Hunting in northern Europe until 1500 AD

Old traditions and regional developments, continental sources and continental influences

The 7th century’s royal follower’s grave at mid-east Swedish Rickeby (Uppland) – the deceased one with his horse, several dogs, several raptor birds, several birds which represent the typical prey of falconry plus food gifts (drawing Ulla Malmsten).

ScHriftEn DES ArcHäOlOgiScHEn lAnDESmuSEumS

Ergänzungsreihe

Band 7

Herausgegeben vom Archäologischen landesmuseum und dem Zentrum für Baltische und Skandinavische Archäologie

in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische landesmuseenSchloss gottorf

durch claus von carnap-Bornheim

Hunting in northern Europe until 1500 AD

Old traditions and regional developments, continental sources and continental influences

Edited byOliver grimm und ulrich Schmölcke

Papers presented at a workshop organized by thecentre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology (ZBSA)

Schleswig, June 16th and 17th, 2011

Wachholtz

iSBn 978 3 529 01877 0

redaktion: isabel Sonnenschein

Satz und Bildbearbeitung: Jürgen Schüller, matthias Bolte

Bibliografische information der Deutschen nationalbibliothek. Die Deutsche nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation

in der Deutschen nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im internet über <http://dnb.d-nb.de> abrufbar.

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Wachholtz Verlag, neumünster 2013

front matter illustration: after l. Sjösvärd/m. Vretemark/H. gustavson, A Vendel warrior from Vallentuna. in: J. P. lamm/

H.-Å nordström (eds.), Vendel Period Studies. transactions of the Boat-grave symposium Stockholm 1981 (Stockholm 1983)

133–150, fig. 5.

table of contents

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Introduction

Oliver grimm and ulrich Schmölcke the hunting workshop and its publication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

The transition from the last hunters to the first farmers

Sönke Hartz and ulrich Schmölcke from the mesolithic to the neolithic – Hunting strategies in the south-western Baltic Sea area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

Hunting in the long run: some chosen aspects (Stone Age to medieval times)

Sveinung Bang-Andersen Prehistoric reindeer hunting in south-west norway with emphasis on the period 1000 Bc to AD 1000 – Overview, retrospect and perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

Svein indrelid ‘industrial’ reindeer hunting in the south norwegian mountains in the Viking Age and Early middle Ages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

mara-Julia Weber late upper and late Palaeolithic reindeer hunting in the Ahrensburg tunnel valley – Differences between Hamburgian and Ahrensburgian hunting tactics. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

ulrich Schmölcke A short history of seals and seal populations in northern European waters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91

Aikaterini glykou Seal hunting at the Baltic Sea coast – A case study from the late mesolithic and earliest neolithic neustadt in Holstein, germany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101

ulf ickerodt Barbed points through time – A hunting weapon between ethnoarchaeological argumentation and functional analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113

Peter Vang Petersen mesolithic Dogs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147

Bodil Holm Sørensen Dogs in the Danish Viking Age – the ladby Ship and other finds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163

ulrich Schmölcke the evidence for hunting dogs from mesolithic times up to the Viking Age from a zoological point of view – A survey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175

Harm Paulsen from Stone Age hunting bow to medieval weapon of war – Selected examples of bows and arrows in the north . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185

Late Bronze Age and Hallstatt/Early La Tène hunting

maria Vretemark late Bronze Age hunting in middle Sweden – Evidence from “King Björn’s mound” in Håga and the surrounding settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

Peter trebsche Hunting in the Hallstatt and Early la tène cultures: the economic and social importance . . . 215

leif Hansen Hunting in the Hallstatt period – the example of the Eberdingen-Hochdorf “princely grave”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239

Roman and late ancient Germanic hunting

thomas fischer Hunting in the roman period. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259

christoph reichmann late ancient germanic hunting in gaul based on selected archaeological examples . . . . . . . . . 267

Bear hunting in the 1st millennium AD

Oliver grimm Bear-skins in northern European burials and some remarks on other bear-related furnishings in the north and middle of Europe in the 1st millennium AD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277

Sigmund Oehrl Svá beitum vér björnuna á mörkinni norðr – Bear hunting and its ideological context (as a background for the interpretation of bear claws and other remains of bears in germanic graves of the 1st millennium AD) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297

Hunting in the long run: noble and royal hunt (AD 350–1500)

Oliver grimm Wiesbaden-Breckenheim, tissø and beyond – Some methodological remarks on bones of wild animals from continental and southern Scandinavian centres of power in parts of the 1st millennium AD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333

claus Dobiat Early falconry in central Europe on the basis of grave finds, with a discussion of the origin of falconry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343

Wietske Prummel falconry in continental settlements as reflected by animal bones from the 6th to 12th centuries AD. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 357

maria Vretemark the Vendel Period royal follower’s grave at Swedish rickeby as starting point for reflections about falconry in northern Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379

martina giese continental royal seats, royal hunting lodges and deer parks seen in the mirror of medieval written sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 387

lydia carstens On the hunt in Old norse sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 397

christian radtke lordship and hunting in Schleswig – A sketch. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 419

Åsa Ahrland Vert and venison – High status hunting and parks in medieval Sweden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 439

frode iversen the name of the game! the changing role of hunting on royal land in norway during the middle Ages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 465

Hunting in laws, depictions and place names

martina giese legal regulations on hunting in the barbarian law codes of the Early middle Ages . . . . . . . . . 485

Sigmund Oehrl Hunting in the West norwegian gulathing law (Gulaþingslog/Gulaþingsbók) . . . . . . . . . . . . 505

Sigmund Oehrl can pictures lie? Hunting the red deer with raptors – According to visual representations from the Viking Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 515

Vera Henkelmann A hunting scene on a late medieval linen embroidery from a convent in Preetz (northern germany) – An art-historical perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 531

Jürgen udolph Hunting in continental place and field names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 543

inge Særheim toponyms from south-western norway referring to hunting and fishing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 551

Further perspectives

Algirdas girininkas and linas Daugnora Hunting in the territory of lithuania from the late Palaeolithic to the middle Ages. . . . . . . . 567

Elena A. nikulina and John meadows Ancient DnA and stable isotope analysis – two innovative scientific methods in the archaeology of hunting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 597

Summary and outlook

Oliver grimm and ulrich Schmölcke results and future perspectives in relation to an overall concept of hunting-related research. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 605

