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IndoDairy Activity 1.5.1: Identify and analyse inclusive business models (IBMs)
between smallholder farmers and private companies
July 2020
The Centre for Global Food and Resources
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Acknowledgements
This report and underlying analysis were funded by the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR), whose overarching research project AGB/2012/099 titled ‘Improving milk supply, competitiveness and livelihoods in smallholder dairy chains in Indonesia’ (IndoDairy) is led by the University of Adelaide’s Centre for Global Food and Resources (GFAR) and collaborates with Indonesian institutes, including IPB University, the Indonesian Center for Animal Research for Development (ICARD) and the Center for Agricultural Socio Economic Policy Studies (ICASEPS). The overarching IndoDairy project targets a 25 percent increase in milk production, coupled to increased quality, for 3,000 smallholders by 2020. Under Objective 1, the project will identify and recommend strategies and policies to support development of sustainable, profitable and smallholder-inclusive dairy supply chains. This report aims to “Identify and analyse inclusive business models (IBMs) between smallholder farmers and private companies” and constitutes Activity 1.5.1 of IndoDairy.
The authors thank and acknowledge the project team, in particular Dr Arief Daryanto and Dr Sahara of IPB for analysis and field work and Dr. Erwidodo from ICASEPS for his contributions to the analysis. Additionally, a special thanks to the farmers and the staff of dairy cooperatives, processing companies and retailers for their considerable efforts to supply the information that is the foundation of this report on whole-of-chain opportunities for investment by industry and Government.
For more information:
Contact Professor Wendy Umberger, Project Leader – [email protected]
Visit the project website – www.indodairy.net
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ 1
Executive summary ......................................................................................................................... 3
1.0 Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 4
2.0 Inclusive business principles................................................................................................... 6
3.0 Why inclusive business principles in the agricultural sector? .................................................. 8
4.0 Thesis of this report ............................................................................................................... 9
5.0 Case studies - analysis of key relationships in dairy sector value chains, in East and West Java 10
5.1 Case studies - the examples .......................................................................................................... 12
5.2 Case studies - commercial and relationship analyses ..................................................................... 14 5.2.1 KPS Bogor- West Java ...................................................................................................................................... 14 5.2.2 PT Nestlé Indonesia - East Java (Kejayan) ........................................................................................................ 15 5.2.3 PT Greenfields - East Java ................................................................................................................................ 18 5.2.4 PT Cimory - West Java ..................................................................................................................................... 20 5.2.5 KPBS Pangalengan - West Java ........................................................................................................................ 23 5.2.6 Contract farming model .................................................................................................................................. 26
6.0 Gap analysis - IBM models in East Java compared with KPS Bogor, West Java ...................... 29
6.1 Model comparison ............................................................................................................................ 29
6.2 Impacts on and benefits to smallholder farmers ................................................................................ 35
6.3 Framework for an inclusive and commercially viable dairy sector ....................................................... 37
6.4 Broadening inclusive principles to social inclusion ............................................................................. 39
7.0 Conclusions and recommendations ...................................................................................... 42
Recommendations ................................................................................................................................. 44
References .................................................................................................................................... 45
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Executive summary
Public investment and policy support are essential to build a viable dairy industry in tropical countries
like Indonesia when exposed to free global competition, especially imports of dairy products from
temperate zones. Indisputably, the aspirational national expansion of smallholder dairying in Indonesia
depends on significant government support. Central to these national goals are import substitution and
the livelihoods of the smallholder communities, that despite serious challenges, already contribute 77
percent of raw milk produced in Indonesia – or 13 percent of the country’s total demand for dairy
products. More targeted government support with clear delineations of the roles of national, provincial
and local bodies will significantly increase smallholder milk production.
In this context, contrasting and diverse case studies of smallholder dairying on the island of Java were
analysed using (1) inclusive business modelling of the triangle of engagement and power relationships
among smallholders, industry and the public (or state) sector; and (2) flows of inputs, outputs, services
and information along dairy chains. Key weaknesses in these value chains were addressed in strategies
to:
• maximise social and economic uplift at the level of the rural household — the “grass roots”;
• increase profitability, confidence and stability to all the value chain;
• revamp existing and under-performing dairy value chains;
• guide sustainable foundations for dairying in new regions of the country; and
• underpin national production goals.
Additional and ongoing state investment in extension services, policy and dairy infrastructure is critical
to maintain a dairy sector in Indonesia. Investment often incorporates repayment of loans, including
those to cooperatives for physical assets and to smallholders for farm improvements. Private processors
may invest in smallholder cooperatives, with a case history in this report demonstrating successful
outcomes for both parties. Further research on scaling out such beneficial relationships is required.
Intensive private investment is generally restricted to smaller regions than those covered by state
entities with national or provincial mandates and with a role in public spending.
A wide range of information on best practices for dairying and associated principles of entrepreneurship
can now be delivered, using multiple formats, to a broad community of farmers’ associations and
cooperatives, processors, marketers and consumers. Information technology and digital tools for on-
farm decision-making and many other on-farm innovations, can stimulate active participation of young
farmers. For deeper engagement of women in smallholder dairying, issues of animal-based products,
nutrition and family welfare can be powerful points of contact. Some specific pilot activities for catalysing
this broad dairying coalition for Indonesia are identified and include competitive grants for audio visual
presentations using existing model dairy farms. With more than 30 local and foreign-controlled dairy
processing companies competing for market share, Indonesia’s downstream industries are well
developed. For the challenge of harnessing and harmonising the diversity of the national dairying sector,
analysis of value chains and inclusive business models proved powerful tools to formulate specific
recommendations on whole-of-chain opportunities for industry and government for advancing
smallholder livelihoods.
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1.0 Introduction
The Indonesian dairy sector consists of large multinationals, local milk processors, village level dairy
farmer cooperatives (KUD – Koperasi Unit Desa) and many smallholder farmers, the majority of whom
are KUD members (with some non-KUD supply groupings emerging). Since the 1970s, cooperatives
have been central to the national government’s drive to enhance dairy value chains and empower
smallholders (Sulastri & Maharjan 2002). Collective bargaining and representation, through
cooperatives, can successfully buffer the essential inequality of smallholder negotiations with large and
powerful conglomerates. However, governance of dairy farmer cooperatives is unwieldy and
complicated by responsibilities to three Ministries: Cooperatives, Agriculture and Industry. Wijers (2019)
noted that “The Ministries’ national and regional activities vary in effectiveness”. Limitations in defining
logical institutional roles in the transfer of technology and extension are further exacerbated by a lack
of cohesion between provincial and district services. The umbrella organisation, the Union of Indonesian
Dairy Cooperatives (GKSI) is a semi-government coalition focused on the cooperatives, with board
representation from the larger ones. GKSI has a national and regional presence and participates in both
the dairying components within community-based KUDs as well as the dedicated dairy KUDs.
Indonesian milk is produced on two very distinctly different scales: 1) A small, yet growing group of
modern, productive, and integrated dairy companies own about ten percent of the dairy herd yet
contribute 23 percent of fresh milk production; and 2) Smallholders with typically only three to five cows.
The integrated dairy companies average 5,000 lactating cows per farm and are driving modest growth
in milk production. In general, output on these farms is 20 litres per animal per day, with one large
company yielding more than 30 litres. Calving intervals for the companies range between 13 to 14
months. Although 99 percent of production occurs on Java, where the processors are located, new
farms have been established on Sumatera Island. By contrast, smallholder production units are
characteristically inefficient, yielding on average less than 10 litres per animal per day, and with calving
intervals between 18 to 20 months. Study of economic returns to smallholder dairying is ongoing in
ACIAR’s IndoDairy project. Profitability is sufficiently low from dairying to trigger cow culling by
smallholders when beef prices are high. Nonetheless, the somewhat fragile base of small farms delivers
77 percent of Indonesia’s milk production and is therefore pivotal to reducing imports of dairy products.
To serve the aims of both producing more milk and improving rural livelihoods, this report addresses
optimising benefits to smallholders from Indonesia’s diverse dairy value chains.
Most smallholder farmers are dairy cooperative members, who produce milk for processors, however
in addition to the dairy cooperatives, other supply groups are emerging in the market through which
smallholders are able to access buyers. Processors usually pay producers through the cooperatives in
accordance with quality parameters (protein and fat content, and bacterial count). The cooperatives
deduct management fees, animal health and artificial insemination services and feed costs. The GKSI
estimates that only 30 percent of their members own land to produce forage for animals, and only 10
percent provide sufficient forage to their dairy cows. Large cooperatives have tried to overcome this
systemic shortfall in forage by collaborating with state plantation companies to plant forage on adjacent
and available fallow land. Recently, however, the plantations revoked the cooperative’s use of the land.
Large farms supplement local forage with imported lucerne, an option that is unavailable to
smallholders, some of whom do use maize silage, which is also insufficient. The processing companies
arrange low or no interest loans to cooperatives for maintaining milk supplies and upgrading cold chain
infrastructure, collection points, handling equipment and transport vehicles. Some processors also
provide business and production management training for young farmers, the details of which are
described further below.
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Protective tariffs on imports of milk powder from Australia and New Zealand were removed recently,
underlining that smallholder dairying is increasingly vulnerable to exposure from free global competition,
especially imports of dairy products from countries in temperate zones that are highly mechanised and
capture significant economies of scale.
Long-term and ongoing investments associated with the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (BMGF)
through the East Africa Dairy Development initiative (EADD Phase I 2008-13: USD 51 million for Kenya,
Uganda and Rwanda) were lifelines for smallholder dairying in East Africa. In EADD Phase II (USD 26
million; Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda), BMGF partnered with Heifer International, the International
Livestock Research Institute and the World Agroforestry Centre. Without underwriting and investment
by government and/or industry, in a manner comparable both in size and in focus to EADD, dairying is
even less viable in tropical countries like Indonesia, where environmental conditions, chiefly higher
temperatures, are less suitable for dairying than in East Africa. In Vietnam, dairying struggled to become
established except in cooler highland zones. Indisputably, the aspirational national expansion of the
smallholder dairy industry in Indonesia depends on significant government support; or an interventionist
rather than laissez-faire model. Central to the national goals, are import substitution and the
advancement of smallholder communities.
Indonesia’s yearly dairy consumption approaches 4 billion litres, with local production between 600 and
700 million litres, or around 17 percent of total demand (USDA Foreign Agricultural Service 2019) and
annual imports now routinely costing more than US$1 billion to address shortfalls. These trade and
production statistics are consistent with FAO’s (2019) independent estimate of imported dairy products
of 3.2 million metric tons of milk equivalent in 2019.
The growing middle class and changes in lifestyle (Valenta 2018) and diet have fuelled yearly dairy
industry growth of 10 percent. With per capita milk consumption approaching 15 litres per annum
compared with the Philippines and Thailand with 22 and 31 litres respectively, there is a huge potential
for growth of the dairy sector (Valenta 2018). Indonesian smallholders often express concerns about
rates of return from dairying. The average profit by smallholders without costing any household labour
was IDR 1,967 or US 14 cents per litre of milk in a study of four districts in West Java (The Centre for
Global Food and Resources 2020b). Positive non-price stimuli for adopting dairying include a relatively
shorter time to first sales or returns when compared to forestry or perennial crops, an income stream
that is distributed to households throughout the year rather than being aggregated into a short post-
harvest period as for many cropping enterprises and relatively fast payment after delivery.
This report analyses the activities of selected key actors in the dairy industry and their interactions with
the smallholders in the dairy value chains. The key actors include PT Nestlé, and PT Greenfields,
located in East Java and KPBS Pangalengan, PT Cimory, and KPS Bogor in West Java. The
commercial and relationship models between processors and smallholder farmers along with their
influences on household livelihoods, the community, and the economy at large were analysed.
Government inputs to develop the value chains were examined and recommendations were made. The
broad role of government in agriculture in other fast-growing economies was also examined. This
provided insight on the validity of the models for engaging smallholders and processing firms and on
strategies for improving the value chains.
This report also analyses the existing dominant models for engaging smallholders in dairy value
chains, identifies gaps and flaws in these models and then proposes viable business models and
industry strategies. These enhanced models, by embracing principles of inclusiveness, strengthen the
commercial viability of smallholder entities, improve the livelihoods of smallholder households and
communities, and build resilience, quality and productivity in the supply of raw milk. The lessons learnt
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from dairying in Java will inform decisions regarding expansion of dairying to new regions of the
country.
