1 a review of development approaches to poverty reduction: a
TRANSCRIPT
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A Review of Development Approaches to Poverty Reduction:
A Gender Perspective
Chineze J. Onyejekwe
Sociologist, Concord, New Hampshire, USA
Abstract
This paper links poverty to the problem of gender inequality. It also explores the
benefits and drawbacks of alternative development approaches so far
implemented by the international community, in order to address the needs of
women. Appropriate definition of poverty is shown to include not only low income
but also, the experience of vulnerability and other social and psychological
aspects .The negative implications to women’s home-based work brought about,
by the implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programmes are analyzed,
and their effects on women’s well-being also, discussed.
Key words: Poverty, gender inequality, development approaches and home-
based work and Structural Adjustment Pprogrammes
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Introduction
For almost five decades, the International community has been trying to tackle
the problems associated with gender inequality, more especially those that
hinder development. At the same time, however, conceptualizing the term
development has been problematic. This problem (of definition) however,
reaches far beyond the objectives. According to Klaus Leisinger (2002), it also
encompasses the appropriateness of the means used to achieve these
objectives as well as an evaluation of the cultural, social or other costs that arise
as "side effects", so to speak, of the resulting social changes. The question as to
the nature and extent of economic and social change which is desirable and
broadly acceptable for a specific country at a particular time is like trying to piece
together a mosaic picture from a host of little stones in all their different shapes
and sizes provided by every different group in society - or "stakeholder" as we
say today. Where there can be no doubt, however, is in the general objective of
"development with a human face" A lot has also been written on the term
“development” both from economic, political, ecological, cultural or other
viewpoint. According to Leisinger, Willy Brandt (February 12, 1980 the
Commission on "North-South Report" to the Secretary-General of the United
Nations in New York) described development as “desirable progress.” Along
this line of thought, Leisinger further enumerates the social, political and
economic development goals as achieving progress through:
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- Achieving the highest possible quality of life by all members of society,
regardless of their sex, origin, race, religion or other social distinction.
- Aspiring to just social conditions which allow the highest degree of security
and opportunities for personal development as well as a widening of personal
and professional skills for all people, i.e. also the lower strata of society; and
- Guarantees the basic social conditions under which human rights, in
particular the right to life, freedom and security, as well as the dignity of the
individual, are safeguarded for all people, while preserving the cultural values
which have grown up (Lesinger 2002:1).
Defined in this way, development has a human face and is geared to a
culturally adjusted improvement in quality of life. When conceived from a gender
perspective, the problems associated with gender inequalities come to mind, for
example, those of the feminization of poverty, lack of access to a good education
and health care, freedom from violence, protection of reproductive rights, and
sustainable livelihoods. This observation was confirmed by a UN report on the
state of World Population (UNFPA 2002) which shows the consequences of
gender inequality to including poor health, illiteracy, inadequate schooling, social
exclusion, powerlessness and gender discrimination contribute to poverty. More
women than men live in poverty and the disparity has increased over the past
decade, particularly in developing countries. It has become obvious that the key
solution to these problems is, reducing the gender gap. Gender inequality has
been seen as one of the root causes of women’s subordination, and related
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problems such as poverty. Widespread and increasing poverty associated with
alarming reduction of standards of living have occurred over the past four
decades, especially in the poorest countries in Africa. Today, according to the
United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA October 2002), over 1.2 billion people
live on less than 1 dollar (United States) a day, and the majority of the world’s
absolute poor are women. The report states, that in the last decade, the number
of women living in poverty has increased disproportionately to the number of
men, particularly in the developing countries. In Africa, for example, it is
estimated that two out of every five Africans subsist below a poverty line of less
than $20 (US dollars) a month. The majority of these are also women.