11

foreword

the basis of the present volume consists of the proceedings of a workshop initially dedicated to Hunting in Northern Europe AD 500–1500. Old Traditions, Regional Developments and Foreign Influences. the workshop was organized by Dr. Oliver grimm and Dr. ulrich Schmölcke and held at the centre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology, Schloss gottorf, Schleswig, in June 2011. the aim of this interdisciplinary and international workshop was to gather together researchers working on the so-cial significance of hunting throughout pre- and protohistoric times in northern and central Europe. the focus was set broadly on two main questions: What traditions can be traced from the Stone Age to AD 1500 in northern Europe? What regional developments and continental influences can be ob-served, e.g. in hunting weapons and techniques, and with regards to special privileges as to hunting? Participants were encouraged to share knowledge, data and analytical results considering these issues, and in the following editorial process the original score of papers presented in Schleswig was further enriched by manuscripts from authors who were not able to participate in the workshop.in preparing the publication we followed a peer-review system in two steps. first, the manuscripts were circulated to all participants ahead of the workshop and then critically discussed during the meeting. Second, each manuscript was revised after the workshop, before being re-read and again commented upon by at least one other participant as well as by the editors. Papers that had not been presented at the workshop were also submitted to a corresponding critical peer-review.On behalf of the editors and publishers i would like to thank all contributors for their engagement in the workshop and ensuing publication project and for their commitment throughout the process. We are particularly indebted to Dr. Sigmund Oehrl (göttingen) for his invaluable and constant support which helped us make both the workshop and the publication happen.moreover, our warm and heartfelt thanks to Dr. Daniela Hofmann (cardiff), Wilson Huntley B.A. (göttingen), and Sharon Shellock m.A. (london) who took on the substantial task of translating or revising and improving the English texts. the graphic layout, typesetting and editorial supervision was handled expertly by good colleagues from the centre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology and from the Archaeological State museum: Dipl.-Des. Jürgen Schüller (typesetting, graphics and layout), matthias Bolte (typesetting), Dipl.-Des. Joachim mocka (graphics), gert Hagel-Bischof (drawings), and isabel Sonnenschein m.A. (editing and proofreading). finally the printing of the volume by the Wachholtz Verlag was supervised by renate Braus with her usual efficiency.the present volume aims at an overview of the current state of research on the History of Hunting. Evidently many questions still remain to be dealt with. thus, we hope this volume will merely be the first in a series presenting the most recent studies pertaining to this fascinating field of research.

Schleswig, December 2012 PD Dr. Berit Valentin Eriksen Head of research, centre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische landesmuseen Schloss gottorf

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lordship and hunting in Schleswig – A sketch

By christian radtke, Schleswig

Keywords: Animal bones, royal hunting island, King Abel’s Wild Hunt, King Abel’s grave, game parks of the ducal residence at Gottorf

Abstract: This short contribution makes use of different sources of information on the noble hunt in Schleswig from the Middle Ages to the Modern Period. It begins with the archaeozoological evidence from medieval sites, where fallow deer, bears and rabbits were identified: species which at the time were not native here and which could only have been bred in captivity. This leads on to the royal game parks where these animals lived. According to the ‘Cadastre of King Valdemar II’ of 1231, the parks also included the Baltic islands of Oehe and Beveroe in the estuary of the Schlei, as well as the North Frisian islands. They were apparently allocated to the palaces of the king and later the duke in the town. The legend of the Wild Hunt has been handed down in Schleswig since the 16th century. Known in different variants across Europe, it draws from pre-Christian ideas according to which the warrior god Odin prepares his retinue for the battle of the end of the world. In the Schleswig variant, the leader of the hunt is King Abel († 1252), who in 1250 in Schleswig ascended to the throne after murdering his brother and was therefore condemned to hell, while his brother Eric ascended amongst the saints. This constellation indicates that this type of narrative may date back to the 13th century. The cartographic-ally recorded location of King Abel’s grave – which, following narrative tradition, was transferred from the cathedral in Schleswig to the forests beyond the ducal castle of Gottorf – seems to have been associated with the area of the respective game park of the residence. Finally, the contribution briefly illuminates some historical facets of the animal park which existed between 1640 and 1713, and which was transformed into a commercial forest around 1760.

Game for the kinG

this contribution investigates the two central concepts of lordship and hunting from different points of view and using different kinds of sources1. my starting point is archaeozoological evidence for the skeletal remains of species which were not native to southern Denmark in the High middle Ages. the meat from these animals did hence probably not reach the city in the course of routine subsistence activities. instead, these animals could be connected to the noble hunt. these Species include the brown

1 i would like to thank the editors for the opportunity to contribute to this volume. Having been added to the conference publication post hoc, this contribution can only offer an overview of the topic. in addition, the different strands of discourse and the use of interdisciplinary sources – from archaeozoological evidence to medieval and early modern history of hunting, cartography and religious ethnology – as well as the diachronic range from the 12th/13th century to the present day, are all experimental aspects.

Hunting in the long run: noble and royal hunt (AD 350–1500)

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bear, fallow deer and rabbits. Among the bone finds from the “Schild” excavation area in Schleswig’s old town centre, fallow deer are represented by 13 bones from at least three animals (fig. 1; cf. hein-rich 1991, 43–47). All these finds are from the hind legs, a body part which is particularly appreciated from the point of view of consumption. Judging from their stratigraphic position, these remains are from a historical context roughly dating between AD 1200 and 1350. in addition, three antler remains of fallow deer are known from Schleswig (Ulbricht 1984, 16). to these finds can be added 13 rabbit bones from at least three individuals. finally, the list of unusual animals attested in High medieval Schleswig is completed by three bones of a brown bear (heinrich 1991, 100–101, 119–121).

N O R D S E E

Rhein

Elbe

SchleswigSchleswig

Fig. 1. Schleswig in north-ern Germany.

these three species form the “foreign faunal elements” among the bone finds from Schleswig (heinrich 1991, 121)2. All three are mentioned in the so-called list of islands in “the cadastre of King Valdemar ii”, drawn in AD 1231 and listing royal property – both private and crown estates – income and further information (aakjær 1926–43; SkyUm-nielSen 1971, 301–305). the situation recorded there – for example the division into crown estates, konunglev, and private property of the king’s family, patrimonium, partly refers back to the 11th/12th centuries (andrėn 1985). According to a recent study (andrėn 1997, 473–476), the roughly 50 islands mentioned, which lie in the north and Baltic Seas, should be understood as a list of the royal game parks. Whether this merely reflects a snapshot or whether these hunting grounds were also available to the king’s predecessors and successors cannot be decided here. in the duchy of Schleswig, these parks were apparently still in use in AD 1326, but it was no longer allowed to expand them (raSmUSSen 1981, col. 545).furthermore, after the 7th of may 1223, a hunting trip on these islands may have brought back un-pleasant memories for the king. that day represents a fundamental turning point in his life and in Danish history as a whole3. On that day, after a hunting trip on the island of lyø south of funen, King

2 the donkey can also be numbered among Schleswig’s exotic animals (reichStein 1995).3 for sources see O. aUGe (2011, 17–18), for the historical context see W. lammerS (1981, 393–401).

