors their formal characteristics.

People fashion materials to suit their practical and social needs and

in so doing, they leave behind a trail of evidence with clues about how they

lived and what they valued. By carefully collecting, arranging, and interpreting

this evidence we begin to grasp the deeper cultural streams of thought and

meaning that gave vibrancy to peoples’ lives. Every historian must decide how

to arrange evidence to derive meaningful conclusions about the past.

Typologies are one way scholars attempt to order the disparate material

38


39

evidence of a commun i tyThese heuristic devices reveal patterns within the

community. Marbletown residents designed, built, and used their living spaces

is ways that made sense to them. Builders and clients worked within a specific

range of technical competency, of knowledge about materials and floor plans,

to create houses based on forms that were practical, efficient, and socially

acceptable within the community. By studying these forms we gain access to

the language of the community.

The buildings in this study have been grouped according to three

characteristics: (1) the plan of the first floor, (2) the number of finished stories,

and, (3) the placement of chimneys and exterior doors. An archaeological

approach has been used to catalogue change over time and to distinguish

between original house forms and subsequent additions and transformations.

Seven prime house types and several additive types survive on the Marbletown

landscape. A description and illustration of each type establishes a context for

a more extended investigation of the most prevalent type, the three-room

house, and, provides a basis for future study of this late eighteenth-century community.

A preliminary note on house size is in order. The numbers used to

calculate house size are those provided by the 1798 tax assessors. Based on a

comparison of their figures with my measurements from the field it appears


40

that the tax assessors paced off the length and breadth of houses to arrive at

their recorded measurements. It is common to find discrepancies of one, two,

or even three feet, between the two sets of figures. However, some of their

figures are quite precise suggesting that different assessors measured

differently. More importantly, the assessors’ measurements represent the

exterior dimensions of houses and do not account for wall thickness. This

results in a somewhat inflated idea of interior living space. This is especially

true in the case of stone houses where exterior wall thickness is from 11/2 feet

to 2 1/2 feet and where additions often result in an interior wall of similar

thickness. For example, the house of Charles Broadhead measures 1,508

square feet using the Direct Tax dimensions. When we account for exterior

and interior wall thickness the total square footage is only 1,040 square feet or

one third smaller. While corrections could be made for all of the documented

surviving houses, this would make comparisons with the non-survivors

problematic. Therefore, the sizes used in this study are based on the 1798

assessors’ measurements and are understood to be approximations of living

space which allow for general comparisons of house size.

In the eighteenth century, people built one-room houses in almost

every corner of Marbletown. Seven extant examples of the one-room house,

ranging in size from 357 to 572 square feet, have been identified and


41

documented. The one-room plan is slightly rectangular with two exterior doors,

one each at the front and rear elevation. One or two windows are located on

the front and rear walls. One gable-end wall supports a massive interior

chimney with a large hearth, often spanning one half of the gable wall.

Archaeological evidence of a jambless fireplace is usually all that remains of

this once common feature in Hudson Valley houses. In the jambless fireplace

the hearth is supported by a stone shelf projecting from a basement wall and

supporting short hewn beams which are mortised into a floor joist at

approximately 45 degrees. Above the hearth hangs a large hood suspended

from the first floor ceiling. The actual chimney begins above the hood and is

supported by two 3’ beams set into the gable wall and mortised into a massive

ceiling joist approximately 12" x 14." Large 10" x 12" floor joists run parallel to

the gables and support wide-plank pine flooring. Similarly large ceiling joists

support the loft floor. These ceiling beams are anchored into the stone walls

two to three feet below the plate creating a story-and-a-half structure with

substantial headroom in the loft. Interior access to the loft is gained by a

ladder or boxed stair usually located in a comer of the room along the gable

wall adjacent to the hearth. Exterior access to the loft is sometimes available

by ladder through a second story door (Figure 17). A 1673 building contract

between Tjerck Claessen DeWitt and builder Comelis Comelissen for a house


42

on the road to Kingston called for "... a door for the loft, and a windlass, and a

detachable stairway."^

A surviving example of the one-room house is the Keator dwelling

situated on the Greenkill road near the southeast boundary of Marbletown

(Figure 18). Of French Huguenot descent, the Keator family built their one-

room stone house in the 1770s. By 1800, John Keator and his wife, both over

the age of 45, their teenage son, and their daughter of less than ten years,

made their home in this 340 square foot house (Figure 19).^ It is the

smallest surviving house identified in Marbletown and at the time of the 1798

Direct Tax it was the fifth smallest dwelling in the town. Two entrances,

opposite each other on the front and rear walls, open onto the single room.

Only one window pierced the walls of the Keator’s house in 1798 and a massive

hearth along the west gable wall offered heat, a place to cook, and some light.

The assessor’s estimation of a house that "wants repair" undoubtedly led to its

low assessed value of $172.50

One-room houses such as the Keators’ rarely survive except as

portions of now larger houses. Six other examples of one-room houses range in

size from Keator’s 340 square foot house to Andries DeWitt’s 598 square foot

house. All are constructed of stone and follow a similar plan. The one-room


43

house was a highly organized economical unit that functioned as the locus of

domestic activity. Children were bom, played, worked, and slept in this room.

Women, men, and children prepared and consumed their daily food there.

Women sewed, repaired, and laundered clothing, churned butter, and cared for

the sick. It was where men retired after long hours of hard work in bams and

fields. During the inhospitable winter months it was the gathering place for the

family production of goods for market. Here families socialized among

themselves and in the company of friends. Here, too, old folks passed the

closing days of a lifetime.

Seven examples of the two-room house in Marbletown reveal a very

different organization of domestic space from the single-room plan of the

Keator house. Rectangular in form, the two-room house is a single story

dwelling with one or two exterior doors on the front and one at the rear.

Chimney placement in the two-room house is either at each gable end or in a

central chimney wall with two fireplaces. The gable-end chimney version has a

central frame wall constructed of 5" x 5" vertical posts spaced approximately 4’

apart and notched to receive riven laths for plaster. The center-chimney two-

room house has a central dividing wall with two fireplaces, or a fireplace and

stove serving the two rooms. Attic space, accessed through an exterior second

story gable door or through an interior boxed stair, served the family’s storage


44

needs. The location of the interior stair is either along the gable wall, as in the

one-room house, or at the intersection of the center dividing wall and the front

wall of the house. Placement of the stair does not appear to be dictated by

chimney placement since both stair arrangements occur in each of the two-

room house types.

The earliest documented use of the two-room hou.se plan in Ulster

County dates to 1673. Tjerck Claessen DeWitt, from Wicres, France, and

Cornelis Cornelissen, a master carpenter, came before the Secretary of the

Court at Kingston to formalize a building contract for "...a dwelling 40 feet

long, and as wide as the bam, ...with two rooms, with a brick supporting wall in

the middle, and a double chimney, with an inner door, with a wainscot of fir

wood or sawed wainscoting, and two four-post bedsteads."^ DeWitt was

drawing inspiration from a common Dutch townhouse, a well established

architectural form in the seventeenth-century urban landscape of the

Netherlands. It was a form DeWitt had often encountered in the New

Netherland cities of Manhattan, the port of entry for all newcomers, and

Albany, DeWitt’s most recent city of residence.^ DeWitt took this familiar

urban form, normally with its gable end set to the street, and adapted it to the

rural countryside of Ulster County.


45

The tavern owned by James Oliver and known locally as the Davis

Tavern exemplifies the two-room plan with gable chimneys (Figure 11).

Conveniently located on the main road to the county seat of Kingston, James

Oliver rented the tavern in 1798 to Eleazar Jewitt, his wife and their seven

children for $35 a year. Built of native limestone, this one-and-one-half story

two-room stone structure had five windows and two principal entrances along

the facade, one for the residence, the other for the tavern (Figure 20).

Marbletown’s residents conducted the town’s annual meeting in the public

room of this house for at least 50 years prior to the Revolution.^ A distinct

hierarchy of finish is evident in the Davis Tavern’s elaborate reverse ogee

crown moldings over the windows and doors of the residential room indicating

the importance accorded to this room. The more public tavern room is devoid

of any such ornament. The 1798 assessors listed the 1000 square foot house as

"old," in "bad condition," and worth a modest $195, placing it in the third decile

of house values.

Sometime between about 1690 and 1720 Charles Broadhead, of

English ancestry, built a single story, two-room stone house with a central

chimney (Figure 21). By 1798 this house on the Greenkill Road had been

enlarged through the addition of a kitchen wing on its south gable end .^

Ownership of the house had also changed by the time of the Direct Tax with


46on

Hendrick Smith designated its owner. Concerned with the outside of the

house, the tax assessor noted that Smith’s 897 square foot house had only two

windows and "part wants [a] new roof." The 320 square foot kitchen wing

recorded by the assessor increased the overall size of the house to 1,217 square

feet placing it in the ninth decile for house size. Smith’s two-room house with

center chimney resembles the house contracted for in 1673 between Tjerck

Claessen DeWitt and Comelis Comelissen cited above. Smith’s house was one

foot shorter than DeWitt’s "dwelling 40 feet long."^ Like DeWitt’s house

"with two rooms, with a brick supporting wall in the middle, and a double

chimney, with an inner door,"^ Smith had a two-room plan with a stone

center wall and a large jambless fireplace in the original kitchen room (Figure

22). Evidence for a stove projecting from the rear of the kitchen hearth into

the chamber/parlor room was uncovered during restoration in the 1970s.^

The Direct Tax assessor valued Smith’s house at $570 placing it in the eighth

decile of all houses valued over $100.

