workshop as social setting for paul's missionary preaching

8/16/2019 Workshop as Social Setting for Paul's Missionary Preaching

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The Workshop as a Social Setting

for Paul's Missionary Preaching

RONALD F. HOCK

School of Religion

University of Southern California

Los Angeles, CA 90007

IN ONE of his political tractates Plutarch criticizes certain philosophersfor refusing to converse with public officials and rulers because of the fearof being considered ambitious or obsequious. If such a situation were to

become widespread, Plutarch suggests, the only recourse open to a publicminded man who wanted the teaching of philosophy would be to wish thathe could become an artisan—say, a shoemaker—so that he might thenhave a chance to sit down and converse with a philosopher, as Simon theshoemaker had done with Socrates. '

This suggestion of Plutarch, that the workshop may have served as a

social setting for intellectual discourse, is intriguing because it raises thequestion of whether other workshops—especially those used by Paul thetentmaker on his various missionary journeys—were also so used. Thispaper seeks to argue that Paul's workshops were in fact used as settings forhis missionary preaching and attempts to interpret this fact by placing it inthe larger context of Paul's missionary activity and in the still larger contextof intellectual activity roughly contemporary with Paul.

1 Plutarch, Maxime cumprinc. phil. diss. 776B. For the tendency in Plutarch's time to withdraw from public affairs, see F. Wilhelm, "Plutarchos ΠΕΡΙ ΗΣΥΧΙΑΣ,'* Rheinisches

M 73 (1924) 466 82 F Pl t h' i C P J Pl t h d R


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PAUL'S MISSIONARY PREACHING 439

Two initial comments may help to identify the significance and implications of this thesis regarding the workshop. First, scholars have occasionally suggested that the workshop was used by Paul for his missionary

activity,2 but the thesis has never been developed in detail. Even the formcritics' theoretical commitment to positing and describing a Sitz im Lebenas part of a form-critical analysis has not led to interest in this thesis. Formcritics have in practice given almost exclusive attention to form, which hasmeant a corresponding neglect of function. Consequently, statements aboutthe function of a tradition are often too vague and abstract to identify anylife-like setting that the phrase Sitz im Leben would lead us to expect.

3 And

yet form criticism is not simply a method of literary analysis; it also has a

sociological concern. This paper, therefore, is intended as a contributiontoward becoming more definite and concrete about the social settings ofearly Christian preaching and teaching.4

The second comment has to do more directly with the scholarly discussion of Paul's tentmaking. That discussion has almost invariably consideredhis trade as part of his Jewish heritage. Paul's trade is spoken of as a vestigeof his former life as a Pharisee and is understood in terms of a rabbinic idealof combining study of Torah with the practice of a trade.5 The emphases of

this paper—Paul's use of the workshop for missionary purposes and especially his use of the workshop in terms of the intellectual life of the citiesof the Greek East—are thus intended to move the discussion beyond astrictly Jewish focus. The reference to Plutarch at the beginning of thispaper was deliberate: to signal an attempt to place Paul's tentmaking and

2

E.g., T. G. Soares, "Paul's Missionary Methods," Biblical World 34 (1909) 326-36,esp. 335: Paul's workshop acquaintance with Aquila and Priscilla "may very well suggest the

constant personal evangelism that Paul must have carried on during his hours of labor with the

various fellow-workers with whom he was thrown into companionship" (my italics). See also

E. Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1971)

512.3 This criticism is not new; cf. J. Z. Smith, "The Social Description of Early

Christianity," Religious Studies Review 1 (1975) 19-25, esp. 19.4 Form critics have not merely neglected questions about Sitz im Leben. The lack of any

previous study of the workshop as a setting for missionary activity suggests that they have also

tended to conceive of Sitz im Leben too narrowly. The concept is often used (probably

unintentionally) with modern notions of the church in mind that restrict our thinking about the

settings of Paul's preaching to the contemporary setting for preaching: liturgical proclamation.


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440 THE CATHOLIC BIBLICAL QUARTERLY | 41, 1979

his missionary activity in general within the social and intellectual milieu of

the Greek East of his day.6

IN ORDER to argue the thesis about Paul's missionary use of the work

shop, we begin by gathering the evidence that places him in workshops in

the cities of his missionary journeys. Luke mentions Paul as having worked

as a tentmaker only in Corinth and Ephesus (Acts 18:3 and 20:34); but

Paul's letters add Thessalonica (1 Thess 2:9) and, more important, affirm

that Paul's general missionary practice was to work to support himself (so 1

Cor 9:15-18). Accordingly, Paul's reference to Barnabas' working to sup

port himself (1 Cor 9:6) would thus cover the so-called first missionary jour

ney and the stays in Antioch (Acts 13:1-14:25 and 14:26-28; 15:30-35), theperiods when Luke has Barnabas as Paul's travel and missionary com

panion. Paul's reference to his working in Thessalonica (1 Thess 2:9) and

his confirmation of Luke's statement regarding Corinth (1 Cor 4:12) would

apply to the second missionary journey (Acts 16:1-18:22). Paul's reference

to his working in Ephesus (see 1 Cor 4:11: "up to the present hour"), again

confirming Luke's portrayal, and his insistence on self-support during a

future trip to Corinth (2 Cor 12:14) would carry the practice over to the

third missionary journey (Acts 18:23-21:16). With Acts 28:30 we have Paulpresumably working even later in Rome.7 In short, Paul's letters and Acts

provide good evidence for placing the apostle in workshops wherever and

whenever he was doing missionary preaching and teaching. There is, ac

cordingly, no problem with placing Paul in the workshop. The problems

6 On placing Paul in the Greek East of the early Roman Empire, see the programmatic

essay by E A Judge, "St Paul and Classical Society," JAC 15 (1972) 19-36 Judge is in

terested in the specific social settings of Paul's mission, though he does not posit the workshop

as one of them Even so, I have found this essay most stimulating and important for Pauline

studies This and other writings of Judge are summarized and assessed by A J Malherbe,

