innovations in electoral politics in ghana's fourth republic

Alexander K. D. Frempong

Innovations in ElectoralPolitics in Ghana’s Fourth

Republic: An Analysis

IntroductionThepeopleofGhanaaregearingthemselvesupforgeneralelectionsinDecember�00�.Election�00�wouldbeahistoricfifthconsecutivenationalpollsincethestartofthecurrentconstitutionaldemocraticdispensation in �99�. The transitional presidential election of Nov-ember�99�washighlydisputedbytheoppositionpartiesleadingtotheirboycottofthesubsequentparliamentarypollthatDecember.Theacrimonynodoubthadarisenfromthefactthattheoutgoingmilitaryregimethathadmetamorphosedintoapoliticalpartytocontestthatelectionwasperceivedtohaveriggedelections.

ItwasfromsuchshakyfoundationthatGhana’scurrentdispensa-tionhasblossomed.Thesubsequentelections(�996,�004,and�004)havebeenmorepeacefulandgenerally freeandfair. In�000, therewasapeacefulalternationofpowerfromtherulingNationalDemo-craticCongress(NDC)totheoppositionNewPatrioticParty(NPP).Ghana’selectoralsuccesseshavemadeitaparagonofgoodgovernan-ceandpeacefulcoexistenceintheWestAfricansub-regionwhichoverthelastdecadeandhalfhasbeenbetterknownforaspiralofviolentconflict(Frempong�006:�57).

Howcan thisapparentparadox,aflawed transition setting thestagefordemocraticprogress,beexplained?Ghana,despitetheemer-

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Democratic Innovation in the South

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gingcultureofpoliticalstability,stillfacesanumberofchallenges–abuseofincumbency,ethnicity,andoverdependenceondonorinflow;butinitssuccessesandchallenges,severallessonscanbedistilledfortherestofAfricaandindeedtheentireSouth.

Issues of democracy and electionsDemocracy,particularly,itsliberalversion,maybedefinedas“asys-temofgovernanceinwhichrulersareheldaccountablefortheirac-tionsinthepublicrealmsofcitizens,actingindirectlythroughcom-petition and cooperation of their elected representatives (DiamondandPlattner�999:xi).Thisimpliesextensivecompetitionforpower;highlyinclusivecitizenshipandextensivecivilandpoliticalliberties.Also, in-betweenelections,citizensmustbeableto influencepublicpolicythroughvariousnon-electoral meanslikeinterestgroupasso-ciationsandsocialmovements,whichinvariablyinvolvecooperationandcompetitionamongcitizens(Ibid).

In a democracy, a balance must be found between competingvalues;andpoliticalactorsmustcooperate inorder tocompete.Tobeeffectiveandstable,theremustbethebelief inthelegitimacyofdemocracy,toleranceforoppositionparties,awillingnesstocompro-misewithpoliticalopponents,pragmatismandflexibility,trustinthepoliticalenvironment,cooperationamongpoliticalcompetitors,mo-derationinpoliticalpositionsandpartisanidentifications,civilityofpoliticaldiscourseandefficacyandparticipationbasedontheprinci-plesofpoliticalequality(Diamondetal�995:�9).Coalitionbuildingthereforebecomesanessentialcomponentofdemocraticactions.Itteachesinterestgroupstonegotiatewithothers,tocompromiseandtoworkwithintheconstitutionalsystem.Bysodoinggroupswithdi-fferenceslearnhowtoarguepeaceably,howtopursuetheirgoalsinademocraticmannerandultimatelyhowtoliveinaworldofdiversity.

Democracyisembeddedinacomplexarchitectureofnormswhi-chisembodiedin,andimplementedby,anensembleofinstitutionsincludingthemultipartysystem,anindependentjudiciary,freepress,andanelectoral system.The stabilityof ademocraticorder inanycountryisultimatelydeterminedbytheextenttowhichsuchinstitu-tionsareabletofunctioninasustainablemanner(Ninsin�006:59).

Elections are a major institutional pillar of liberal democracy.They provide the platform for exercising the core rights associatedwithdemocracy–freedomofspeech,association,choiceandmove-ment.Theyarealsoanexpressionoftherightofparticipationinthepolitical process. For the masses they are the opportunity to makethepoliticalleadersaccountablefortheirstewardshipduringthetimetheywereinpower,aswellassubjecttotheirpowerasthefinalsove-

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reignofthecountry.Thepoliticalclassseesthemasanopportunityforrenewingtheirmandatetoexerciselegitimatepower.Inthissense,electionsconstituteavitalbridgelinkingthemassestothepoliticalclass(Ibid:75).Inaddition,growingcommitmenttodemocraticelec-tionsisalsoanaffirmationofagrowingpopularcommitmenttotheruleoflaw(Ibid).

TowhatextentaretheseessentialqualitiesofelectionsattainableinAfrica?Whileadvanceshavebeenmadeintheapparentcompeti-tivenessofelectionsinAfricawithrenewedparticipationofopposi-tionparties,infewcasesdoelectionsrepresentrealopportunitiesforthepopulacetodeterminewhogoverns.Rather,theyreflectmorethecharacterofthepoliticalorderandespeciallythedegreeofrisk,in-cumbentsarewillingtotolerate(Joseph�999:��).ElectionsinAfricahaveoftenbeenstaged-managed,wonbeforeElectionDay,riggedorcorruptedandelectoralverdicts“stolen”,whichareindicativeofthehabitofholdingregularelectionswithoutdemocraticculture.Regularelectionsthereforemaynotconstituteenoughgroundsforpostulatingdemocraticconsolidation(Ninsin�006:6�).

InAfrica,likeinothernewdemocracies,therulesgoverningelec-tionsareyettobeinstitutionalized;andeventhemostordinaryissues,suchas thechoiceofElectionDayandone’spositionon theballotpaper, which normally should be decided administratively, becomehighlypoliticized.The contestforpoweritself isawinnertakesall,markedbytensions,acrimonyandaviciouscycleofpoliticaldistrust(Ninsin�995:66).

Innovativemeasuresthathavebeentakenbythevariousstake-holdersoverthepastfifteenyearsinGhanatoovercome,oratleastminimize,theseproblemsandwhathurdlesremaintobesurmountedformthethrustofthispaper.