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Valdemar ii and his son and co-regent Valdemar iii were captured by Duke Heinrich of Schwerin and remained his prisoners for many years. Because this deed was so unprecedented, many details have been recorded: the king was travelling by boat accompanied by part of the royal household; the day ended with a drinking bout; the king and his son fell asleep drunk in a tent and were overpowered af-ter a scuffle; the prisoners were hidden in a small forest before being taken off the island. the attempt to regain the old position of power finally failed in July 1227 with the defeat at the battle of Bornhöved in Holstein, ending the drama of a downfall which had begun in 1223 on the hunting island of lyø.the non-indigenous hunted species consumed in Schleswig probably came from one of the royal island game parks. Since continental symbols of power were already being imitated in Denmark before the 13th century, the establishment of game parks may be older4. According to a metaphor used since Antiquity, the successful hunter was the epitome of the strong ruler and the game park with its flowers, birds, trees and animals – tamed wild animals and others – the representation of heavenly paradise on earth, where all creatures live together in peace (andrėn 1997, 470–471). At a less symbolically charged level, the game parks with their tended and semi-tamed animals guaranteed a successful hunt for the king and his entourage at any time and provided fresh game (röSener 1997; 2005a–b; cf. ahrland in this vol.).in this context, fallow deer are undoubtedly the most notable hunted species. in roman times, fallow deer – probably from the southern Balkans – reached, amongst other places, England (SykeS 2004; SykeS et al. 2011) and from there Denmark, where they are first attested in the census mentioned above (reinken 1999). the finds from Schleswig are among the earliest in northern germany, if not in the country as a whole (heinrich 1991, 45–46). According to the cadastre of King Valdemar, this at the time non-indigenous species had been settled on 16 islands, including Barsø and Årø in the little Belt (baaGøe 2012). most likely, the animals whose bones were recovered from Schleswig originated on one of those islands. How they reached Schleswig also remains conjecture. However, it is hard to dismiss the idea that the king killed these animals on one of his boat trips to Schleswig and then brought them to his palace in Schleswig for consumption. the special position of fallow deer is also evident from the fact that their bones, alongside those of red deer, make up considerable percentages of the material from royal castles in Denmark, for instance næsholm in north-west Zealand (in use c. 1240–1340) and Ørkild near Svendborg on funen (in use c. 1100/1200–1534; hattinG 1999, 122).rabbits originated in the western mediterranean area, and the romans already kept them in special leporaria. rabbits continued to be kept in pens in monasteries and aristocratic residences (ZeUner 1967, 344–347). the earliest examples from northern central Europe and Denmark are the remains from the Slavic castle of menzlin (Western Pomerania, 9th–10th cent.) and from trelleborg (Zealand, around 1000; benecke 1994, 184, tab. 48). textual evidence is provided again by the cadastre of 1231, according to which rabbits were amongst others part of the fauna on the north frisian island of Am-rum (WeGemann 1916, 59)5. Due to their high reproductive rate, these animals were almost considered vermin and were isolated in “rabbit gardens”; however, their modest browsing requirements and their tender and tasty meat also made them popular. in the middle Ages, they were apparently still so rare in germany that archaeozoological evidence is absent even from lübeck (heinrich 1991, 119–121).With about a quarter of all finds, the brown hare makes up such a high proportion of the bone finds from Schleswig that it is seen as “obviously” derived from hunting (heinrich 1991, 116). Yet the hunter, whether untitled or aristocratic, remains obscure. However, given that there are also relatively high percentages of hawks and buzzards in the find material, it is worth considering whether rabbits could have been hunted down by these birds during falconing, as suggested by heinrich (1995) and

4 A short overview of medieval hunting is provided in l.-j. bord/j.-P. mUGG (2008), who answer questions such as: who is hunting? Where, what, how, when and why is hunting taking place?

5 H. jeSSen (1984, 42) suggests that rabbits were introduced there by sailors from normandy and Holland. However, as for fallow deer, a controlled introduction is perhaps more likely.

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PiePer/reichStein (1995, 42–47; cf. also PrUmmel in this vol.). Whether this constitutes proof of aris-tocratic falconry for medieval Schleswig needs further research. falconry as a symbol of royal power is attested from the reign of King canute iV († 1086) at the latest (SkyUm-nielSen 1971, 198).the three brown bear bones from Schleswig come from a single individual (heinrich 1991, 100–101). the animal could theoretically have lived on the island of gath, part of what is today the tied island of Oehe on the northern Schlei estuary, about 30 km from Schleswig (fig. 2), where according to the cadastre of King Valdemar “deer, bears and wild boar” were kept (WeGemann 1916, 59)6. By the medieval period, the basis of existence for bears living in the wild had probably already been lost around Schleswig, so that the bear bones within the town rather came from a caged animal kept in a game enclosure or from a tamed bear. in the middle Ages, bears could still have been imported to Denmark from Småland in southern Sweden (bernStröm 1980, 661). in the pre-christian north, the bear was seen as the king of the animals and enjoyed ritual veneration. Bear claws and teeth found in graves are interpreted as symbols of the shamanic cult of the berserkers, Odin’s band of warriors (hedeaGer 2011, 92–94). in how far such associations were still current in the High middle Ages is difficult to ascertain7. the idea of seeing the mighty king of the woods as representing royal power is not far-fetched for the 13th century. tamed and trained bears were evidently publicly exhibited in the courts of the nobility from very early on (reichStein 1976), for instance also in 17th century castle gottorf (albrecht 2003, 228), where a “bear-baiting pit” was built into the north-western bastion in 16988. the bear kept on gath/Oehe near the Schlei estuary probably lived in a kennel, needed attentive care and demanded regular feeding with fresh meat. the location near the “royal city” of Schleswig9 is probably no accident, as in this way all travellers approaching the city from the sea could appreciate the authority and prestige of the ruler from afar. the presence of a menagerie within a game park hence underlined a ruler’s wealth and power (beck/delort 1998, col. 118).given the specific dietary needs of the different animal species, it is also possible to reconstruct the vegetation of the islands. for instance, keeping deer on Oehe would have necessitated a light woodland with fruit bearing oaks and beeches, while boar also need oak forests, but in addition to dense thickets and boggy ground with waterholes. for some of the islands, buildings are also listed. these are prob-ably hunting lodges, in which the attendants caring for the enclosures and the animals also lived.While boar, (red) deer, roe deer and rabbits are mentioned as royal game in the cadastre of King Valdemar ii, too – in the surroundings of Schleswig, deer were for example also settled on the now tied Baltic island of Beveroe just opposite the crown estate of gelting in Angeln, the area north of the Schlei (fig. 2), and rabbits for instance on the north frisian islands of Sylt, Amrum and föhr (WeGe-mann 1916, 59) – their frequent presence among the remains from Schleswig could possibly be the result of wild animals having been imported into the town, which was dependent on its surroundings for provision with fresh meat. therefore, they are not discussed further in this context, which focuses on animals kept in captivity. However, at least since the second half of the 13th century, hunting these animals was no longer generally allowed, but was part of regalian rights, as already proclaimed in 1241 in the Jyske Lov, the code of Jutland (jeSSen 1958, 24–25). this means that following the letter of the

6 J. bernStröm (1980, col. 661) points out that uri/aurochs could have been misspelled as ursi/bears.7 the icelandic poet and historian Snorri Sturluson, who like King Valdemar died in AD 1241, was still intimately familiar

with these ideas (hedeaGer 2011, 93). According to a 14th century saga, these ideas survived for a very long time (pers. comm. Prof. em. Dr. E. marold, Kiel). – On bear hunting and “bear burials” see also the contributions by o. Grimm and S. oehrl in this vol.

8 At that point, a 1707 plan of castle gottorf and the Neuwerkgarten, designed by the architect rudolf matthias Dallin, shows a small elongated house with a circular arena labelled: “23. the animal house with the bear-baiting pit built in 1698” (Schmidt 1957, 27).

9 A term used for Hedeby/Schleswig in Old norse literature around the middle of the 11th century (radtke 2009, 153) and which remained in use subsequently.