The feminization of poverty has been linked to gender inequality. Marking
International Women's Day, March 8, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan and
ranking officials from a host of U.N. agencies linked gender equality to meeting
the Millennium Development Goals, saying social gains for women translated into
improved societies (UN Wire, 7 March 2003). Although poverty reduction is the
overall goal, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) include improving
health and other social development objectives. For women in the developing
world especially Africa, the realization of these goals has, however, been
hampered by the implementation of macroeconomic policies. For almost two
decades and as a result of the implementation of the structural adjustment
programmes (the efficiency approach), slow and erratic growth has become the
norm, rural crises have intensified and de-industrialization has damaged future
growth prospects in many developing economies. Poverty levels have also risen
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(United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD] 2002). The
key question is: How can the ultimate goal -- gender equality -- be achieved
through this concept (MDGS)? What are involved in the process of assessing the
implications for women and men, of any planned action, including legislation,
policies and programmes, in any area and at all levels? Recognizing that all the
development approaches so far implemented by the International community in
order to address the problems associated with gender inequality, particularly that
of poverty, this paper focuses on the link between poverty and development as
well as the different approaches implemented by, the International community in
order to address these problems.
Poverty: Conceptual Clarification
The analysis of poverty or rather, the destitution and deficiency of
economic, political and social resources has, since the 1960s become
increasingly narrow. Generally, there are no agreements as to what constitutes
poverty hence destitution, indigence, and scarcity are some of the words
reflected in most social welfare discussions of poverty. Such an image of
economic disadvantage and lack of financial resources typically influence,
directly or indirectly, the official federal policy notion of poverty guidelines and
often leads to the focus on conventional images of public assistance. In most
cases, incomes or consumption levels is the most commonly used way, to
measure poverty. Income is a key access to mechanism, to opportunities,
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amenities and services. It is an indicator of well-being. In Britain, for example, the
term “poor” is usually defined as those whose incomes fall below the poverty line.
The same applies in Africa where it is estimated, that two out of every five
Africans subsist below a poverty line of less than $20 (US dollars) a month. The
majority of these are women. In North and South America, Eastern Europe, and
Western Europe, the proportion of female - headed households whose incomes
fall below the poverty line has been broadly adopted as a measure of women’s
poverty (Fukuda - Parr, 1999). Fukuda-Parr, however, points out that focusing on
incomes alone and the household as a unit ignores intra - household disparities.
Sen (1999) also states that while income poverty has an instrumental importance
to poverty, there are other factors that have intrinsic importance to poverty as
well. It is therefore, wrong to conceptualize low-income as the sole cause of
poverty.
Other definitions of poverty include situations where the living conditions
of individuals or families are visibly poor compared with the surrounding areas.
Referred to, as “case poverty.” individuals and families in this situation do not
share in the well - being of the society in general. While “case poverty” is
commonly found in more affluent societies, in the case of “mass poverty” almost
everyone within the community is poor. This situation is prevalent (though not
exclusive to) in many developing countries particularly in the informal settlements
in urban centers. Squatter settlements have mushroomed all over the
metropolitan areas in the developing world. Accelerated by the mushrooming of
squatter camps around the cities due to the desire to nearer to their work places,
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a high proportion of the population in the informal settlements in the urban areas
and especially in the rural areas is left with poor access to decent, safe and
affordable houses as well as basic services. Payne (1977) aptly describes this
situation thus:
The combination of high urban growth rates, inappropriate policies and
inequalities in resources distribution created situations in which a large number of
urban population are unable to afford conventional minimum-dwellings (Payne
1977: 71).
In this case, social dimensions of poverty such as the lack of educational
opportunities, sanitation and access to good health care as well as the political
dimensions where political power lies in the hands of a few and civil rights
denied, can be highlighted. Along this line of thought, Gladwin (1967) describes
that being poor has number of secondary consequences such as powerlessness,
inadequate access to resources, lack of education and a poor diet. In most
developing countries, the rural poor are at a disadvantage because of a series of
factors such as remoteness, lack of education and healthcare, insecure and
unproductive jobs, high fertility and discrimination as women or ethnic minorities.
Sources of good life otherwise known as well - being therefore, are
multidimensional. For the poor, perceptions of powerlessness over one’s life
range from the lack of material things such as food and shelter to unemployment,
anxiety and fear of the future. An encompassing definition of poverty is that given
by the World Bank as “a multidimensional phenomenon, encompassing inability
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to satisfy basic needs, lack of control over resources, lack of education and skills,
poor health, malnutrition, lack of shelter, poor access to water and sanitation,
vulnerability to shocks, violence and crime, lack of political freedom and voice”
(World Bank, 2001). The above dimensions of poverty combine to create and
sustain powerlessness, lack of voice, freedom of choice and action. In tackling
the problem of poverty policy-makers should, take the inability to achieve
minimum standards of living into account.