Snapshots of dairy value chains
Most commonly, smallholders produce raw milk (with limited inputs of feed and forage sourced locally),
deliver to milk collection points (MCPs), are generally operated by local cooperatives (KUDs), and
receive payment directly from processors or through KUDs. Processors primarily purchase the
smallholders’ raw milk, via KUDs, and market either fresh milk or processed products (such as long
shelf-life milk, condensed milk, yoghurt and yoghurt products, confectionery etc.). KUDs have strict
geographic boundaries eliminating competition for markets between them. Alternatives to the dominant
model include PT Greenfields, a joint Australian/Indonesian company which has vertically integrated
milk supply and processing in East Java, and PT Cimory in West Java that invested in large commercial
farms to ensure supply. This report addresses the extent to which the different models integrate
inclusive business principles that benefit the smallholder sector.
In addition to the main supply models, there are a few retail producers, such as Susu Mbok Darmi, in
the city of Bogor, who purchase raw milk directly from several medium-sized farms to produce
sweetened and flavoured, fresh milk products in their own facilities for sale through their network of
street vendors. Although small players in the broader dairy sector, such businesses reflect growing
consumption of fresh milk rather than long shelf-life and processed milk in the market.
2.0 Inclusive business principles
The agricultural industry is highly reliant on investments and improvements in research and
development, productivity and processing. The ability to sustainably source sufficient raw materials that
meet required quality standards is a major goal of global agribusinesses. More than 80 percent of food
consumed in most of the developing world (International Fund for Agricultural Development 2013) is
produced by smallholders who are therefore pivotal to agricultural value chains. Smallholders are
farming households that cultivate or own less than two hectares of land (Rapsomanikis 2015),
depending on the crop and country. Smallholders are often not included in agribusiness and decision-
making for several reasons including their often remote location, high transaction costs of doing
business, information asymmetry and inconsistent production and quality. Asymmetrical information
refers to information deficiencies whereby the buyer and the seller at any point in a value chain have
unequal access to information, especially prices that impact on transactions. Often internationally, small
farmers without access to prices paid by other processors or in other places have been exploited by
processors with whom farmers lose trust. Mobile phone networks supplying such information to farmers
have corrected several instances world-wide of this imbalance. Conversely, information is asymmetrical
when an agribusiness cannot observe and understand farmers’ practices that impinge on the quality of
the product sold.
Around 87 percent of the world’s more than 500 million smallholder farmers live in the Asia Pacific
region (Oxfam 2015). Most of them are geographically scattered and have limited access to modern
farming technology, market access, information, and agribusinesses. Due to the increasing number of
intermediaries in agricultural value chains, smallholder profit margins are continuously being squeezed
and farmers are left in poverty. These issues have driven innovation in sourcing raw materials. For this
report, relevant and contrasting case-studies from the Indonesian dairy industry are analysed using
inclusive business models and reviewed in the light of previous agricultural development in Japan,
China, Taiwan, and South Korea.
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The Asian Development Bank defines inclusive businesses as generating high development impact by
providing access to goods and services for the ‘base of the pyramid’ and/or providing income and/or
employment opportunities to low income earners as producers, suppliers, distributors, employers and
employees. The ‘base of the pyramid’ is the large proportion of businesses, workers and consumers
who are excluded from normal commercial opportunities through a lack of capital, assets or education.
Smallholders who typically farm small allotments are often excluded from value chains because of
physical remoteness and poor access to markets. As well as geographic isolation, sociological or
cultural differences with traders and the business community may inhibit profitable and harmonious
transactions from developing. Smallholders constitute about 85 percent of farmers globally but earn the
least (Oxfam et al. 2015). In the Indonesian context, a smallholder dairying household would usually
manage six cows or less. A large percentage of smallholder farmers worldwide are illiterate, limiting
access to information on best practices and collaborative opportunities. They are characterised by low
production levels of heterogeneous quality. Their supply is often haphazard and aggregation into a
steady stream of product of constant quality is difficult. Firms are often discouraged from working with
small-scale farmers by the transaction costs associated with aggregation of highly heterogeneous raw
materials (Oxfam et al. 2015). Also, access to information about the farming activities of smallholder
farmers is another constraint that discourages their inclusion.
Smallholders’ inability to secure credit for expansion and intensification is a major constraint that
impedes their scaling up and makes it very hard for them to access new technologies, more efficient
inputs and production requirements of major players in value chains.
From the perspective of buyers and processors, the risks highlighted above (poor access to knowledge,
practices and new technologies) create an equivalent risk to their own businesses. A weak supply chain
delivering inconsistent quality and supply, risks a failure to meet consumer demand, their own quality
standards, and their own profitability. Thus, we can see an interdependence between smallholders and
commercial entities in all agricultural value chains.
This interdependence between smallholders and processors therefore creates a synergistic
relationship, one where improvements in smallholder access to knowledge and techniques leads to
improved reliability and consistency of supply for processors.
Thus, we can see that models of relationships between supplier and processor that improve the
productivity and quality of supply, benefit both processors profitability, while improving the productivity
and livelihoods of smallholders. While not the only principle implicit in inclusive business models, a fair
and balanced relationship between buyer and seller is fundamental to inclusive business models and is
the main focus of this report.
In the context of the Indonesian dairy sector, those at the bottom of the pyramid are typically small
farmers supplying raw milk, and with whom value chains begin. Empowering these farmers to innovate,
through extension and other inputs, is central to building robust value chains. One approach to
implementing smallholder extension work aims to target as many farmers from communities as possible
– an extensive model – as opposed to an intensive model in which “champion farmers” are identified
for education on emerging farm practices and operations, mainly by processors and other buyers, and
provided with a comprehensive perspective and first-hand experience of the operation of their value
chain as well as familiarity with potential providers of extension by government and private entities. In
fact, in many instances of the broader community, targeting natural leaders also emerges to play a
larger and more catalytic role in implementing technology advances than their peers. While Indonesia
is culturally diverse and heterogeneous, peer learning from the “champion farmers” has generally been
associated with a rapid advance in capacity of those at the bottom of the pyramid. Judicious
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identification of key individuals, who are respected and lead communities by example, was credited with
highly effective transfer of technology in ACIAR’s forestry projects in Indonesia, e.g. FST/2016/141 –
that broke new ground through appointing a female champion farmer – and FST/2015/040. Networking
is a key ingredient of the “champion” approach that seems more flexible than mass education in linking
to diverse and often restricted government agencies for assistance and collaboration.
3.0 Why inclusive business principles in the agricultural sector?
Historically in developing countries, and particularly East Asia after the Second World War,
strengthening agricultural capacity and output was critical in developing robust market economies
(Studwell 2013). Studwell (2013) discusses how agricultural development and land reform formed one
of three central planks in the economic development of Taiwan, Japan and South Korea following the
Second World War, and in China after 1975.
In Taiwan, Japan and South Korea state interventions for smallholders through land reform, technical
assistance and financing was critical in forming a regulated buffer between small landholders and larger
commercial interests (e.g. large landholders leasing land to individual households). This buffering and
protection of smallholders stimulated agricultural growth through households leveraging their own
labour and maximising outputs from small plots of land (often around one hectare per family).
Inclusive business principles focus on providing commercial value to those at the ‘base of the pyramid’
through goods and services. Inclusive agribusiness models can target all segments of the value chain
from production to market access and creating access to inputs, finance and extension, in the countries
noted above. In South Korea, the protection of smallholders was implemented by land reform which
resulted in a subsequent increase in farmland ownership from 5 percent to 70 percent and a reduction
in land tenancy from 95 to an average of 10 percent (Boyer & Man Ahn 1991). With tenancy issues
resolved, most smallholders focused on other vital factors for increasing productivity and profitability.
The transformation of farmers from tenants to owners stimulated increased efficiency and productivity
and sparked major economic surpluses from these agricultural sectors in East Asia.
Inclusive business principles in the agricultural sector provide smallholder farmers access to
information, improved inputs and technology, land, better markets, and shortens the longer chains of
intermediaries, whose participation decreases returns farmers. Equipping farmers with these resources
reduces poverty, develops agriculture and industry and improves food security and economic growth.
In some instances of economic uplift, smallholder communities evolve to employ their own advisers.
This interventionist development model for emerging economies is contrary to the tenets of the laissez-
faire economics that dominated international development and aid agencies in the 1980s and 1990s
and favours reduced government participation. By contrast, Studwell (2013) asserts that intervention to
reinforce the role of smallholders, improving their productivity, profitability, and livelihoods, not only
improves the economic well-being of a large proportion of the rural poor during the growth of the
agricultural sector, but also contributes significantly to the national economy through increased
agricultural output. National, regional and district policies which fail to recognise the importance of the
smallholder production in the economy, jeopardise shaping a strong, viable and growing agricultural
sector from the ground up. A government role is critical to expanding the base of production of an
emerging agricultural sector and there can be significant synergies between private sector investment
(in this report through larger commercial companies in the dairy sector) and government policy that
supports and invests in smallholder farmers. Regional and district policies matter and the skills
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associated with decentralisation are evolving in the public sector. This government/public sector role is
the third key component analysed.
4.0 Thesis of this report
By studying various commercial models for the relationships between smallholders and the agricultural
supply chains in the dairy sector in Indonesia, we assess the relative balance between smallholder
farmers, larger commercial and corporate players (e.g. processors or large vertically integrated
companies) and the state (in various forms of intervention).
Where there is a clear state role (normally public funding of extension programs or a similar structure),
the balance of the market power and economic benefits may be more evenly distributed across the
value chain than when the state role is diminished. State investment is not the only mechanism for
achieving equitable benefits and, in one case history, a balanced distribution of benefits results from a
commercial entity (PT Nestlé) investing in smallholders. Especially as Indonesia is ranked as having
the sixth worst inequality of wealth in the world, it is prudent that scrutiny for any evidence of larger
companies gaining undue market control should continue, such that the balanced relationships with
smallholders as typified by the Nestlé example become the norm. Fortunately, today there are major
commitments by companies globally so that consumers’ concerns regarding food safety and ethical
behaviour are addressed by audits of supply chains that reach back to the farm. Dairy sectors in
developed and developing countries have played a key pioneering role in auditing supply chains, with
carbon emissions and environmental sustainability now scrutinised with respect to global public good in
the very broadest international contexts.
The successful application of models with balanced benefits for processors and smallholders requires
one of two pre-conditions:
• State support for increasing smallholder productivity, through investment in extension training,
infrastructure, and support for solutions for market barriers (e.g. supply of forage and silage, or
quality animals). The state provides inherent support to farmers through the KUD structure as
the governance, accreditation, monitoring, and reporting requirements provide a level of
collective market power and accountability to the KUDs. This is built into our assessment of state
support in the system. We also note that the KUD structure provides a strong framework for the
strengthening of the market position of smallholders, but it is not necessarily sufficiently well-
funded to provide the required infrastructure support.
• Strong commercial operators that channel investment in financial and extension support to
smallholder organisations, resulting in stronger commercial returns for both sides of the
transaction (commercial company and the smallholders), and therefore returning macro-
economic benefits such as improved productivity, and improved livelihoods for smallholders and
improved tax revenues, reduced reliance on imports and increased export opportunities. A
deterrent to corporate investment, in support to smallholders, has been identified as an absence
of confidence that those farmers who receive support will not shift allegiance and sell to other
commercial enterprises for higher short-term prices on offer.
With their wider breadth of vision, state extension services are more able than local institutions to
leverage relevant cross-cutting information from other regions of Indonesia and abroad for local dairying
enterprises. For example, the findings from the ACIAR project targeting smallholder beef fattening
systems based on forage tree legumes on calcareous soils in eastern Indonesia and northern Australia
(Project no. LPS/2008/054) can provide innovations for dairying. Silage production, information on
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forage quality as well as the commercial potential for association with forestry and larger farmers for
forage production can also be strengthened by government-wide connectivity. Similarly, there is a
wealth of information to be gleaned from many sources on catalysing women’s engagement in
smallholder agribusiness.