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law, all deer, boar and rabbits consumed in Schleswig, at least in the later phase dated to after ca. 1200 (heinrich 1991, 17–19, fig. 7), must have come from game parks or from poachers.According to the written sources analysed here, monkeys were also being kept on the island of Agersø just west of Zealand (berG 1982, col. 64), but it is unlikely that they were being hunted. Keeping them alive over longer periods of time would have been difficult and would have considerably enhanced royal prestige. in Schleswig, they could also have been known from the town’s legislative codes, at least to those select few who understood latin, i.e. first and foremost the clergy. in paragraph 81 of the Older Schleswig town charter, dating to the decades around 1200, we read10: “if someone wants to tame a wild beast, such as a lion or bear or monkey or similar, and the animal kills a man, the owner must pay the full amount” (kroman/jørGenSen 1951). the legal content and culture historical im-portance of this regulation are difficult to assess. taken literally, the mention of tame lions, bears and monkeys seems to refer to privately owned, caged animals or those in a menagerie, whose owners were fully responsible for them. However, their provenance must remain unknown.With the king, the duke and the bishop and their respective entourages, no less than three representa-tives of the highest rank had their residence in the town (radtke 1995): a social group for whom the giving of exotic wild animals as gifts was always very much part of etiquette. if this section of the

10 Item si quis domare uolerit bestiam crudelem, leonem scilicet uel ursum uel symiam uel huiusmodi, et bestia hominem occiderit, possessor bestie plenarie emendabit. this clause was also written into the flensburg town charter of 1284.

Fig. 2. Location of the hunting islands of pyterö/Beveroe (Gelting Birk) and gath/Oehe in the mouth of the Schlei, listed in the cadastre of King Valde-mar II (1231). After the 1649 map “Angeln und Schwansen” by J. Mejer, included in the 1657 survey by C. Danckwerth (after Domeier/Haack 1963).

Beveroe

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town charter is not entirely unmotivated, town dwellers, seeking to demonstrate prestigious control over wild animals, seem to be acting like the high nobility. this scenario could fit well into the devel-opment of urban legal codices in the 12th century, when the community of citizens, bound together by oaths, temporarily acted like a sovereign in their fight for communal liberties (radtke 1995, 69–89; 2002). While large game is frequently mentioned as the property of the highest dignitaries – to name just a few examples, in the 12th century Emperor frederick i owned parrots, an ostrich and a lion (beck/delort 1998, col. 118)11 and in 1231/32 frederick ii brought elephants, dromedaries, camels, panthers, lions and numerous falcons with him to the imperial camp at ravenna (röSener 2005b) – these animals are so far not known to have been in communal or private ownership.the fallow deer hunted on the island parks in the little Belt, as well as the deer and boar from the hunting islands of Oehe and Beveroe along the Schlei estuary, most likely graced the menu when the king came to visit his Schleswig palace and held court there. these islands probably have to be seen as the game park belonging to the royal palace (cf. haUck 1963). this complex of several buildings on the eastern shore of the peninsula on which the old town of Schleswig was built, directly adjacent to the Holmer noor, a bay of the Schlei, is among the archaeologically and historically best known royal centres of high medieval Denmark (radtke 1977; 2003; VoGel 1983, 29–30). its beginnings go back to the time of Sweyn ii Estridsson (1047–1074), its end was caused by the transfer of the town’s rule from the king to the duke (cf. riiS 2001), when Duke Abel made the building available to the franciscans for their further use in 1234. the late 12th/early 13th century brick building (fig. 3) consisted of a roughly 20 x 10 m hall in the first floor, a tower with a groundplan of 8 x 11 m and with 1.8 m thick walls, liv-ing quarters that could be heated via a hypocaust system, and a chapel (radtke 2003, figs. 3–4). this building saw imperial diets, state weddings, coronations and court celebrations, all highly official, but also the normal “government business“ of a medieval nobleman holding court (curiam tenere) in the town. At no other place in his realm – with the exception of the navy base of Vordingborg – did Valdemar ii (1202–1241) stay more frequently than in Schleswig (riiS 1981, 120)12.

kinG abel’S Wild hUnt

the unfortified curia with its aula regia in the town is associated with the castrum Iuriansborg, the fortification element of the whole complex built outside the town on an island in the Schlei and connected to the mainland by a bridge. Apparently, ever since its construction under the dux Dacie canute lavard (1111–1131), the castle was the residence first of the royal governors, then of the Dukes of Schleswig. most likely a strong tower stood at its centre and was enlarged by the addition of a palatium, probably on the occasion of the wedding of Duke Abel and the daughter of the count of Holstein, mechtild, in 1237 (jørGenSen 1933).

11 if Emperor frederick took his wild animals with him even on his journeys, as he usually did, and had them with him in August 1162 at the imperial Diet of St. Jean-de-losne in Burgundy, then King Valdemar i, who also took part in this diet (SkyUm-nielSen 1971, 147), could have seen them there. – in 12th century Schleswig, lions are present as impressive statues guarding entrances, for instance that of the cathedral of St. Peter and of the church of the Benedictine monastery and later parish church of St. michael on the Hill (naWrocki 1984). the physiognomy of the earliest examples, however, is actually not that similar to a lion, so that the stonemasons probably lacked a direct model.

12 the archaeological documentation of the excavation with its finds and features is still outstanding, and therefore neither food residues nor a possible kitchen area are known from the palace. the fact that the bones of fallow deer and rabbits which formed the starting point of this brief sketch, and which theoretically could only come from the royal game parks, were found more than 100 m away from the palace in the “civilian” settlement area of “Schild” certainly needs further consideration. Perhaps the spheres of royal and civilian life were more permeable than is generally supposed, as is for example also hinted at by the many remains of precious silk fabrics found in the “Schild” excavation area, and which could also only have come from an – ecclesiastical or profane – elite context (hildebrandt 2001).

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this castle, in german the “Jürgensburg”, became the origin point of an unexpected variant of the royal hunt in Schleswig, the “Wild Hunt” led by King Abel (1250–1252). in 1232, Abel was made the Duke of Schleswig by his father, King Valdemar ii, while Abels’ brother Eric was given the royal crown after their father’s death in 1241. for years, the two brothers had fought over the delimitation of powers and authority in the dukedom, until Abel managed to secure the crown by sending an in-timate nobleman to murder his royal brother on St. lawrence’s day 1250 (olrik 1939, 3–11; fenGer 1989, 347–349; albrectSen 2008)13. the trigger for this heinous deed was a meeting of the brothers in the ducal island castle in the Schlei, outside the town. Abel was made king, but had to pay dearly for this fratricide after his death in a battle against the frisians in 1252. Both brothers suffered an extreme fate after their deaths: they experienced an ascension and enjoyed ritual veneration. But while Eric ascended to the christian paradise as a saint (hoffmann 1975), Abel was removed from the christian cosmos and projected into a pagan afterlife. Apparently, the deification of one brother was connected to the demonization of the other. in this context it is interesting that here the devil does not appear in the shape of the christian Satan, but in the guise of pre-christian Odin14.

13 cf. most recently O. aUGe (2011, 13–15), with quotations from sources.14 this constellation seems to be a fixed component of hagiographic practice, as was already recognised with reference to the

proceedings for the elevation to royal sainthood of Olaf of norway († 1030), canute of Denmark († 1086) and the Duke canute lavard († 1131). in the course of this process, the victim moved closer to christ, while the perpetrator was vilified as a “Judas”(cf. hoffmann 1975, passim, esp. 165). the recourse to pre-christian demonology, argued for here, constitutes a hitherto apparently unknown special case. most recently, the projection of the Wild Hunter onto the germanic god of the dead Odin/Woden has been seen as only one of many possible interpretive approaches (berGer 2007, 85–86) which is especially valid for northern germany and Scandinavia and can be distinguished from the southern European ‘carnival/charivari‘ variants (cf. also lecoUteUx 1997).