Poverty means different thing to different people. From the human rights
perspective, however, poverty consists in the non-fulfillment of a person’s human
rights to a range of basic capabilities. Capability deprivation or capability failure is
thus the defining attribute of poverty. According to Sen (1996), this can be seen
in the inability to “function” in the society so as to achieve certain “functionings” or
“beings and doings’ constitutive of well - being (Sen 1996). Women are key
economic contributors, with their income directly benefiting their children and
households. Yet, women and girls continue to constitute the majority of those
living in poverty. It is estimated that more than 1 .3 billion people still live on less
than US$1 a day (The Times Higher Education Supplement, 2000), most of
these women. In most developing countries also, many women work long hours
in low-wage, insecure jobs and continue to lack access to key economic
resources such as ownership of land and property. The strain of these factors
weighs heavier on the poorer families. With the burden of care giving, earning
more income quickly falls onto children and adolescent girls, in particular, are
often the first to drop out of school and miss out on the education and training
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that could enable them to have better lives. The two majors questions are: what
is the poverty? What steps have been taken by the International community in
order, to alleviate the plight of women living in poverty? Realizing that a great
deal remains to be done in this regard, the United Nations have over the years
adopted many approaches, to tackle the problems of gender inequality. Starting
from the 1960s these approaches range from, the ”welfare”, “equity”, “efficiency”
and “empowerment” (Snyder and Tadesse 1995). These development
approaches have been accredited with offering strong analytical and
methodological tools for understanding and shaping the effects of economic
forces. Currently, the most widely used approach is, the “rights-based” approach,
popular among development practitioners.
The “Rights-based” Approach
Development planning concerned with women prior to the United Nations
Decade for Women was basically aimed at addressing women’s needs through
various developmental approaches. Over the past five decades various
developmental approaches have been employed by the International community
in order, to address the needs of women living in poverty. Currently, the most
popular approach currently is, the rights-based approach to development. The
rights-based approach to development is seen as, a conceptual framework that
integrates the norms, standards and principles of the international human rights
system into the plans, policies and processes of development. The basic
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principles of this approach include equality and equity, accountability,
empowerment of which participation. Participation involves inclusion.
Participatory approaches normally contain four key stages: preference revelation;
policy choice; implementation; and monitoring, assessment and accountability.
The international human rights normative framework affirms the right to take part
in the conduct of public affairs. Active and informed participation by the poor,
notes the United Nations High Commission for Human Rights (UNHCR 2002) is,
not only consistent with, but also demanded by the rights-based approach. The
guidelines drawn around a certain set of basic rights which empirical data has
shown to be relevant to most societies include:
-Right to adequate food
-Right to health
-Right to education
-Right to decent work
-Right to adequate housing
-Right to personal security
-Right to appear in public without shame
-Right of equal access to justice
-Political rights and freedoms (UNHCR 2002)
With this set of basic rights, this approach can, therefore, be conceived as
the expansion of assets and capabilities of poor people to participate in,
negotiate with, influence, control, and hold accountable institutions that affect
their lives. Supporting the rationale for adopting this approach Sen (1999) makes
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the point that, the rights-based approach enables development practitioners to
focus attention both on the freedoms that make development possible, and on
the freedoms that constitute the ultimate objective of development (Kerr 2001).
Individual freedom guarantees the capacity for political participation. In using
economics to address the social basis of individual well - being and freedom, Sen
argues that apart from being the ultimate goal of economic development,
freedom is the most efficient means of realizing general welfare. Analyzing the
nature of contemporary economic development from the perspective of human
freedom Sen stresses that, development consists in enhancing the quality of
human life through the process, of making our freedoms larger.
With the implementation of the rights-based approach, people have begun
to assert their right to be the subject rather than the object of development – the
poor as claimers of their rights rather than passive recipients. (Pambazuka News
101, Thu, 27 Feb 2003).