Active support for organisations such as the independent youth-focused dairy network, PERPAMI and
gender-focused programs, will provide secondary support and strengthening for emerging
entrepreneurial business models. Such entrepreneurship and associated inclusive business activities
require specifically targeted policy support. We emphasise the need for more active support and
engagement for networks like PERPAMI that can catalyse youth and gender involvement in the
agricultural sector, and the need for structured policy that can build this support directly. Social evolution
is the enabling environment for technology transfer. Currently, major disincentives for youth
engagement in agriculture include drudgery of operations, limited opportunities, and a poor social image
of subsistence and smallholder farmers. Further specific actions, including support for professional
development through travel that address the disincentives, are detailed in section 6.4 of this report.
Our thesis is that where smallholder and inclusive-focused models are supported (principally by some
state intervention linked to other government policies such as food security and rural development, but
also commercial investment), economic benefits accrue broadly to establish a more robust agricultural
sector. This in turn builds a more resilient economy with a strong foundation of small landholders. In
models where the state involvement is diminished, economic benefits may tend to accrue to the
corporate players in the value chain, with fewer broad gains in the wider economy. There is a worldwide
trend to reduced state funding of extension, especially for mature industries in developed countries. In
Bangladesh, however, the Department of Agricultural Extension remains that country’s largest institution
and, in the case of Indonesia, the fledgling dairy industry that is part of the government’s aspirations for
rural development will fail without public support for extension.
Accordingly, for the development of the dairying sector the recommended approach (below and with
specific recommendations in 7.0) includes strong support through infrastructure investments and
extension training programs, and policies that increase the quality, consistency, and reliability of supply
of raw product. This will improve the productivity of both smallholder producers, and downstream
processors in the supply chain. Notwithstanding that some companies invest as part of their commercial
strategy, the support should come primarily from increased state involvement and not be left to the
private sector to carry the load in emerging and developing industry sectors, as the dairy sector is
currently positioned. Since the 1970s, dairy cooperatives have been central to the Indonesian
government’s drive for dairy value chain improvement (Wijers 2019), to the extent that KUDs dominate
the current dairy landscape – but not to the exclusion of others – and with smallholders supplying 77
percent of the milk produced in the country. Beyond that, partitioning the “success” of smallholder
dairying between government and commercial investment is beyond the scope of this report, but in the
case studies that follow, viable value chains are associated either with commercial investment or
significant levels of foreign aid.
5.0 Case studies - analysis of key relationships in dairy sector value chains, in
East and West Java
As noted, this report focuses on analysing existing value chains East Java, identifying the strengths of
these models, describing benefits associated with inclusive business practices, and through a gap
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analysis of value chains in West Java (near the city of Bogor), determine the necessary pre-conditions
for applying the inclusive business principles to the existing value chains.
The analysis assesses the relationships between three key actors in the value chains: smallholder
farmers (and women and young members of farming households); commercial operators (mostly
processors and large vertically integrated farms); and public institutions (referred to as the ‘state’: i.e.
policy settings, public infrastructure investment, organisations supporting cooperatives, and national or
international development donors or investments).
For each model under analysis, we present two figures describing these relationships. The first is a
simple value chain analysis with the key players identified inside the circles, connected by arrows
indicating the flow of product (inputs as well as milk) from one to another. The smaller curved arrows
indicate a flow of beneficial goods from one to another, normally from a processor back to the
smallholder in the form of service over and above money. For example, Nestle provides finance and
training to smallholders as well as purchasing their product.
The second figure determines the balance of the relationship between three parties: the public goods
provided by state support (infrastructure, financing, regulation etc), the corporate sector (processors)
and the smallholders. The size of the circle for each party indicates a high-level assessment of the role
played by each party in the relationship, with the arrow indicating net flow of benefits. For example, in
a balanced relationship between processor and farmers, the farmers supply a necessary input to the
processors, and are paid for it, and the processors may invest in extension training to secure a reliable
supply of quality input, and the public sector (state) gains through increased domestic production and
tax receipts. In this situation, both parties gain, and the relationship is balanced. In an unbalanced
relationship, the processor may leverage an external milk supply (imported) to drive the supply price to
farmers downwards, minimising the benefits for the farmers, maximising benefits for processors, but
also, in turn, increasing import volumes, and reducing doestic food security at a national level.
Dashed lines connecting parties in the figures indicate an indirect link, for example, between Greenfields
main product line of fresh milk, and their secondary line of lower quality milk which is used for processed
milk products. In the case of the three-way relationship model, where one party (eg processors) may
dominate, it can have the effect of weakening the link between the farmers and the state, indicating that
this relationship requires strengthening.
This relationship analysis allows ranking of the examples in terms of the relative degree of inclusiveness
implied in the models, providing two preferred examples to be used for the gap analysis comparison
with KPS Bogor.
For business models to be considered successful in terms of integrating inclusive business principles,
value (commercial, financial, market influence, etc.) needs to be distributed fairly between the two
commercial entities, farmers and commercial operators. If this is the case, it can be argued that the less
powerful actors (particularly women, and young farmers) are provided with a commercial framework
that gives them voice in negotiations, market influence, and protection of their interests. Ideally, the
beneficial gains of the value chain would be distributed upwards through the economy through broader
macro-economic gains for the nation resulting in better access to export markets, reductions in imports,
and a reduction in poverty. These last elements, can be considered as the fundamental elements of a
robust, market-based development model (Studwell 2013). Inclusive business principles will therefore
fundamentally benefit the least powerful players in the value chains and, within agricultural industries,
support the participation of smallholders in the national economy. Models that partition equitable
benefits from the value chains to smallholders, dairying businesses and the state are considered
successful.
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Figure 1. A ‘Balanced Relationship’ using the inclusive business principles.
Figure 1 presents a balanced or ideal relationship between the three value chain actors, against which
the value chains of the case histories are compared. The analytical tool overlays each real value chain
– or case history – on the ideal model to help capture the distribution of benefits. Figure 2 depicts an
unbalanced relationship that constrains implementing inclusive business principles, with the relative
size of the processors in the model reflecting their greater market influence, for example, unilaterally
setting prices for buying milk from smallholders and on-selling to other processors; while providing no
incentives nor support to enhance productivity. Such skewing of power towards processors typically
precludes an equitable distribution of benefits right along the value chain and fails with respect to
inclusive business principles.
Figure 2. An 'Unbalanced Relationship' using inclusive business principles.
5.1 Case studies - the examples
For this study, the IndoDairy team visited examples of dairy value chains in East Java and West Java:
State
ProcessorsSmallholder
farmers
Balanced relationship
State
ProcessorsSmall-holder
farmers
Unbalanced relationship
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1. PT Nestlé Indonesia
2. PT Greenfields Indonesia
3. PT Cisarua Mountain Dairy (Cimory)
4. KPS Bogor (‘Dairy Production Cooperative of Bogor’; -- KUD)
5. KPBS Pangalengan (‘Dairy Farmer Cooperative of South Bandung, Pangalengan’; -- KUD)
KPS Bogor provides the baseline for the gap analysis, as the broader IndoDairy research specifically
identified KPS Bogor, and the West Java KUDs in general, as underperforming in comparison with the
value chains of East Java. (Nonetheless, KPBS Pangalengan in West Java is considered a success
story in Indonesia’s dairying history and the comparisons below between KPS Bogor and KPBS
Pangalengan, the latter with a significant long-term contribution from Dutch aid, highlight the
differences.)
In addition, two small start-up businesses targeting the consumer markets of Bogor and the owner of a
medium-sized farm near Bogor who convenes a youth-focused farmers’ network, PERPAMI, were
interviewed:
6. Susu Mbok Darmi (‘Mrs Darmi’s Milk’)1
7. Rumah Kopi Ranin (‘Ranin Coffee House’)2
8. PERPAMI (’Indonesian Association of Young Livestock Farmers’)3
The last three interviews provided a framework for broader inclusiveness in the supply chains.
The key question that this report addresses is whether inclusive principles from highly performing value
chains in East Java can be applied in such as KPS Bogor. The remaining four examples (Nestlé,
Greenfields, KPBS Pangalengan and Cimory) are therefore assessed in terms of their relative success
at implementing inclusive business principles, using the analysis described above.
We then compare the baseline model for KPS Bogor with these models, the gaps in the value chain are
subsequently highlighted, enabling us to better understand what is required to successfully apply
successful models, as well as further strengthen these with policy recommendations to improve the
value chain rating for inclusiveness and balance.
Table 1 lists the case studies modelled using KPS Bogor as a baseline as well as contract farming, for
which an hypothetical model is considered.
Table 1. Case studies and the KPS Bogor baseline
Model Location Description
KPS Bogor Bogor, West Java Underperforming KUD in Bogor
PT Nestlé Surabaya, East Java Private processor and privately
funded extension program
PT Greenfields Malang, East Java Vertically integrated large-scale
farming and processing
operation
1 https://www.facebook.com/Susu-Mbok-Darmi-385946975099091/ 2 http://rumahkopiranin.com/ 3 https://www.facebook.com/perpami/
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PT Cimory Bogor, West Java Private processor and privately
funded model farm program
KPBS Pangalengan Bandung, West Java Foreign government funded
program through KUD
Contract farming No examples visited Generic contract farming model
discussed
5.2 Case studies - commercial and relationship analyses
Each of the examples above are analysed in terms of firstly, the commercial structure between the key
actors as a high-level value chain analysis following the flow of money and product. Then secondly, as
a ‘relationship analysis’, to determine the relative power relations, between the actors, and assessing
the relative benefits to each actor, reflecting the implied application of inclusive business principles
(initially in commercial terms only, not social or environmental).
5.2.1 KPS Bogor- West Java
The KUD structure of KPS Bogor provides the baseline for scope improvement analysis .
KPS Bogor operates a typical structure of KUDs in the dairy industry by operating a number of milk
collection points (MCPs) and purchasing milk from farmers through these MCPs. The KUD sells the
milk to several processors in the region (eg Indolkato and Friesian Fag in South Jakarta), at a IDR1,000
per litre margin on the price paid to the farmers. The processors will pay a higher price for higher quality
milk, based on total plate count (TPC), which is reflected in the process they pay the farmers. This
ranges from IDR4,100/L for a TPC of >1.0Mppm, to IDR5,300/L for a TPC of <500ppm.
Figure 3. Value chain map for KPS Bogor farmers.
The KUD has indicated that the key challenge for their farmers is increasing and maintaining a higher
quality milk supply. To achieve this quality standard consistently (for example a TPC of less than 500
ppm) requires increased skills and training for farmers, improved logistics including the use of stainless
steel pails for transport, improved chilling and storage capacity at the MCPs, and improved access to
new technologies for maintaining healthier animals, better testing of animals and milk, and improved
feed supplies to the farmers. Although the KUD is funded through milk sales, they do not generate the
sort of revenues required to fund these improvements in the supply chain. Farmers express the
frustration of lower prices by trying to increase the volume of their production through more cattle, rather
KPS Bogor MCPs
Farmers deliver Milk Collection Point (MCP)
Smallholder farmers (milk)
PT Friesian Flag
PT
Indolakto
15 | P a g e
than the quality of the product. Local processors hedge against the lower quality of locally supplied milk
by purchasing their inputs from further afield and using the lower quality milk for products other than
high-margin fresh milk.
Thus the driver for change in the supply chain is not driven by the processors, as they can source better
quality milk elsewhere, nor is it being driven by the KUD as their revenues do not provide the capacity
to invest capital where it is needed, and the farmers, through a lack of knowledge and training, cannot
make the changes themselves.
Through this analysis, we can see that market forces alone are not enough to drive change in the
industry in Bogor. If there remains a policy direction to strengthen and improve the domestic dairy
industry, then support needs to be provided to supply basic infrastructure of extension training, farm
inputs, and capital investment in logistics to provide a baseline for the market to build on.
Figure 4. KPBS Bogor relationship model
5.2.2 PT Nestlé Indonesia - East Java (Kejayan)
Commercial and Relationship Analysis
For more than 140 years, Nestlé has been leading the world in nutrition, health, and wellness with their
range of food products. Nestlé is the largest producer of fast-moving consumer goods and has presence
in 189 countries, including Indonesia. To save a neighbours’ child unable to accept breast milk, Henri
Nestlé developed the world’s first milk food for infants. Since then, Nestlé has consistently developed
other milk products with small farmers supplying the value chain. Nestlé commenced dairy operations
in Indonesia in 1970 in West Java. A factory was established in 1971 in West Java and another in
Kejayan, East Java in 1988. Currently Nestlé works via cooperatives with more than 26,000 farmers
owning 70,000 cows.
