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Substance and RelationalityBlood in Contexts Janet CarstenSchool of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh EH8 9Scotland, United Kingdom; email: [email protected]

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011. 40:1935

First published online as a Review in Advance on June 10, 2011

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at anthro.annualreviews.org

This articles doi:10.1146/annurev.anthro.012809.105000

Copyright c 2011 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved

0084-6570/11/1021-0019$20.00

Keywordskinship, body, personhood, medical technologies, donation,symbolism

Abstract This article examines the way bodily substance has been deplthe anthropology of kinship. Analytically important in linking k with understandings of the body and person, substance has highprocesses of change and transferability in kinship. Studies of orgnation and reproductive technologies in the West considered herelenge any simple dichotomy between idioms of a bounded indbody/person and immutable kinship relations in Euro-Americantexts and more uid, mutable bodies and relations elsewhere. Foon blood as a bodily substance of everyday signicance with a pecextensive symbolic repertoire, this article connects material proof blood to the ways it ows between domains that are often kep The analogies of money and ghosts illuminate bloods capacity to pipate in, and move between, multiple symbolic and practical sphcapacities that carry important implications for ideas and practrelationality.

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INTRODUCTION Longago,Claude L evi-Strauss alerted us to theidea that some things, in particular, are goodto think (L evi-Strauss 1969 [1962], p. 162; Tambiah 1969) and drew attention to the roleof metaphor as a primary form of discursivethought (L evi-Strauss 1969, p. 175). Around

the same time, Victor Turners classic study of Ndembu symbolism (1967) highlighted thecondensed nature of ritual symbols. A symbolmay represent many different things, and thesemay be linked together by analogous qualitiesor associations (1967, p. 28). These insights in-form much of what follows below.

The Oxford English Dictionary Online (OED)(2009) entry for blood runs to some 31 pages when printed out (including draft additions, March 2009), beginning with the red liquid

circulating in the arteries and veins of man andthe higher animals, by which the tissues areconstantly nourished and renewed and nish-ing with its many combinatory and attributivemeanings. From blood agar to blood-wound, via (to pluck just a few examples) blood-bath,blood brother, blood count, blood-frenzy,blood line, blood-lust, blood orange, bloodpudding, blood-sausage, blood transfusion,and blood-wealth, these compounds gestureto the extraordinary breadth of meanings

and associations of this one bodily substance.Encompassing blessing and sacrice, kinshipconnection, the culinary arts, medicine, andlife itselfas well as its negation in acts of violencethe terms seem to pile in on eachother to create a veritable excess of associations.

Is there something about bodily substancesin general that lend themselves to such remark-able elaboration? What kinds of relations canthe ows and transfers of such substances set in train? And what do these properties tell us

about relationality or how it may be envisaged?Exploring these questions, this article begins by reviewing examples from the anthropologicalliterature on bodily substance. Examining the way substance has been deployed, it notes theimportance of this concept as an analytic devicethat links the anthropology of kinship with un-

derstandings of the body and the person. Mobviously, references to bodily substance bto the fore ideas about process, change, vitaand decay in accounts of kinship. Discouabout material transferssuch as those that ocin organ donation and reproductive technogies in Western contexts appear to underm

any simple dichotomy between an emphasisuid, mutable bodies premised on a pregirelationality in non-Western contexts and more xed Euro-American idioms ofa boundbody and immutable kinship relations.

In the light of this discussion, the latter paof this article focus on blood as a particbodily substance of everyday signicancethat also has a peculiarly extensive symbrepertoire. Some objects, suggest Bow& Starr, are naturalised in more than o world (1999, p. 312). But what kindsobject are these, and how does this multinaturalization contribute to their symbolicmetaphorical power? Which material qualitof blood (Fraser & Valentine 2006) mibe important here? Looking beyond blodonation and the idiom of the gift to way in which blood participates in diffesymbolic and practical spheres, the artconsiders how blood functions as a vebetween domains that in other contexts actively kept apart. A search for analogiesthe extraordinary polyvalence and plasticitblood and its idioms (Edwards 2009, Fran2011) takes us, perhaps unexpectedly, into terrain of money and ghosts. It suggests tthe unusual capacity of certain kinds of objto travel between domains carries importimplications for how relations are conceivIn keeping with its exible subject marather than focusing on a particular subthein anthropology, this article traverses sevterrains to grasp how ideas about substacontribute to understandings of relationality

THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF SUBSTANCE Although the term substance has been widused in the recent anthropology of kins

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(Sahlins 2011), what this term actually refersto has not always been clear (Carsten 2001,2004; Thomas 1999). One might imagine that substance could be used for all kinds of bod-ily uids or tissuebones, esh, saliva, blood,organs, breast milk, semen, and female sexualuids, as well as hair, skin, and nailseither

singly or in combination. Often it appears that it is precisely this nonspecicity that is beingput to work. Interestingly, there is a tendency for the liquid, or at least the softer, squishier,and more internal bodily matter, to be loosely denoted by substance, whereas more clearly de-lineated, harder and bonier bodily material, as well as that which comes from the exterior sur-face of the body, such as nails, hair, or skin,are referred to by their specic terms. I re-turn to these material properties of substancebelow.