Of the seven two-room houses studied in Marbletown, two have

center chimneys and five have gable chimneys. Six are built of stone and one

is constructed of timber frame. All rise one story and are between 22’-28’ at

the gables and between 30’-40’ long at the front and the rear walls. They range

in size from 744 square feet to 1000 square feet. With a median size of 890


47

square feet, the two-room house provided residents almost twice the space of

the median one-room house of 474 square feet. Besides this increase in size,

the two rooms were used for distinctly different purposes; one for food

preparation, consumption, and general household activities, the other as the

parents’ bedchamber and a parlor for the family’s better furnishings.

However, residents of one-room houses were not unfam iliar with

functionally distinct spaces. A one-room dwelling was a complex place with

spaces designated and times established to accommodate the myriad household

tasks and functions necessary for family life.^ So, why the need for distinct

or formal spaces? The two-room house was a more expensive architectural

solution to the need for functionally specific spaces. It accomplished with walls

what the one-room house accomplished by negotiation. Yet, the two-room

house did more than separate household tasks; it insisted on social separation.

The walls dividing rooms represented cultural divisions based on power, class,

race, even gender. The kitchen/hall, often the larger of the two rooms, was the

center of domestic activity and bore the brunt of daily use. Women and

domestic slaves spent many hours there.^ Visitors dropping by unannounced

might be entertained there. Its creation as a separate room distinct from other

household spaces further defined the house’s architecture along gender lines.

Not that women’s movements were limited to the kitchen. On the contrary,


48

they emanated from this newly constructed female space in concentric circles

encompassing the entire house, the kitchen garden and yard, chicken houses,

bams, orchards, and the yards of neighboring housewives with whom they

traded.^ The other room known as the "Groot Kamer," or great chamber,

was a combination bedchamber and parlor. This room had a more formal

character and was largely the domain of adults. Its importance was announced

by the presence of the family’s most valuable possessions, such as a fully

dressed bed or a fancy Kas, as well as its higher degree of architectural

ornamentation.^ Unlike the one-room house, where all family members

were present as business was conducted or visitors were entertained, the

privacy of the parlor could exclude slaves, children, and, in some circumstances,

women, from certain activities.

The significance of changes in the number and arrangement of

rooms may be illustrated with the help of Lewis Binford’s three levels of

function.^ Binford sets forth a "technomic" level of function that is simply

utilitarian. The shift from one to two rooms may have been a response to a

practical need. For example, the growth in family size or the acquisition of

slaves may have necessitated larger living quarters. Beyond this utilitarian level

is the "socio-technic" which serves some overt social need or has some social

consequence, whether intended or not. For instance, the differentiation of


49

cooking space from entertaining space or eating space from business space,

allowed for both greater private communication and undisturbed entertaining.

While these functionally distinct spaces brought some people together in new

ways, like the merchant and customer in the privacy of the parlor, they also

isolated people who formerly interacted directly with such visitors, such as

children, slaves, and occasionally women. A final level of function offered by

Binford is the "ideo-technic" or symbolic level. In a town where one-room

houses were common, people with houses of two or more rooms probably

enjoyed a higher status in the community. Within the multi-room house

distinctive levels of interior finish established a hierarchy of spaces within the

house. A more conspicuous and concentrated display of fine furnishings or

expensive panelling served as marks of economic and social accomplishment

intended to inform guests and remind owners of who had status in the

community.

Along with one-room and two-room, single-story houses, some early

Marbletown settlers constructed two-story bank-houses. Built into the side of a

hill, the bank-house has entrances on both the basement kitchen level and the

first floor parlor/chamber level. Seven bank houses were identified in

Marbletown. Three have a two-room stacked plan with one room over the

other. The other three have a basement kitchen with two rooms above, one


50

directly over the kitchen and another room beside it. Scholars usually associate

the bank-house form with German and Swiss settlers in the Mid-Atlantic.48

On the remote rocky slopes of the Shawangunk Mountains, Adam

Yaple, a farmer of Germanic heritage, built a log bank-house for himself, his

wife, and their six children (Figure 12).49 The house had two rooms on the

main floor and a kitchen in the basement (Figure 23). A door to the basement

on the downhill gable end of the house opened into a kitchen with a large

hearth and food storage area. There is no interior access from the basement to

the first floor of the house. Each of the rooms on the main floor has an

exterior door along the front elevation. Chimneys on the first floor are located

at each gable end. A ladder, placed beside one of the chimneys, provides

internal access to an attic loft. Yaple’s log bank-house was one of 40 houses,

or 24% of all houses, listed as "new and not finished." His house, with only two

windows, was valued at $157.50, the seventh least expensive house in

Marbletown.

The Direct Tax assessors found a total of eight log houses

substantial enough to find their way onto the Direct Tax "A" list. It is probable

that the Direct Tax "B" list was full of log houses. Seven of the eight log

houses were listed as either "new" or in "good condition." Although writers


51

such as Helen Reynolds and others associated log houses with periods of

frontier settlement,50 the records for Marbletown confirm that log houses

were being newly built in the Hudson Valley at the end of the eighteenth

century, 150 years after initial European settlement. There was remarkable

uniformity in the assessed value of the eight log houses, all were situated in the

first decile and valued between $151 and 157. They ranged in size from 360

square feet to 840 square feet with a median size of 600 square feet, situating

them in the fourth decile.

Considering the seven bank-houses documented for this study, four

have a three-room plan and three have a two room plan. Five are built of

stone (71%), one is timber framed, and the Yaple house is log. The assessors

found all of the bank-houses to be either "new and not finished" or in "good

condition."51 The three-room bank-house ranged in size from 756 square feet

to 1125 square feet and in assessed value from $157 to $525. The two-room

bank-houses were smaller but valued about the same, ranging from 486 - 525

square feet and from $225 - $487. The ancestral origins of three bank-house

owners are known, one each from Scotland, the Netherlands, and the German

Palatinate, making it difficult to tie bank-houses in Marbletowm to any

particular ethnic group.52


52

A fourth house type present in Marbletown is of distinct German

origin. The Flurkuchenhaus or hall/kitchen house consists of a roughly square

plan with a large rectangular kitchen, or kuche, running front to back equipped

with opposed entries (Figure 24). A large cooking and heating fireplace is

located on the party wall. From the kuche one passes into a parlor or stube

located in the front of the house. This square room was heated by a cast-iron

five- or ten-plate jamb stove projecting from the back of the kitchen hearth and

fed hot coals from the kitchen fire (Figure 25).^ An unheated bedchamber

or kammer is situated behind the parlor. Occupants used a winder stair

located next to the chimney stack along the partition wall or along the gable

wall to gain access to the attic loft. Access to the basement, sometimes

equipped with a spring, usually required residents to leave the house and enter

from the outside through a separate cellar door. Within the hall/kitchen house

a clear hierarchy of spaces is evident. The finest furnishings of the family, such

as a schrank, resided in the stube and it was there that guests were entertained

and important functions occurred. Architectural features such as a hanging

comer shelf (Figure 26), a dado or chair-rail, the cast iron stove, or a paled

ceiling (Figure 27), further established the importance of the stube.^ The

kuche was an important room for different reasons. This was the center of

family life where meals were prepared and consumed, work was carried out,

people slept, and friends were informally received. However, it lacked the


53

stube’s formality, level of ornamentation, and finer furnishings. That the

kammer was the least regarded room was reflected in its lack of heat and

simpler appointments.

First generation German-Americans, Jacob Snyder and his wife

Elizabeth Wedderwax, came to Marbletown in 1760 from neighboring Dutchess

County and settled on land Snyder’s father had purchased in 1751. As it exists

today, the house they built, suggests a stylish center passage plan with a

symmetrical facade (Figure 28). However, a probate inventory from 1842 and

a careful investigation of construction techniques reveals that Snyder and

Wedderwax built a house following a Germanic Flurkuchenhaus or hall/kitchen

plan, a house type frequently encountered on the American east coast,

especially from the Delaware Valley to the Shenandoah Valley.55

The inventory of personal possessions, taken in 1842 upon the death

of Christopher Snyder IV, son of Jacob Snyder and Elizabeth Wedderwax,

provides evidence of the original German Flurkuchenhaus plan (Figure 29).56

The document reveals a two- or three-room plan with a central chimney stack

and a five plate stove on the parlor side of the chimney. Foundation supports

in the basement confirm the former chimney’s slightly off-center location in the

house. Evidence also survives for two partition walls for what may have been


54

first floor bed chambers. However, these walls may date to the post 1842

alterations when the chimney was removed to the gable ends and a central

passage with stairs was installed. The Direct Tax assessor visiting the Snyder

house found a "new" stone house in "good condition" illuminated by four

windows. The 1,100 square foot house was in the eighth decile for size and its

value of $495 placed it in the eighth decile for value as well. On the inside,

beyond the purview of the tax assessors, two storage or display niches,

approximately one cubic foot each, were cut into the exterior walls and are

evidence of a Germanic architectural tradition.^ The almost square plan of

the Snyder-Wedderwax house is similar to the house of Konradt Lasher,

another Palatine German, on the eastern banks of the Hudson River in

Columbia County, New York (Figure 30).^ Jacob Snyder and Konradt

Lasher, American-born men of German immigrant families, were strongly

influenced by the building traditions of their Rhenish ancestors. The presence

of a Germanic house type in the midst of what is often interpreted as a Dutch

cultural stronghold is an important reminder of the multiplicity of ethnic groups

who shared the Hudson Valley in the eighteenth century.