Brief historical background Ghana’spostindependencehistorybeganinMarch�957withaliberaldemocraticrulewhichsoondegeneratedintoaquasidictatorship;andasaresult,thefirstmilitarycoupof�966(Gyimah-Boadi�000:�)Inthesubsequentoneandhalfdecades,Ghanamadetwootherbriefattemptsatliberaldemocracybetween�969-�97�and�979-�9��;buteachwasoverthrown after twenty seven months. In the later instance, FlightLieutenantJerryRawlings,whoassumedthereignsofpowerforahun-dredandtwelvedaysin�979andhandedovertothecivilianadminis-trationofPresidentHillaLimannandhisPeople’sNationalParty(PNP)stagedacomebackontheChristmaseveof�9��.Thenewrulinggroup,theProvisionalNationalDefenceCouncil(PNDC),alsounderRawlings’chairmanship,inspiteofitsnamestucktopowerforelevenyearsuntil


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7January�99�whenGhanaembarkedonthecurrentexperimentun-derthe�99�Constitution,whichisinitsfifteenthyear.

ThePNDC,unlikethevariousmilitaryregimesbeforeit,had,al-mostfromthebeginning, givenstrongindicationofwantingtostaymuchlongerinpower.Itdoggedlyrefusedtobinditselftotime,cho-osingtorefertoitselfanditsactionsaspartofanindefinitepoliticalprocessostensiblytoimplementtheso-calledparticipatory,grassrootsdemocracythathadadisdainformultipartypolitics(Gyimah-Boadi�99�:�5).

The transition election of 1992Againstthisbackground,thePNDConlyreluctantlyconcededtocons-titutionalruleunderpressurefromexternalanddomesticforces,intheearly�990s.Ontheinternationalfront,thepro-democratictrendofthepost-ColdWarerahadbeguntohavecontagiouseffectacrossAfrica(Ninsin�99�:�4).Locally,therewerepersistentandincreasingdemands from various civil society groups for change and politicalreform,afternearlyadecadeofacultureofsilenceunderPNDCrule.ThePNDCleadersthenwereunwillingcovertsthatwerebentonen-suringthattheycraftedatransitionprogrammethatwouldleavetheirinterestvirtuallyintact.Inaddition,givenitspoorhumanrightsre-cordthePNDCregimehadgenuinefearsforitsphysicalsecurityonceitsurrenderedpower.

The incumbent regime, therefore, had special interest in theoutcomeof the transitionprocessandwouldnot countenanceanymeasuresthatwouldpreventitfromretainingpowerinthenewdis-pensation.ThePNDC,thereforedeliberatelyandcarefullycontrolledthe transition process; it single-handedly chose the drafters of the�99�ConstitutionandthemembersoftheInterimNationalElecto-ralCommission(NDC)thatsuperintendedthetransitionalelectoralprocessin�99�.

Asaresult,forthefirsttimeinGhana’spoliticalhistorytheleaderoftheout-goingmilitaryregime,Rawlings,contestedthepresidentialelection,whiletherulingjunta,thePNDCmetamorphosedintoapo-liticalparty,theNationalDemocraticCongress(NDC)toprovidehimwithavehicleforthecontest.AfterRawlingsvictoryinthepresiden-tialpoll,theoppositionpartiesinsistingithadbeenriggedboycottedthesubsequentparliamentarycontest.

The sources of acrimony in �99� included a perceived bloatedelectoral register, thePNDCgovernment’sdeliberateandsystematicappropriationofstateresourcesinfavouroftheNDC(theuseofofficialvehiclesforcampaigning,accesstostate-ownedmedia;mobilizationofstateapparatus,etc;andsuspicionabouttheINECmanagementof

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theelections(Ninsin�006:64).Thegeneral impressionwasthat themilitarygovernmentplottedtoentrenchitsrulethroughthebackdoorprovidedbythenewdemocraticsetup(Boafo-Arthur�006:�6).

Innovations in electoral politics Fromsuchaslipperystart,thestridesthatGhanahastakeninelec-toralpoliticssince�99�are impressive.Ghanahassinceheldthreerelativelypeaceful andgenerally acceptable elections, oneofwhichledtothealternationofpower.Aboveall,fromthealltimelowvoterturnoutof�9%inthe�99�parliamentaryelectionwhichtheopposi-tionboycotted,electionshavebeenreceivingbetween60%and�0%voterturnout;anindicationofmassparticipation.

Severalfactorshaveaccountedforthissuccessstory:innovativeconstitutionalprovisions;effectiveelectoralmanagementbytheElec-toralCommission(EC)andrelatedconstitutionalbodies;consensusbuildingamongpoliticalactors;thecrucialrolesofcivilsocietyorga-nizationsandthemedia,aswellasmassparticipationintheelectoralprocess.Inthesub-sectionsthatfollowwediscussthemajorones.

Constitutional ProvisionsGhana’s�99�Constitutionmadeseveralprovisionsaimedatfacilita-tingdemocraticelectionsandtheimplementationofthoseprovisionshascontributed inno smallmeasure toGhana’sachievements thusfar.Afewofthesewouldbeillustrative:

InArticle��therightstofreedomofspeechandexpression,freedom of assembly, freedom of association, among othersareallguaranteed.Apartfrombeingusefulinthemselves,the-se freedoms have created a favourable environment for thegrowthof civil societygroupsandpoliticalparties thathaveprovedcrucialfordemocraticconsolidationinGhana.

Article55(5)providesthatthe“internalorganizationofapoliti-calpartyshallconformtodemocraticprinciplesanditsactionsandpurposesshallnotcontraveneorbeinconsistentwiththisConstitutionoranyother law”.Asa resultof thisprovision,thePoliticalPartiesLawmakes itmandatory for theElecto-ralCommissiontosupervisepoliticalpartyelectionstochoosepartyexecutivesattheregionalandnationallevelsaswellasthechoiceofpartyflag-bearers.Thismeasurehasavertedin-tra-partyconflictsthatwouldhavearisenoverintra-partyelec-tionoutcomes.

Toensuremassparticipationinelectionsandpoliticsingene-ral,Article55(�0)preservestherightofeverycitizenofvoting

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age“toparticipateinpoliticalactivityintendedtoinfluencethecompositionandpoliciesofGovernment”.