Public
Processors
Small-holder
farmers
Benefits:
• Few benefits currently flowing to smallholders
Strengths:
• Can source milk from other regions or import;
• No incentive to support local farmers
Benefits:
• Limited direct benefits to national economy;
• No reduction in importation of powdered milk
Support:
• Limited direct state support for farmers.
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Website: https://www.nestle.co.id/id
Operating principles
The fundamental relationships that Nestlé build with their raw commodity suppliers is a model used in
other parts of Asia in other commodities. It has been successfully used with rice farmers in Malaysia to
improve the farmers productivity, but more critically to improve the supply quality and consistency of
farmers’ raw products. This in turn provides a commercial benefit to Nestlé by creating a more reliable
supply of raw products, where reliance on a smallholder network can put at risk the quality and reliability
of supply.
Nestlé’s goal of reliability of supply is built on the principle of ‘Creating Shared Value’, and involves
investment by Nestlé through assistance with capital purchases, or providing finance for capital
purchases, as well as investment in extension support to farmer networks through co-operatives.
However, while the principle is driven by commercial outcomes and requires a financial commitment,
and corresponding return on investment, the principle recognises the reciprocal nature of accrued
benefits. Nestlé understands that by improving the productivity of their supplier farmers, they not only
improve the livelihoods of the farmers, through an increase in their profitability, but they also improve
their own commercial outcomes, providing a robust platform for responding to increasing product
demand. Daily demand grew from 300 t/day in 2007 to 1150 t/day in 2017 and production of participating
smallholder farmers increased from 9.5 litres/cow to 11.8 litres/cow.
Description of model
Through Nestlé’s ‘Creating Shared Value’ strategy, farmers experience increased productivity and
quality to meet Nestlé’s demands and specifications. Nestlé provides interest-free finance to
cooperatives to setup and manage milk collection centres. Specifications such as time between milking
and chilling, purity, cleanliness, and handling are strictly adhered to by the cooperatives to ensure
consistency in quality of fresh milk. For consistency to be achieved, Nestlé invested in the purchase of
cooling tanks, stainless steel collecting cans and transportation. Investments further down the value
chain have been made by distributing seeds/nurseries of fodder species to cooperatives, developing
fodder farms, and providing water ad-libitum to cowsheds. Extension agents from Nestlé ensure
compliance by farmers with the recommended practices in feeding, milking and handling of animals.
The approach fosters self-reliance and engagement of farmers, rather than a habit of reliance on welfare
payments. Nestlé’s investments have increased the quality of farmers’ milk, strengthened cooperatives
and delivered a reliable source of high-quality milk.
Nestlé purchases milk from a number of KUDs in the vicinity of Kejayan, and pay nominally higher than
KUD prices for the milk, indicating that their investment is not directly recouped through lower farm-gate
prices. They pay IDR5,250/L for TPC of <500K ppm, as compared with IDR4,950/L through KPBS
Pangalengan, and around IDR4,700 ithrough KPS Bogor fo the same quality milk.
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Figure 5. Value chain map for Nestlé East Java.
Relationship model
Overlaying Nestlé’s operating model on the generic relationship diagram described in the introduction
to this section and analysing the resulting benefits, highlights two significant factors. First, because there
is a well-balanced relationship between smallholders and Nestlé, both benefit economically and mitigate
their risks in the market.
Figure 6. Nestlé East Java relationship model
Nestlé provides extension training, access to finance, logistics and milk handling.
KUDs supports and implements extension training, access to finance, logistics to farmers.
Smallholder farmers
KUD Milk Collection Centres
Nestlé
Other suppliers (Greenfields)
KUDs
State
NestléSmallholder
farmers
Balanced relationship
Benefits: • Access to finance • Access to training and
extension • Improved productivity • Improved livelihoods
Some state role in KUD accreditation and monitoring, but no direct support.
Benefits: • Improved supply quality • Improved productivity
and profits • Increased market share
Strong corporate returns to national economy
• Import reduction • Export opportunity • Poverty reduction
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Second, there is no significant role played by any state or public entity (other than through the
organisational framework of the KUD structure, accreditation, and monitoring; whereas generally three-
way models reflect the state – through funding, policy, and infrastructure – playing a major role in
positive outcomes). The Nestlé model reflects a balanced relationship between smallholders and Nestlé
(based on the ‘shared value’ concept), strong benefits to all parts of the supply chain and the broader
economy, and little intervention from the state.
5.2.3 PT Greenfields - East Java
Commercial and Relationship Analysis
Australian and Indonesian entrepreneurs founded PT Greenfields’ large-scale dairying operations in
East Java. The first farm was established in the Malang Highland at 1,200 metres above sea level in
1997 and their milk-processing plant came onstream in 2000, producing about 20,000 litres of milk per
day. Construction of Greenfields’ second farm commenced in 2017 at Wlingi. The feed processing and
silage systems of the farms support optimal nutrition, a core component of the package of best practices
in dairy husbandry that is recognised as the hallmark of Greenfields operations. Products include
pasteurised extended shelf life (ESL) and pasteurised ultra-high temperature (UHT) milk that exceeds
the highest international qualities standards, with Greenfield’s products sold in Indonesia, Malaysia,
Hong Kong, the Philippines and other Asian markets. PT Greenfields currently meets 5 percent of the
entire milk demand of Indonesia and will supply a further 6 percent when the second farm reaches full
capacity.
Website: https://greenfieldsdairy.com/
Operating principles
Greenfields sources fresh milk from their two farms but do not process any milk from smallholder
farmers because of quality issues. Nonetheless, Greenfields brokers the purchasing of smallholder milk
through a single, local, independent MCP (not directly through a KUD) for supply to processors including
Nestlé, Indolacto and Real Good. Greenfields has no contractual relationship with KUDs, nor obligations
to follow price floors for smallholders’ milk, nor provide extension. Greenfields has, however, a dairy
institute and a demonstration farm where farmers from across Indonesia are taught best practices. The
institute delivers a common good, namely to improve farmer husbandry, rather than to drive contractual
or commercial compliance with Greenfields’ product standards.
Description of model
Greenfields aim to provide high quality milk and milk products for the local and international market. In
their bid to achieve this, there has been a conscious or subconscious displacement of smallholder
farmers from the value chain, as Greenfields sources all raw milk from their own production rather than
from smallholder farmers. Their operations have led smallholder to shift from producing milk to selling
forage to the Greenfields dairy.
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Figure 7. Value chain map for Greenfields
Although this trade relationship may seem inclusive to smallholder farmers, it is also inadvertently
increasing farmers reliance on Greenfields for their livelihoods and distorts the markets. Smallholder
farmers are at risk of losing out entirely, particularly in the event that Greenfields no longer required
their services due to unforeseen circumstances, such as subsequent vertical integration to provide
feeds or Greenfields losing their license to produce milk products due to regulatory, political or other
reasons.
Relationship model
Greenfields hinge on the productivity of their farm and adherence to their established principles and
management practices. Greenfields prioritisation of feeding and nutrition includes smallholder farmers
as suppliers of inputs for its primary production and excludes the same smallholders from the market
for raw materials for milk. This model creates a relatively low impact to smallholders but assures its final
consumers of high-quality products. Greenfields’ relationship with other processors as a milk supplier
also benefits Greenfields, but not smallholders directly. Greenfields, however, has invested in
“demonstration” training for local smallholders, which although outside their core business model,
improves the capacity of local smallholders. The direct relationship between smallholders and
Greenfields contains balancing elements, while the main business model benefits Greenfields more
than smallholders. The state’s participation via funding, policy and infrastructure is not clear in this
example, and the Greenfield’s model does not rely on direct government support, while returning
benefits to the public.
Smallholder farmers (farm inputs)
Milk Collection Points (Greenfields managed)
Greenfields Many local farms now supply forage and other inputs to Greenfields, and so are increasingly reliant on success of a single farm.
Some farmers sell to MCPs, and onto Greenfields, but not through KUD. Resulting in no extension training or collective bargaining power to farmers.
Smallholder farmers (milk)
Greenfields processes its own milk
Retail and export markets
Processors: Nestlé, Indolakto, Real Good
Greenfields sells local farmers’ milk to other processors, but without any extension support to improve quality.
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Figure 8. Greenfields relationship model
5.2.4 PT Cimory - West Java
Commercial and Relationship Analysis
PT Cisarua Mountain Dairy (or Cimory) was established in Bogor, West Java in 2004 and buys raw milk
from 20 KUDs; including KUD Giri Tani and KPS Bogor, with whom the IndoDairy project collaborates,
as well as KUDs in East Java. Their products include pasteurised milk derivatives such as yoghurt
drinks, yoghurt sets and cheese. Cimory has the second highest production nationally behind
Greenfields and also sells locally and internationally. A portion of their input supply comes from imported
reconstituted milk powder, as well as local fresh milk. Their target is to become the highest producer
within three years and to start using cheaper transportation for their operations. Cimory has a strong
and unique marketing strategy that sees them employ female sales agents often called ‘Miss Cimory’
who implement door-to-door sales methods to increase sales of their range of products. This method is
the traditional mode of marketing in Indonesia. Their products are also sold through a range of retail
pathways such as supermarkets, mini markets, and direct retail outlets.
Website: https://cimory.com/
Operating Principles
Cimory acknowledge that smallholder farmers are crucial to their business model due to the reliance on
them for the majority of their milk supply. Farmers’ produce is reached via cooperatives and paid based
on the quality of their milk. Despite the importance of these farmers to their operations, Cimory has
invested minimally in smallholders by establishing a 150-cow model farm in Ciawi and investing in
cooling tanks at KUDs, although this farm is only accessible to farmers who are directly linked to it and
they are not necessarily the farmers supplying the KUDs Cimory buys from. Due to the very low levels
of investments in farmers and the focus on buying the highest quality milk for the lowest price, farmers
Public
Green- fields
Small- holder
farmers
Benefits:
• Access to training for improved animal health
• Ability to provide feed inputs to Greenfields
Benefits:
• Dominant role in region;
• Can secure input supply,
• Can on-sell farmers’ milk production, with margin
Strong corporate returns to national economy
• Import reduction • Improved food
security
Support:
• Limited direct state support for farmers beyond existing KUD structure
21 | P a g e
are not obliged to supply KUDs that supply Cimory. This makes the constant supply of milk a major
challenge for Cimory as KUDs are always looking forward to selling to the highest bidder.
Description of model
Cimory potentially has two models, one of which invests in cooling tanks and buys from KUDs, the other
is vertically-integrated model and sees the development of their model farms and the subsequent
development of more farms.
Investment in cooling tanks and purchase from KUDs
In this model, farmers supply to KUDs and Cimory purchases from different KUDs in West Java. Cimory
deals with smallholder farmers from different cooperatives. Cimory purchases 250 tonnes of milk per
week from these cooperatives in West Java. The cooperatives place a 20 percent margin on the price
of the milk before selling to Cimory, and the price offered to cooperatives is based on the quality of the
milk they receive. Milk samples with less than 1.0million Total Plate Count (TPC) – a measure of
bacterial contamination – get as much as a 13 percent price premium (paid to the KUD), thus the lower
the TPC, the higher the price. Milk with less than 1.0m TPC is used for fresh milk production while that
which has more than 1.0m is processed into yoghurt. Thirty percent of the milk is processed as fresh
milk while 70 percent is used in the production of yoghurt. On arrival at the MCPs, milk is weighed,
tested and chilled. To retain the milk’s quality, PT Cimory has invested in the procurement and
installation of cooling tanks at the various KUDs from whom it purchases.
This investment, however, favours Cimory and does not benefit the smallholders directly, although
Cimory does pay farmers (via KUDs) a slightly higher price for milk than other models (IDR5,200/L
compared with IDR4,550/L by KPBS Pangalengan and IDR 4,100/L by KPS Bogor (all for <1.0M TPC).
This model helps smallholder farmers to sustain their livelihoods and is somewhat inclusive, but does
not necessarily prioritise them as major stakeholders in the value chain.