A fifth house type is the two-story side passage plan. The facade

consists of three bays symmetrically arranged with the door placed in either the

first or third bay. The first floor of this square house has two rooms running


55

front to back. The first room, a wide unheated passage, has opposing doors at

the front and the rear and an open stair leading to three upstairs rooms. A

door, placed halfway down the interior wall of the passage leads to a slightly

wider first floor room with a large fireplace on the gable wall opposite the

door. Only two examples of the side passage house were present in

Marbletown in 1798 and were located within two doors of each other. John

Lounsbury, a merchant and farmer of Welsh ancestry, was building a 1,680

square foot house, with twelve windows, when the assessors for the Direct Tax

recorded it as "new and not finished" in 1798 (Figure 31).^ On the same

street Sarah Tack, a widow, kept a tavern in Marbletown’s other two-story side

passage house (Figure 32). The assessors found her 1,458 square foot house to

be in "good condition." These stylish houses were valued at $630 and $450

respectively aiid must have attracted the curiosity of the community, situated as

they were, in the center of town on the Road to Kingston. These were

spacious and moderately expensive houses by Marbletown standards. Only

seventeen residents had houses larger than Sally Tack; John Lounsbury’s house

was the twelfth largest in Marbletown. Tack’s house and tavern was more

valuable than 60% of the town’s houses and the merchant Lounsbury’s dwelling

was in the top 20% of house values.


56

On the road to Kingston, less than a mile from the houses of Sarah

Tack and John Lounsbury, stood the three-room house of John Broadhead

(Figure 33). The three-room house type is one and one-half stories tall with a

first floor plan of three rooms all built at the same time. Rectangular in form,

it is longer than the one- and two-room house yet virtually identical in height

and depth. Its chief exterior difference is a bilaterally symmetrical facade of

three or five bays with central doorway. In addition, carefully cut stone, laid up

in regular courses on the principal facade, lends a more refined appearance to

the three-room house. On the inside it is distinguished by a large unheated

center passage flanked by two rooms of slightly larger dimensions, one a

kitchen, the other a parlor/chamber (Figure 34). Ceiling joists, planed and

exposed on the one- and two-room houses, are left rough and carefully

concealed with riven lathe, coats of plaster, and paint in the three-room house.

Broadhead’s three-room house has opposed entrances at the front

and back of a wide, unheated central passage. On one side of this room-like

passage a kitchen once stood. On the other side is a parlor with molded chair

rail and paneled overmantel. All three rooms have plastered ceilings. Each of

the flanking rooms has a chimney in the gable end. Broadhead marked the

finely cut facade of his house with a block of bluestone inscribed "1791." Seven

years later the Direct Tax assessors considered the house still "new and not


57

finished," although it was probably finished enough for Broadhead and his

family to reside there. With 1,421 square feet and a value of $690,

Broadhead’s house was in the top 10% of housing in the town. Three-room

houses built of a piece represent 25% of the houses documented for this study

making them the most common eighteenth-century house form in Marbletown

today. The three-room house was more than a "cleaned up," symmetrical

version of traditional northern European house forms. Some Hudson Valley

farmers and merchants stopped adding on to older, smaller houses and instead

built houses that, from conception, represented carefully thought out,

hierarchically codified, spatial arrangements. It marked a transformation in

how people thought about their world.^ The three-room house will be more

closely examined below.

Large, classically inspired houses had been part of the architectural

repertoire of the Hudson Valley’s elite society since the early years of the

eighteenth century.*^ It was not until about 1770, however, that the two-story,

double pile, unheated center-passage house was to be found in Marbletown.

This seventh and last house type was similar to the three-room house with its

bilaterally symmetrical facade and center passage. However, its finished

second story, double pile arrangement of rooms, and proportionally smaller

center passage, place it squarely in the domain of the internationally popular


58

Georgian style and dramatically set it apart from the surrounding vernacular

building tradition. Only two such houses are present in Marbletown today and

the Direct Tax list confirms that these were the only two in the town in 1798.

A neatly chiseled datestone inscribed "S + A DePuy 1797" rests high above the

door of Simeon DePuy’s impressive five bay house and tavern near the banks

of the Rondout Creek (Figure 35). DePuy was a prosperous fourth generation

French Huguenot who kept a mill on the Rondout Creek in the High Falls

fOvicinity of Marbletown. His fashionable new house, with eighteen windows,

was one of only five two-story buildings in the town in 1798. Inside, a narrow

center passage with open stair to the second floor divides the first story in half

(Figure 36). To the left of the passage are two rooms, one at the front and

one at the rear, roughly equal in size, and each with a fireplace. To the right is

one large room with a chimney placed centrally on the gable wall similar to the

side passage arrangement discussed above. DePuy’s house had over 2,000

square feet of space making it the fourth largest house in Marbletown.

Assessors valued it at $900 placing it in the top 2% of all houses. Simeon

DePuy’s success as a miller and tavernkeeper enabled him to own five slaves

and prompted him to append a large kitchen and a substantial addition to the

north gable end of his house almost immediately after the house was finished.

Such additions, though usually much smaller, were common in Marbletown


59

throughout the eighteenth-century and their presence can be read in the stone

walls and the woodwork of many surviving houses.

The synchronic presence of at least seven house types in

Marbletown at the close of the eighteenth century challenges the evolutionary

thesis of architectural historian Hugh Morrison. Morrison writes:

Plan evolution in Dutch Colonial houses was not unlike that of New England houses. The first stage generally consisted of a single large room serving as kitchen-dining-living room... A second stage had two large rooms downstairs, each with its outside door...The third plan-type...had a central hall from front to b^ck, each end equipped with a Dutch door for light and

Helen Reynolds also discusses Hudson Valley house plans in an evolutionary

manner.

A few floor plans are found repeatedly. The earliest houses had but one or two rooms... a little later there was a common plan that provided a hall through the center of the house with either one room or two either side of the hall... by another arrangement a hall was not introduced and three rooms in a row, each with an outer door, constituted the first floor.

While a shift did occur in the second half of the eighteenth century from

mostly one- and two-room houses to the inclusion of a larger three-room house,

the conclusion that house forms progressed in a quasi-organic, evolutionary

manner from early one-room houses to later two-room houses, and, still later,

three-room houses, can be misleading. From the third quarter of the

eighteenth century on, one-, two-, and three-room houses existed on the


60

landscape at the same time and in close proximity to one another.

Furthermore, people continued to build all three house types throughout the

eighteenth century and into the early nineteenth century.


61

Figure 17. Loft door, Matthew Ten Eyck house, early and mid-eighteenth-century, Hurley Mountain Road, Hurley, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


62

Figure 18. John Keator house, c.1765, Binnewater Road,Rosendale (Marbletovm in 1798), Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


63

Figure 19. Plan, John Keator house, Binnewater Road, Rosendale, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


64

Figure 20. James Oliver tenant house plan, NorthMarbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


65

Figure 21. Broadhead-Smith house, late seventeenth toearly eighteenth-centuiy, Cottekill Road, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


66

f x

Figure 22. Broadhead-Smith plan, Cottekill Road,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


67

r w - u a •

Figure 23. Adam Yaple plan, 1798, Mossy Creek Road,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


68

E l / n

Figure 24. Typical Flurchukenhaus plan. (Drawing, author)


69

Figure 25. Cast iron plate stove, mid eighteenth-century,Schifferstadt, Frederick, Maiyland. (Photo, author)


Figure 26. Scar from comer display shelf, Manor Township, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. (Photo, author)


71

Figure 27. Paled ceiling, Manor Township, LancasterCounty, Pennsylvania. (Photo, author)


72

Figure 28. Snyder-Wedderwax house, c. 1765, CottekillRoad, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


73

Figure 29.