Substance made its appearance in the an-thropological literature in connection with par-ticular regions: most notably Euro-America,South Asia, and Melanesia. David Schneider fa-mously argued that in American kinship rela-tives were dened by blood, or biogeneticsubstanceterms that he equated. He empha-sized two properties of blood relations: rst,that blood relations were enduring and couldnot be severed, and second, that kinship is whatever the biogenetic relationship is. If sci-ence discovers new facts about biogenetic re-lationship, then that is what kinship is, and was all along, although it may not have beenknown at the time (Schneider 1980, p. 23).Blood and biogenetic substance [or naturalsubstance, as he sometimes renders it (1980,p. 24)] are, however, left strangely unexploredas symbols, as is the analytic shift from blood tobiogenetic substancewhich,one might argue,is itself a symbol for heredity in American kin-ship (Carsten 2004, p. 112; Wade 2002, pp. 8183).Schneiderproposed that relationships werebuilt out of two orders in American culture,nature and law, from which were derived twoelements, substance and code. Whereas somerelationships (a spouse or an illegitimate child)existedbyvirtueofoneofthese only, bloodrel-atives derived their legitimacy from a combi-

nation of nature and law or substance and codefor conduct.

It was crucial to Schneiders argument that substance and code were clearly distinct andthat they could occur alone or in combination(Schneider 1980,p.91). The categorical separa-tion of the orders of nature and law and of sub-

stance and code may, however, be considerably less easy to distinguish in practice than Schnei-der proposed. Indeed, some kinds of kinship inNorth America and Britain involve an explicit blurring, mixing, or interpenetration of theseidioms (Baumann 1995; Carsten 2000, 2004;Edwards 2000; Edwards & Strathern 2000; Weston 1991, 1995). These studies of kinshipalso demonstrate that the straightforward link Schneider proposed for North American kin-ship between the order of nature (or biogeneticsubstance) and xity or permanence was highly questionable when applied to kinship in partic-ular ethnographic contexts in the United StatesorBritain.As Wade (2002,pp. 6996; 2007) hasargued, the idea that nature may be more ex-ible and malleable than is sometimes assumedalso has important implications forunderstand-ings about race, which draw on the overlappingrealms of kinship and heredity.

Schneiders analytic frame was transferredto India in the form of an ethnosociologicalmodel of South Asian transactions and person-hood (Marriott 1976, Marriott & Inden 1977),but here, in contrast with North America, bod-ily substance and code for conduct were arguedto be both inseparable and malleable. Con-duct and interpersonal transactions, includingsex, the sharing of food, coresidence, and gift-giving, transmit moral and spiritual proper-ties of the person (Daniel 1984). This modelhas been critiqued for its oversystematization,its tendency to ignore regional variations, andthe radical opposition proposed between In-dian monist and Western dualist notions of the person (Barnard & Good 1984; Barnett 1976; Good 1991,2000; McGilvray1982; Parry 1989).

Discussions of Indian transactions andnotions of the person made reference to bothsubstance and code, sometimes in the form

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of code-substance or substance-code toemphasize their inseparability (Marriott 1976,p. 110). Accounts of Melanesian kinship,personhood, and gender framed in termsof substance, however, largely omitted thereference to code. Here substance has beenseen as intrinsically exchangeable and mal-

leable. Strathern (1988), building on Wagners(1977) analysis of substantive ows andthe substitutability of substance, focused onthe analogizing properties of substance, itsgenerative capacities, and its ability to take arange of forms, such as blood, milk, food, andsemen. These data had obvious resonances with the Indian material. As well as ow andfungibility, Stratherns analysis also rested onthe disjunction in English between form andsubstance or content. Thus, in her reanalysis of Trobriand material, a mere replication of form(not involving exchange or transformation of substance) is not seen as a substantive connec-tion, which contrasts with Malinowski s (1929,p. 3) earlier assertion about the relation be-tween a Trobriand mother and child (Carsten2004, pp. 12126; Strathern 1988, pp. 23140; Weiner 1976). It is the substitutability or analo-gizing property of substance that Strathern(1988, p. 251) sees as enabling a transformationof form into content, or inner substance.

These understandings are comparable to theSouth Asian models cited, although differencesremain in terms of ideas about gender and theperson and therefore in the relations that en-sue from exchanges of substance (Busby 1997).Stratherns model rests on the idea of partiblepersons, composed of elements of male andfemale substances, and gender here is unsta-ble and must be elicited through performance.Cecilia Busby suggests that Indian persons arepermeableandconnected through exchangesof substance that merge within the body. Thesesubstances, however, retain their male or fe-male essence. Whereas in Melanesia, the body is a microcosm of relations (Strathern 1988,p. 131, cited in Busby 1997, p. 273), in SouthIndia, ows of substance are a manifestationof persons rather than the relationships they create (Busby 1997, p. 273). In Melanesia,

Busbysuggests, relationships are foreground whereas in India the focus is on persons.