We note also that Cimory implement a practice where imported reconstituted dairy product is
reprocessed and marketed as a fresh milk product. This practice is not currently regulated by any
national government policy covering branding and consumer protection, which in turn leaves
smallholders exposed, as this works against their interests. Improved national policy in this area will
help to strengthen the market position for smallholders, and increase the competitiveness of their
product in a globalised market.
Development of a model (‘demo’) farm
Smallholders are fundamental to PT Cimory’s growth as their procurement methods may not be
appealing to big companies. This has spurred investments in the establishment of a farm with 150 cows
to serve as a model farm for farmers. For the farm to run successfully, a partnership has been
established with the Forestry Department to sustainably provide forage for the farm by thinning trees
instead of clear felling, allowing the growth of grass for silage within the forested areas. A drawback of
this model is that many farmers who supply the KUDs, from whom they purchase milk, do not have
access to the farm, therefore limiting the reach and impacts of the farm.
PT Cimory has plans for two more farms in West and Central Java with herds of 500-1,000. These cows
will have an average production of 15-20 litres per cow per day. This investment will most likely reduce
Cimory’s reliance on smallholder milk.
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Figure 9. Value chain map for PT Cimory in West Java
Relationship model
Although the relationship established from Cimory’s operating model is beneficial, measures can be put
in place to make it even more efficient. Cimory and smallholder farmers face risks in this relationship
model as the price smallholders receive and the availability of milk for Cimory is never assured. Cimory’s
investment in model farms benefits the farmers who are fortunate to be able to access it, although these
farmers are a fraction of those involved in its supply chain. This translates to a partially balanced
relationship between smallholder farmers and Cimory. As is typical in Indonesia, the government plays
no direct significant role in the value chain except for regulation and monitoring of KUDs.
KUD Giri Tani
KPS Bogor
Many farmers sell milk to KUDs who sell to Cimory.
Smallholder farmers (milk)
Cimory
Cimory medium-size model farm- Ciawi
Cimory medium-sized ‘model farms’ supply smallholder extension to improve the milk supply of farmers trading with Cimory, rather than targeting the broad KUD membership.
Retail and export markets
Limited investment by Cimory back to KUDs or farmers for productivity improvements, other than model farms below.
Smallholder farmers (milk)
Individual Large scale dairy farms (milk)
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Figure 10. Cimory relationship model
From the above, we conclude that Cimory’s model is partially beneficial and requires modification for
full inclusiveness of smallholders.
5.2.5 KPBS Pangalengan - West Java
Commercial and Relationship Analysis
KPBS Pangalengan was established in 1969 for smallholder dairy farmers and with current membership
exceeding 2,500, KPBS is considered one of the more successful dairy cooperatives in Indonesia.
KPBS operates seven digitally automated MCPs to drive a responsive testing and pricing protocol for
their suppliers and higher quality milk for their buyers. The KPBS fleet of 19 milk collection trucks also
improves farmers’ access to the collection network. Besides supplying fresh milk to PT Friesian Flag
Indonesia (FFI) and other processors, KPBS is also involved in the production of about 18 dairy
products.
Operating principles
The KPBS cooperative operates a beneficial business relationship with their smallholder dairy farmers
to broker low cost credit for equipment updates and to continuously grow their competencies for higher
quality milk supply. KPBS access to both public and private fund streams positions it as a driver of
innovation for smallholder dairies. KPBS is supported by Dutch government aid via FFI - an Indonesian
subsidiary of a Dutch multinational company, FrieslandCampina, to train dairy farmers. FFI continuously
invests in smallholder farmers meeting standards for milk quality and provides farmers with access to
extensionists, a dairy extension manual and trains KUD staff. Cooperation among smallholders,
cooperatives and FFI has occurred for more than 20 years, with FFI’s commitment to smallholder
dairying further consolidated through its MoU signed in 2018 with KPBS and other cooperatives in West
Java. The following activities were included:
State
CimorySmall-holder
farmers
Partially balanced relationship focus on commercial strength by vertically linking model farms with processor
Some state role in KUD accreditation and monitoring, but no direct support
Strong corporate returns to national economy • Import reduction • Export opportunity • Poverty reduction
Benefits: • Access to training
and extension through KUDs and model farm
• Improved livelihoods
Benefits: • Improved supply
quality • Improved
productivity and profits
• Increased market share
24 | P a g e
• sharing knowledge and experience among farmers in Indonesia and in the Netherlands;
• an academy promoting networking among young farmers;
• machinery for automating MCPs;
• a dairying radio program for communication among farmers, the extension service and cooperatives; and
• a dairy village to demonstrate sustainable dairying with cutting-edge technology. Despite the long-term positive relationship between FFI and KPBS Pangalengan, the latter is still
perceived as inefficient rather than a cutting-edge enterprise. The above activities covered in the MOU
largely parallel those of PERPAMI and stimulation of synergies between such like-minded initiatives is
recommended for maximum benefit to the broader rural community. The commercial dairy industry has
often invested in smallholders for philanthropic reasons related more to global public good than to profit.
These contributions, and those of aid programs of developed countries, have dramatically augmented
access to modern technologies for dairying beyond the advances resulting from Indonesian public
investment. The elements for innovation seem to be in place, but often the dynamism engendered by
R&D projects finishes with the project and stagnation seems pervasive, for example as referred to above
with the long-term collaboration between FFI and KPBS Pangalengan.
Description of model
KPBS model focuses on providing extension, finance and ready markets for smallholder dairy farmers.
This has led to an increase in productivity and profitability of their farmer members. KPBS operations
are digital to ensure farmers receive a fair and transparent payment for their produce and the method
of milk collection is flexible and closer to farmers. Through FFI, KPBS is able to invest in farmer training.
Rather than using model farms, FFI deploys extension workers and extension materials to the farmers,
which has led to a high adherence by farmers as they have one-on-one sessions with extension agents
who can help to solve issues unique to them. The provision of inputs such as concentrates and water,
coupled with the extension services, helps to achieve regularity among the members, while the provision
of low-cost finance leaves no farmer lacking basic equipment for production. This inclusive business
model spurs farmers to be active decision-makers but can encourage the reliance on foreign
government for development. KPBS does, however, have the ability to supply their processors and
produce milk products effectively using this model.
KPBS Pangalengan pays farmers on a sliding scale based on TPC, the price increasing from IDR4,550
for 800K-1.0M ppm TPC up to IDR5,250/L for < 100K ppm. Using a quality benchmark of <500K ppm,
the KPBS price (IDR4,950/L) is lower than the price paid ny Nestle (IDR5,250/L).
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Figure 11. Value chain map of KPBS Pangalengan
Relationship Model
An analysis of the KPBS model shows successful balance between smallholders, processors and the
public sector, notwithstanding that the public sector role here is undertaken through foreign funding. All
parties benefit strongly and risks are evenly distributed. The Dutch Government underwrites the
technical development of smallholders and the KUD to deliver a constant supply of high-quality product
to serve the processing industry and local and international trade. This relationship exemplifies the
importance of government in the growth and development of a sector.
17 KPBS MCPs
19 KPBS milk collection trucks
Farmers deliver to a truck or Milk Collection Point (MCP) atruck
Smallholder farmers (milk)
The KPBS-owned processing facility, sells to 2 producers of non-milk products
KPBS processing facility
PT Friesian Flag
PT Ultrajaya
PT Indolakto
Dutch funded
program
PT Friesian Flag participates in a Dutch-funded program for extension training and lab facilities
26 | P a g e
Figure 12. Relationship model for KPBS Pangalengan
5.2.6 Contract farming model
Commercial and Relationship Analysis
Contract farming has existed for more than 100 years and is increasingly deployed by large agricultural
processors and development practitioners due to a high level of smallholder inclusion and the mutual
benefit provided to both buyers and farmers. Often referred to as an ‘’outgrower scheme’’ (Eaton &
Shepherd 2001), it is defined as a contractual arrangement between a farmer and a firm (buyer) (Rehber
2007), whether oral or written, which provides resources and/or specifies one or more conditions of
production, in addition to one or more marketing condition, for an agricultural product, which is non-
transferable.
There are five different models of contract farming (Eaton & Shepherd 2001), but all share the same
basic structure, which usually involves a buyer and the farmer and sometimes intermediaries such as
government bodies acting as regulators or 3rd party companies who help with sourcing and aggregating
of farmers. These models include: the centralised model where the sponsor purchases crops from a
number of smallholder farmers and processes or packages them into marketable products and are
heavily involved in production where they often take control of most production aspects; the nucleus
estate model is a variation of the centralised model where the sponsor manages a plantation or central
estate; the multipartite model usually involves statutory bodies and private companies jointly
participating with farmers; the informal model applies to individual entrepreneurs who make simple
informal production contracts with farmers on a seasonal basis and whose crops usually require a
minimal amount of processing, with material inputs often restricted to seed and fertiliser provision; and
the intermediary model which is very common in Southeast Asia and where large food processors
Public
Processors Small-holder
farmers
Benefits:
• Farmers receive extension support to improve quality of milk, and individual farm yields;
• Higher incomes and profitability.
Benefits:
• Consistent supply of satisfactory quality raw milk;
• Reliability in supply chain while external funding is maintained.
Benefits:
• Strong tax receipts;
• Reduced reliance on import;
• Improved domestic food security
Support:
• Strong public support for KUD model where funding program underpins extension support
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enter into contracts with collectors or farmer committees and cooperatives who have informal
arrangements with farmers to source crops for them.
The success of a contract farming model, where benefits are shared by both buyer and seller, is
conditional on adequate levels of protection for the buyer in the contract. These levels of protection
(such as equitable price, price rises over time, reasonable payment terms, and the absence of any
coercive conditions in the contract) are generally only secured if the weaker party (seller) is well
represented in contract negotiations. As a result, in jurisdictions where contracts are not supported by
legal structures, or there is little recourse for dispute, the system can be weakened. Where contracts
are mediated by a third party (government, or an impartial regulator) the contract model will be more
beneficial to the seller.
The intent of the contract model is to provide certainty for both parties - certainty of price, and ability to
negotiate terms for the seller, and certainty of volume and security of supply for the buyer. Where
successful, this leads to more secure longer-term arrangements, enabling farmers to reinvest profits
back into their production, and therefore improving their livelihood over time. The longer-term nature of
a contract agreement removes the risk of trading on ‘spot-markets’ while potentially lowering the
maximum price obtained for their product. However, there is a risk for farmers if the buyer is not
challenged by other buyers in the market, creating a monopoly market, in which case buyers have a
greater ability to set the prices, and push down farmers’ profits. This risk cannot be mitigated in the form
of contract, as it is a function of the market conditions in which the trade occurs.
For buyers searching for the lowest priced inputs into their supply chain, there is a commercial
advantage to processor in ensuring the price is pushed so low that it precludes a profit opportunity for
the farmers, enabling reinvestment in quality and consistency in product. A buyer that offers a price
including reasonable profit, is investing in the longer-term sustainability and quality of their supply chain.
As noted above, the risk remains that the buyer assesses its financial benefits over the shorter rather
than the longer term, pulling down the value of the smallholder network with their own business.
In the following, we briefly reference an example of contract farming in Bali.
PT Pertani in Bali
An Indonesian example of a contract model is PT Pertani, a government owned agribusiness in
Indonesia, which is in contract with 300 smallholder rice farmers in Bali for seed rice production. This
model is based on the multi-partite contract model described above. PT Pertani produces certified seeds
for smallholders. Their mission is to produce and deliver competitive agribusiness support to the
agricultural sector in Indonesia. This has driven PT Pertani to be inclusive in most of their activities.
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Figure 33. Value chain map of PT Pertani (contract farming model)
Operating Principles
PT Pertani enters into contracts with farmers via Pekasehs who represents a group of about 50 farmers.
Pekasehs are in charge of irrigation areas and represent the interest of smallholder farmers in those
areas. These Pekasehs negotiate with PT Pertani on general contract terms such as desired planting
area, price, volume, and the supply of inputs for the planting season, etc. They make almost all of the
technical and important decisions such as cropping areas for seed rice and consumption rice, and leave
the minor production decisions to smallholder farmers. PT Pertani does not make direct contracts with
farmers throughout this season, they do, however, recruit and send extension agents to monitor the
production activities of farmers to ensure that quality and quantity requirements are met. In this model,
the government of Indonesia is involved by providing input and extension services. PT Pertani
aggregates these farmers and performs the due diligence needed to make these farmers eligible to
access these inputs.