In fairness toboth thecompetingpartiesand theelectorate,Article55(��-��)obliges thestate toavail toallpresidentialandparliamentarycandidatesequalaccess to themediaandasmuchaspossibleensureequitableaccesstotheresourcesnecessaryforensuringgenuinecompetition.

Article �9 makes provisions on the rights of disabled persons“whomustbeprotectedagainstallexploitation,allregulationsand all treatment of discriminatory, abusive or degrading na-ture”(Article�9[4]).TheElectoralCommissionhastakenthisprovisionseriouslyandhasintroducedmeasurestoenablethedisabledtoparticipatefullyintheelectoralprocess.Inthe�004electionsanumberofdisabledpersonswereemployedaselec-tionmonitorsandmore significantly, theEC introducedonapilotbasistactileballottoallowblindvoterstovotesecretly.Ho-pefullythiswillbeintroducednationwideinthenextelection.

Article�6�(�)providesthat“thereshallbenoimpedimenttotheestablishmentofprivatepressormedia;andinparticular,thereshallbenolawrequiringanypersontoobtainlicenseasprerequisitetotheestablishmentoroperationofanewspaper,journalorothermedia formasscommunicationor informa-tion”.Thisprovisionhas ledtotheemergenceofseveralpri-vatenewspapers,radioandtelevisionstationwhichhavebeenplayingvitalrolesduringelections–providingeducationontheelectoralprocesses,monitoringvotingaswellasthecollationandpublicationofresults.

Further, Article �6� provides: “All state-owned media shallaffordfairopportunitiesandfacilitiesforthepresentationofdivergentviewsanddissentingopinions”.Since�996,GhanaBroadcasting Corporation (for both its radio and television)during election campaign period has apportioned equal airtimeforpresidentialcandidatesandpoliticalpartiestopresenttheirmanifestoes.SimilarprovisionshavealsobeenmadeinthepublicnewspaperslikeDaily Graphic and Ghanaian Times.

In addition to the above provisions, the �99� Constitution made itmandatory for the establishment, through Acts of Parliament andwithinsixmonthsof thestartof theFourthRepublic,anumberofconstitutional commissions that would facilitate political participa-tioningeneralandtheelectoralprocessinparticular.Thesewerethe

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ElectoralCommission(EC),theCommissiononHumanRightsandAdministrativeJustice (CHRAJ), theNationalCommissionforCivicEducation(NCCE)andtheNationalMediaCommission(NMC). Toensure their independence, their composition and functions wereprescribedintheConstitution(Articles4�,��6,��and�66respec-tively)andonceappointed, theyweretobeaccountableonlytotheConstitution(Articles46,��5,��4and�7�respectively).

Article��providesamongthefunctionsofCHRAJ,theinvesti-gationofcomplaintsofviolationoffundamentalrightsandfreedomsandtoeducatethepublicastohumanrightsandfreedoms.TheNCCEinArticle��(d)isto“formulate,implementandoverseeprogrammesintended to instill in the citizensofGhanaawarenessof their civicresponsibilitiesandanappreciationoftheirrightsandobligationsasafreepeople”;amongotherthings.TheNMC,ontheonehand,is“toensure theestablishmentandmaintenanceof thehighest journalis-ticstandards inthemassmedia”,andontheother,“to insulatethestate-ownedmediafromgovernmentalcontrol”(Article�67b&c).Inpractice,thesethreecommissionsintheirrespectivewayshavecon-tributedpositivelytoelectoralpoliticsinGhana.

Thus on the whole, Ghana’s �99� Constitution has providedbroaderavenuesforpoliticalparticipation:ElectoralCommission,theLegislature,Executive,Judiciary,politicalparties,civilsocietyorgani-zations,traditionalinstitutionsandthemediahaveallbeeninsulatedfromstateinfluence.

The Electoral CommissionThe �99� Constitution provided for a seven-member Electoral

Commission(EC)consistingofachairman,twodeputychairmenandfourothersappointedbythePresidentinconsultationwiththeCoun-cilofState(Articles4�&70).OnceappointedtheCommissionintheperformanceofitsfunctions,“shallnotbesubjecttothedirectionorcontrolofanypersonorauthority”(Article46).

Article45outlines the functionsof theElectoralCommissionwhichincludecompilationandrevisionoftheelectoralregister,de-marcationandrevisionofelectoralboundaries,conductandsuper-visionofpublicelectionsandreferenda,educationofcitizensontheelectoralprocessandothersuchfunctionsthatmaybeprescribedbylaw.Itisthustheprincipalorganfortheadministrationofelec-tionsinGhana

Theperformanceofthesefunctionscouldbefraughtwithcontro-versywhichcouldprovokeacrimoniousdisputesduetoextraneousorextralegalfactorsintroducedintheprocesseitherbythestatethroughitsnumerousagentsorbycontendingpoliticalparties,theircandidates


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orsupporters.�SuchinterferencescouldseverelycompromisetheroleoftheECasanimpartialrefereeandtherebythrowintogravedoubtthecredibilityoftheentireelection.ThisindeedwasthefatethatbefelltheINECwhichconductedthetransitionelection(Ninsin�006:6�-6�).Keypoliticalactorsandtheirsupportersbecamedeeplymistrustfuloftheelectoralprocessandthenewelectionauthoritiesfacedformidablechallengesofbuildingbothconfidenceandcredibility.

WiththeinaugurationoftheFourthRepublicinJanuary�99�,thelifeofthelargelydiscreditedINECofficiallycametoanendandanewElectoralCommission(EC)wasinauguratedinAugust�99�.Itscom-positionandpowersasprovidedforintheConstitutionwereamplifiedbystatute,Act45�.TheexistenceofabodyoflawsandexplicitrulesandregulationsprovidedtheElectoralCommissionwithameasureofinsulationandputthebodyinastrongerpositionlawfullytoresistun-dueexternalpressuresandinterferenceinitswork.Aboveall,thelawsformedtheframeworkfortheresolutionoftheelectoralconflicts.

ThesechangedcircumstancesanddonorassistanceenabledtheECtoembarkonacomprehensiveprogrammeofreformingtheelec-toralprocessandenhancingcredibility. Initially,however,suspicionandmistrustoftheelectionauthorityasanindependentandimpartialarbiterlingeredinpartbecausetheprocedureforappointingthecom-missionersstillallowedforasignificantdegreeofpresidentialinfluen-cebutmoresobecauseadeputychairman,Dr.K.Afari-Gyanandacommissioner,DavidKanga,bothofthedefunctINECwere‘promo-ted’ChairmanandDeputyChairmanrespectivelyofthenewEC.