Following these discussions, it is wnoting that substance as an analytic teunderwent a shift in its migration from No America to Melanesia. Whereas Schneiemphasized the immutable nature of substa

as opposed to code, Strathern suggested tin Melanesia what was not immutable conot be considered as substance. The importmove signaled by using substance as an anaterm wasattentionto bodilyows andtransfethus highlighting uidity, transferability, atransformability in the analysis of kinship linking these to ideas about the body. That suprocesses should be highlighted in analyseSouth Asian, Melanesian, and Euro-Amerikinship was not coincidental because th were regions where anthropologists had fouit problematic or impossible to apply earmodels based on unilineal descent (Bar1962, Strathern 1992). The emphasis on funbility also signaled a wider dissatisfaction kinship models that emphasized permanor unchanging aspects in the structure kinship relations (Carsten 2004, Kuper 198 Analysis of ideas about reproductive procethe body, and gender in Africa that buildsan earlier generation of Africanist scho(Beidelman 1980, 1993; Richards 1982; Turn1967, 1969) and is inuenced by the wof Strathern and others reveals how boprocesses here too are linked to wider soand cosmological understandings of ferti(Broch-Due 1999; Devisch 1993; Hutchins1996, 2000; Jacobson-Widding 1991, 19Kaspin 1996, 1999; Moore 1999; Taylor 199

The fact that the meaning of substanin English makes no explicit referencefungible or transferable qualities suggests the cooption of this term had less to do wits meaning than with an analytic spacethe study of kinship. The centrality of idabout substance in Christianity, particularthe connotations of transubstantiation the Eucharist, in which physical or spirittransformation is precisely at issue (Byn2007, Feeley-Harnik 1981), may, howev

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have implicitly inuenced how the term hasbeen deployed by anthropologists. Cannells(2005) comments on the Christianity of an-thropology draw attention to the signicanceand silences surrounding such linkages.

Bamfords suggestion, that recent analysesof kinship have been too prone to assume

that kinship necessarily involves embodiedconnection, bears on this problem of theincorporation of Western ideas, althoughit ignores how, rather than being imposedanalytically, this emphasis may be present inthe ethnographic data (Bamford 2004, 2007,2009; Bamford & Leach 2009b; Carsten 1995,1997, 2004; Weismantel 1995). Among theKamea of Highland New Guinea, Bamfordnotes, while both parents contribute sub-stance to the child, this is not seized upon as asalient feature of the parent-child relationship(2004, p. 291). Bamford (2007) elucidatesan important distinction between Westernideas about blood, biogenetic substance, andpedigree, which incorporate directionality andtemporality into ideas of ow (Cassidy 2002,2009; Edwards 2009; Franklin 2007; Strathern1992), and Kamea understandings in whichideasabout substance do not have this temporaldimension. Where siblingship takes priority over liation (as in the Malay or Kamea cases),it follows that siblings (rather than parentsand children) may be understood as having theclosest substantive connection, and this notionhas implications for ideas about genealogy.

Continuity in kinship may be evoked not through ancestry but through (gendered) tiesto landas in the Kamea caseand the growthandconsumption of staple foods produced fromland that is itself seen as generative may be thedominant idioms for shared substance or may complement procreative ties (Carsten 1997;Freeman 1970; Godelier 1998; Leach 2003,2009; Li Puma 1988; Merlan & Rumsey 1991; Munn 1986; Strathern 1973). The diversity of these ideas underscores not only that commonsubstance may be dened in many different ways, but also that it is [n]either a universalnor an essential condition of kinship (Sahlins2011, p. 14).

MATERIAL QUALITIES; METAPHORICAL ELABORATION I suggest above that we make connectionsbetween material qualities of substances andthe relations that their transfers set in train.Such connections may, however, be implicit in anthropological accounts (Carsten 1995,

1997, pp. 10730). It is partly the link betweenphysical properties of substance and the rela-tional forms envisaged by their continuities,transfers, and transformations that interests mehere. Color and liquidity may, as in the Malay case, invite a commentary on health, vitality,kinship connection, and the role of blood inreproduction.

Color was,ofcourse,at the heart ofTurners(1967) discussion of ritual symbols. The ef-cacy of his tripartite structure of white, red,

and black rested on its reference to bodily uidswhose emission, spilling, or production is as-sociated with a heightening of emotion (1967,pp. 8889). Furthermore, Turner (1967, p. 89)underlined how uids such as semen, milk, andbloodthatarereferencedbythesecolorsevokedexperiences of social relationships. Jacobson- Widding(1999,p. 291)also notes the emotionalforce and dynamic potential of red in Central Africa. Others have seen liquidity rather thancolor as a key property. In a wonderful explo-

ration of the gift logic of precolonial Rwan-dan social relations, Taylor (1992) shows how the mobility of liquids, their capacity to ow,encapsulated the openness and dynamic quali-ties of exchange. Here people construct socialrelations through the uids they exchange incelebration, hospitality, and ordinary interac-tion (1992, p. 105). Because bodily uids, suchas blood, semen, or milk, social uids, suchas beer or porridge, and rainfall are analogs of each other, their ow establishes connections

among body, society, and cosmos (1992, p. 105;see also Wagner 1986). The spirit of the liquidgift (1992, p. 207) on which this logic restedcould,however, be undermined by witches withthe power to poison and cause death by block-age and by a capitalist logic alternative to that of the gift economy in which accumulation andprot are positively valued.