In this contract, PT Pertani provides smallholder farmers with foundation seeds and extension advice
while farmers are obligated to remit at least 75 percent of their production to PT Pertani. The remaining
25 percent of rice produced may be used by the farmer for their own use. Deflection on the farmers’
end via selling a portion of the seed production to other markets is forbidden. Payments for the produce
are made in cash to the Pekaseh who then remits the money to farmers. Prior to 2001, no advances of
farm inputs or cash were paid to the farmers. This changed in 2001 due to the introduction of a policy
instrument by the Indonesian Government, which granted farmers access to funding for farm input from
Bank Mandiri. Through this policy, PT Pertani accessed the funds and procures inputs which are
advanced to farmers through the Pekaseh.
Farmers in this contract also receive four visits during the growing season from extension officers
contracted by PT Pertani to undertake monitory and advisory roles. These extension workers ensure
that the rice produced meets the standards of PT Pertani. Rice that does not meet the quality standards
can be sold for consumption, but not as seeds, by the farmers.
Smallholder farmers
PT Pertani Market
State
PT Pertani supports and implements extension training, access to finance, logistics to farmers.
PT Pertani is a state-owned enterprise (SOE)
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Figure 44. PT Pertani (contract farming) relationship model
6.0 Gap analysis - IBM models in East Java compared with KPS Bogor, West
Java
6.1 Model comparison
In undertaking a gap analysis between the key operating models from East Java, and KPS Bogor in
West Java, we compare the triangular relationships and the lists of relative benefits. The diagrammatic
analyses are separated below with the benefits tabulated, along with the two key variables: the role of
public institutions, and power balance with private operators.
PT Nestlé, PT Cimory (two operating models), KPBS Pangalengan and a contract farming model are
used for this comparison.
Exclusion of Greenfields from gap analysis
We have excluded the vertically integrated PT Greenfields model despite the commercial success of its
operations, as we do not believe it represents a viable inclusive farming model. The key reasons for this
are that although a large number of localised smallholder farmers are involved in the supply of raw
produce (mainly silage ingredients) to Greenfields, this is not equitable on several levels. First, the
livelihoods of these smallholders who supply silage are now dependent on the success of a single buyer
for raw product. If Greenfields were to suddenly go out of business, or change its business model (e.g.
find alternative input supplies, such as importing feed), then a large number of smallholders would
immediately be driven out of business themselves, with no easy path back to farming the dairy cattle
that they were used to farming, prior to supply Greenfields. In comparison, Nestlé would be unlikely to
suddenly find a new supply chain of milk, and if they were to go out of business rapidly in East Java, it
is likely that another processor would step in to fill that void. This is less likely in the export driven,
Strong corporate returns to national economy
• Profitable SOE
• Security of rice seed production
• Secure and growing smallholder farmers
Indirect state support to small-holders through contract farming arrangement.
Benefits:
• Improved supply quality
• Improved productivity and profits
• Increased market share
Benefits:
• Access to finance
• Access to training and extension
• Improved productivity
• Improved livelihoods
Balanced relationship
State
PT PertaniSmallholder
farmers
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vertically integrated Greenfields model. Second, where Nestlé has accepted the commercial risk of
providing lines of credit to smallholders with the explicit aim of increasing the farmers production,
Greenfields have not committed to improving the productivity of existing dairy farmers, or even those
that shifted their activities to supplying forage to Greenfields. The relationship between Greenfields and
their adjacent farmers is therefore not as interdependent as we see in the Nestlé model.
While this is a viable, commercial business model, our specific focus here is to investigate models that
bring a livelihood benefit to both smallholders as well as a commercial benefit to the larger corporate
entities. The Greenfields model therefore does not meet these criteria, and thus we exclude the model
as a potential for application to West Java.
To understand the variables at play, we noted above that to develop a robust framework that supports
the growth and development of smallholder farmers, it is important to acknowledge that they are a
fundamental and critical part of the dairy industry supply chain, and this framework must assist farmers
to supply milk at a minimum quality and consistency of volume that benefits the processors. Without a
consistent and quality milk supply, processors cannot invest in their own growth and commercial
development. However, the capacity for smallholder farmers to invest in their own productivity is limited
due to a number of external factors (which affect smallholder farmers worldwide). These include a lack
of education, a lack of access (by price or knowledge or both) to new technologies and practices, poor
access to quality inputs, and poor infrastructure to deliver their product to processors.
This gap in knowledge, infrastructure and access to technology is a fundamental weakness in
agricultural value chains.
As we identify above, there are several models where this gap is being filled, and as noted, it is being
filled by either the corporate sector (processors) or by government, or a combination of both. Without
external investment in the supply chain infrastructure, input supply or knowledge for farmers, local value
chains are weak, as in the farming communities around Bogor. This is highlighted in the graphic below
which illustrates that the state has little role, and the processors hold an unbalanced position with
respect to farmers.
Our thesis is that without an increased investment by government or by the corporate sector, the
opportunity for the smallholder farmer sector to grow is limited. The analysis below identifies investment
to strengthen the role of smallholders, the benefits from such investment, and the conditions required
to further encourage the growth of production capacity in the smallholder sector in the Bogor area.
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Table 2. Summary of each case study, including key elements, and listed benefits
Model Role of public institutions
Power balance
External investment from
Benefits/consequences for farmers
Benefits/risks to processing companies
Economic benefits
Comparative milk prices paid to farmers (IDR / L)1
Commercial benefits
KPS Bogor Weak In favour of processors
None
• Very limited access to finance or training and extension
• Diminished marketing power
• KUD is in weakened position in market for pricing influence
• Dominant role in value chain;
• Price-setters for local seller
Risks:
• No investment in supply chain- cannot control quality or volume.
• Some tax revenue benefit, but commercial risks weaken market position for export growth/ or food security improvements;
• Little contribution to poverty reduction
4,100 – 5,300 (>1.0M ppm - < 500ppm)
• Nil
KPBS Pangalengan
Strong public role
Balanced Public sector (bilateral aid)
• Access to finance
• Access to training and extension
• Improved productivity
• Improved livelihoods
• Limited financial exposure (risk carried by Dutch government program)
• Improved supply quality
• Improved productivity and profits
• Increased market share
• Strong corporate returns to national economy
• Import reduction
• Export opportunity
• Poverty reduction
4,950 • Improved quality and consistency of supply to participating processors, at no commercial risk to processors until funding program ends;
PT Nestlé Minimal public role- private sector driven
Balanced Private sector (Nestlé)
• Access to finance
• Access to training and extension
• Improved productivity
• Improved livelihoods
• Improved supply quality
• Improved productivity and profits
• Increased market share
• Strong corporate returns to national economy
• Import reduction
• Export opportunity
• Poverty reduction
5,250 • Improved quality and consistency of supply to Nestlé, improved profits and security of supply chain;
• However, includes a corresponding financial implication to Nestlé;
PT Cimory- model farm
Minimal public role-
Private sector (Cimory)
• Some access to extension advice to farmers, but limited associated with model farm;
• Improved control of quality of supply inputs;
• Some opportunity for scaling, however it is limited, therefore broader economic
5,200 (>1.0M TPC count)
• Improved quality and consistency of supply to Cimory, improved profits
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Model Role of public institutions
Power balance
External investment from
Benefits/consequences for farmers
Benefits/risks to processing companies
Economic benefits
Comparative milk prices paid to farmers (IDR / L)1
Commercial benefits
private sector driven
• Improved productivity and profits
• Increased market share
returns are limited.
and security of supply chain;
• However, includes a corresponding financial implication cost on farm set up;
PT Cimory- extension and support
Minimal public role- private sector driven
Private sector (Cimory)
• Some access to extension advice to famers, but limited, and not coordinated broadly to improve yields of more famers;
• Some improved supply quality, although extent is limited as scope of investment in extension appears to be limited;
• Some limited returns but not extensive enough to represent opportunity for broader returns;
• Likely some but limited improvement of quality, without broader investment across all farmer groups;
Generic Contract farming
Public role varies- can be critical in regulatory protection of sellers.
Varies • Security of contract for product;
• However, security is sometimes at cost of higher prices;
• Ability to negotiate with open market and other buyers;
• Security of supply quantities and quality;
• Security of price;
• Some cost implications in providing technical assistance, however cost is contained and amortised across all participants
• Strong corporate returns to national economy
• Import reduction
• Export opportunity
• Poverty reduction
NA • Secure return of profits and profitability to both buyers and sellers, improved livelihoods for famers;
• strong ability for buyers to control supply chain and maximise profitability and expand scale.
PT Greenfields
5,050- 5,255
1.0 Prices vary according to milk quality, prices quoted here are for a median grade based on Total Plate Count (TPC), of around 500ppm.
Note: PT Greenfields is included only for comparison of milk prices paid to farmers (farm-gate).
33 | P a g e
Analysis
Underpinning successful value chains are inclusive business models that invest in the less powerful
actors in the value chain, building their skills, power and value, rather than providing cash injections.
Interviewees from each of the successful case histories stressed the importance of focusing on
productivity gains, as opposed to increasing herd numbers.
In the successful case studies (PT Nestlé, Cimory, KPBS Pangelangan), relationships among the public
sector (bilateral funding programs, support for KUDs), corporate sector (processors) and smallholders
vary. The following analysis and application of these models to the KUD in Bogor identifies the key
requirements in these relationships to develop viable models of supply that support the smallholder
sector.
The gap analysis above provides a framework to apply these key requirements to an existing production
sector, and enables definition of a broader strategy to stimulate growth in a particular geographic region.
This strategy also delivers a template to best leverage the value of smallholder farmers in new regions
for dairying.
The strategy recognises the need for a fundamental relationship between the public sector, private
commercial sector and the smallholder sector. This relationship requires public investment to establish
and form the infrastructure fundamentals, while also mapping out an exit for public investment, shifting
the risk for industry growth to both the smallholder sector and commercial processors. This stage of the
strategy relies on the value of the interdependent relationship between processors and their key supply
chain for raw milk.
Private sector investment – PT Nestlé
Nestlé commenced operating in East Java in 1975 and has developed a long-term position in the market
and strong relationships with local smallholder farmers. Globally, Nestlé focusses on developing their
upstream supply chains, again taking a long-term view of not only their own inputs, but also of the
resilience of the suppliers. This inclusive approach to their supply chain is integrated into their
commercial strategy, and forms a fundamental part of how they do business.
Therefore, it is no accident that the farmers and cooperatives that Nestlé draw from have benefited from
the business models that Nestlé apply to their supply chains, nor is it implicit in the supply chains of all
dairy processors. Indeed, we do not see the same deep integration of this model in any processors in
Java. We can therefore conclude that the private sector will not automatically make the investments
required to build up the smallholder farm capacities, even if there is a viable long-term commercial
strategy to do so. While there are commercial benefits to making investments in inclusive business
models in their supply chains, it is impractical to build a strategy on the assumption that market drivers
will open up these investment decisions. This is particularly the case where the dairy supply is more
developed than when Nestlé first began their engagements with suppliers.
With respect to a pathway for private sector investment in input supply chains, a partnership model is
more likely to gain traction with the private sector, where a component of the risk is removed from the
investment. The Nestlé model also suggests that with the right commercial strategy, the private sector
can be encouraged to make long-term commitments to the supply chain to ensure their supplies of
inputs. The key lesson from the Nestlé model, is that the governance structures of these investments
need to be prepared in a way, which, on building on inclusive business principles, ensures value is
retained by the farmers, and the relationship with the farmers is balanced and benefits both parties.
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These measures are more easily implemented and monitored in the establishment of the programs, if
the establishment is publicly funded.
Private sector investment – PT Cimory
PT Cimory’s model farms target strengthening the company’s role in the value chain, rather than uplifting
smallholders. By contrast, when Nestlé invests in equipment, extension training, or productivity gains
(even if under financing models), they are placing their capital at risk in the assets over which they have
no control. Therefore, they are investing in the improvement of downstream assets in the value chain,
not their own assets. This is an important distinction, as it demonstrates a commitment to the whole
value chain, not just their component.