The rights-based approach that is currently in use was preceded by the technical
fixes of the 1960s moved into the basic needs approach of the 1970s as well as
the current concept of gender mainstreaming.
Earlier Development Approaches
The reduction and subsequent eradication of poverty have remained a major
point of focus at both the international and national levels. The “welfare
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approach”, for example, was focused on issues such as food delivery, family
planning and health care (Baruah 2002) Baruah states:
The Women in Development (WID) school of thought, which grew out of
disillusionment with the welfare approach, grounded itself in liberal feminism and
actively criticized development theories of the 1970s that perceived men to be
primary producers and household heads and viewed women as wives and
mothers who were natural recipients of welfare (Bipasha Baruah 2002: 2).
The welfare approach was profoundly influenced by Boserup’s 1970 seminal
work titled: Women’s Roles in Economic Development. In her analysis of
women’s productive roles Boserup, however, neglects economic activities within
the household and focused on non - domestic production as, the main
determinant of women’s position in society. For example, she stated that in most
parts of Africa, Capitalism confronted a pre - capitalist sexual division of labor in
agricultural production for subsistence in which women played the major role. It
has been noted, that the process whereby men became wage laborers, however,
not only intensifies women’s work in the agricultural sector but also draws them
into production for the market. An extensive criticism of Boserup’s work has,
however, been carried out by Beneria and Sen (1988). Beneria and Sen point
out, that Boserup’s analysis tended to isolate reproductive from productive work.
This according to them was based, on Boserup being over-empiricist. This,
therefore, limited her theoretical position to that of neo - classical economics.
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Subsequent approaches have since succeeded the welfare approach. Included
are, the “equity” approach that recognizes women’s active role in the
development process as, reproductive, productive and community oriented, and
the “anti - poverty” approach. The “anti - poverty” approach is also concerned
with meeting women’s practical needs related with productive work. This was
seen in the poverty alleviation projects and income generating schemes for
women. This approach was, however, was subsequently replaced, by the
“efficiency approach”. The efficiency approach is associated with the principles of
the neo - classical economics that upholds the type of economic development
that justifies the idea that the market system allocates resources efficiently.
Efficiency or production at the lowest cost is at the core of the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB) imposed economic liberalization
policies being implemented, by most developing countries. The
internationalization of production has resulted in the growth of Multinational
Corporations (MNCs) and Transnational Corporations (TNCs) as well as the
increase in the roles played by the International Financial Institutions such as the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). There has been
increasing roles being played by these International Financial Institutions, in
determining the economic policies of the developing economies (PANOS
BRIEFING, No. 33, May 1999). This is especially seen in the globalization of the
domestic economies through policies designed to accelerate the integration of
the developing economies to, the global economy. This is particularly
experienced through the implementation of economic liberalization policies that
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are basically aimed at achieving higher levels of economic growth. Since the
1980s and in order to attract foreign investment, many developing countries re-
oriented their economies towards export-promotion and financial liberalization
otherwise known as the Structural Adjustment policies (SAPs). SAPs was
designed as the bundle of policies considered a pragmatic solution to the
financial crisis plaguing the developing economies as well, as to accelerate the
integration of the developing economies to the global economy. Attached to this
design were, two types of policies established as prerequisites for access to
loans, and these were: stabilization and adjustment. While stabilization involves
short-term measures to restore balance of payments, structural adjustment
measures are implemented on a longer-term basis, to restructure the economy
and generate economic growth. Designed at the national levels, these economic
liberalization policies were implemented through state actions. State actions
along these lines such as the elimination of multiple state subsidies have resulted
in deep cuts in social spending. The policies of the state in this regard
simultaneously reduce poor people’s access to assistance and services while
increasing demands on their time to fill gaps left by the cuts in social services.
The consequences of the SAPs as summarized by Woods (2002) include: cuts in
wages, where women earn less than men Increase in food prices, which women
are responsible to provide Decrease in subsistence agriculture, where women
are traders and growers, while men control all the cash crops Reduction in social
spending, where the responsibility for health, welfare and education becomes the
women's, and unemployment, where women are the ones to lose jobs first.