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Here, the animating qualities of bodily sub-stance may suggest a way to explore what isbeing transferred.

Sexual intercourse and breast-feeding aretwo of the most common and obvious waysthat bodily uids are transferred from one per-son to another. Nor is it surprising that they

are often surrounded by an elaborate discourseabout the possible results of mixing or trans-ferring bodily material from one person to an-other. The consequences of the physiologicalprocesses of intercourse,pregnancy,andbreast-feeding in terms of relations between sexualpartners,spouses,parents andchildren,andsib-lings seem almost too obvious to mention. But in fact the symbolic elaboration of such pro-cesses is extraordinarily varied.Ritual proscrip-tions of caste appear to be at one extreme of acultural elaborationconcernedwithcontrollingthe possible consequences of too much mixing(Daniel 1984, Lambert 2000, Marriott 1976, Marriott & Inden 1977). But Christian dis-courses about the creation of one esh betweenhusband and wife and its implications in termsof the potential for incest between siblings-in-law suggest here too a profound concern about therelationaleffectsofmixingbodilysubstance. The long-running nineteenth-century Britishparliamentary debate over the possibility of marriage to a deceased wifes sister is one ex-ample of this (Kuper 2009).

In many cultural contexts, transfers of sex-ual uids, breast milk, or saliva are understoodto have a directly transformative effect on thenature of the person and that persons rela-tions with others. As in the case of the con-troversy over marriage with a deceased wifessister, often there are further repercussions of amore indirect kind. Thus Malay women whomI knew in the 1980s spoke anxiously about thepotential consequences of breast-feeding other womens children in terms of Islamic proscrip-tions against marriages between them as adults(Carsten 1995; Parkes 2004, 2005). Perhaps it is not surprising that media reports of New York chef, Daniel Angerer, who made cheesefrom his wifes surplus breast milk, describedthe responses as ranging from mild yuckiness

to sheer revulsion (Saner 2010, p. 3). Angererhimself reected, I suppose any kind of hu-man liquid takes on a weird, almost sexual, as-pect. But we drink milk from animals and, tome, this isnt that different (p. 3).

Concern about incest, although common, isof course not the only register of transforma-

tions effected by the transfer of bodily matter. The literature on the social implications of re-cent medical advances, including organ trans-plants and reproductive technologies, providesilluminating material. Studies of patients whohave undergoneorgantransplantsreveala strik-ing tendency of many recipients to speculate onthe origins of donated organs in terms of thepersonal attributes of the donor and to under-stand transformations of themselves as an effect of incorporating these (Fox & Swazey 1992,2002; Lock 2002; Sharp 1995, 2006; Waldby 2002). As Lock writes, Body parts remain in-fused with life and even personality (2002,p. 320).

Sharps study of organ donation in theUnited States (2006) beautifully documentshow recipients of cadaveric organs articulateconnections to the kin of deceased donors interms of kinship, the role of the donor motherbeing particularly crucial for participants insuch relations. Recipients speak of the natu-ralness of using the idiom of kinship in thiscontext, and Sharp, following Schneider (1980,1984), underscores how the centrality of bio-genetic concepts of relatedness in Americankinship makes the idiom of blood ties partic-ularly apt in cases of organ transfer. Her study also suggests that heart transplants are partic-ularly likely to be understood to effect pro-found personality changes (Fox & Swazey1992,Pearsall et al. 2002) and are prone to rela-tional elaboration in Western contexts. Andthis connects with the idea that the heart isthought to contain the greatest amount of thedonors essence (Sharp 2006, p. 200) and islinked to understandings of it as the seat of theemotions, which have a surprising endurancein Western contexts (Bound Alberti 2010), as well as to its direct association with sustaininglife.