TheECsawaclearneedforelectoralreformswithaviewtoachie-vinggreatertransparencyinallaspectsoftheelectionprocess,seekingtocreatepopularfaithintheballotandbuildingconfidenceintheECitself.Thiscoincidedwith theneedofboth thegovernmentand theopposition toachieve somemeasureof consensus if theFourthRe-publicwasnottobederailed.Onthepartofthegovernment,theex-ceptionallylowvoterturnoutof�9percentinthe�99�parliamentaryelectionreducedthelegitimacyofthewholetransitionprocessandfortheoppositionpartiestherewasthefearthatifthestand-offwiththeRawlingsgovernmentremainedunresolved,thegovernmentmightsei-zetheopportunitytoperpetuateitselfinpower(Frempong�007:��7)

Themost importantmechanismformanagingdistrustof theECandamongthevariouspoliticalpartieswastheinnovativeInter-PartyAdvisoryCommittee(IPAC)formedinMarch�994.TheIPACbroughttogetherrepresentativesofthepoliticalpartiestoregularmonthlymee-

� The extraneous factors include impersonation, double voting, juvenile voting,vote-riggingandfraud,andgeneralactsofmanipulationofthevotingprocess.

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tingswiththeECtodiscussandbuildconsensusoncontestedelectoralissues(Ayee�997:�0).Intakingthisstep,theECwasrespondingtoarecommendationoftheCommonwealthObserverGroup(COG)whichmonitoredthe�99�elections.Initsreport,theCOGhademphasizedthepracticalvalueofdialogueandconsultationasabuildingblocktowardsdemocraticconsolidationandrecommendedtheneedtoinstitutionali-zetheprocessofdialogue,eveninformally,asaforumatwhichpartiescouldairtheirgrievances(COG�99�:6�-6�,citedinAyee�99�b:�6�).

TheIPACofferedatwo-waychannelofinformationforboththeECandtheparties.ItenabledtheECtodiscussallaspectsofitsprogram-mesandactivitieswiththeparties,elicitinputandaddressproblems,protestsanddisagreementswhenevertheywereaired.AndthepartieswereabletoexpresstheirviewsfreelyandopenlyaboutECprogrammesandactivitiesandtobringtheirconcernstothetable.TheIPACprocess,nodoubt,haditshiccupsbutitsucceededinachievingcompromiseso-lutionstosuchcontestedmattersasasingledayforbothparliamentaryandpresidentialelections;photoIDcards,andtransparentballotboxes;andgainedtheactiveinvolvementofthepartyagentsintheregistrationexerciseasobservers.Italsoagreedonacommondateforparliamenta-ryandpresidentialelections(Ayee�997:�0).ItmustalsobeemphasizedtothecreditoftheECthatalthoughtheIPACwaspurelyadvisoryandnon-statutoryanditsdecisionsnon-bindingoftheEC,itgaveseriousattentiontothosedecisionsthatwerepractical,legalandcosteffective.IPACthenbecameaframeworkforbuildingtrustandconfidenceamongthepoliticalclassregardingtheconductofelectionsandprovidedapla-tformfordeepeningtrustwiththeEC(Ninsin�006:64).

By�996severalofthemajorcontroversialissueshadbeenresol-vedthroughtheIPACmechanism.Thepositivedividendshowedinthe�996electionsandhascontinued.Thevoterturnoutin�996wasanimpressive7�.5%.Thegeneralmoodfollowingtheelectionconfirmedthefactthatthecontendingpoliticalleadershadagreeduponthebasicrulesofelectoralpolitics(Ninsin�99�:�94).Unlike�99�,thedefeatedpresidentialcandidatesreadilyconcededdefeatandcongratulatedthewinnerandheinturncongratulatedthe losersfortheircompetitivespirit.Itisthereforegratifyingthatthisconsensusbuildingmechanismhasbeensustainedandreplicatedattheregionalanddistrictlevels.

TheEChasperformedcreditablyinotherareasaswell:

Ithasasserteditsindependenceonmanyrespectsovertheyears:InMarch�004,forexample,whentheNPPgovernmentannoun-cedtheestablishmentofanationalprocurementcommitteetoundertakepurchasesforElection�004,theECcontendedthatthatactionwouldundermineitsindependenceandhadtheplan

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shelved.SimilarlytheECresistedallattemptsbytheoppositionpartiestopreventtheinclusionof�0newly-createdconstituen-ciesintheconductofElection�004.TheEC,consciousofthefactthatithadoperatedwithinitsmandateincreatingthenewconstituencies,maintaineditsstanduntilitwasconfirmedbyaSupremeCourtdecision(Boafo-Arthur�006:4�).

TheEChastakenevenlittlecontroversiesseriouslyandhastakeninnovativemeasurestodealwiththem.Beforethe�000Election,thepositionofcandidatesontheballotpaperwasintheorderinwhichtheyfiledtheirnomination.In�996,thishadledtoamadrushamongthepoliticalpartiestosecurethetopspotontheba-llotpaper.In�000,theECresolvedthematterbytheintroductionofballoting forpositionson theballotpaperdaysafterpartieshavefiled theirnominations. It is significant tonote that sincethenthismethodhasbeenreplicatedforintra-partyelections.

TheECplayingitsneutralrolewasequallymindfulofthere-ligiousdimension.OnNovember�4,�000theECorganizedaprayerandfastingsessionattheConferenceHalloftheCom-mission.(Agyeman-Duah�00�:��5).

ThemannerinwhichtheEChascollaboratedwithdonoragen-cies,politicalparties, thinktanks,civilsocietygroupsandthemediahasbeenmost impressive.Onesuchcollaborationbet-weentheEC,IFES,theGhanaAssociationoftheBlind(GAB)andActiononDisabilityandDevelopmentGhana(ADD)in�00�ledtothepilottestofthetactileballot,earlierreferredto(GABReport�00�).Similarly,since�996,ithasaccreditedthedomes-ticpollwatchersandensuredtheirunhinderedaccesstoplaceshasboostedpublicconfidenceinthevotinganditsoutcome.