We do not need to expect that the private sector will take on the role played by the Dutch Government,
and there is no need to test the sustainability of this partnership model. Rather, empirical evidence is
needed to demonstrate that the partnership is successful, so it should be continued, and the Indonesian
Government should then take over the role of the Dutch Government.
Joint public/private sector investment – KPBS Pangalengan
Investment in the KUD Milk Collection Point and establishment of pricing structures, is driven by the
Dutch Government aid program. In this case, the core commercial risk is not carried in the first instance
by the private sector investors (Ultrajaya and Friesian Flag) as the lending structure will be underwritten
by the program funding. This analysis reinforces the argument above that it is unlikely the private sector
will risk investment in the input supply chains, unless the risk is underwritten by another source. In
addition, it is unclear whether the private companies would continue their involvement in the KPBS
scheme if the Dutch Government’s funding ceased. We were not able to test this question with either
Ultrajaya or Friesian Flag. We assert that without underwriting and investment by government and/or
industry, dairying is not competitive in lowland tropical areas of the world such as in Indonesia. Even
with environmental conditions more suitable for dairying in Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda,
major long-term and ongoing investments from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation through the East
Africa Dairy Development initiative have been pivotal to underpinning the smallholder dairy sector there.
This sustained investment through KPBS Pangalengan, has lifted milk quality standards for a broad
community of smallholders, to a significant degree but not yet to the exacting standards that PT
Greenfields, for example, apply to their own milk production on their corporate farms. This illustrates
there are potential benefits to livelihoods to be gained through KPBS raising the bar even further on
milk quality. At the same time, it appears that the success of technical innovation in improving raw milk
quality was not matched in parallel to developing the business acumen and entrepreneurship of the
KUD and its members. Similarly, adaptive management is also proving an ongoing challenge for dairy
cooperatives in East Africa. A stronger emphasis on targeting more efficient business practice in KPBS
Pangalengan is necessary to sustain uplift of the KUD and its members.
KPS Bogor
Paradoxically, the proximity to large centres of population has not translated to economic gain and
positive business experience for KPS Bogor. The salient difference between KPS Bogor and KPBS
Pangalengan is that the latter has benefited from unbroken flows of Dutch aid via FFI, while the former
has struggled to operate on funding based significantly on membership fees.
In addition to the strengths of the Nestlé, Cimory and KPBS Pangalengan models, we note that the
value chain in Bogor has poor infrastructure (transport linkages, trucking, etc.), as well as poor quality
milk collection facilities with inadequate chilling units, little or no testing facilities, little extension work,
35 | P a g e
and significant problems with forage supply. Many of these issues are experienced in other parts of the
province, including issues with forage availability that is common with farmers who supply Nestlé;
however, with no direct connection to public or private sector investment in the value chain, these
problems exacerbate or perhaps define the underlying weakness of local dairy farming.
It is recommended that a disciplined and audited “rescue package” for under-performing KUDs be
explored, building on the experience of revitalising dairying value chains for smallholders after the
Merapi eruption (Sembada et al. 2019) and using KPS Bogor for pilot implementation. The intervention
described by Sembada et al. (2019) achieved more than restoring dairying to the status quo from before
the disaster in Merapi, as is often achieved by initiatives that target disruption from natural disasters.
Significantly, among improvements and innovations, the intervention catalysed new and improved
business relationships. The social factors in remediation after a specific natural disaster will vary from
and perhaps prove easier than for revitalising a business that has slowly languished in under-
investment. It is suggested that KPS Bogor draft a new and more compelling business plan to re-open
trade with small processors, like Susu Mbok Dharmi, that lost confidence in supply from KPS Bogor.
The potential for a mutually beneficial association between PERPAMI and KPS Bogor merits critical
examination, particularly with respect to engaging youth from KPS Bogor households in decision-
making. The proximity to the national capital is also a compelling reason to reposition KPS Bogor as a
dynamic cooperative that deploys cutting-edge technology and inclusive business models.
6.2 Impacts on and benefits to smallholder farmers
The main theme of this report is to identify more effective business models to benefit smallholder
farmers, as well as improving engagement for women and younger generations in the agricultural supply
chain. To this end, we will set out the logic for supporting inclusive business models in the economy,
and analyse the examples described above for their direct benefit to smallholder farmers.
As noted, the Nestlé, Cimory and KPBS Pangalengan models deliver, to varying degrees, direct benefits
to smallholder farmers through Nestlé and Cimory’s focus on improving their supply inputs, and through
the KPBS working with farmers on better quality milk to increase payments from processors.
In all examples, we see that the benefits accruing to farmers originate from a ‘whole of supply chain
approach’, focused on quality of product. That is, in these cases, the driver for improvements to milk
quality supply lie in securing better quality milk production facilities upstream for farmers. Investment in
smallholder capacity results in a chain of higher quality and greater consistency and delivers higher,
more consistent volumes. These factors are critical to processors, as their profitability relies on their
quality of supply, leading to stronger corporate businesses, improved domestic food security, and the
potential for increased exports and therefore national level tax receipts. We have also shown through
the Nestlé, Cimory and Pangalengan models that the smallholder farmers also benefit through improved
productivity, security of sales and better livelihoods.
However, this approach can be compared with a corporate model of production, such as Greenfields
whose production is not reliant on the capacity of existing smallholder dairy producers in the region. The
Greenfields model is not intended to directly support smallholder farmers, and indeed the development
of these large-scale enterprises can have a direct and positive impact on the local population through
the creation of jobs, supply of inputs such as feed, and the introduction and dissemination of new
farming technologies and skills, some of which are passed on directly to farmers in the immediate area.
Over the longer term, as the industry and economy develops, there is also potential for these larger-
scale enterprises to offer profit sharing and equity ownership to employees, both of which represent
36 | P a g e
inclusive approaches to industry development. Greenfields also support the local smallholder network
beyond their main product line of fresh milk, but purchasing the lower quality product from local farms,
and using this in the processed product range, further strengthens their position in the area.
From a national economic perspective, the corporate Greenfields model still delivers strong business
potential and valuable tax receipts, and therefore benefits the national government. The two approaches
to farming and milk supply, smallholder and large-scale production are complementary and necessary
for the resilience of the industry more broadly.
The theory of inclusive business approaches is based on the principle that there is significant broader
economic benefit in using the productive capacity of smallholder farmers, particularly in developing
economies, as this scale of production is widespread throughout developing economies. Wealthier
smallholders across a rural economy mean greater spending power in the economy of a significant
proportion of the population. Therefore, to strengthen these individual producers in aggregate is to
strengthen the economy as a whole, as well as to strengthen the agricultural sector, which underpins
the growth of national wealth in emerging economies.
So, to explore the principle of inclusive business models in dairying is to determine the best models for
strengthening the role of smallholders, and the best policies that underpin these models in the broader
economy. Evidence from many agricultural sectors globally shows significant benefits from broadening
participation in decision-making beyond the traditional senior male of the household.
Effective inclusive models
The table above includes existing models that are effective in supporting smallholder supply chains and
the field work identified a number of emerging business models with innovative approaches to small-
scale businesses and improved smallholder engagement.
These include the three noted above: Nestlé, Cimory and KPBS Pangalengan; small business
enterprises, such as Susu Mbok Darmi; and, the young dairy farmers’ association, PERPAMI. All of
these examples can provide a foundation point for a number of new models for business in the dairy
sector.
However, the secondary theme we have explored in this report, is that these business activities rarely
succeed in a policy vacuum. We note that the Nestlé example is one where a corporate entity has taken
various commercial and financial risks with their smallholder supply chain for the benefit of the
smallholders. It is likely, though, that the driver for Nestlé over the time of these investments was not
specifically to benefit the smallholders (although there is clearly an understanding that secure farmers
benefits the business), but was principally to improve the security of the company’s supply chain. With
a more secure supply chain, Nestlé can deliver the value-added products downstream, with reliable
input costs and quality. Thus, the driver for Nestlé (and Cimory), is a commercial one, which is part of
the global multi-national’s corporate philosophy. In contrast, Indolakto, Freisian Flag and Greenfields
do not appear to share the same philosophy, as they have not taken the same commercial approach to
their supply chains.
Market forces and corporate common sense will not catalyse increased support for smallholders nor the
growth of inclusive business models in the farm sector. A resilient smallholder network requires a strong
policy framework to support for extension, small business and financial management training,
entrepreneurial business ideas, investment in supply chain infrastructure such as a network of fully
capable MCPs, and innovative loan and finance schemes for farmers to make capital investments in
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productivity. Some regulatory instruments may need to be applied over the short-term such as minimum
quality standards for milk handling and production, and pricing mechanisms to establish better trading
systems for quality control.
Strong markets result from the right balance between statutory and regulatory controls, some early
stage government investment, and freedom of market opportunity for commercial enterprises to explore
their own approaches to increasing productivity. The analysis of the relationships between the corporate
players, smallholders and the state noted in the diagrams above, indicate that at present this balance
has not been struck to achieve the best commercial outcomes for the sector.
State and private sector inputs
Having identified that policy reform is required to underpin support for inclusive business models, we
consider the elements of the models explored to be developed and supported. The following section
describes what elements should be included to establish an effective balance between these
components, if specific areas of West Java or elsewhere were “clean slates” on which to develop viable
dairy sectors. We close with recommendations that can contribute to this outcome.
6.3 Framework for an inclusive and commercially viable dairy sector
As noted, to develop a strong, reliable dairy sector, input is required from the state in two areas: policy
reform to create a number of regulatory controls and initial, early stage investment and financing of
industry infrastructure, and ongoing extension support. These inputs can then form the basis for
improved supply chain arrangements between processors and farmers, based on the models
discussed.
Taken together these inputs and arrangements are a benchmark for expanding dairy production in
existing areas such as West Java or to establish new areas of production such as in North Sumatra.
Government infrastructure support
In the context of establishing emerging industry sectors, our analysis demonstrates that simple market
forces will not create the initial investment required to accelerate improvements in supply chains.
It is clear that some public investment is required to remove the initial barriers and close fundamental
gaps in the supply chain. These investments will, in turn, encourage the private sector to consider
specific investments and ultimately take over the operations of these initial investments. An example of
this is the establishment of a network of MCPs, which require some capital investment in milk cooling
units, handling equipment, and staff. This initial investment could be a state initiative, but with the
intention of selling the asset to one of more private operators, such as local KUDs to run as profitable
businesses. The establishment of effective MCPs alignewith either processors or the KUDs benefoits
both suppliers and buyers. For the KUDs, supporting the investment of chilling, testing and storage
facilities means the ability to pay higher prices for higher quality milk, while for processors, investing in
milk collection facilities is a mechanism to ensuring quality and consistency in their input milk supply,
which will improve their margins over the longer term. This approach, however, needs regulatory support
to encourage processors to replace importation of milk powder with fresh milk supply and for farmers to
be properly trained in techniques that improve quality and yields of their operations, rather than
increasing the number of cattle.
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In addition to these capital investments, state funds should be directed to ongoing and effective
extension programs covering technical and productivity skills related to dairy farming, as well as small
business and financial management skills, entrepreneurial training, and gender-specific skills training
for women in all areas.
These extension programs can be delivered by a range of providers including KUDs, youth associations
such as PERPAMI, women’s associations and the private sector processors through arrangements
such as model farms, as well as the Department of Agriculture. Regulatory provisions will therefore
need to be in place to ensure that a range of providers are accessed, which are given equitable access
to funding sources in order to deliver on an open and fair basis.
Regulatory frameworks for broader participation and supply quality
In addition to this initial infrastructure investment, it is critical to establish a robust trading mechanism
that creates some commercial separation between suppliers (smallholder farmers/KUDs) and
processors. While the Nestlé model demonstrates a working model without this separation, there
remains a high risk that this relationship can be exploited by the corporate side of the arrangement. We
therefore believe the principles for inclusive business development dictate that separation between
smallholder businesses and processors needs to occur.
This separation should occur at the transaction point, in this case the milk collection point. If the MCPs
are controlled by the processors, the smallholders lose any influence in price negotiation. If the MCPs
are controlled by KUDs to achieve buying power for the smallholders, the transaction is better balanced,
resulting in a fairer means of pricing for the raw supply. A number of competing KUDs supplying to a
number of processors in any single region creates the competitive market place that will improve prices
and maintain quality. This is the underlying goal of establishing inclusive business models.