Fig. 3. The royal residence in Schleswig, final phase of the late 12th/early 13th century. Reconstruction from the archaeological evi- dence (after raDtke 2003, fig. 4). 1 great Hall on the upper floor; 2 fortified tower; 3–4 living quarters, some (4) heatable; 5 chapel.

1

4

3 2

5

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this was the case in local tradition, which in Schleswig can be traced back to the 16th century and remained a folk tale in the surrounding villages until well into the 19th century15. the canonisation of Eric, the brother murdered on Abel’s orders, to a royal saint and prime dynastic ancestor had been promoted by supporters of Eric’s line through numerous hagiographic treatises (hoffmann 1975, 175–196). in contrast, we can only speculate on the origin of the story of Abel as the leader of the Wild Hunt. following this model, Abel’s banishment to the netherworld and his being coupled with the topoi of the Wild Hunt and the army of the dead only makes sense if created at the same time as the attempt to place the saintly Eric into the immediate vicinity of god. this would mean that in the 13th century imagination, “hell” or any other “netherworld” could also be staffed by pre-christian, “pagan” personnel.in all likelihood, the topos of “King Abel’s Wild Hunt” hence originated in the second half of the 13th century and was then transmitted orally, both at the local and regional level, until it was recorded in writing in the second half of the 16th century. there are several known variants of this story, according to which Abel was unable to find rest in his tomb in Schleswig cathedral and was so noisy at night-time that he disturbed the devotions of the clergy. With the permission of his widow, he was reburied in a wooded and marshy stretch beneath castle gottorf and was impaled in order to bind him to the earth, but even so, some say, he continued to ride through the air at night with his hunting compan-ions, roaring, with horns blowing, and followed by dogs with glowing eyes and tongues of fire; others claim that he rode on a white horse. Every night, this unearthly ride led over the “Juriansborg” castle on the island in front of the harbour, following the Schlei down to the village of missunde, the place where the crime against his brother was committed, and then back again. An alternative version sees him reaching further south into the lowlands of the Eider and Sorge around the villages of Hohn and Erfde16.the idea of the “Wild Hunt” or the “Wild Army” is widespread across the indo-European area as a whole, albeit with regionally divergent forms17. traditionally, sightings of these ghostly hordes, who tore and clamoured through the air, peak in the twelve nights between the midwinter solstice (21.12.) and the 2nd of January, the so-called Raunächte (or ‘rough nights’). in central and northern Europe, these swarming demons were seen “as a mythical visualisation of the ritual processions of the Yuletide” which “are connected to the cult of the demonic god of the dead, Odin” (de VrieS 1956–1957, § 401; cf. 1962). thus, this ghostly cavalcade is also called “Odensjakt” in Denmark and “Woutes/Woden’s her” in germany. the term “Aaskereia”, meaning “Journey to Asgard”, for the twelve nights has clearly preserved the Old norse tradition of Valkyries and Einherjar (cf. Grimm 1992, 791). this

15 Paul cypraeus (1536–1609), whose “Historia Slesvicensis” was edited by his son Johann Adolf (cyPraeUS 1634, 266–267), claims to know eye- and earwitnesses of this “devilish spectacle” (cf. h. cyPraeUS 1743a, 236–237; P. cyPraeUS 1743b, 289; PeterSen o. j.; müllenhoff 1845, 362–364; PhiliPPSen 1928, 17–19; further sources in naUmann 1927); following the sources recorded in meyer (1929, 68–76, 337–338), beliefs surrounding “Woden”, also called “Waul” or “Auf”, were widespread. for cyPraeUS (1634, 267) there “is no doubt that these games were initiated by the devil, with god’s permission […] in order to deter others from such inexpiable crimes.”

16 the unpublished work of the Schleswig town historian ulrich Petersen († 1735) records several versions of the Abel stories, manifesting a characteristically baroque love for spinning a yarn, e.g. Wie wol diese tiefe Einsenckung und Verpfählung hat die unruhigen Polter-Geister auch alhie nicht arretieren können, denn die meisten Historien-Schreiber bezeugen einhellig, dass man auch nachdem in diesem Holze viel Pralens, Schreyens, Reitens, Jagens, Hornblasens, absonderlich gegen die hohen Festtage, gehöret und erfahren, Hunde und Pferde mit glüenden Augen und feurigen Zungen gesehen, dadurch die Reisenden Personen bey nächtlicher Zeit sehr beunruhiget worden. Wie dannoch vor wenigen Jahren die Jäger, so der Jagt früh und spat abwarten müßen, die Gegenwart und Ungelegenheit dieses unruhigen Geistes öfters erfahren, absonderlich in der Gegend Arffede [Erfde] und Höen [Hohn], in dem besten Wildgehäge, alwo er sich […] mit seinen Hunden divertiret, bis die Morgenstunde ihm den Abschied ankündiget (PeterSen o. J., 879).

17 GeiGer 1927; endter 1933; höfler 1936; de VrieS 1956–1957, §§ 167, 306, 308, 401; ranke 1971; daxelmüller 1997; Walter 1997; lecoUteUx 1997; 2001; Verdon 2000; berGer 2007.

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“army of the dead” counted 432,000 ghosts18. One mythological core of the legends of the Wild Army and the Wild Hunt is the idea of an army of the dead led by Odin. regardless of whether it is approached from the point of view of natural mythology, as a product of fearing the long midwinter nights, or of whether it is seen as rooted in pre-christian traditions and originating from an atavistic cult of the dead in which the “other world” temporarily interleafed with the world of the living – the Schleswig variant of the Wild Hunt, attested from the 16th century onwards, and in which King Abel features as the local incarnation of the god of the netherworld, Odin, is a most remarkable testimony of Schleswig’s history of mentalities.Whether this tradition goes back to the middle Ages can only be an educated guess, but it is definitely present in the scholarly hagiographic tradition of the renaissance, for instance in the writings of the Schleswig lawyer, historian, diplomat and gottorf privy councillor Paul cypraeus (1536–1609)19. His source is uncertain. Although he could have come across the myth of the Wild Hunt during his travels across many European countries, it is likely that it in fact came from local tradition and its time of ori-gin may well be the conflicts surrounding Abel’s successor to the throne (hoffmann 1975, 175–196). Of course this kind of attribution would always also correspond to a political interest. the demoniza-tion of the defeated party seems the necessary counterpoint to the politically motivated declaration of the winner’s closeness to god, making him a Dei carus amicus, as King Eric is described on a wall painting in the royal sepulchral church in ringstedt on the island of Zealand (hoffmann 1975, 194). this kind of demonization aimed to vilify political opponents, stylising them as a heathen nightmare and thereby stabilising one’s own rule (cf. GoetZ 1998, 227). But while the royal saint Eric enjoyed only a relatively short career in political propaganda20, Abel in his incarnation of the Wild Hunter, condemned to the netherworld, remained present in local and regional consciousness for centuries.the genesis of such mythologems is hard to pinpoint and so far seems to have remained largely un-studied. Whether the “creator” of this continuation of pagan traditions in popular superstition is more likely to be “popular genius” or instead theologians well-versed in demonology, e.g. the members of the royal chapel or the bishop’s chancellery, would need further comparative studies at a larger scale21. One starting point may be the dogmatics of demonology of the fourth lateran council of 121522, in

18 this number is part of indo-European mythology, according to which the Zoroastrian creator god Ahura mazda made 15 times 432,000 stars, while in the Eddic Grimnismál Odin’s great hall in the netherworld, the “Valhal“, has 540 doors, each used by 800 warriors, again giving a sum of 432,000 (cf. radtke 2005, 48). – i am indebted to Prof. em. Dr. E. marold, Kiel, for invaluable insights into the decoding of these complex myths.