TheefficientmannertheEChasbeenmanagingelectionsinthecountryisacclaimedacrosstheelectorate.Inapost-election�004sur-vey96.�%ofrespondentswereoftheviewthattheECofficialsacrossthecountryappliedtherulesgoverningelections,wereneutral, fairandfirm(DepartmentofPoliticalScience,UniversityofGhana,Post-ElectionFieldSurvey,�004citedinBoafo-Arthur�006:�7).ThishighlevelofconfidencetheelectoratehasplacedintheECistheoutcomeofthepersistenteffortsbytheCommissiontoimproveuponitsper-formance.Ithaswithinthepastoneandhalfdecadesinitiatedseve-ralchanges�thathavegreatlyimprovedandenhanceditsroleinthe

� Thesereformswhichcovervoterregistrationandelectionandelectionmaterialmanagement includephoto identification cards for voters,unique voternumbers,

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electoralprocess(Boafo-Arthur�006:��).Itistherefore,notsurpri-singthatECChairmanKwadwoAfari-GyanandseveralofhisofficialshavebeeninvolvedinelectionsthroughoutAfricaeitherastechnicalfacilitatorsorelectionobservers/monitors.

TheECinGhanahasconfirmedthefactthatwhilethesuccessofelectoralpoliticsdependsoneachstakeholderplayingitsassignedrole,theroleoftheelectoralcommissionintheprocessismostcrucial.Apartfromneutrality,thecommissionmustbefairandfirm,tobeabletowintheconfidenceofthecontestingpartiesaswellastheelectorate.

The Legislature, Executive and JudiciaryThetraditionalgovernanceinstitutions,theLegislature,ExecutiveandtheJudiciary,haveallcontributedtothesuccessoftheelectoralpro-cessinGhana.TheGhanaianParliament,apartfromthepassageofthevariousactsestablishingtheECandotherconstitutionalcommissionswithintheconstitutionally-mandatesixmonths,hassince�99�,deba-tedandpassedseveralconstitutionalandlegislativeinstrumentsbroug-htbeforeitbytheEC.Theseinstrumentshavefacilitatedtheworkofthe EC a great deal. On the part of the executive, both the previousNDCandtheincumbentNPPgovernmentshave,toalargeextent,sta-yedwithintheconstitutionallimitsintheirrelationswiththeelectoralauthorities. The decision of the Rawlings government to respect thetwo-termconstitutionallimitin�000isacaseinpoint.Theroleofthejudiciaryhasbeenmostbeneficialinthisrespect.Ithastreatedmostoftheelection-relatedpetitionswiththisdispatch.Suchcasesincluded:thefixingofthe7DecemberElectionDay,thecontroversyovertheusedofthumb-printedvoteridentificationcardsin�000,andtheinclusionofthethirtynewly-createdconstituenciesinthe�004polls.

Political PartiesApart from elections rules that the electoral authorities impose, anumberofnormativeandattitudinalimperativesrequirecomplianceifsuccessistobeachieved.Theseincludetoleranceofopposingviews,freeexchangeandcirculationofideasandmutualrespectamongcon-tendingleaders/candidatesandtheirfollowers(Ninsin�006:6�).Itisintheserespectsthatpoliticalparties,themainpoliticalactors,havecontributedtheirquotatothesuccessofelectoralpoliticsinGhana.

Through their involvement with IPAC the political partiesreached consensus on the rules of the game and committed

politicalpartyagentsobservingvoterregistrationandthevotingitself,domesticelec-tionmonitoringbycivilsocietygroups,theIPAC,photoidentificationofvotersonelectoralroll,transparentballotboxes.

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themselvestoupholdingelectionsastheonlycrediblemethodbywhichGhanaianswouldchooseandalternategovernment(Ibid64).

Since�996aggrieveddefeatedparliamentarycandidateshaveresortedtothecourtsratherthanthestreets, toseekredressunderthelaw.

PoliticalpartiesinGhanahavepushedtheconsensusbuildingastepfurtherwiththeintroductionofthePlatformofGene-ralSecretariesandtheChairmen’sCaucusontheinitiativeoftheInstituteofEconomicAffairs(IEA).ThePlatform,madeupofpoliticalpartiesrepresentedinParliamentcameintobeingin �00�. It meets on a twice-monthly basis to discuss issuesrelating to party programmes and activities. The Chairmen’sCaucushassince�004beendealingwithlargerproblemsthatthreatendemocraticconsolidationinGhana(Asante�006:�6)

Since�000,politicalpartieshaveformulatedthePoliticalPar-tiesCodeofConduct. In�004, forexample,atameetingor-ganizedbytheIEA,representativesofregisteredpoliticalpar-tiesinGhanaformulatedaPoliticalPartiesCodeofConduct(�004)toregulatetheconductofpoliticalpartiesduringandbetweenelections.TheCodestressesthedemocraticimperati-vesofmultipartyism,modeofcampaigning,out-of-campaignactivities,measuresforsafeguardingelections,etc(Boafo-Ar-thur�006:4�).TheenforcementoftheCodewasapartnershipbetweenthepoliticalparties,ECandIEA(IEAPoliticalPartiesCodeofConduct�004)

Asignificantcontributionthattheseinnovationsbypoliticalpar-tieshavemadetoelectoralpoliticsinGhanaistheimpactonthevo-terturnoutand,ineffect,massparticipation.Fromalowof�9%inthe�99�polls,voterturnoutwas7�.�%in�996,6�.7%in�000and�5.�%in�004.Theconsensusbuildingamongthepoliticalelitehascreatedconfidenceamongtheirfollowersandthishasbeenmanifes-tedinthesustainedhighvoterturnout.ThatinitselfunderscorestheimportanceordinaryGhanaians,actingastheelectorate,nowattachtoelections.

Civil Society OrganizationsPerhaps the most innovative contributions to Ghana’s electoral po-liticshavecomefromcivilsocietyorganizations(CSOs)intermsofvotereducation,electionobservation/monitoringandotherstrategiesforpeacefulelections.

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Voter EducationFrom�996civilsocietygroupshavebeenveryactiveinthevoteredu-cationefforts:

HumanrightsadvocacyandpolicythinktanksliketheInstituteofEconomicAffairs(IEA)andtheGhanaCenterforDemocra-ticGovernance(CDD-Ghana)haveliaisedwithtraditionalcivilsocietybodieslikethetradeunions,businessandprofessionalassociationstocreateformidablenetworksofprivate institu-tionsthathavefacilitateddemocraticdevelopmentandredu-cedelection-relatedviolencetotheminimum(Gyimah-Boadi�004:�0�).