\

)T Ic . 17 *s"«. >780 \ I

Snyder-Wedderwax plan, Cottekill Road, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


74

3=1 ! ’Lf'V B E

*----- c -n*it a

r*l»I*I*Mll

• L.

y s :

c / .- .' .: .' d&ifciWAu fto©n ji

Figure 30. Konradt Lasher house plan, 1752, nearGermantown, Columbia County, New York. (Drawing, author, after Neil Larson)


75

Figure 31. John Lounsbury house, c. 1790, Stone Ridge,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


Figure 32. Sarah Tack house, mid eighteenth-centuiy, Stone Ridge, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, Junior League of Kingston, New York)


Figure 33. Probably John Broadhead house, 1791, Route 209, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


78

v a v

Figure 34. John Broadhead house plan, Route 209,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


79

Figure 35. Simeon DePuy house, 1797, High Falls,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


80

IU Bi U ”

\

Figure 36. Simeon DePuy house plan, High Falls,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


TRANSFORMATIONS OF ARCHITECTURE AND DAILY LIFE

Houses are likely to remain in one fixed location making them

particularly important historic artifacts. Houses made of stone, it may safely be

assumed, are even less likely than log or frame dwellings to be carted from one

locale to a n o t h e r .^ The stone houses of Marbletown, account for 75% of

houses described by the Direct Tax assessors and provide a firm artifact base

from which to interpret the community. Such architectural continuity helps

illuminate geographic regions of cultural influence and establishes chronologies

for house types.^ However, despite the relative permanence of a building’s

location, houses are still altered and transformed to meet changing needs and

desires. Three fourths of the 50 houses studied received additions in the

eighteenth or early nineteenth century. The two principal kinds of alterations

were: (1) the combination of two or more prime house types, and (2) the

addition of a service wing such as a kitchen or leanto.

Twenty of the 50 documented houses are the result of combinations

of prime types. For example, around 1755 Ehpraim and Magdalena Chambers,

81


82

of English ancestry, built a two-room, two-story bank-house with a basement

kitchen on the Kripplebush Road (Figure 37). In 1772 they enlarged the house

with a two room addition consisting of a 12 foot wide unheated center passage

equipped with a chair rail and box stair to the loft, and a formal

parlor/chamber at the new gable end (Figure 38 & 39).^ In 1798 the Direct

Tax assessors found the enlarged house in "good repair" and valued it at $570

placing it in the eighth decile of house values. This transformation from a two-

room vertically stacked house to a Georgian inspired center passage

arrangement, with food preparation and storage in the basement, and finer

appointments on the principal floor, demonstrates a choice for more private

and functionally specific domestic spaces.

The most common kind of transformation was the addition of a

service wing usually appended to the rear of the building. The Direct Tax

assessors designated these additions as either "kitchens" or "outlets." Of the 50

houses in the field sample, 23 had a kitchen wing and 6 had an outlet. Using

the Direct Tax assessors’ notations about kitchens and outlets we are able to

reconstruct a general profile of these additions and assemble a portrait of the

people who possessed them. According to the Direct Tax list 31% of houses

(53/171) had either an attached kitchen or an outlet. The assessors found 31

kitchens and 22 outlets added to houses in a number of ways (Figure 40).


83

Approximately half of all kitchens were made of stone (16/31),

while log and frame account for about 25% each. Kitchens were usually square

or nearly square shaped rooms that ranged in size from 14’ x 14’ (196 square

feet) to 29’ x 24’ (696 square feet). Almost 80% of the kitchens were

moderately sized rooms of 225-380 square feet and the median kitchen was 300

square feet. While those who added kitchens were as likely to choose wood as

they were stone for their new kitchen, 90% of them lived in houses made of

stone (28/31). The majority of homeowners with kitchens lived in two broadly

defined geographic areas: 42% were on or near the Road to Kingston and 20%

were near the Esopus Creek. The amount of living space in a house with

kitchen, exclusive of the kitchen area, was 962 square feet compared to 800

square feet of living space in the median Marbletown "A" list house. The

assessors found that half the houses with kitchen additions were in "good

condition" (16/31), while 35% needed some repair (11/31). The median value

of a house with kitchen addition was $420 against a median value of $345 for

all "A" list houses. Kitchens were added to expensive and inexpensive houses

alike. Marbletown’s most expensive house, the Wynkoop’s $2,100 dwelling, had

the town’s largest kitchen, a 29’ x 24’ stone room (Figure 41). Johanis Keator

Jr’s stone house, assessed at $165, or only eight percent of the value of the

Wynkoop’s house, had a log kitchen. Wynkoop and Keator had another

important thing in common, they both owned slaves.


84

Slave ownership and kitchen additions show a striking correlation in

late eighteenth-century Marbletown. Seventy-one percent of people with

kitchen additions were slave owners (22/31), compared to only 23% of the

total population. Twenty-eight percent of Marbletown’s slave population lived

in houses with a kitchen addition (101/363). Furthermore, slave owners with

kitchens had, on average, 4.6 slaves while slave owners without kitchens

averaged 3.7 slaves each. Attics, cellars, and outbuildings are thought by some

to have housed slaves and there is little reason to doubt this.^ However, it is

possible that slaves, particularly those assigned to household duties, lived in

kitchens. In houses without kitchen additions slaves may well have slept in the

same quarters as their owners.^

In summary, people with kitchens were a small and somewhat select

group with at least a statistical edge over their neighbors. Only 18% of

Marbletown residents built kitchen additions. They tended to live in stone

houses that were 20% larger and valued 20% higher than the median house in

Marbletown. Many were located along the busiest thoroughfare in the town.

People with kitchen additions were three times more likely to own slaves than

the rest of the town’s citizenry.


85

The other type of service addition remarked on by the Direct Tax

assessors is the "outlet" or lean-to addition off the rear of a house. The term is

probably an anglicized version of the Dutch word "uitlaiyt," found in

seventeenth-centuiy building contracts for townhouses and Dutch bams,

referring to a side aisle arrangement.^ In the seventeenth-century

townhouses of Amsterdam, New Amsterdam, and Albany, the uitlaiyt, or side

aisle, was used as a means of egress and often contained built in beds and a

71stove. In Dutch barns it refers to the two side aisles, each with its own

door, used for animal stalls (Figure 42). In northern France and Belgium the

outlet is a common feature on 18th, 19th, and 20th century rural farm houses

and is used both domestically and agriculturally (Figure 43).

The late eighteenth-century houses of Marbletown with outlets were

quite different from the seventeenth-century urban townhouses of Albany or

New Amsterdam with their gabled ends to the street. Most of these rural

farmhouses were rectangular buildings with entrances on the long side and a

smaller rectangular outlet placed at the rear of the house under an extension of

the roof, sometimes creating a one story "salt box" effect, as in the house of

Gerrit Van Waggenen (Figure 44).^ No longer used as a principal entrance

to the house, they probably served as pantries, dairies, sleeping quarters, food


86

storage areas, or even kitchens.^ No houses on the Direct Tax list possessed

both an outlet and a kitchen, suggesting that the outlet served as a kitchen.

The Direct Tax assessors recorded twenty-two Marbletown houses

with outlets or 13% (22/171) of the "A" list houses. The preferred building

material for an outlet was stone, accounting for 77% of the cases; the rest were

timber frame. Thomas Van der Mark owned a 90 square foot frame outlet, the

smallest in the town. Jacob Hasbrouck, Marbletown’s fifth wealthiest citizen,

had the largest outlet, measuring 624 square fee t.^ The median outlet size

of 169 square feet is only slightly larger than half the median Kitchen size of

300 square feet. Just as most outlets were built of stone, 77% of houses with

outlets were built of stone. However, in 31% of the cases, the building

material used for the outlet did not match that of the main house. Houses

with outlets were in good condition 72% of the time, considerably higher than

the 51% good condition rating for houses with kitchens and slightly better than

the 65% good condition rating for all "A" list houses. Houses with outlets

range in value from $157 to $1,950 with a median value of $450. This is close

to the median value of houses with kitchens, $420, and situates them both in

the seventh decile for all houses. Sixty percent of all outlets were on houses

built on or near the road to Kingston.


87

Patterns of slave ownership among homeowners with outlets are less

impressive than those with kitchens, but far above the general population.

Sixty percent of households with outlets contained slaves (13/22), compared to

71% for kitchen houses, and 23% overall. Fifty-three slaves, or 15% of all

Marbletown slaves, lived in houses with outlets, compared to 28% of all slaves

living in houses with kitchens. Slave holders with outlets had an average of 4

slaves each. This is slightly lower than slave holders with kitchens (4.6 slaves),

yet higher than slaveholders with neither outlets or kitchens (3.7).

The addition of a kitchen, and perhaps an outlet, signaled a more

clearly articulated distinction between service functions and social activity in

the house and created more rigorously gendered spaces. The kitchen addition

relegated all food-related activities and many household tasks to a place

symbolically "outside" and physically below the former house. This created

space in the main house for more carefully appointed parlors and impressive

entry halls. The new ideas about architecture and social life signaled by these

changes were part of a much larger phenomenon occurring in America and

abroad in the eighteenth century variously characterized as a "Georgian world

v i e w " ' 7 5 o r " t h g refinement of America."^ Marbletown’s more affluent

inhabitants, like their counterparts up and down America’s east coast, were

captivated by an expanding marketplace full of desirable and affordable


88

products. Only ninety miles to the south lay New York City, a rapidly

expanding center of world-wide trade, with daily arrivals of cheap English

creamware, expensive Chinese porcelain, beautiful Irish cut glass, and exotic

printed cottons from France and India. Add to this the locally produced

redwares and stonewares, pewter plates, silver buckles, and furniture made in

the latest fashion from the cabinetshops of New York, Albany, and even

Kingston. Times were changing. No doubt some of Marbletown’s old families

felt that traditional ways of life were under attack. But a new generation of

prosperous fanners and merchants was coming of age. These men served

during the War for Independence and had traveled beyond the Catskill

Mountains to New York and Philadelphia. Many had seen more of America

than any generation since their immigrant ancestors arrived fifty to one

hundred and fifty years earlier. In the post-war period the steady demand for

agricultural products for the burgeoning metropolis to the south helped secure

the financial position of many Hudson Valley farmers.77 If they were to play

their part in this fashionable lifestyle, they needed the architectural stage sets

of parlor and passage to carry it off.