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Such examples illuminate how transfersof bodily material are imagined in relationalterms, which may be elaborated in more cre-ative and imaginative ways than the rather at anthropological trope of ctive kinship im-plies. Adopting the term biosentimentality, indistinction to Rabinows (1992) biosociality,

Sharp highlights how the positive overtonesof these relations may subvert the potentialof biosociality to reshape social relations indangerous or threatening ways (Rapp 1999). The importance of such multiple and layeredassociations thus plays a role in how a medicalprocedure (albeit a serious and dramatic one)can become the subject of what we could termrelational speculation and of negotiation of ideas of personhood. Such negotiations of thepersonandrelationality arebrought into play indecision-making at the beginnings and ends of life (Kaufman 2005, Kaufman & Morgan 2005)and in considering the implications of fertility treatment. Edwards (1993, 2000) has high-lighted concerns about the possible adulterousconnotations of gamete transfers as well as theopportunities for incest to occur unwittingly between those who may not know they aresiblings. But, as in the case of those undergoingsurrogacy, participants may, in fact, avoid thedisturbing implications of such proceduresand instead emphasize and extend normativeaspects of family ideology (Ragon e 1994).Research carried out among patients receivingor donating gametes, however, demonstratesthat relational moves can also be innovative(Konrad 1998, 2005) and include stratagemsthat have the effect of excluding inappropriateadulterous or incestuous connotations. Thisexible choreography (Thompson 2001,p. 198; Thompson 2005) between elementsof nature and culture suggests a subtle andimaginative process of accommodating existingand future relations to quite new situations.

Some have suggested that recentadvances ingenetic medicine encourage a move away fromthe malleability of blood in kinship thinkingto a more xed genetic essentialism (Finkler2000, 2001), or literalization, particularly inmedical contexts. Growing evidence indicates,

however, that confronted by incomplete indecipherable genetic information, those cocerned revert to more familiar tropes, buildon the plasticity of historically prior idioof blood and family (Bestard 2009; Cepaitie2009; Edwards 2009; Franklin 2003, 20Lock 2005; Porqueres i Gen e & Wilga

2009; Rapp 1999). Blood, as Franklin (2memorably puts it, is thicker than genes.

TRANSFERS OF BLOOD Although studies of organ donation and tility treatment are highly suggestive of ccerns about the effects of transfers of bosubstance, they arise in rather special circustances. In placing such medical procedualongside more everyday matters of brefeeding or sexual intercourse,wecould consithese processes as a continuum encompassat one extreme, eeting kinds of physical ctact, such as concerns about touching or feediand, at the other, the most radical transfers reresented by organ donation. Blood would seto occupy a paradoxical place in such a conuum. Blood ows are common and minor currences, but they can also signal extreme of violence, illness, or death.Flows of bloodbe intentionally elicited for ritual, medicalother purposes andcanalso occur involuntarSuch ows are thus at once both more everydthan donations of gametes or organs, but ahave unique qualities.

In keeping with the range of contexts which blood is found, the relevant literatis dispersed across many subelds, includreligion, symbolism, kinship, politics, medical anthropology (Bynum 2007, Copem2009c, Feeley-Harnik 1981, Hugh-Jones 20Knight 1991, Schneider 1980, Starr 1998).Athis is testament not just to bloods importaas a bodily substance but also to its potencatchiness in metaphor (Sperber 198Blood donation is of particular interest becait encompasses many of these associatiincluding medical, moral, personal, pocal, national, kinship, and religious asp(Anagnost 2006; Baud 2011; Busby 2

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Chaveau 2011; Copeman 2004, 2005, 2008,2009a,b; Reddy 2007; Sanabria 2009; Simpson2004, 2009; Street 2009). Although such asso-ciations can be morally positive, it important to note that, partly through the overlap of ideas of kinship, nation, and racein both of which blood and heredity are central (Wade

2002, 2007; Williams 1995)the ow of blood through transfusion or heredity andintermarriage may also be blocked in exclu-sionary moves (Dauksas 2007, Lederer 2008,Poqueres i Gen e 2007, Strong 2009, Valentine2005, Weston 2001). Such linkages, whichmay be highly politically charged, have longand specic histories in European cultures(de Miramon 2009, Nirenberg 2009), but neither historically in Europe nor elsewhereis it necessarily the case that the symbolismof blood connotes immutable essence ratherthan a substance subject to change dependingon environment, moral state, climate, sexualcontact, food consumption, or other inuences(Stoler 1992, 1997; Wade 1993, 2002).

Titmusss foundational study of blood do-nation, The Gift Relationship (1997), comparedthe policy implications of the altruistic unpaiddonation of blood under the British NationalHealth Service with the payment of donorsin the United States and elsewhere. His con-clusion, that a system of unpaid donation wassafer because it ruled out the intrusion of com-mercial interests into blood donation, has, inthe light of infected blood scandals set in trainby the HIV/AIDS pandemic in France, China,the United Kingdom, and elsewhere proven tobe an oversimplication (Baud 2011, Chaveau2011, Feldman & Bayer 1999, Laqueur 1999,Shao 2006, Shao & Scoggin 2009, Starr 1998).Nevertheless, Titmusss insistence on the im-portance of attempting to ring-fence a purely altruistic system of blood donation to ensurethe safety of transfused blood is worth consid-ering more closely.