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Globalization heightens the vulnerability of national economies to external
shocks. Weaker economies are less able to bear the consequence. The negative
gender implications of the neo - liberal policies are, aptly described by Cornia et
al (1987), Elson and Pearson (1981), and Elson (1991). Consequently, there
have been calls for a fundamental change in government economic reform
programmes, including a comprehensive review of the restructuring of public
enterprises and formulation of a coherent industrial policy. Specifically, with the
increasing number of poor people globally, the “efficiency approach” was
followed, by the “empowerment approach”,
Empowerment
There has been the realization that development targets can only be achieved
through the engagement of poor people, in the development processes that
affect their lives. "Study after study has shown that there is no effective
development strategy in which women do not play a central role," Annan said in a
statement released to coincide with International Women's Day events.
"When women thrive, all of society benefits, and succeeding generations
are given a better start in life", Annan added (U.N. Wire, Feb. 28). Consequently,
developmental agencies and even governments are increasingly looking at
various ways of implementing gender sensitive policies that will help women take
control of their lives: empowerment. Often viewed differently by different cultures,
conceptualizing the term “empowerment” has always been problematic.
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However, Sevefjord et al (2001) conceptualize it as being inescapably bound up
with the condition of disempowerment. They, therefore, define it as “the
processes by which those who have been denied the ability to make choices
acquire such ability. Wallerstein and Bernstein (1988: 380) further give an
encompassing definition of the term as, “a social action process that promotes
participation, of people, organizations, and communities in gaining control over
their lives in their communities and larger society. From the above, some
variations as identified by analysts include social, economic and political aspects,
and these also involve different forms of change in the balance of power in
society that can enable women to take control of their lives through various
strategies. Central to the above strategies include, among other things,
enlightening women on how power operates as well as its impact on them as
individuals and communities. Other strategies involve skills - development and
access to resources. As a Gender and Development (GAD) approach, it attempts
to look at all aspects of women’s lives and the processes that involves women
taking control of their lives, more especially, in the area of the work that Third
World women do. For example, women’s home - based work in the so - called
informal sector. Existing data suggest that the majority of economically active
women in developing countries, work in the informal sector (World Trade
Organization 2000). A 1995 World Bank Report suggests that a significant
number of women workers work in the informal sector even, in the once rapidly -
growing economies of east and southeast - Asia (women workers in the informal
sector comprise 43 per cent, and in Indonesia, the number is 79 per cent).
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Haysom (business Day, South Africa, 12 June 2002) also states, that the
informal economy is where most Nigerians make their living, and it has been
established that the ‘informal sector’ is, a large source of income for women in
many developing countries. For example, figures show that people in the informal
sector in North Africa make up 48 per cent, while in sub - Saharan Africa
including South Africa the figure stands at 72 per cent. In a country like Nigeria,
the informal sector is estimated to make up about 70% of the economy with
women comprising 70% of this figure (Momsen 1993; Press Release, Foundation
for Democracy in Africa [FDA], Abuja, Nigeria, November 24, 2000). The informal
economy is estimated to be worth about $42bn thereby, making it one of the
largest in Africa. Lack of options and or opportunities is closely linked to level of
education and skills that are needed in formal employment. For most of these
women, work in the informal sector was/is the only option available to them. In
comparing the labor force participation experiences between women in the
developing and the developed countries, Moghadam (1999) observes:
At the same time that women have been entering the formal labor force in record
numbers in the developed countries, much of the increase in female labor - force
participation in developing countries has occurred in the informal sectors of the
economy. Unregistered and small - scale urban enterprises, home - based work
and self - employment may fall into this category, and they include an array of
commercial and productive activities (Valentine M. Moghadam 1999: 374).
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Moghadam stresses, that the extent of the urban informal sector and its link to
the formal sector are matters of dispute, and women’s involvement in it has not
always been captured in the official statistics. Though most activities in this
sector are not reflected in national statistics, it has been established that the
contribution of women’s micro - level economic activities in this sector to the well
- being of many families/households is also considered enormous (Folbre 1990;
Henn 1988). The activities in this sector (informal sector) have been hampered
by economic liberalization policies. Increasing women’s productive capabilities in
small-scale enterprises in the informal sector) is, seen as one of the main
objectives of the empowerment approach that currently runs hand in hand with
the “rights - based approach”. Another concept, aimed at addressing the problem
of gender inequality into laws that also have implications for development is, that
of “gender mainstreaming”.