As some Marbletown residents moved to embrace aspects of an

internationally popular lifestyle they were forced to rethink their relationship to

the past. Some of the old Northern European traditions, which gave identity to


89

the many ethnic groups in the region, while still important on an internal,

family basis, had lost much of their social currency. Traditional building

practices were no exception. To accommodate their changing social needs,

Marbletown merchants and farmers with social aspirations pushed the most

traditional room, the kitchen, out the back door and placed it one or two steps

below the house level. In turn, they set about reshaping the rooms of the old

house to meet the social challenges of modernity as it entered through the

front door. Passages were inserted and former kitchens became parlors,

chambers, or places of business where the elite forged alliances with the

modem world. By maintaining a traditional kitchen Marbletown’s residents

were able to modernized their houses, change their lifestyle, and still remain

connected to their past. As their passages and parlors became harbingers of

the modem, their kitchens became repositories of European and early70

American tradition/0

Women’s lives, already shaped by responsibility for a multitude of

tasks related to maintenance of the home and family, took on the added

dimension of curator of a disappearing past. The kitchen, the primary

gathering place in Hudson Valley homes for more than a century, though taken

out of immediate public view, still stood at the center of family life, as its

activities sustained family members in the present and its form kept them


90

mindful of their past. The separate kitchen made for a more ordered,

functionally distinct dwelling and resulted in more fixed gendered spaces within

the house. The separate kitchen further circumscribed slave movements within

the household. In houses with a domestic slave or two, the kitchen, its garret,

and a kitchen garden, represented an important sphere of domestic slave

activity.

New design ideas, like the center passage plan, found their way into

the vernacular traditions of the Hudson Valley in several ways. Architectural

pattern books, popular among the English elite starting about 1734 with the

publication of William Solmon’s Palladio Londinensis and the 1738 publication

by Isaac Ware of Palladio’s Four Books of Architecture, quickly made their

way to the American Colonies. Abraham Swan’s British Architect (1745) and

William Pain’s Builder’s Companion (1758) were popular in colonial America.

A 1775 edition of Swan, published in Philadelphia, was the first such pattern

book printed in the colonies. Such books were no doubt responsible for

inspiring some of the more academic Georgian houses of the Hudson70

Valley. Another channel for the transmission of new ideas about

architecture and design was the knowledge carried across the Atlantic by

immigrating artisans and craftspeople or the impressions collected by elite

North Americans traveling in Europe. In addition, a house of unusual design,


91

once built, would introduce new ideas to a community and might serve as a

model for other houses. When Ephraim and Magdalena Chambers redesigned

their house in 1772 (Figure 38), they were certainly aware of the Wynkoop’s

unabashedly Georgian house, completed prior to 1772 (Figure 13).

At the time of the Direct Tax, Cornelia Wynkoop, a widow, resided

in the largest and most expensive house in Marbletown with her son of less

than 10 years and six slaves. Her husband, Revolutionary War Major Cornelius

Wynkoop, twice a trustee of the town, had died three years earlier at the age of

49. Wynkoop was only 26 years old when his two and a half story, thirteen

room, center-passage, double pile house was built. The unknown builder was

obviously familiar with fashionable architecture of the type illustrated by

Abraham Swan and William Pain. An ample center passage with high ceiling,

a broad open stair to the second floor, and finely turned balusters greeted the

visitor (Figure 45). To the right is a large parlor with a fully panelled fireplace

wall painted green and complete with cupboards, a cast iron fireback inscribed

"C W K Nov 5 1772" and fancy blue and white tin glazed earthenware tiles set

around the fireplace opening (Figure 46). Another room lies directly behind

the parlor, only half the size but tiled, panelled and painted just the same.

Across the central passage is another parlor less ornate with panelling only

above the carved mantle. A small office room is situated behind it. The


92

second floor houses five bedchambers, four with fireplaces and two with carved

paneling and delft tiles (Figure 47). In the basement was a large kitchen room

with a bluestone floor and several storage rooms with padlocked doors. An

immense attic rising almost a story and a half is enclosed within the elaborate

framing of the town’s only gambrel roof. Sometime after initial construction

and prior to 1798 the Wynkoops built an immense kitchen off the rear of the

house larger than half the houses in the town (Figure 41).

The majority of Marbletown’s residents might well have gotten lost

in the Wynkoop house. It was a dwelling without precedence in the community

for its size and elegance. By the same token, the town’s more affluent citizens

would have navigated its passages with relative ease. Although their houses

were smaller, the basic ground rules of carefully divided space and

choreographed movements were the same. Wynkoop’s house with its more that

5,000 square feet of space, twenty windows to keep it well lighted, and nine

fireplaces to keep it warm constituted Marbletown’s premier dwelling. Fully

ornamented and decked out for a special occasion it would have compared

favorably with an elite class of homes stretching from Boston to Charleston.

No doubt that is how it appeared on the night of November 15, 1783, perhaps

the crowning moment of Cornelius Wynkoop’s life, when a guest all too

familiar with such elaborate stagesets, General George Washington, was


93

entertained and spent the night in his house while enroute to Kingston, New

York.

Few of Marbletown’s residents had the resources to build a house as

grand as the Wynkoops.’ Several who could have chose not to. People in

Marbletown were both fascinated by an expanding world and conscious of their

distinct traditions. As they attempted to negotiate between these two worlds

they transformed old ways and old houses to accommodate their changing

views of themselves and their world. Nowhere is this more evident than in the

form and fabric of the new three-room houses they built in the last quarter of

the eighteenth century.


94

Figure 37. Ephraim and Magdalena Chambers house, southeast facade c. 1755, Kripplebush, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


Figure 38. Ephraim and Magdalena Chambers house, north facade showing 1772 addition, Kripplebush, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


96

W £=£2k3Z7>

116c YZZZL M x CZ3

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Figure 39. Ephraim and Magdalena Chambers house plan,Kripplebush, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


97

Figure 40. Schematic drawing showing the variety of waysMarbletown residents added kitchens and outlets to their houses. (Drawing, author)


Figure 41. Cornelius and Cornelia Wynkoop kitchen addition, after 1772, Stone Ridge, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


99

Figure 42. Dutch Barn, near Port Jervis, Orange County,New York. (Photo, author)


100

Figure 43. Three-room house with outlet, late eighteenth-century, Wicres, Artois, France. (Photo, author)


101

Figure 44. Gerrit Van Waggenen house with outlet, earlyeighteenth-century, Berme Road, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


102

w:

Figure 45. Cornelius and Cornelia Wynkoop plan, Stone Ridge, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


Figure 46. Paneled fireplace wall, original green paint, with tin-glazed earthenware tiles in fireplace surround, Wynkoop house, Stone Ridge, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


Figure 47. Second floor best chamber, original blue paint on mantle, earthenware tiles, Wynkoop house, Stone Ridge, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


THE THREE-ROOM HOUSE

The Wynkoop house marked the arrival of Georgian architecture in

Marbletown and signaled the beginning of an architectural expansion that

gained strength in the post-Revolutionary War years and lasted until century’s

end. Characteristic features of this new architecture were: more functionally

specific spatial organization such as service wings, center passages, second story

bedchambers; a concern for exterior symmetry; and, more elaborate interior

finishes. The Wynkoops and Chambers may have led the way, but, they were

soon joined by other prosperous young farmers and merchants anxious to build

new houses. What they typically chose was a first floor plan with three rooms

built in a single phase. Indeed, one fourth (13/50) of the houses documented

for this study fit this description. Those that can be reliably dated were all

built in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. How do these houses built of

a piece compare to three-room houses like the Broadhead house built in

several phases (Figures 1 & 2)1

The limestone exterior and the one and one half story height of the

newer houses provided visual continuity with the older houses built in phases.

105


106

However, close inspection reveals stonework on the facade to be more dressed

and regularly laid up. A closer attention to bilateral symmetry on building

facad. further sets this group apart and links it to the broader national and

international Georgian style. On the inside, the plan is distinguished by an

unheated center passage flanked by a formal parlor and a dining room or by a

parlor and a kitchen. The 13 three-room houses built "of a piece" and

documented for this study stand at a juncture between the old familiar ways of

building houses and a newer approach to the arrangement of domestic space.