The difculty of insulating a morally charged altruistic sphere of donation is not, of course, conned to medical contexts (Douglas1990, Weiner 1992). Studies of organ donationilluminate the complex play of motivations

that underlie acts of donation as well as theprofound guilt or obligation often felt by recipients, leading Ren ee Fox to write of thetyranny of the gift (Fox 1978, p. 1168; Fox &Swazey 1992, 2002, p. 199; see also Das 2010;Lock 2000, 2002; Simmons et al. 1987; Sharp1995). Whereas such studies show the intense

pressure relatives may feel to donate a kidney to a close family member, the more diffusenexus of discourses and connotations of blooddonation as good citizenship, nationalism,histories of kinship, health, and other matterssuggests the potential fruitfulness of analyzingblood or organs through the lens of theentangled and plural meanings of particularobjects as they travel through biographicaland social contexts (Appadurai 1986, Hoskins1998, Kopytoff 1986, Thomas 1991), a kind of thinking through things (Henare et al. 2007).

Assumptions about the adequacy of nonpay-ment ofdonors to ensure safety are based on theideathatpaymentistheonlyorthemostseriouspotential intrusion into the pure altruism of thegift. But of course moral acts may bring theirown signicant rewards; blood donors as wellas those who take blood from them, and those who administer and run blood transfusion ser- vices, have their own interests and histories of relationships that mayconstrain or dictate theirbehavior. In Malaysia, many donors to whom Ispoke situated their acts of donation in storiesabout their own families, including the previ-ous illnesses of close family members. Sometook obvious pride in the small gifts or mate-rial forms of acknowledgment given to regulardonors. Some describedhowtheirdonation was woven into their employment history; othersknew or were connected in some way to bloodbank staff who took their blood. These layeredentanglements make clear that it would be ex-tremely difcult to construct a system of blooddonation divorced from human interest. Sucha system would have to be run by robots in a world immune from human intervention.

The multiple imbrications and associationsof donating blood have signicant policy im-plications, but they also provide clues for un-derstanding the links between relationality and


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bodily substance. Although thegift relationshipmay be a fertile trope through which to ana-lyze relations between donors and recipients oracts of donation, and also ts neatly into an al-ready well-worked seam of anthropologicaldis-cussion about the gift, it may also obscure thesignicance of other kinds of relations that en-

able blood transfers to occur.

BLOOD FLOWS: DONATION, MONEY, AND GHOSTSProbing further the uncontained quality of blood that is revealed in studies of blood do-nation, we could seek analogies in other objectsor beings that have similar unbounded proper-ties without bloods liquid form. Here I briey consider just two: money and ghosts. Althoughthese parallels may seem counterintuitive be-cause they are drawn from outside the realmof bodily substances, the propensities of money and ghosts to move between domains help il-luminate our understandings of substance andrelationality.

Given the sharp antipathy between com-merce and transfers of blood in at least some Western contexts, a comparison between bloodand money might seem paradoxical. But theproblematic status of payment in the context of blood donation, highlighted by Titmuss,recalls another sphere in which monetary pay-ment raises moral and categorical issues: sex. And here too bodily transfers are involved. Sexand money are commonly deemed antitheticalin the West, partly because payment for sexis redolent of a breach between the world of family and that of work, or the private and thepublic (Day 2007). Payment for blood wouldbreach another closely related boundary:between a sphere of altruism and one of commercial interest (see also Ragon e 1996 onthe similar tensions of commercial surrogacy arrangements). Giving blood also traverses theboundary of thebody/person andits inalienableparts.That bodilyexchangesshouldbe involvedin both sex work and blood donation, and that altruism is strongly evoked in the ideology of the family, whereas the world of work is one of

monetary renumeration, suggests resonanbetween the two cases. Whereas payment sex characteristically remains hidden or sechowever, blood donation is imbued with positive moral values of public giving.

Pursuing for a moment the analogy tween blood and money, one key attribute

the latter has been taken to be its functas a means of exchange. Famously, moneycilitates exchanges between spheres that mbe, to some degree, insulated from each ot(Bohannan 1959, Maurer 2006, Parry & Blo1989, Strathern & Stewart 1999). Althouthis is clearly not the prime function of bl(despite the suggestive metaphor of the blbank), we could nevertheless see some simity to money in the propensity of blood to from one domain to another (Copeman 200Street 2009).

But we can discern another quality that thold in common. If the metaphorical capaciof blood derive partly from its contribution vitality and animation, it is worth noting money, although part of a world of inanimobjects, is also prone to be enlivened thrometaphorsof growthandfertility. Here, Marx(1954, pp. 7687) observations on fetishare pertinent. And of course these qualitiemoney derivefrom itsabilityto acquire interto seed commercial or other projects, to grin itself, or to make other things grow. Indoing, it travels between persons, institutioand projects.Likeblood,money may ow anperceived as generative. It thus seems plausto link this ow, and the processes of increor depletion that thereby ensue, to the quity of animation with which it is metaphoricendowed.