Gender Mainstreaming
Gender mainstreaming is one of the critical development concepts that
have recently become more prevalent in the United Nations and national
government circles. These concepts are engaged with the complexity and
diversity of women and men’s experiences of poverty and powerlessness.
According to Aruna Rao and David Kelleher (2002), gender
mainstreaming is defined by the United Nations as, the “process of assessing the
implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation,
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policies or programmes, in any area and al all levels. It is a strategy for making
women as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral dimension in the
design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in
all political, economic and societal spheres so that women and men benefit
equally and inequality is not perpetuated.” (E/1997/L.3014July 1997). The
processes involved include assessing the implications for women and men, of
any planned action, including legislation, policies and programmes, in any area
and at all levels. The process is also both technical and political. It is technical in
the sense that in an institution/organization, for example, there are certain
specific tasks that need to be carried out such as, new staffing and budgeting
practices, altering institutional regulations and procedures to better reflect the
concerns that female staff members may have, targeting training programmes to
both men and women, and so on. It is political in that it requires shifts in
institutional cultures and, ways of thinking. Most countries are using at least
some gender mainstreaming tools that in this context include legislation,
engendering budgets, the use of sex-disaggregated statistics as a management
tool, development of Gender Studies, awareness raising and equality training,
the use of gender-mainstreaming experts to advise on policies and practices,
gender impact assessments of new policies, monitoring and evaluation, and
'visioning' a process that identifies how existing systems may be institutionally
discriminatory . The Nordic countries in particular are according to Duddy (2002),
using gender mainstreaming to entrench gender equality into the systems and
structures of science and scientific careers. In Europe in general, a summary of
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The Helsinki Group's publication titled "National Policies on Women and Science
in Europe” shows that the same is the case especially when addressing the
growing concern at the European Union about the under-representation of
women in scientific careers. This situation prompted Member States to engage in
dialogue and exchange positions on national policies; and in November 1999, the
commission set up a group to focus on women and science, comprised of civil
servants and gender experts for the 15 European Union Member States and from
15 countries associated with the Fifth Framework Programme of the European
Community for research, technological development and demonstration activities
that became known as the 'Helsinki Group on Women and Science" (Duddy
2002). In order to ensure that women scientists for all 30 countries have equal
chance of shaping, participating in, monitoring, and evaluating future European
Union supported scientific projects and programmes, the report of the Helsinki
group suggested solutions that encourage the method of instituting positive
action measures. These measures include, among other things,
- Supporting networks of women in science, encouraging the development
of role model and mentoring schemes, and in some cases, establishing targets
and quotas.
- The development and use of a series of tools to evaluate and monitor
equal treatment, positive action, and gender mainstreaming measures designed
to promote gender equality in science and scientific careers.
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Many countries are instituting policies to address the concerns associated
with gender inequality, that is, through gender mainstreaming. There has been
widespread belief in the development community that the basic aim of gender
mainstreaming is, the enabling of life to attain its highest development. It has also
been suggested that at the national level, a commitment on the part of
governments, donors, and others to actively pursue such a strategy will also not
only enhance the roles that women may play in the engendering process but will
also question the fundamental barriers to women’s participation in agenda -
setting, policy - making, planning, implementation and, evaluation. This is
because, even though many countries have cited or included the provisions of
this approach (gender mainstreaming) in their basic laws or constitutions, many
gender-mainstreaming initiatives have, however, been criticized by many
organizations for among other things, inadequate use of analytical skills, lack of
political commitment to equality and inadequate funding. Critics of this approach
(gender mainstreaming) such as Rao and Kelleher point out that most estimates
of gender mainstreaming within the UN system and national governments show
that the process is an uphill struggle. They cited examples from Asia and the
Pacific. For example, in Cambodia just after the civil war, where putting a gender
infrastructure in place was taking place at the same time as the system was
focusing on developing policies, building capacity and capturing more resources.