While visually connected to the regional house forms of late eighteenth-century

Marbletown in their use of materials and height, they depart from the familiar

additive interiors as they express a fully thought out hierarchy of spaces with

clear functional distinctions from the time of initial construction.

Several of these center passage houses reflect standard Georgian

proportions of a 1:2 to 1:3 ratio between the width of the passage and theO A

width of the flanking rooms. For example, Gerardus Hardenburgh, a

successful mill owner, lived in a three-room frame house with stone gables in

1798 (Figure 48). Valued at $285, this compact house had an eight foot wide

unheated center passage, wide enough to accommodate a stairway and manage

the flow of people through the house (Figure 49). The stair and several doors

which radiate from this passage regulated the movement of outsiders once in


107

the house and symbolized the closed system this passage was designed to

mediate. Abraham Swan describes the purpose of the center passage: "All the

rooms in the house are private, that is there is a way into each of them without

passing through any other room. Which is a circumstance that should always

be attended to in laying out and disposing the rooms of a house."^ Whether

Swan’s book had reached Marbletown or not, his ideas had.

Unlike Hardenburgh’s house, seven other center-passage dwellings,

or half of all three-room houses, have unusually large center passages. In 1776

John and Maria Hasbrouck, both of French ancestry, built a three-room house

on the Road to Kingston (Figures 50 & 51). By 1798 Maria was a widow, the

mother of six children and the owner of eight slaves. Her house was in "good

condition" and was valued at $675 placing it in the top 10 percent. The

unheated center passage in this house was 12 feet wide and close in size to the

two flanking rooms. In 1798 John A. DeWitt, a farmer, surveyor and owner of

6 slaves, was still in the process of building his house when the Direct Tax

assessors valued it at $690 (Figures 52 & 53). On the inside it too had a large

room-like unheated center passage, approximately 10 feet wide. To the right

was a formal parlor with cornice molding and a neo-classical mantle. To the

left was an elaborate dining room with neo-classically ornamented paneling,

built-in display cupboards, and a fashionable recess in the wall for a side board.


108

The flanking rooms in DeWitt’s house were only slightly wider than the center

passage. Beneath this three-room plan were two storage rooms and a

basement kitchen, making this the only documented example of a basement

kitchen in a three-room house at the time of construction.82 At the back of

the first floor passage an open stair led to an unheated upstairs center room

and a heated bedchamber.


109

Figure 48. Gerardus Hardenburgh house, c. 1762, Mill DamRead, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


f =i "i—r

Figure 49. Gerardus Hardenburgh plan, Mill Dam Road,Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


I l l

Figure 50. John and Maria Hasbrouck house, 1776, Rest Plaus Road, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Photo, author)


Figure 51. John and Maria Hasbrouck, plan, Rest Plaus Road, Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


113

Figure 52. John A. DeWitt house, c. 1788, North Marbletown, UlsterCounty, New York. (Photo, author)


Figure 53. John A. DeWitt house, plan, North Marbletown, Ulster County, New York. (Drawing, author)


CONCLUSION

The three-room houses with large unheated center passages of John

A. DeWitt, Maria Hasbrouck, and five others were not remote, isolated

dwellings but part of a larger community of people, buildings, and meaning.'^

Their significance can only be ascertained when considered in the architectural

context of Adam Yaple’s log house, the Broadhead’s three-phase house,

Ephraim and Magdalena Chambers’ bank-house turned center-passage, the

Wynkoop’s richly ornamented Georgian house, anti the scores of one-room log

and frame houses far too humble to survive into the twentieth century. For the

people of Marbletown who built them, the three-room houses of the last

quarter of the eighteenth century represented an exciting connection to a

fashionable world extending far beyond the Hudson Valley. They represent a

shift in aesthetic values and in what people thought about how houses should

look and work. While the presence of an unheated center passage clearly

conforms to Georgian design principles, the enormous size of Marbletown’s

passages does not. These grand center passages suggest that Hasbrouck,

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116

DeWitt and others, while enticed by modern architectural ideas, still favored

the familiar open plan of the Wessel and Catherine Broadhead house. They

retained interior aspects of a familiar past with three large rooms on a single

floor while they experimented with basement kitchens and second story

bedchambers. These young successful farmers and merchants who were

building new houses late in the eighteenth centuiy designed homes that had the

traditional open plan of their parents’ houses and the social pretence of theQ A

closed Georgian plan.

This paper began with a discussion about early twentieth-century

portrayals of Hudson Valley houses as "Dutch." During the eighteenth century

Marbletown residents built several types of houses incorporating design and

construction elements from a number of European ethnic traditions. They

built with logs, milled lumber, and stone. They sited them on flat fertile lands,

rocky hillsides, and bustling village centers. Some put kitchens in basements,

others out back, and still others had them in the only room in the house. To

reduce these houses to one type or a single cultural designation is to miss the

complexity of this rural community. A close examination of the three-room

house revealed that a significant change took place in the last quarter of the

eighteenth century. A prosperous, young strata of society began experimenting

with new ways of building houses. Those who constructed new three-room


117

houses turned to current fashionable designs for inspiration. A few adhered

closely to Georgian plans while most translated these ideas to conform to local

building traditions and the social expectations of the co m m unity. In doing so

the latter group created a truly regional architecture, where the formal,

bilaterally symmetrical Georgian facade gave way on the inside to a familiar

open plan. The houses of late eighteenth-century Marbletown were far

removed in time and space from their northern European roots as they

expressed an aesthetic at once local and international, traditional and modem.


ENDNOTES

1Most notable is Roderic H. Blackburn and Ruth Piwonka, Remembrance of Patria: Dutch Arts and Culture in Colonial America 1609-1776 (Albany,New York: Albany Institute of History and Art, 1988), where Dutch influence in the material culture of the Hudson Valley is carefully researched and presented. Others who have contributed to our understanding of this cross- Atlantic connection are: Jack A. Sobon, "The Timber Framed Dutch House, A Hillsdale. N, Y. Example," (Privately printed); John Fitchen, The New World Dutch Bam. (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1968); Theodore H. M. Prudon, "The Dutch Barn in America: Survival of a Medieval Structural Frame," in Common Places: Readings in American Vernacular Architecture. eds. Dell Upton and John Michael Vlach (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1986); Clifford W. Zink, "Dutch Framed Houses in New York and New Jersey," in Winterthur Portfolio 22, no. 4 (1987); and Neil Larson, Ethnic and Economic Diversity in Columbia County. New York, and The Masonry Architecture of Ulster Countv. New York. An Evolution. 1665-1935 (Kingston, New York: Vernacular Architecture Forum, May 1986).

2Helen Wilkenson Reynolds, Dutch Houses in the Hudson Valley before 1776 (1929; reprint, New York: Dover Publications, 1965); Rosalie Fellows Bailey, Pre-Revolutionary Dutch Houses and Families in Northern New Jersey and Southern New York (1936; reprint, New York: Dover Publications, 1968); and, Maud Ester Dilliard, Old Dutch Houses of Brooklyn (New York: Richard R. Smith, 1945).

3For a fuller listing of characteristics considered typical of Hudson Valley Dutch houses see Hugh Morrison, Early American Architecture: From the First Colonial Settlements to the National Period (1952; reprint, New York: Dover Publications, 1987), 106-127; and, Reynolds, 4-25. See also Myron S. Teller, The Early Stone Houses of Ulster Countv. New York (1959; reprint, Marbletown, N. Y.: The Ulster County Historical Society, 1974); Maud Esther Dilliard, Old Dutch Houses of Brooklyn (New York: Richard R. Smith 1945); Junior League of Kingston, Earlv Architecture In Ulster County (New York: Hancock, Little, Calvert, Inc., 1974); Harold D. Eberlein and Cortlandt V. D.

118


119

Hubbard, Historic Houses of the Hudson Valley (reprint, New York: Bonanza, 1942); Fiske Kimball, Domestic Architecture of the American Colonies and of the Early Republic (1922; reprint, New York: Dover Publications, 1966); and, David Steven Cohen. The Dutch American Farm (New York: New York University Press, 1992).

4Reynolds, 4.

5Reynolds, 5.

6For other scholars who have acknowledged the cultural complexity of the Hudson Valley see: Allen G. Noble Wood. Brick & Stone. The North American Settlement Landscape. Volume 1: Houses (Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). Somewhat more sophisticated treatments are found in Alan Gowans, Images of American Living. Four Centuries of Architecture and Furniture as Cultural Expression (Philadephia: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1964) and Thomas J. Wertenbaker Hie Founding of American Civilization, the Middle Colonies (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1949). Many eighteenth-century buildings in the Hudson Valley continue to be indiscriminately grouped under the rubric Dutch Colonial architecture as in Virginia & Lee McAlester, A Field Guide to American Houses (New York: Alfred A. Knopf 1984).

7Morrison, 115-116.

8Virginia McAlester and Lee McAlester, A Field Guide to American Houses (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984), 116.

9Gustave Anjou, Ulster County. New York Probate Records (1906; reprint, Rhinebeck, New York: Palatine Transcripts, 1980), 142.