The commonalities between blood amoney thus derive from two linked attributheir circulation among different domains atheir (incomplete or unstable) properties of imation. Movement among domains that other contexts are kept separate and a qutionable status of animation suggest one ther analogy: ghosts. If blood is alive onlylimited extentit cannot by itself sustain and donated blood and blood products hav

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relativelyshort shelf-lifeghosts canbe viewedas incompletely dead. Unable to rest in peace,they seek to intrude in the lives of the living.But one might also reverse this proposition be-cause it is not necessarily clear whether it is thedead or the living who are the most unwill-ing to give up their connection. Intriguingly,

Sharp comments on the persistent appearanceofghosts in the narratives of the kinof cadavericorgan donors in the United States, extendingthe life, as she puts it, of a donor beyond thegrave (2006, p. 155). But the capacity of ghoststo make their presence felt is limited by variousfactors, including the particular locations with which they are associated and the times whenthey may appear.

The most well-known tendency of ghosts istheir ability to pass through solid objects andto inhabit different spheres: the worlds of thedead and that of the living. Like blood, onemight almost say ghosts ow between domains. Vampire spirits are, of course, a special class of ghosts with an afnity for blood (White 2000).Perhaps it is not coincidental that a contem-porary eforescence of vampire stories in thepopular culture of the United States, UnitedKingdom, and elsewhere has closely followed widespread public anxiety about infected bloodin thecontext of HIV/AIDSandbovinespongi-form encephalopathy (BSE) epidemics. As en-thusiasts of the Buffy the Vampire Slayer se-ries and many other such modern tales know all too well, the quality of blood that vampiresseek above all is its animation. Fresh supplies of living, human blood keep vampires going. Al-though much about this genre can be the subject of enjoyable innovation, the desire for thisanimation remains constant.

CONCLUSION Any attempt to link together ideas about bodily substance with understandings of relatedness isat risk of being either too general or too par-ticular. Not only are these topics very broad,but the ways in which they manifest themselvesseemall tooobviouslyculturally andhistorically situated. Negotiating between specic cases to

nd the threads that might connect these ideas,I have set out some points for comparison. Sug-gesting that a consideration of the metaphor-ical capacity of different substances is linkedto their material and sensual properties is onesuch avenue for comparison. Relative density,softness or hardness, color, smell, and alterabil-

ity or permanence may play a role in just how good to think a substance is. But the contextsin which substances occur, their bodily associ-ations, seem to be another crucial vector in theaptitude of particular substances for metaphor-ical elaboration, and here ow and transfer-ability enhance such capacities. Breast milk andsexual uids stand out as substances whose oc-currence involves being passed between bodies(in contrast, say, to saliva or urine). Althoughthey originate within bodies, these substancesow between bodies and personssometimesin emotionally charged contextsand are par-ticularly prone to invite speculation about therelations enabled by such transfers. Crucially,they may be literally life-giving.

I have suggested that, by virtue of its many extraordinary qualities, blood is worthy of spe-cial consideration. Perhaps most signicant of all is the fact that its ow within and from thebody is closely bound up with life itself. If ex-cessivebleeding is closelyconnected with death(I was told by Malay informants in the 1980sthat death occurred when all blood had left thebody, whether or not this was visible to the hu-maneye),transfusionsofbloodaretheapotheo-sis of that which is life-saving. It is perhaps not surprising that blood donation is often takento be a supremely altruistic act that can be at-tributed with all the values of secular good citi-zenship, religiousgiving, andfamilial duty. Theuniquely animating properties of blood are as-sociated with the properties of ow and move-ment that connote vitality. Through the analo-gies of money and ghosts, I have underlinedthe ways in which transfers and ow betweendomains entail both physical and imaginativeconnections among objects, bodies, or realmsthat are linked by such media.

The ways in which relationality is under-stood to derive from ows of substance are


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heightened by the polyvalent properties that Ihave described. Thus striking material quali-ties, special contexts of occurrence or a closeassociation with life itself or life-giving proper-ties, may together enhance the emotional reso-nance as well as the tendency for metaphoricalextension of particular bodily substances, and

hence the likelihood of their being a vehicle fortheelaboration of ideas about relatedness. Suchqualities, I suggest, tend to pile inoneachother,creating and extending further resonances andassociations in a self-fullling manner. Someobjects are indeed naturalized in many worlds.

In writing this review, I have been struck by how often, and in how many contexts, I havecome across such phrases as blood relationsor blood ties usedby anthropologists in unre-ective or unanalyzed ways, without specifyingif these locutions are their own or those of their

informants, and as if such usages did not calready encumbered by peculiarly weighty (culturally particular) baggage (see Ingold 20pp. 11011). Trying to disinter these muple associations has involved picking apartferent properties whose co-occurrence is nalways coincidental. The quality of anima

that is above all signaled by ow and mment (just as being at rest or immobile can sgest its opposite) perhaps accounts for a v widespread connection that can be made tween substances that ow within and betwbodies and relations that are apprehendedterms of such ows. That such connections prone to bemade indiversecultures should nhowever, blind us to the equally striking tural and historical specicity of how theybe constantly elaboratedandreimaginedin n ways.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT The author is not aware of any afliations, memberships, funding, or nancial holdings that mibe perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTSI am very grateful to Jacob Copeman, Sarah Franklin, Ian Harper, Toby Kelly, Rebecca Marslan Maya Mayblin, and Jonathan Spencer for their comments and suggestions on earlier drafts o

article andto Julie HartleyandJoanna Wiseman forhelp preparingthebibliographyandcollectimaterials. Writing was made possible by a Leverhulme Major Research Fellowship.