19 On his biography cf. römer (1982), on the publications of the court official Prof. Paul cypraeus, evidently the earliest source for the legend of King Abel, cf. A. otto (1931); for the time up until c. 1350, his work “Historia Slesvicensis” is based on the incomplete work of his brother, Hieronymus cypraeus (cf. lohmeier 1994, 96).

20 the cult surrounding Eric peaked in the second half of the 13th century and ended when his remains were reburied in the church at ringstedt in AD 1520 (hoffmann 1975, 195) – not long before the “cult of Abel” as a Wild Hunter became visible in local sources. this could even be seen as a kind of confirmation that the myth of Abel’s Wild Hunt cannot be the invention of scholarly renaissance historiography.

21 the attempted interpretation of the genesis of King Abel’s Wild Hunt can only be a first attempt at tackling this topic and needs further comparative study. in this context, the recourse to germanic ideas of the netherworld could also be seen as an early form of reception of Viking ideas which was at its height in iceland at around this time. the fact that the legend of the Wild Hunt for instance also became attached to the positive hero Dietrich von Bern is a cautionary note against generalisations (cf. GSchWandler 1988; berGer 2007). However, if one of the foremost experts on this topic, claUde lecoUtex (1997, 32) can state that “c’est par la comparaison systématique de toutes les variantes que l’on pourra résoudre le problème”, then the Wild Hunt material from medieval Schleswig which is presented here is a further important building block to be added to the mosaic of the overall tradition.

22 Diabolus enim et alii daemones a Deo quidam natura creati sunt boni, sed ipsi per se facti sunt mali (quoted after daxelmüller 1993, 97). – this is not the place to discuss the historical and ideological substrate of the attempted sanctification of Eric – which was of necessity coupled to the condemnation of Abel by identifying him with the biblical fratricide cain. it is, however, of relevance to note that the Schleswig clergy took the side of Eric’s supporters, as can be seen by the coronation of King christopher – the political opponent of the Abel line – in 1252 in lund by the Schleswig bishop Eskill (hoffmann 1975, 180).

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which the “world of the pagan gods and demons was irrevocably placed under the aegis of the chris-tian god”, as daxelmüller (1993, 97) has put it. if, according to theological dogma, evil is subordinate to the principle of good, then even the nightly hunting horseman King Abel as an embodiment of Odin can serve the divine plan of salvation.

the GraVeS of the Wild hUnter

An intention to keep the memory of their royal father alive is perhaps most likely for his direct suc-cessors, the dukes of the Abel Dynasty (albrectSen 2008) who held the ducal throne until 1375, es-pecially for his sons Valdemar iii († 1257) and Eric i († 1272) and the latter’s son Valdemar iV († 1312). the later writings by cypraeus may support this idea when he states that the removal of the king’s body from the cathedral and his reburial in the open, near castle gottorf, may have happened on the orders, or at the least with the consent of his wife, Queen mechtild23.castle gottorf had been built after 1161 by the Bishops of Schleswig on an island in the innermost Schlei. in 1269, under Abel’s son Duke Eric, it was taken from the bishop and turned into a ducal residence (Schlee 1978). under this premise it seems as though “Abel’s grave”, the fictional location of his burial and starting point of the mythical Wild Hunt, not far from the gottorf residence and near the Danevirke in a forested area cross-cut by bogs and lakes, could have been connected to the “game park” of the Dukes of castle gottorf. Perhaps the medieval idea of hunting grounds as an earthly paradise granted some asylum even to King Abel, condemned as he was to his role of Wild Hunter.Written and cartographic sources list two possible locations of the grave. Before 1609, Paul cypraeus, so far evidently the earliest recognisable source24, states: “the body was buried in the bog in the wood called Poel, close to gottorf […] this spot is pointed out to this day and is generally known as King Abel’s grave”25. Before 1735, the Schleswig topographer Ulrich PeterSen (o. J., 878) also knows of this place. in his 114th chapter “On the Old game Park and King Abel’s grave found therein”26, he contrasts the new “game park”, established in 1640 alongside the “neues Werk” gardens (Schlee 1978; aSmUSSen-Stratmann 2009), with its predecessor the “Alter Wildhoff” or “Old game Park”, located between the village of groß Dannewerk and the ducal powder mill, and thereby connects Abel’s grave with the older game park (cf. hoPPmann 1998; 2007). this describes an area which cannot be exactly circumscribed topographically, but at the time was relatively easy to enclose, given the existence of portions of the Danevirke – the so called northern and connecting ramparts in particular –, which were still standing to a considerable height, and the presence of numerous lakes and bogs27.

23 Quod cum saepius contingisset & Regina nunciatum esset, placuit corpus Abelis effossum, aede sacra exportare & in alio loco humare. Cadauer e templo exemptum in palude sylvae Poole, qua Gottorpio vicina est, immergitur (cyPräUS 1634, 266–267.).

24 the learned royal Danish governor of the dukedoms Heinrich rantzau (1526–1598) also records this tradition in his Landesbeschreibung (survey of the country) of 1597: Abel Daniae rex […] cuius corpus canonici […] effosum postea in sylva Poel humarunt ubi adhuc nocturnu tempore ab incolis venari dicitur (bejSchoWitZ-iSerhoht et al. 1999, 132).

25 Cadauer e templo exemptum in palude sylvae Poole, qua Gottorpio vicina est, immergitur, palo per sarcophagum transfixo. Qui locus adhuc in hodiernum diem monstratur, & Regis Abelis sepultura vulgo nominatur (cyPräUS 1634, 267).

26 Von dem ersten Wild-Hoff, von uhralten Zeiten her der alte Wildhoff genant, findet man die Situation von dem doppel-Wall diesseits großen Dennewerck, so sich hie unterwerts nach der Pulver-Mühle erstrecket hat, davon noch die alten mehrentheils Mannes hoch auffgeworffnen Wälle vollenkömlich zu sehen, an dessen Stadt erst beschriebener itziger Thiergarten zu mehrer Lust und commodite in hiesiger nachbarschaft angeordnet und verwechselt worden.