10Jane Hansen, personal communication, Marbletown, New York, Autumn 1992. Evidence of a partition indicates the probable location of the room provided for widow Catrina in her husband Wessel’s will. This information comes from research conducted by Jane Hansen, the present owner of the house, who has extensively researched the history of the Broadhead family and the Rest Plaus Historic District of Marbletown, N.Y.

nReynolds, 22-25, 189; Morrison, 115-116.

12The Andries DeWitt house has four rooms built in three phases making it similar to the Broadhead-Dubois house. Two other three-room houses may


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survive; however, permission to study them could not be obtained, making it impossible to verify their plan or stages of construction.

13Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England and West Yorkshire Metropolitan Council, Rural Houses of West Yorkshire 1400-1830. (London: Her Majesty’s Stationeiy Office, 1989), 119, 192, 193.

14The problem of who actually built these houses is a perplexing one.While it is entirely possible that one or another cultural group may have dominated the house building trade, comprehensive research on building contracts is necessary to draw any firm conclusions.

^Reynolds, 6.

16J. Franklin Jameson, ed., Original Narratives of Early American History. Narratives of New Netherland. 1609-1664 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1909), 23-24.

17Marc B. Fried, The Early History of Kingston & Ulster Countv. N.Y. (Marbletown, Kingston, New York: Ulster County Historical Society, 1975), 85- 135.

18Prior to 1750 the bulk of slaves imported to New York came from West Indian colonies such as Jamaica and Barbados. After 1750 Spanish markets were closed to English traders and West African slaves flooded the New York market driving prices down 50%. This trend continued for about 20 years during which time slave traders often sold directly to customers rather than to middle men. For more on the New York slave trade see Edgar J. McManus, A History of Negro Slavery in New York (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1966).

19For a full consideration of the history of the Direct Tax legislation see Nancy VanDolsen, "‘An Act to lay and collect a direct tax’: The Federal Direct Tax of 1798," forthcoming from the Center for Historic Architecture and Engineering at the University of Delaware.

20The 1798 Direct Tax Assessment, Particular List A, for Marbletown, New York, New-York Historical Society Library, Manuscript collection.

21The assistant assessors listed on the Direct Tax manuscript were Andrew Snyder, Peter VanderLyn, Peter Marius Groen, and Gerrit DeWitt.


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^James Oliver increased all of the assistant assessors’ figures by 50% across the board. In the town of New Paltz, also in Ulster County and under Janies Oliver’s jurisdiction, the A list properties were similarly increased by 50%. The New Paltz "B" list properties, however, were only increased by 25% over the assistant assessors’ valuations.

23,1 A Map of the town of Marbletown, County of Ulster, 1797," New York State Library, Manuscript Room, 11th floor. Courtesy of Dorothy Pratt, Marbletown town historian.

^ w o previous field surveys of historic properties were also consulted to help identify surviving eighteenth-century houses. The Junior League conducted a survey between 1964-1968 and it is on deposit at the Stone Ridge Library, Marbletown, New York. Ruth Piwonka’s 1989 "Reconnaissance Level Survey of the Town of Marbletown," made available in draft form by its author, was of great assistance in locating houses for my study.

^"Assessment Roll of the real and personal Estates in the Town of Marbletown for the year 1800," New-York Historical Society Library.

^Reynolds, 22.

27If one were to consider houses in Marbletown valued under $100 the percent of frame and log dwellings would be considerably higher. In the neighboring town of New Paltz, a town settled, in part, by residents from Marbletown, the combined "A" list and "B" list reveal that only 17% of all houses were constructed of stone (75/432), 31% were frame (133/432), and 31% were made of log (134/432).

^Population figures are taken from the "United States Census Schedule of Population for 1800," Sojourner Truth Libraiy, State University of New York at New Paltz. The number of farms in Marbletown is derived from "Marbeltown Assessment, 1800."

291798 Federal Direct Tax for New Paltz, New York, copy in the Center for Historic Architecture and Engineering, University of Delaware.

30Hemy Glassie, Folk Housing in Middle Virginia. A Structural Analysis of Historic Artifacts (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987), 12.

31Ibid., 114-117.


122

32For examples of the scholarly use of typologies see: Henry Glassie’s Folk Housing in Middle Virginia and Pattern in the Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States: Fred B. Kniffen, "Folk Housing: Key to Diffusion;" Thomas Hubka’s Big House. Little House. Back House. Bam: Fred W. Peterson’s Homes in the Heartland; Robert F. Trent’s Hearts and Crowns, and, Bernard Herman’s Architecture and Rural Life in Central Delaware 1700-1900.

33The Kingston Papers. 739-740.

^"United States Census Schedule of Population for 1800." Sojourner Truth Library, State University of New York at New Paltz.


^See Clifford W. Zink, "Dutch Framed Houses in New York and New Jersey." Winterthur Portfolio 22 no. 4 (1987): 265-294, for a brief treatment of the townhouse in the lowlands of northern Europe and in early America. See also Rensylearwyck Seminar papers from... by...for an in depth discussion of the townhouse form in New Netherland.

^Nathaniel Bartlett Sylvester, History of Ulster County. New York, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of its Prominent Men and Pioneers (1880; reprint, Woodstock, New York: The Overlook Press, 1977), Part Two, 201.

^Marbletown residents usually added kitchens off the back and perpendicular to the main house. The placement of a kitchen wing at the gable end, while unusual in Marbletown, was the standard approach taken by builders of vernacular houses in central and northern New Jersey, along the New Jersey border in present day Rockland County, New York, and in Dutchess County, New York, on the East bank of the Hudson River. For examples see Rosalie Fellows Bailey, Pre-Revolutionary Dutch Houses and Families in Northern New Jersey and Southern New York (1936; reprint, New York: Dover Publications, 1968).

39The exact ownership of the house in Figure 21 is unclear. The present measurements of the main block of the house, 26’ x 38,’ are very close to the 1798 measurements of Tobias DuBois’s house, 26’ x 37,’ number 57 on the Direct Tax. Tobias DuBois married Mareitje Smith, the last Smith to own the house shown in Figure 21, according to Margaret Weber, "Cottekill," in A Bicentennial Book to Commemorate Marbletown. ed. Marjorie Hasbrouck (Rhinebeck, N.Y.: Moran Printing, 1977), 19-21. However, Direct Tax # 57 does not indicate the presence of the kitchen addition on the house in Figure 21, a kitchen that clearly dates to the eighteenth century. Direct Tax entry #


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58, owned by Hendrick Smith, does list a kitchen of 20’ x 16,’ close in size to the 20’ x 15’ kitchen on the house in Figure 21. While the kitchen size seems right, Hendrick Smith’s house measures three feet wider at the gable ends than the house in Figure 21, or 23’ x 39.’ Discrepancies of one or two feet between the Direct Tax figures and the present measurements of houses are not uncommon. Based on this fact and my reading of the building, I have concluded that in 1798 the house in Figure 21 belonged to Hendrick Smith (Direct Tax # 58).


41Ibid.

42Weber, 21.

43For a convincing statement on the complex, highly organized nature of the one-room household see Michael Ann Williams’ Homeplace: The Social Use and Meaning of the Folk Dwelling in Southwestern North Carolina (Athens and London: The University of Georgia Press, 1991), 49-58.

^According to Sophia Gruys Hinshalwood, "The Dutch Culture Area of the Mid-Hudson Valley" (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1981) 189, in 1790 - 17.7% of Marbletown’s population was slave (389/2190), 16.2% of Marbletown residents with English or Scots Irish surnames owned slaves, and 38.9% off people with Dutch, German, or Huguenot surnames had slaves.

45For more on the domain of the housewife See Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, Good Wives. Image and Reality in the Lives of Women in Norther New England 1650-1750 (New York: Oxford University Press 1983), 13-14, 38-40.

^Blackburn and Piwonka, Remembrance of Patria. 169-187; Alice Morse Earle, Colonial Davs in Old New York (1896; reprint, Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1990), 118-119.

47Lewis Binford, "Archaeology as Anthropology," American Antiquity. 28, no. 2 (1962), 217-226.

^Edward A. Chappell, "Acculturation in the Shenandoahh Valley: Rhenish Houses of the Massanutten Settlement," in Common Places. Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, eds. Dell Upton and John Michael Vlach (Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 69, and Glassie, Pattern. 55.


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49The U. S. Census Schedule of Population for 1800 reveals the size of Adam Yaple’s household. The Yaple family in Ulster County is listed as having both German and Welsh ancestry in The Commemorative Biographical Record of Ulster Countv. New York. (Chicago: J. H. Beers and Company, 1896), 395.

Reynolds, 17; Agustus H. Van Buren, A History of Ulster County Under the Dominion of the Dutch (1923; reprint, Astoria, N.Y.: J.C. & A.L. Fawcett, Inc., 1989), 125.

51It should be noted that the Direct Tax assessors did not enumerate any houses as "bank houses." By linking bank houses documented in my fieldwork to the Direct Tax list I am able address them as a group.