Publications, opinion surveys and studies and independentresearchbytheIEA,CDD-Ghana,theDepartmentofPoliticalScienceand theSchoolofCommunicationsStudies (bothoftheUniversityofGhana)havealsoprovidedsomeofthebestinformationonpoliticsandelectionssince�99�(Ibid:�06).

Inthe�000elections,livebroadcastingofpublicdebatesbypre-sidentialcandidates,ontelevisionandradio,wasintroduced.ItwasorganizedbytheGhanaJournalistAssociation(GJA)inco-llaborationwithanAmericanNGO,FreedomForum.Thetwo-hourexerciseinvolvedfive-minuteopeningstatementsbyeachcandidate,aseriesofquestionsfromtheaudienceandanotherfive-minuteclosingremarkbycandidates.Thisunprecedentedexperienceenabledtheelectoratetoassessfurtherthequalitiesof the potential presidents; it brought the new dimension ofgivingvoterstheopportunitytojudgecandidatesonthebasisoftheirpositiononspecificissues,introducing“content”inastructuredfashionforthefirsttimeintoGhanaianpresidentialcampaigns.(Agyeman-Duah�005:�4)

In�004,thepresidentialdebateof�000wasrepeated.Aninno-vationthistimewasthecivilsociety-sponsoredweeklyteleviseddebates for the fourcontendingpoliticalparties; inaddition,theseveral issues-basedradiodiscussionprogramsenhancedthepublicdiscourse.

Alsointroducedin�004wereCDD-Ghana’sPublicForumandIEA’sTownHallMeetingforparliamentarycandidatesinseve-ralconstituenciesacrossthecountry,atwhichissuesofpublicinterest(includingeducation,health,HIV/AIDS,theeconomyandnationalsecurity)wereaddressed.(Ibid:�9).Theconsti-tuencieswerecarefullychosentakingintoconsiderationsuchfactorsastheintensityofcontestorvolatilityofvoterbehavio-

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ur; femaleand independentcandidacy;newly-createdconsti-tuenciesandconstituenciespronetoviolentconflict.Tomakethe forums effective, capacity workshops were organized fortheparticipatingcandidates (CDD-Ghana,ParliamentaryDe-bates,�004).Thetwoprojectsofferedacommonplatformforcandidatestopresenttheirprogrammesbeforetheelectoratewiththeobjectiveofhelpingthecandidatestofocustheircam-paignsonissuesrelevanttothedevelopmentalneedsoftheirconstituenciesandtheelectoratetomakeinformedchoice.

Election Observation/MonitoringElectionobservationin�99�wasdominatedbyinternationalobservergroups.�Sincethen,domesticpoll-watchershaveemergedandbeco-meincreasinglysignificant.In�996,thetwoorganizationsthatassu-med this role were Ghana-Alert, the Network of Domestic ElectionObservers(NEDEO),acoalitionof��prominentnationalreligious,professional and human rights organizations.4 The advantage herewasthatthedomesticgroupscouldbegintheirpollwatchingasearlyasJuly�996,fourmonthsaheadofthepolls.Theywerethusbetterplacedthantheinternationalobserverstomonitordevelopmentsbe-fore,duringandafterthevoting.5

For the �000 Elections, domestic election monitoring assumednew and innovative dimensions. Several local groups including theCoalition of Domestic Observers (CODEO), the Forum of ReligiousBodies(FORB),andGhanaLegalLiteracyResourceFoundation,un-dertooktomonitorthepollsonanindependentbasisandsucceededinrecruiting,traininganddeployingover�5,000observersandcove-redabouthalfoftheover�0,000pollingstationsnationwide.

Thedomesticobservationprocessin�000wasfarmoreextensi-ve,including,thegeneralpre-electionscenarioandmediacoverageofpartypoliticalactivitiesfromMaytoDecemberoftheelectionyear.

Themonthlyreportsfromthemonitorsformedthebasisoffo-rumswhererepresentativesofthepoliticalpartiesandmediahouses

� TheseincludedtheCommonwealthObserverGroups,African-AmericanInstituteandJimmyCaterCentre.

4 TheseincludedtheChristianCouncilofGhana,theCatholicSecretariat,theFed-erationofMuslimCouncils,theAhmaddiyyaMuslimMission,GhanaNationalAs-sociationofTeachers (GNAT),NationalUnionofGhanaStudents (NUGS),GhanaJournalistAssociation(GJA),GhanaAssociationofWomenEntrepreneursandtheInstituteofEconomicAffairs(IEA).

5 Their activities included the training of election monitors at the national,regionalanddistrictlevelsandthedeploymentofoverfourthousandobserverstopollingstationsacrossthecountryonElectionDay(Gyimah-Boadi�999:4��).

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discussedlapsesandshortcominginperformanceandworkedoutco-rrectivemeasures(Gyimah-Boadi�00�:65).

CODEO,forexample,selectedtwelveconstituenciesdeemedtobepotentialflashpointsfortroublefromthetenadministrativeregionsofthecountrywherespeciallytrainedobserversweresitedtomonitorthepoliticalenvironment,notinginparticulartheactivitiesoftheEC,theconductofpartyprimaries,incidentsofviolenceandtheuseandabuseofincumbencybytherulingparty.Theaimwastopublicizethemonitors’reporttodrawattentiontoinfractionsandirregularitiesthatcouldunderminetheelectoralintegrity (Agyeman-Duah�005:�5).

Civilsocietysupportofthe�004electionwasevenmoreelaborateandextensive.CODEO,forexample,repeateditspreviousobservation/monitoringactivities6andforthefirsttimemonitoredpoliticalpartyprimarieswhereparliamentarycandidateswereselected(Ibid:�0).

Bytheirelectionobservation/monitoringactivities,thecivilCSOshaveprovidedempiricalbasis forallstakeholders–thegovernment,opposition,Parliament,politicalparties,theEC,otherrelevantpublicagenciesandcivilsociety–totakemeasurestoimproveinfutureelec-tions(Ibid:5�).