27 Apparently the game enclosure was bordered to the south and east by fences on the connecting and northern ramparts of the Danevirke, as stated by U. PeterSen (o. J., cap. cXXViii, 14): Dieser Zaun aber ist durch Gelegenheit oder commoditet dieses Walles hieher gepflanzet, weil nach dem abandonirten Wall und seiner nicht mehr importierenden Defension die Herren Herzogen zu Gottorff (Oldenb. Linie) alhie vor alters ihr Gehege oder Wildhoff angeleget und dazu die in gerader Linie alhie concurrirende Wälle mit einem lebendigen Zaun eingeschloßen, biß im vorigen seculo der itzige neue Thiergarten Nordwerts hinter Gottorf dem Neuenwercke oder großen Garten angehangen worden. – the still extant ramparts of the

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these historical sources are confirmed cartographically: in one instance, we find both the designation Wildhoff and King Abel’s grave in Poel wood (“Poel Holtz”)28 (fig. 4), elsewhere (hoPPmann 2007, fig. 1) the legend Sepulch[rum] Abelis Regis (“King Abels’ grave”) is added to an island in Pol-lake (fig. 5), one of the many bodies of water in the area which – as the designation carp pond shows – were also used for fishing. these 18th century designations likely reflect an earlier situation29, since after 1640 the fictive location of King Abel’s grave was apparently transferred to the new game park, as clearly can be seen in the Grundriss der Stadt Sleßwig by the Husum cartographer Johan mejer, dated to 1649 (fig. 6)30.

Game ParkS of the dUcal reSidence

A pre-1640 game park belonging to the ducal court can also be suggested from further strands of evi-dence, as there is detailed data on the consumption of game at the ducal table at castle gottorf around AD 160031, while the residence’s contemporary “Deer room” (SchlePPS 1954) sets an artistically sig-nificant monument to the ducal deer hunt. for these reasons, we may assume that there was a game enclosure associated with the residence even before 164032. However, such a small game enclosure or

Danevirke aided the building of such an enclosure, which in artificially created parks, too, consisted of a bank topped by a fence and paired with an internal ditch, designed to discourage the animals from escaping (beck/delort 1998, col. 117).

28 my heartfelt thanks to mr. J. Hoppmann, Schleswig, for drawing my attention to the existence of this map and allowing me to work with it. the coloured ink drawing from the royal library at copenhagen (Kgl. Bibliotek København, photo nr. A 1842) is undated (c. 1750), signed by David Christopher Voß and titled ‘Geometrischer Grund-Riß der Stadt Schleswig nebst der herumliegenden Situation und dem Dennewercks Wall, von Haddebuy Mohr an, biß den sogenanten Krumwall ohnweit Korburg’ – the cartographic sources, especially in the royal library at copenhagen, could not be systematically analysed. in this context, however, the most important piece of evidence is the topographical proximity of the “Old game Park” in the place described by ulrich Petersen and Abel’s grave. this combination is also found on a coloured ink drawing of 1746, the Geometrischer-Grund-Riß der Stadt Schleswig, signed “Holmer” and kept in the Kgl. Krigsarkivet Stockholm (collection J. Hoppmann).

29 the 1761 map – knowledge of which i also owe to mr. J. Hoppmann, Schleswig – is described as Iutiae Ducatus Dominique Nordalbingiae Descriptio Monumentorum Aevi Waldemariani, a “Description of the monuments of the Dukedom of Schleswig and the dominion of nordalbingien at the time of Valdemar” († 1242) and was created under the supervision of the famous archivist and historian Jacob langebek (1710–1775) at the behest of the king; it hence aims at an official representation of the historical situation in the first quarter of the 13th century, when Holstein was part of the kingdom of Denmark, i.e. at the time of the same King Valdemar ii whose game reserves we know from the 1231 cadastre and whose son Abel embodied the main pre-christian divinity, Odin, in his known role as the leader of the mythical Wild Hunt since the mid-16th century. this set of maps includes a special topographic map of the Danevirke with some schematic sections through the banks (Valli Danici […] ichnographia novissima) and the location of Abel’s grave (Sepulch[rum] Abelis Regis; cf. fig. 5). Evidently, for the author and the commissioner of the map Abel’s grave – and with it the legend of Abels’ Wild Hunt, which he must hence have known about – was a part of the historical Danevirke geography of the High middle Ages. this map was the basis for the Danevirke map, dated 1757, in vol. 7 of Erik PontoPPidan’s (1781) famous and widely known “Danske Atlas”, in which the location of “Abel’s grave” is labelled a and described in the marginalia as Grav, hvori Kong Abel skal vaere begravet. in this way, the grave of King Abel and the associated traditions, now embedded in the context of the Danevirke, were elevated to form part of Danish national cultural heritage.

30 On the precise location on the ground, and on the memorial stone inscribed “King Abel’s grave”, which was later erected in a thoroughfare in the so-called Wickeltal area of the former animal park and is still in existence and visited by tourists today, cf. h. PhiliPPSen (1928, 18–19).

31 in a memoir by the gottorf chancellor Dr. nicolaus Junge, dated to 1603/05, we read Des Wildprets, dessen viel tunnen vol jherlich nacher Gottorf gefhuret werden, gesweig ich […].G.G. schlagen oft in einem jhare 200, 300 stücke. Die kosten an wein und anderem fast mehr als das fleisch wert ist. Apparently much more game was killed than could be eaten, and Junge hence advises alle wochen zum wenigsten zwei oder drei stücke zu schlagen und frisch zu verspeisen. Da keme kein bissen von zu nichte, sondern iederman esse es mit verlangen und begierd (andreSen/StePhan 1928, vol. 2, 65).

32 cf. the depiction of deer in the game enclosure at the Bishop of lübeck’s Eutin residence around 1600, referred to as a vivarium sive receptaculum ferarum (“animal park or gathering place for game”) and surrounded by a very solid fence (bejSchoWitZ-iSerhoht et al. 1999, fig. 51). – During a hunt of the Danish king christian iV in the autumn of 1595 in

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receptaculum ferarum, as it is described for Eutin (fig. 7) – i.e. a “container for game” –, is not identical with the area covered by the ducal par force hunts, for instance for wild boar, vividly recorded for ex-ample by the royal governor Heinrich rantzau, who was once trampled by a boar33. By 1610, a hunting lodge with its own hunting assistant had been established near Bollingstedt, northwest of Schleswig (hiller 1997). South of the castle was the hunting lodge associated with the residence, in which the Duke’s leading hunter kept the dogs and horses needed for the hunt. the two-storey residential build-ing was complemented with a stable for the dogs and horses and the hunters’ rooms. After gottorf was taken over by the king, the whole complex was sold for demolition in 1749 (PranGe 1970, 3–4).Ever since the time of Duke christian Albrecht (1659–1695), the area of the game park was surrounded by a high plank fence (figs. 4; 8), the course of which is known thanks to the information in different maps (cf. Schmidt 1957, fig. 1, 29). the Schleswig historian and topographer Ulrich PeterSen (o. J., 876f.), an eye witness, has described the layout of the complex as a whole. He praises the shadowy paths with their arbours, fish ponds, cool springs and “maille course”, the pitch for a popular 16th and 17th century ball game similar to croquet and associated with an octagonal building34. the Duke’s baroque love of design now evidently also extended to the fur of the animals themselves: tame red and roe deer living on the grounds had snow white, striped and spotted coats and ranged in colour from brown to deep black. Overall, according to PeterSen (o. J., 877), the game park grants the human soul as much delight and charm as we can expect from the most cheerful forest. in Dallin’s map, both the avenues and approaches described by Petersen and the location of the central building are clearly visible (fig. 9). With the aid of contemporary information – which cannot be collected or discussed comprehensively here – the “octagon” can now perhaps be identified as an octagonal colonnade (mod-elled on the “trianon” in the gardens of Versailles?), and the ducal gottorf game park can, following E. Schlee (1979, 27), be described as a “grandiose Baroque hunting complex”.the end of these parks and gardens began with the loss of political power and eventual exile of the Dukes of gottorf in 1713 and is well-known from the sources (PranGe 1970, 8–10). the gamekeeper’s

northern germany, at which Heinrich rantzau also took part, 66 wild boar, alongside deer, foxes and rabbits, were killed in a single day on the 17th of October (ibid. 330); cf. also the masses of game which according to a 1654 memoir (andreSen/StePhan 1928, vol. 2, 89–278) were consumed at the ducal table every day, for instance fallow deer, red deer, roe deer, boar, rabbits, and many birds. certain cuts and recipes were particularly popular, for instance roe deer and fallow deer legs, the feet and tongue of red deer, Wildtsbog (knuckles) or “game and roast carrot pie”. fallow deer, originally introduced to the area, are attested as typical animals in game enclosures since 1231, but whether there is continuity into the 17th century for me is still a matter of conjectures.