52The Commemorative Biogrphical Record. 676, 1282, and 395, provides evidence that the families of bank house owners Ephraim Chambers (Direct Tax # 70), Cornelius Markle (Direct Tax # 26), and Adam Yaple (Direct Tax #135), came from Scotland, Holland, and Germany respectively.

53The definitive work on cast iron stoves is Henry C. Mercer, The Bible in Iron: Pictured Stoves and Stoveplates of the Pennsylvania Germans. 3d ed. revised, corrected and enlarged by Horace H. Mann.

54A paled ceiling consists of riven pieces of wood wrapped with hair, mud, dung, and grasses. These wrapped staves were inserted into grooves cut in the sides of the ceiling joists, then plastered over and whitewashed.

55Ed Chappell prefers the term Emhaus to describe what I am calling the Flurkuchenhaus. See Edward A Chappell,"Germans and Swiss," in America's Architectural Roots: Ethnic Groups that Built America, ed. Dell Upton (Washington, D.C.: Preservation Press, 1986), 68-73. Henry Glassie describes this plan as similar to peasant houses in the Rhine Valley and Switzerland in "Eighteenth-Century Cultural Process in Delaware Valley Folk Building," in Common Places.

56This inventory is cited in an unpublished history of the Snyder house compiled by Frank and Dorothy Lynch and made available by the present house owners, Natalie and Steve Collier.

57The Kirschner Parlor, taken from a house in Wemersville, PA and installed in the H.F. du Pont Winterthur Museum in 1957, contains two virtually identical niches. For a description of the house and its Germanic origins, see John A. H. Sweeney, The Treasure House of Early American Rooms (New York & London: W.W. Norton & Company, 1963), 163-67, 172.


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“ Neil Larson, Ethnic and Economic Diversity in Columbia Countv. New York (Kingston, N.Y.: Vernacular Architecture Forum, 1986), 18-23.

59Commemorative Biographical Record. 140, 659.

“ Alan Gowans describes this change as more than one of style, but, rather a change in traditions. This represents a movement characterized by control of environment through the power of human reason and an embracing, once again, of "the old classical principal of Aristotle that ‘a work of art should have a beginning, a middle, and an end.’" Alan Gowans, Images of American Living. Four Centuries of Architecture and Furniture as Cultural Expression (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Company, 1964), 115-119. See also James Deetz. In Small Things Forgotten. The Archaeology of Early American Life (New York: Anchor, 1977), 39-40.

“ Examples of early center passage, double pile houses include: Philipes Manor House, c. 1682 & 1745; Abraham DePeyster House, c. 1743; Robert Clermont’s Tivoli-on-Hudson in 1730 & 1777; The VanRensselaer house known as Fort Crailo, late seventeenth century & 1740; Ariaantje Coeymans’s c. 1716 house; and, the Ellison House in New Windsor. For illustrations of most of these houses see Harold Donald Eberlein and Cortlandt Van Dyke Hubbard, Historic Houses of the Hudson Valley (1942, reprint, New York: Bonanza, n.d.) and Reynolds, Dutch Houses.

“ Gustave Anjou, Ulster Countv. New York Probate Records. Vol. 1 (1906; reprint, Rhinebeck, New York: Palatine Transcripts, 1980), 182.

“ Morrison, 127.

“ Reynolds, 23.

“ See Bernard L. Herman, The Stolen House (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1992) for a wonderful demonstration of the fact that houses are not as immobile as they may appear.

“ Deetz, 64-69, outlines the archaeologist’s task as the accurate organization of material evidence, in this case New England gravestones, according to the three "inherent dimensions" of "space, time, and form."

“ Others, such as Jonathan B. Davis, did the reverse and added a two-room bank house to an existing one story two-room house to create a main floor with three rooms similar to the Chambers house.

“ Reynolds, 13.


126

69The matter of slave housing in the Hudson Valley has received scant attention and awaits serious scholarly consideration.

70Tjerck Claessen DeWitt’s 1673 house contract, cited above in my discussion of the two-room house, called for an outlet or "usual means of exit (doorgaende uitlaedinge) on the one side, with a crossbar window, with a door frame..."

71 Again, the 1673 DeWitt contract mentions a "the projection (uitlaedinge) to be portioned off; with a stove and a pipe up to the chimney and a cross bar window in the gable of the projection. Also cite Rensylearwyick Seminar Papers from Winterthur Library for evidence of the townhouse form in Albany.

^However, not all outlets were rectangular. Of the 22 in the Direct Tax, three were square and five were close to square (10’ x 9’; 11’ x 9.5’; 12’ x 15’; and two at 10’ x 8’). The remaining 14 outlets were long, narrow rectangles. The term outlet, when applied to additions with square dimensions, raises the possibility that the outlet form was more broadly conceived in the eighteenth century than it was in the seventeenth-century contracts or that the five assessors had diverse understandings of what constituted an outlet.

73The Gerrit Van Wagenen house on Berme Road (Figure 44) has a chimney stack in the outlet and the 1673 DeWitt contract called for a stove in the outlet. Further research utilizing probate inventories is needed before firm conclusions on room use can be made concerning eighteenth-century outlets.

74Jacob Hasbrouck’s relative wealth was calculated using the "Assessment Roll of the real and personal Estates in the Town of Marbletown, 1800."

75Deetz, 39.

76Richard L. Bushman, The Refinement of America. Persons. Houses, and Cities (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992), xii.

77John J. McCusker and Russell R.Menard, The Economy of British America. 1706-1789 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 203, inform us that according to U.S. Census Schedules, New York’s population tripled between 1750 and 1780 from 76,700 to 210,500.

78Architectural historian Philip Hayden, working on eighteenth- and nineteenth-century New Jersey buildings, informed me in a conversation on January 21, 1994, in New York City, New York, that his research shows that frame houses with kitchen wings — the kitchen being either a later addition or part of the original building -- inevitably contain two framing systems. The


127

main block of the house follows the latest framing techniques while the kitchen wing uses a traditional Dutch framing system.

79Examples of Georgian houses that were probably based on pattern books are listed in footnote number 60.

“ According to Abraham Swan, A Collection of Designs in Architecture Containing New Plans and Elevations of Houses for General Use (London: Abraham Swan, 1757), the relationship in width of center passage to flanking rooms is 18’:6’:18’ in plates # 2 & # 15; 20’:8’:20’ in plate'# 11; 18’:7’:18’ in plates # 12 & # 13. In all of these illustrations the center passages lack a fireplace or other heating device.

81Swan, 2.

“ in 1806 DeWitt built another kitchen off the rear of the house, two steps below the dining room. It was around this time that DeWitt’s wife died and he married Elizabeth Krum, a neighbor and widow. Perhaps Elizabeth didn’t like the idea of a basement kitchen and wanted one just like the house she was leaving. Krum was clearly making a move up the economic ladder since the value of her stone house in 1798 was a mere $162 and was listed as "old and very bad."

“ Other houses with large center passages are: Thomas Jansen (Direct Tax # 22, Peter Jansen (Direct Tax # 21), John Bogart (Direct Tax # 106), John Broadhead (Direct Tax # 159), and a second house owned by John A DeWitt (Direct Tax # 161).

84A comparison of the U.S. Census Schedules for Population with the Direct Tax records reveals that five of the seven builders were between 26 and 44 years old at the time they constructed their house.

Several scholars in the field of vernacular architecture have derived similar conclusions about modern architectural exteriors and traditional interior plans. Examples include: Henry Glassie, "Eighteenth-Century Cultural Process in Delaware Valley Folk Building," in Common Places, eds. Upton and Vlach; Ed Chappell "Acculturation In the Shenandoah Valley: Rhenish Houses of the Massanutten Settlement," in Common Places, eds. Upton and Vlach; Bernard L. Herman, Architecture and Rural Life in Central Delaware. 1700-1900: and Dell Upton, "Vernacular Domestic Architecture in Eighteenth-Century Virginia," in Common Places, eds. Upton and Vlach.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

Unpublished Sources

"Federal Direct Tax of 1798 for New Paltz, New York." Center for Historic Archtiecture and Engineering, University of Delaware. Photocopy.

"Federal Direct Tax of 1798 for Ulster County New York." ManuscriptCollection. New-York Historical Society. New York, New York.

Hayden, Philip Aldrich. 'The Cow and the Calf: Evolution of Farmhouses in Hopewell Township, Mercer County, New Jersey, 1720-1820." Master’s thesis, University of Delaware, 1992.

Hinshalwood, Sophia Gruys. "The Dutch Culture Area of the Mid-Hudson Valley." Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1981.

Lynch, Frank and Dorothy Lynch. "Snyder House, Cottekill, N.Y." N.p., n.d.

"Map of the Town of Marbletown, New York, County of Ulster, 1797."Manuscript Room. New York State Library. Albany, New York.

Piwonka, Ruth. "Reconnaissance Level Survey of the Town of Marbletown." Draft version. Author’s personal copy.

"Survey of Buildings in Historic Ulster County." Junior League of Kingston, New York. 1969. Stone Ridge Library. Marbletown, New York.

128


129

"United States Census Schedule of Population for 1800." Sojourner Truth Libraiy, State University of New York at New Paltz.

Published Sources

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APPENDIX:

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