Strategies for PeaceOtherCSOshavefocusedonensuringpeacefulandorderlyelectionsandhavehadamoderatingeffectonthepoliticalsceneandreducedacrimonytoalargeextent(Ninsin�99�:67).Intherun-uptothe�000electionsseveralcivilsocietygroupswerepivotalinreducingmoun-tingpoliticaltensionsthroughcampaignsforpeace.Forexample,theMusiciansAssociationofGhana (MUSIGA)organizedmusical con-certstopromotepeacefulelections;whilereligiousbodiesheldhighprofileprayersforelectoralpeaceandnon-violence.

Thankslargelytothisrelentlesspeace-mongeringbycivilsociety,thefearsandanxietiesoverElectionDayviolence,toalargeextent,didnotmaterialize(Gyimah-Boadi�00�:66).

Traditional AuthoritiesOnfgreatimportancetodemocraticconsolidationandalsoinnovationforothercountriesintheSouthtoemulatetheGhanaianexperience

6 It launchedaprojectmonthsbefore theelection tomonitorandbetterpubli-cizeactsofpoliticalcorruptionfallingundertherubricoftheabuseofincumbency.TrainedmonitorsobservedtheconductofpublicofficialsandcandidatesfromSep-tembertoDecember�004inatleasttwoconstituenciesineachofthetenregionsofGhana;whileotherstrackedthedailynewscontentproducedbyfourstate-ownedmediaorganizations,includingtwonewspapers,oneradiostationandonetelevisionnetwork.(CDD-GhanaMonitors’Report,�004:�)


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is theroleof traditionalauthorities inpromotingpeacefulelections.Article�76(�)oftheGhanaianconstitutionsstatesthat“achiefshallnottakepartinactivepartypolitics;andanychiefwishingtodoandseekingelectiontoParliamentshallabdicatehisstoolorskin”,butthathasgiventhemtheopportunitytoplayafatherlyandneutralroleinGhanaianpoliticssince�99�.Agoodexamplewaswhenvariouspro-minenttraditionalrulersconvenedacrisismeetingwithpoliticalpar-tiesandtheECinmid-November�000,andendedwiththeadoptionofa��-pointresolutionforviolent-freeandpeacefulelections.Manytra-ditionalrulersalsotookadvantageofpoliticalralliesintheirlocalitiestoappealforfreeandpeacefulelections(Agyeman-Duah�005:��).

The MediaFairandequalaccesstothemediaforallpoliticalpartiesandtheircandidates are important elements for leveling thepoliticalplayingfield.Tohelpreduceifnotresolvetheinequalitiesinmediaaccessandcoverage for theparties andcandidates, institutionsof civil societygroupshaveintroducedworkshopsandseminarstosensitizemediapractitioners to their democratic and professional responsibilities(Agyeman-Duah�005:�0).

Relaxationofmediacensorshipsince�99�hasalsopavedthewayfor the emergenceof independentnewspapersaswell as radioandtelevisionstations.Themediacontributedgreatlytothequalityoftheelectoralprocessin�996.

Themoreactivepresenceoftheindependentmedia,whichpro-videaconstantstreamofelectionanalysis,hashelpedtogenerateahighdegreeofpublicinterestinelections.Byprovidingchannelsofdiscourseoutsidethestate’scontrolandexpressingoppositionviewsaswell,theindependentmediahasbeenlargelyresponsibleforkee-pingelectionscompetitive(Gyimah-Boadi�999:4�4).Theindependentprintandelectronicmediahavealsomadeitpossibleforinformationunflatteringtogovernmentornotsanctionedbystateauthoritiestoreachthepublicandthereforecreatedabalanceinmediacoverage.

Theroleoftheelectronicmediainmonitoringelectionshasbeenuniqueandinnovative.PrivateFMstationsposttheirreporterscoun-trywide to give live reports of events at the polling stations and atcollatingcentres.ThroughoutElectionDaystationsareawashedwithreportsoftheunfoldingballotingprocess.Theyinformelectoraloffi-cialsonwheretosendadditionalvotingmaterialstoalleviateashor-tage;thePolicearenotifiedofpotentialandactualtroublespots;sus-piciouscharactersandvehiclesatpollingstationsarereportedonairincludingtheirnumberplates;andordinarycitizens’callontoreportwhateverseemstobeirregularatthepollingstations.

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Thesepre-emptiveactionshavepromotedorderlinessatthepo-llingstationsanddeterredmanypotentialelectionfraudstersandri-ggersandhavelargelybeenresponsibleforthehighleveloftranspa-rencyandlowlevelofirregularitiesrecordedintheballotingprocess.(Agyeman-Duah�005:�6)

Media reporters, who monitor ballot counts, announce resultslive from thepollingandconstituency collating centres throughoutthecountrywhiletheoperationsdesksattheradiostudiostallythefiguresandgive theprovisional resultsofboth thepresidentialandparliamentaryvotes.Somestations,suchasJOY-FMofAccra,havecreatedwebsiteswheretheprovisionalresultsarepostedastheyun-fold.Thus,theGhanaianelectoratecanknowtheprovisionaloutco-meof electionsbefore theElectoralCommissionmakes theofficialannouncement.

ChallengesGhana,however, isnoparadise!Inspiteof itsachievementsseveralhurdles remain to be surmounted. In the first place, the relationsbetween incumbent President John Kufuor and ex-President JohnRawlingshavenotbeencordial.TheirpersonaldifferencesrundeeperthanthestartoftheKufuoradministrationin�00�7buttheintermit-tentattacksandcounter-attacksbytheseprominentpoliticians,whorepresent the facesof the twodominantpoliticalparties inGhana,havehadanegativerepercussiononanotherwiseprogressivedeve-lopment in electoral politics. It is hoped that the recent mediatorystepbyretiredUNSecretaryGeneralKofiAnnanwouldyieldfruitfulresultsaheadofElection�00�

AnotherthreatisthatGhana’sdemocraticprogresshasbeenpa-ralleledbyincreasedethnicity.Particularlysince�000,electionshavebeen shaped by the Akan –Non-Akan divide.� The ruling NPP hasgainedmostofitsvotesfromthefiveAkanregionswhileithasperfor-medpoorlyinfourNon-Akanregions;andfortheoppositionNDCthereversehasbeenthecase.TheonlyexceptionhereisthecosmopolitanGreater Accra Region, which though traditionally Non-Akan, voted

7 KufourasaLocalGovernmentMinisterintheRawlings-ledPNDChadresignedfollowingthebrutalmurderofthreejudgesandanex-militaryofficerinwhichgov-ernmentfunctionarieswereimplicated.Sincethentherehavebeennolovelostbe-tweenthem.