33 According to U. PeterSen (o. J., 879) the area of Abel’s fictional Wild Hunt could have been part of an actual hunting territory situated in the Stapelholm region: Wie dannoch vor wenigen Jahren die Jäger, so der Jagt früh und spat abwarten müssen, die Gegenwart und Ungelegenheit dieses unruhigen Geistes öfters erfahren, absonderlich [in] der Gegend Arffede [Erfde, district of Schleswig-flensburg] und Hoën [Hohn, district of rendsburg-Eckernförde] in dem besten Wildgehäge, alwo er sich zu Eckebarg [the designation Ekenbarg is found on a map of the island of Oehe, near the mouth of the Schlei, drawn by Johannes meier, cf. domeier/haack 1963; did Abel therefore also “hunt“ on his father’s hunting island?] und Hönerholm [Hohnerholm, today friedrichsholm] bey später Nachtzeit offentlich sehen läßet und sich mit seinen Hunden divertiret, biß die Morgenstunde ihm den Abschied ankündiget.

34 Die beygefügten Lust-Häußer als der vormalige auff 8 Pfeilern ruhende so genannte Achtkant mit seiner Maille-Bahn, Sommerlauben, Küch und Keller, Eyßgrube, Fischteichen, Wasserleitung und kühlenden Lüellen [wells] … (PeterSen o. J., 877). the location of the “octagon” is easy to identify both by actual traces on the ground and especially on contemporary plans, such as the map of gottorf and its gardens produced in 1707 by r. m. Dallin, the legend of which reads: “45. Die Collonade des 8 Eckt im dihr garten mit der Küche und Keller” (Schmidt 1957, fig. 1, 29); according to this, refreshments were evidently offered there as well. Some of the avenues – and in parts even double avenues – and approaches focused on this centre, which are clearly recognisable in Dallin’s map, probably belonged to the maille course mentioned by u. Petersen at around the same time (ca. 1700). in the so-called lönborg prospectus of 1732 the overall layout is still well recorded, it is here called a “Trianon” (Schlee 1979, 27). the maille course is here relatively clearly defined as the broad path leading across the “octagon” from the north. – in his 1823 map of the city, Johannes von Schröder labelled this spot the “Carousselplatz der alten Herzöge” (i.e. the “former Dukes’ merry-go-round”), showing that knowledge of its use was evidently already lost 100 years after Petersen and Dallin.

431

house, which was located north of the “neuwerk garden” and in which drinks were also served, was sold around 1750, but “due to the scarcity of funds current at the time in Schleswig” only brought little money. At the same time, the planked fence was taken down and used for the isolation of the ice cellar or sold on. the now open forest was leased to the nearby village of Schuby as forest browse and the game was set free or sold at auction. On this occasion, a certain thomas martensen bought about 24 “deer and animals of similar size”. Around 1760, the area of the game park was once again enclosed and laid out as a closed wood, but the purpose had changed – no longer hunting, but the timber industry. Although mulberry, hazel, Kermes oak and hawthorn initially did not grow well there, the existing population of young oaks, beech, hornbeam, larch and fir were promising, as a first inventory from 1763 reports. the trees planted at that time are probably now among the old venerable trees of the former gottorf game park, most recently used as a recreational area.

Fig. 4. Map of c. 1750, showing the location of the older (1: “Wildhoff”) and the younger game park (2; cf. Fig. 8) plus “King Abel’s grave” (3) near Schloss Gottorf (cf. Note 28; © Det Kongelige Bibliotek, København).

(3)

(2)

(1)

432

Fig. 5. Location of the fictive “Sepulch[rum] Abelis Regis” in a special map of the Danevirke defences. The map as a whole was meant to document the situation at the time of King Valdemar II († 1241). Map of 1761 (cf. Note 29; © Det Kongelige Bibliotek, København).

Fig. 6. Location of the fictive “King Abel’s grave” near the new game park (after ca. 1640). Map by J. Mejer, 1649 (after Domeier/Haack 1963).

Fig. 7. Game enclosure associated with Eutin, the residence of the Bishop of Lübeck. Detail from a view of the town of Eutin. Coloured copper en-graving by an anonymous artist, pre-1598 (after BejscHowitz-iserHoHt et al. 1999, fig. 51).

433

Fig. 9. The Gottorf garden with the area of the eastern part of the game park, immediately to the west, as seen in the 1707 map by R. M. Dallin (section; after scHmiDt 1957, fig. 1).

Fig. 8. The new game park, fence construc-tion (c. 1770; after scHlee 1979, fig. 55). For the extension of the new game park cf. Fig. 4(2).

434

conclUSion

As an outcome of this little sketch one can construct a “longue durée” (braUdel 1972) of the relation-ship of lordship and hunting which leads across different sets of source materials from the middle Ages to the present day. it begins with the 13th century bone finds from Schleswig that included fallow deer, bear and rabbit – species which at that time were foreign to this country and could only come from artificially bred populations. this focuses our attention on the royal game parks, which accord-ing to a list of 1231 also extended to the islands of Oehe and Beveroe at the mouth of the Schlei and evidently belonged to the town’s royal and later ducal courts. the following link in the narrative of the history of hunting in Schleswig is a difficult issue. On the one hand, after a hiatus of about 300 years, by the mid 16th century the topic has become associated with a well-known Schleswig personal-ity of the High middle Ages – King Abel († 1252) –, but on the other hand, as the Wild Hunt it is now surreally inflated and dressed up in myth to be transposed into a narrative type fed by pre-christian ideas and widespread beyond Europe. At this stage, we can no longer work by historical deduction in its traditional sense, but it seems most fruitful to enter a critical dialogue with the sources and search for the most logical and least contradictory constructs. this popular myth was regionally widespread well into the 19th century, but whether it had its roots as early as the 13th century and was connected to the changing game enclosures of castle gottorf, as is suggested by the sources and proposed here, needs to be confirmed with a wider set of sources. Similarly, further comparative studies are needed to verify whether the ideological incorporation of the Duke of Schleswig and Danish King Abel into Odin/Woden, the highest deity in the pagan cosmos, could be understood as a hitherto unknown variant of a memoria for the legitimation of ducal power (cf. oexle 1995). finally, the pictures of gottorf’s ducal game parks in the 17th and 18th centuries could be complemented with a few outline sketches from contemporary sources.

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christian radtke m.A.Bergholm 16D 24866 Busdorfradtkechristian@versanet.de