Some regulatory mechanisms may be required to ensure a fair and competitive point of transaction.
These include:
• Regulations to ensure independence of MCPs from processors; and
• Quality and pricing standards for raw milk supply.
Ongoing government involvement
To ensure an ongoing strengthening and building of inclusive principles in the smallholder network,
there needs to be continued funding for providing effective extension services in all areas of business
and farm management, as well as financing solutions that assist with the continuing growth and
productivity improvements of smallholder farmers.
Currently, KUDs are the vehicle of this service, however the current structure requires that the service
is paid for through the collection of dues through the KUDs, often resulting in under-funded services. As
this extension work serves the supply chain as a whole, it is more practical to fund this work through a
levy on downstream high-value products, which is directed back to smallholder extension work through
an industry fund. This fund would need to be state-controlled to remain independent of both processors
and smallholder networks, but could continue to be channelled through the KUDs as well as other
delivery agents, including farmers associations such as PERPAMI or specifically established women’s
associations to focus skills directly at women in farming families.
The KPBS model shows that extension schemes are extremely effective when delivered through the
KUD structure, when they are well-funded. However, we believe it is critical to ensure a separation
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between the corporate entities, the KUDs and the smallholders to deliver this, and it is the role of
regulation and ongoing funding support to maintain this barrier.
Complementing support through well-funded extension programs and access to finance is critical for
farmers to improve their productivity and profitability.
Various mechanisms exist to assist farmers to access finance. The models explored in this report cover
a number of options, including the provision of credit through commercial transactions, as demonstrated
by the Nestlé model and KPBS Pangalengan model. Credit arrangements can be funded through
government-backed guarantees for lending organisations or purchasers of supply (either processors
milk distribution agencies, or KUDs), or as low-cost, no-deposit loans through a government-backed
credit agency.
Ongoing government support for an emerging dairy sector should include:
• Funding programs for extension services and business skills training;
• Support for a range of delivery vehicles for extension services, including youth and gender
specific agencies that can target women and youth in business; and
• A range of finance tools to increase access to otherwise inaccessible loan structures for
smallholder farmers, including government guarantees for transaction lenders or government-
backed loans for credit providers.
• Optimal/adequate import policy (not only on milk and dairy products but also policy on heifer
importation). Milk and dairy product import policy must be able to guarantee the fulfilment of milk
needs by processors (IPS) and at the same time IPS voluntarily is willing to absorb fresh milk
produced in the country. This is a necessary condition for the inclusive model of dairy industry
to work successfully.
6.4 Broadening inclusive principles to social inclusion
A broad pre-competitive social coalition for the national dairy industry, with linkage and communication
among the diverse dairy chains and participants, will facilitate effectively deploying the principles of
inclusive business models within chains. Such a network is especially important for a non-traditional
sector such as dairying that lacks the strong cultural underpinnings associated with centuries of
traditional production, for example of rice or aquaculture, in rural communities.
A weakness of existing supply chains, including the successful models of KPBS Pangalengan and
Nestlé, is restricted engagement in smallholder businesses by women and adolescents of the
households. Further efforts to increase the direct participation of women and the younger generation
will strengthen the Indonesian dairy sector. Global evidence shows that increased engagement of
women, particularly in financial administration, improves family livelihoods. From a survey of four
districts in West Java (The Centre for Global Food and Resources 2020a), 97 percent of dairying
households’ primary decision makers were male with an average age of 47 years and 94 percent of
households had a secondary decision-maker, almost exclusively female, with an average age of 41.
While numbers may not be strictly comparable among countries, evidence indicates that female
membership of Indonesian KUDS is much lower than the dairy hubs of East Africa, where the EADD
initiative reports female representation of 30 percent. In India, where emigration of rural males for
employment has led to the “feminisation” of agriculture, women similarly constitute one-third of more
than 16 million farmers in dairy cooperatives (Sharma 2020). By contrast, only 10 percent of KPBS
Pangalengan members are female, partly because membership was limited to one household member
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in 2015 (Wijers, 2019). Other criteria for KPBS membership are that the farmer be 17 or more years
old, have one or more cows and a stable for the cow(s).
A young farmers’ group, PERPAMI, is stimulating engagement of youth around common issues for
young dairy farmers. Many children of farming families leave agriculture for alternative income sources,
with family landholdings remaining the exclusive domain of the older generation. PERPAMI works to
reverse this trend by connecting a younger generation of famers who bring fresh ideas to the sector.
These younger farmers have a strong inclination to learn from each other, and take potentially greater
risks to scale up and grow their businesses. However, as noted throughout this report, growth in
productivity does not necessarily mean bigger herds or scale of farming, but rather changes in practices
to accommodate the requirements of processors and retail buyers.
Where the opportunity exists for younger farmers to connect to extension programs and each other, it
brings a higher degree of interconnectivity within the industry. Organisations such as PERPAMI
demonstrate that the younger generation are more likely than their parents to take up new technologies
and new learnings, and search out new information through the internet and social media.
While this does not provide a solution to the question of how to further broaden access to extension
services, or how to fund them, we can see through improved connectivity that platforms like PERPAMI
can be leveraged as one element within a broader system that provides a community of support for the
dairy industry as a whole, and especially for families of smallholders engaged in dairying.
Public investment is required to deliver skills, knowledge and training to the dairy sector, with groups
like PERPAMI important in catalysing the dissemination process. Such farmer groups, with corporate
support, may eventually approach self-sustainability for funding a framework of ongoing extension, with
minimal dependence on the public sector.
There are a multitude of creative options for stimulating a broadly connected dairy community that
specifically mentors women and youth and disseminates knowledge and extension materials broadly.
We suggest commissioning competitive grants for producing training videos on subjects identified as
key production constraints (and in concert with the training-specific Activity 3.1 of the overarching
IndoDairy project). Along with laboratories and processing plants, model farms can often provide the
stage for such training materials along with a focus on best farm practices. PT Cimory’s model farm
could be accessed on a fee-for-services basis to provide access beyond its current focus on farmers
with whom it has a direct business relationship. PERPAMI activities parallel many of those in the MOU
between FFI and KUDs, suggesting that cross-visits of such groups can be profitable both for
dissemination of knowledge and for building networks. Similarly, international visits (as conducted by
FFI to the Netherlands) stimulate professional development and importantly raise the esteem of young
dairy farmers. Australia, New Zealand and East African countries in the BMGF dairy initiative are
alternative destinations. As well as looking outward, better synergy and connectivity is required at a
local level, for example in West Java where PERPAMI in Bogor interacts more closely with the giant
international conglomerate Fronterra than with FFI in Bandung.
West Java is home to ICARD, PERPAMI, IPB University, PT Cimory that buys raw milk from KPS Bogor
and 19 other KUDs, Susu Mbok Dharmi and other small and agile processors, and a huge consumer
base. KPS Bogor underperforms in this rich, but atomised, dairying landscape and the development of
a KUD rescue package is flagged above and as a formal recommendation in Section 7.0. The proximity
to the national capital strengthens the case for transforming this dysfunctional cooperative into a thriving
one that deploys cutting-edge technology and inclusive business models and provides a powerful
example for cooperative renewal.
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7.0 Conclusions and recommendations
The commercial dairy industry has often invested in smallholders for philanthropic reasons related more
to global public good than to profit. These contributions and those of aid programs of developed
countries and have dramatically augmented access to modern technologies for dairying beyond the
advances resulting from Indonesian public investment alone. The elements for innovation seem to be
in place, but often the dynamism engendered by R&D projects finishes with the project and stagnation
seems pervasive, for example as referred to above with the long-term collaboration between FFI and
KPBS Pangalengan, which is none-the-less deemed to one of the most successful KUDs in Indonesia.
Simultaneously, inclusiveness within value chains must be linked to synergies among value chains.
The proposed strategies highlight the key public investments necessary to underpin dairying in new
regions of Indonesia and where dairying already occurs, as well as detailing the optimal co-investments
by the private sector for long-term sustainable growth and productivity improvements of the industry.
Private sector processors can generate significant returns on investment to support smallholders
through the financing of capital purchases and through ongoing technical support. However, this support
to smallholder farmers is more effective when delivered at a state level, as initial seed investment that
reduces processors’ risks in building supply chains. In general, across all business models, state
involvement should engender balanced and inclusive relationships.
A robust approach to out scale the Indonesian dairy industry for increasing demand requires significant
investment in capital purchases for farmer cooperatives combined with a very strong commitment to
extension. Meeting rigorous minimum quality standards for milk is crucial for long-term economic
benefits for both farmers and industry as well as goals for national production. With an optimal balance
between the interest of smallholders and industry, both parties recognise mutual benefits, as seen in
this study in the business model of Nestlé in East Java. This model also appears to be the most effective
in empowering those at “the bottom of the pyramid”. While corporate investment in the Nestlé case is
effective and develops and strengthens smallholders producing for Nestlé, state investment can deliver
broader returns to smallholder networks, leading to stronger economic returns and more processors to
maintain competition in the market. State investment in extension is a fundamental underpinning of
agricultural economies, including western economies such as Australia, and ongoing investment in
extension is critical to strengthen supply chains. Stronger supply chains benefit processors and
upstream production of value-added goods and more resilient and wealthier smallholders stimulate local
economies through spending.
A government role is fundamental to expanding the productive base of the emerging dairy sector of
Indonesia and to managing its exposure to globalised markets. This report flags highly positive
synergies between private sector investment and the public support base for smallholders. As noted,
since the 1970s, dairy cooperatives have been central to the Indonesian Government’s drive for value
chain improvement (Sulastri & Maharjan 2002; Wijers 2019). However, the successful case studies
demonstrating viable value chains in this report are associated with either commercial investment or
with significant levels of foreign aid. If the government replicates this level of non-governmental
investment in cooperatives, beyond its predominantly administrative focus, success on a broader
national scale will follow. In this context, KPS Bogor provides a test case for the government and specific
recommendations for its rehabilitation follow.
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Recommendations
1.0 Increase state investment in supply chains to strengthen capabilities of smallholder farmers to
deliver a more consistent volume of milk that meets required standards quality.
2.0 Strengthen policy frameworks and funding streams to farmers’ organisations (such as
PERPAMI) and KUDs, to deliver basic extension services and milk handling equipment, above
and beyond those services delivered by typical cost recovery tools such as member subscriptions
for KUDs.
3.0 Encourage and support the Governmet of Indonesia in harmonising contributions to
smallholder dairying via extension from the public sector at the national, provincial and district
levels.
4.0 Introduce more innovative financing models that smallholders can access through corporate
processors (as in the Nestlé model) or through cooperatives or associations.
5.0 Introduce policy structure supported by modest funding streams to farmers’ associations to
deliver business training and financial management to women and youth groups to allow deeper
engagement of these groups into traditional business activities dominated by older males. SMEs
like Susu Mbok Darmi in East Java can stimulate milk processing and retailing activities and
position new dairy products in retail markets.
6.0 Strengthen smallholder access to feed supplies through measures such as rights to use of
public pasture and frameworks for commercial arrangements with larger land holders.
7.0 Strengthen information flows to reduce knowledge asymmetry in supply chains. Also promote
digital-based extension delivery through multiple associations and social media tools.
8.0 Compile an inventory of all services and inputs available to households involved in dairying.
Subsequently, key synergies to be extended should be identified. For example, information on
family nutrition and animal-based products could be an appropriate entry point for raising
awareness of rural women regarding milk quality. ICT tools that primarily target younger
household members can stimulate and support record-keeping and technology adoption for village
dairy enterprises and the co-development of dairy modules with PERPAMI is recommended.
9.0 Research the current and potential roles of women in the dairy sector for maximising their
positive impacts and engagement. It is recommended that PERPAMI be invited to focus on
changes required to address the current gender imbalance in field and on-farm activities for youth
in the dairy sector.
10.0 Deploy climatic metrics among other considerations to investigate areas for potential
expansion of the dairy industry in Indonesia, specifically for minimising the deleterious effects of
high temperatures on dairy production.
11.0 Design an integrated rescue package for under-performing KUDs, building on the experience
of revitalising dairying value chains for smallholders after the Merapi eruption and using KPS
Bogor for pilot implementation.
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