Using the Philippines as an established bureaucracy, they also show how the
system was concentrating more on developing specialized expertise on areas
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such as gender and economic globalization, and addressing deep-seated cultural
barriers to gender inequality within bureaucratic structures. They concluded:
Gender equality concerns are not mainstreamed but ghettoized as special
machinery created to deal with women’s issues. Sometimes this ghetto becomes
a space in which to advocate broadly for women’s interests while connecting to a
women’s political constituency and scrutinizing national budgets and resource
allocations. Mostly, however, it does little good (Aruna Rao and David Kelleher
2002).
Many countries have also cited or included the provisions of this approach
(gender mainstreaming) in their basic laws or constitutions, and it has also been
suggested that at the national level, a commitment on the part of governments,
donors, and others to actively pursue such a strategy will also not only enhance
the roles that women may play in the engendering process but will also question
the fundamental barriers to women’s participation in agenda - setting, policy -
making, planning, implementation and, evaluation. Many gender-mainstreaming
initiatives have, however, been criticized by many organizations for among other
things, inadequate use of analytical skills, lack of political commitment to
equality and inadequate funding. Critics of this approach (gender mainstreaming)
such as Rao and Kelleher point out that most estimates of gender mainstreaming
within the UN system and national governments show that the process is an
uphill struggle. They cited examples from Asia and the Pacific. For example, in
Cambodia just after the civil war, where putting a gender infrastructure in place
23
was taking place at the same time as the system was focusing on developing
policies, building capacity and capturing more resources. Using the Philippines
as an established bureaucracy, they also show how the system was
concentrating more on developing specialized expertise on areas such as gender
and economic globalization, and addressing deep-seated cultural barriers to
gender inequality within bureaucratic structures. They concluded:
Gender equality concerns are not mainstreamed but ghettoized as special
machinery created to deal with women’s issues. Sometimes this ghetto becomes
a space in which to advocate broadly for women’s interests while connecting to a
women’s political constituency and scrutinizing national budgets and resource
allocations. Mostly, however, it does little good (Aruna Rao and David Kelleher
2002).
As an approach, mainstreaming gender has the capacity to bring about
change for gender equality. Gender mainstreaming projects, however, must be
locally specific. There is also, a need for mechanisms to ensure especially that
gender awareness is included, in the planning process. It is also widely
implemented but at the same time, many development practitioners have,
however, been using the rights-based approach over that of gender
mainstreaming in order, to ensure equality or guaranteed rights for all. Put
differently, people have begun to assert their right to be the subject rather than
the object of development – the poor as claimers of their rights rather than
passive recipients.
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The main aim of the principles and objectives of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights of 1948 is, ensuring that all human beings are born free and
equal in dignity and rights. In a strictly definitive sense, human dignity means
among other things, the right to basic services, sustainable livelihood, to safety,
to education, to vote, freedom from hunger, freedom of expression, or the right o
equal participation in the political system. These rights are all enshrined in the
’rights - based’ approach to development currently dominating the International,
and national major responses to global issues especially that of gender
inequality.
Conclusion
Worldwide, many approaches have been and are still being taken in
attempts to mainstream and institutionalize gender issues in government
programmes. However, gender equality can only be achieved through moving
beyond formalistic measures and towards, that of transformatory empowerment.
In this case, it is process in which women acquire the capacity to transform the
unequal power structures (based on male dominance) that disadvantage them.
Poverty rips through the very fabrics of society. Its victims are apparently
divested of some universally accepted human quality of life. Currently, there are
renewed efforts by the international financial institutions to tackle poverty. A fresh
policy initiative calls for policies that will be matched with adequate external
resources, debt reduction and better market access to many developing
economies, especially Africa. The UNCTAD poverty reduction strategy papers
25
initiative (PRSP approach) reaffirms the need for policies requiring safety nets
and targeted spending programmes to mitigate the negative impact of the
structural adjustment programmes. Overall, the poor need policies that will
secure entitlements to land and water, policies that will provide access to micro
finance, technology and markets, as well as opportunities to participate in
decentralized management.
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