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Annual Review of Anthropology

Volume 40, 2011 Contents

Prefatory Chapter

Anthropological Relocations and the Limits of Design Lucy Suchman

Archaeology

The Archaeology of Consumption Paul R. Mullins 1

Migration Concepts in Central Eurasian Archaeology Michael D. Frachetti 1

Archaeologists and Indigenous People: A Maturing Relationship?Tim Murray 3

Archaeological Ethnography: A Multitemporal Meeting Groundfor Archaeology and Anthropology Yannis Hamilakis 3

Archaeologies of Sovereignty Adam T. Smith 4

A Century of Feasting StudiesBrian Hayden and Suzanne Villeneuve 4

Biological Anthropology

Menopause, A Biocultural Perspective Melissa K. Melby and Michelle Lampl

Ethnic Groups as Migrant Groups: Improving Understanding

of Links Between Ethnicity/Race and Risk of Type 2 Diabetes and Associated ConditionsTessa M. Pollard 1

From Mirror Neurons to Complex Imitation in the Evolutionof Language and Tool Use Michael A. Arbib 2

vi

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From Hominoid to Hominid Mind: What Changed and Why?Brian Hare 293

The Human Microbiota as a Marker for Migrations of Individualsand Populations Maria Gloria Dominguez-Bello and Martin J. Blaser 451

Linguistics and Communicative Practices

Publics and Politics Francis Cody 37

Ritual and Oratory Revisited: The Semiotics of Effective Action Rupert Stasch 159

Language and Migration to the United States Hilary Parsons Dick 227

The Balkan Languages and Balkan LinguisticsVictor A. Friedman 275

International Anthropology and Regional Studies

Central Asia in the PostCold War World Morgan Y. Liu 115

The Ethnographic Arriving of Palestine Khaled Furani and Dan Rabinowitz 475

Sociocultural Anthropology

Substance and Relationality: Blood in Contexts

Janet Carsten

19Hallucinations and Sensory Overrides

T.M. Luhrmann 71

Phenomenological Approaches in Anthropology Robert Desjarlais and C. Jason Throop 87

Migration, Remittances, and Household Strategies Jeffrey H. Cohen 103

Climate and Culture: Anthropology in the Era of Contemporary Climate ChangeSusan A. Crate 175

Policing Borders, Producing Boundaries. The Governmentality of Immigration in Dark TimesDidier Fassin 213

Contents vii

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The Cultural Politics of Nation and MigrationSteven Vertovec 2

Migrations and Schooling Marcelo M. Su arez-Orozco, Tasha Darbes, Sandra Isabel Dias, and Matt Sutin 3

Tobacco Matthew Kohrman and Peter Benson 3

Transnational Migration and Global Health: The Production and Management of Risk, Illness, and Access to CareCarolyn Sargent and St ephanie Larchanch e 3

Concepts and Folk TheoriesSusan A. Gelman and Cristine H. Legare 3

Migration-Religion Studies in France: Evolving Toward a Religious Anthropology of Movement Sophie Bava 4

Theme I: Anthropology of MindHallucinations and Sensory Overrides

T.M. Luhrmann

Phenomenological Approaches in Anthropology Robert Desjarlais and C. Jason Throop

From Mirror Neurons to Complex Imitation in the Evolution of Language and Tool Use Michael A. Arbib 2

From Hominoid to Hominid Mind: What Changed and Why?Brian Hare 2

Concepts and Folk TheoriesSusan A. Gelman and Cristine H. Legare 3

Theme II: Migration

Migration, Remittances, and Household Strategies Jeffrey H. Cohen 1

Ethnic Groups as Migrant Groups: Improving Understanding of Links

Between Ethnicity/Race and Risk of Type 2 Diabetes and AssociatedConditionsTessa M. Pollard 1

Migration Concepts in Central Eurasian Archaeology Michael D. Frachetti 1

vii i Contents

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Policing Borders, Producing Boundaries. The Governmentality of Immigration in Dark TimesDidier Fassin 213

Language and Migration to the United States Hilary Parsons Dick 227

The Cultural Politics of Nation and MigrationSteven Vertovec 241

Migrations and Schooling Marcelo M. Su arez-Orozco, Tasha Darbes, Sandra Isabel Dias,

and Matt Sutin 311

Transnational Migration and Global Health: The Productionand Management of Risk, Illness, and Access to CareCarolyn Sargent and St ephanie Larchanch e 345

The Human Microbiota as a Marker for Migrations of Individualsand Populations Maria Gloria Dominguez-Bello and Martin J. Blaser 451

Migration-Religion Studies in France: Evolving Toward a Religious Anthropology of Movement Sophie Bava 493

Indexes

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 3140 509

Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 3140 512

Errata

An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found at http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml

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