� Nearlyhalf theGhanaianpopulationbelongs to thebroadAkanethnicgroupwhichisgeographicallyspreadacrossfiveofthetenregions–Ashanti,BrongAhafo,Central,EasternandWestern.Theotherethnicgroupscoveringtheremainingfiveregions–GreaterAccra,Northern,UpperEast,UpperWest,andVolta–arelooselycalled‘Non-Akan’inthiscontext.


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fortheNPP,notleastbecause,majorityofthepeoplethereareAkans.ThesadaspectisthatthepeopleofCentralRegionwhohadnotvotedalongethniclineswereridiculedratherthanhailed.

Thefrequencyofboycottingofparliamentarysessionsbyoppo-sitiongroupscastsdoubtsonhowdeeplythepoliticalelitehaveim-bibedtheethosofconsensusbuilding.WhileinoppositiontheNPPhadboycottedparliamentoverissueslikevettingofpresidentialmi-nisterialnomineesandthebudget.ThecurrentoppositionNDChadcontinuedanddeepenedtheboycott ‘tradition’.Issues like,nationalreconciliation,nationalhealth insurance,extensionof the franchisetoGhanaiansabroad, and the convictionofoneof itsmembersbyacourtoflaw,haveallattractedboycottsbytheNDCparliamentarycaucus.

Inspiteoftheseveralmeasuresaimedatlevelingtheplayingfieldelectoralresourcesremainskewedinfavourofincumbency;the�996and�004electioncampaignsinparticulardemonstratedtheaffluenceof incumbency and the penury of opposition. The intriguing point,however,asElection�000amplydemonstrated,isthatincumbencyisnotalwaysanadvantage.CouldElection�00�produceanotheralter-nationofpower?

Deepening citizens understanding of the electoral system andmanagementandeducatingthemontheircivicresponsibilitiesisyetanotherchallenge.AlthoughGhanaiansappear tobegenerallycon-versantwiththeircivicresponsibilitiesandarehighlycommittedtodemocracy,evidencefromelectionobservationsindicateshighlevelsof ignoranceabout the laws,proceduresandprocessesofelections.Asaresult,corruptvotingpracticesarerampantandpointlessargu-mentsprovokeconflictsandattimesviolence.Thereareindicationsthat election-related violence results, inpart, from indiscipline thatisengenderedbythosewhobelievethattheopeningofthedemocra-ticspacegivesunboundfreedomofexpressionandaction.(BaffourAgyeman-Duah�005:�9).

Isolated cases of election-related violence have broken out be-fore,duringandafterelectionsinGhana.In�000,thepost-electionviolence inBawku, theUpperEast regionalcapitalwasa testcase;andin�004,therewereepisodesofviolenceinTamale,theNorthernRegionalcapital.ThearrestandsubsequentdeathinmilitarycustodyofAlhajiMobila,theRegionalChairmanoftheConventionPeople’sParty(CPP)wasperhapsthedarkestspotinthe�004elections.Therewerealsoincidentsofattacksonelectoralofficersandtheburningofballotmaterialsaswell.

ThoughArticle54ofthe�99�Constitutionchargedtheadminis-trativeexpensesoftheEContheConsolidatedFund,inpractice,the

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EClikeotherconstitutionalcommissions,hasbeenconsistentlysub-jectedtogovernmentbudgetarycuts,withseriousimplicationsforitsefficiency,effectivenessandindependence.

Closelyrelated,themostsuccessfulinnovations,whetherbytheEC,thepoliticalpartiesorcivilsociety,havebeenover-dependentondonorfunding9;andthatraisesdoubtaboutsustainabilitywhensuchfundsdryup.ThefrequencyofmeetingsofIPACandotherpoliticalparty-related bodies have been constrained by availability of donorfundsin-betweenelections.

Therearestill someflaws in theEC’sconductofelections.Forexample,the�004voterregistrationexercisewassomewhatmarredbyconflictingdirectives from theECand themanner inwhich therelatedphoto-takingexercisewasconductedgavecriticsthechancetoallegethattheEChadfavouredtheincumbentpartyinitselectoralstrongholdoftheAshantiRegion.

ConclusionThis post mortem of electoral politics in Ghana has demonstratedhow thecountryhas responded to liberaldemocracyover thepastfifteen years. While Ghana has witnessed a revolution through theballottheballotboxsinceitsreturntooconstitutionalrulein�99�,therearestillproblemsofinstitution-building;inclusion,accommo-dationandcompromise;incumbency;andownershipoftheelectoralprocess, to grapple with. In both its successes and challenges, theGhanaianexperienceprovidesusefullessonsfortheemergingdemo-craciesintheSouth.

First,GhanahasdemonstratedthatnationalconstitutionsintheSouth must provide the bedrock for establishing independent elec-toralbodiesfreetoadoptinnovatesideasinthemanagementoftheelectoralprocess.

Second,innovationintheelectoralprocessisessentialfordemo-craticconsolidation.Suchinnovations,however,mustbethecollec-tive responsibilityof all stakeholders – governmentandopposition,politicalparties,civil society, themedia, traditionalauthorities,etc.Notonlyshouldinnovationstakethesocio-culturalcontextintocon-siderationbutalsotheyshouldbeseenasanongoingprocesswhichmustevolveovertimetime.

9 The major donors include the Department for International Development(DFID)CanadianInternationalDevelopmentAgency(CIDA),theDanishInterna-tionalDevelopmentAgency(DANIDA),InternationalFederationofElectoralSys-tems(IFES),FriedrichEbertFoundation(FES)andtheUnitedStatesInternationalDevelopmentAid


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Third,thepracticeofdialogueandconsultationamongpoliticalparties throughan intra-partyconsultativemechanismisan impor-tantbuildingblockinensuringpeaceinelectoralpolitics.

Fourth,evenaflawedtransitioncansetthestagefordemocraticpro-gressifallthestakeholderswouldeffectivelyplaytheirrespectiveroles.

Lastly,freeandfairelectionsaswellaspeacefultransferofpowerarepossible inAfricaandsuchgoodpractices shouldbepublishedandpublicized.

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