Social Aspects of Early Christianity (Baton Rouge Louisiana State University, 1977) 45-57

and passim7 That Paul worked even when in custody in Rome is argued by H J Cadbury,

"Lexical Notes on Luke-Acts III Luke's Interest in Lodging," JBL 45 (1926) 305-22, esp 321-

22 Cadbury renders the obscure phrase en idiö misthömati in Acts 28*30 as "on his own

earnings " The phrase "may refer to what was paid to Paul as wages for his work rather

than to what was paid by Paul for food and lodging" (p 322) Cadbury's interpretation has

been accepted by F F Bruce {The Acts of the Apostles [Grand Rapids Eerdmans, 1951] 480),

but rejected m favor of "in his own rented quarters" by H Conzelmann {Die

Apostelgeschichte [7, 2nd ed , Tubingen Mohr, 1963] 96) and Haenchen {Acts, 726 η 2)


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arise when we want to know what, besides his tentmaking,8 Paul was doingin the workshop. Were the conversations that went on in these shops turnedby him into occasions for missionary preaching?

An affirmative answer to this question seems inherently likely, givenPaul's utter commitment to preaching the gospel. And yet it must be admitted that neither Paul's letters nor Acts says explicitly that Paul so used theworkshop setting. The silence of Paul's letters is not really a problem, sincePaul is usually silent or vague about the settings of his missionary preaching(see, e.g., 1 Cor 2:1-5). With Acts, however, the situation is different. As weshall see below, several settings for Paul's preaching are identified by Luke.His silence on others, therefore, requires an explanation.

Luke's silence may be partially explained by his interest in Paul's experiences in the synagogue.9 Only in Athens, the center of Greek culture andphilosophy, is this interest dropped in deference to Paul's experiences in themarketplace (Acts 17:17) and specifically to his conversations with Stoicand Epicurean philosophers (v 18), which led to Paul's speech before theAreopagus (vv 22-31). Here, if anywhere in Acts, Luke comes closest tomentioning workshop conversations. But he does not. Rather, the discussions with the philosophers are probably to be placed in the city's stoas,

perhaps the Stoa Attalos.10

It seems that Luke's traditions said nothingabout the workshop as a Pauline missionary setting, though the workshopat Ephesus was visited by Christians, if only to carry away Paul's apronsand handkerchiefs for their healing properties.11 At any rate, the mention ofthe Athenian discussions at least allows for the possibility of others having

8 That Paul was a tentmaker {skënopoios) we learn only from Luke (Acts 18:3). There

is no reason to doubt Luke at this point (so Haenchen, Acts, 538, and C. Burchard, Der

dreizehnte Zeuge: Traditions- und kompositionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu Lukas*

Darstellung der Fruhzeit des Paulus [FRLANT 103; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,

1970] 39). Nevertheless, the precise nature of Paul's tentmaking is not clear. Of the two op

tions, weaving tentcloth from goat's hair {cihcium) or cutting and sewing leather to make tents,

the latter is to be preferred (see. T. Zahn, Die Apostelgeschichte des Lukas [Kommentar zum

Neuen Testament 5, Leipzig Deichert, 1921] 632-34, and W Michaelis, "skënopoios," TD NT 7

[1971] 393-94). Consequently, we picture Paul sitting in his patrons' workshops cutting and

sewing leather to make tents (and probably other leather goods). For details on the trade of

leatherworking, with special emphasis on shoemaking, see H Blumner, Technologie und

Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste bei Griechen und Romern (2nd ed.; Leipzig: Teubner,

1912)1.273-92.9 For the references, see below ρ 44310

The Stoa Attalos is the suggestion of H. A. Thompson, "Socrates in the Athenian


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442 THE CATHOLIC BIBLICAL QUARTERLY I 41,1979

gone on elsewhere in the marketplace and specifically in the workshop, such

as the daily studies of scripture at Beroea.12

The possibility of workshop conversations can also be read out of a

passage from Paul's letters: the detailed summary of the apostle's mission-

ary activity in Thessalonica (1 Thess 2:112). In ν 9 Paul's working and

preaching are mentioned together: "For you remember, brothers, our toil-

some labor. Working night and day in order not to be a burden on any of

you, we preached to you the gospel of God."

Commentators, however, have not interpreted the juxtaposition of

working and preaching as suggesting that Paul did the latter while doing the

former. In fact, some commentators suggest the opposite; Paul had to work

at night in order to be able to preach during the day.13

Other commentators,though rightly rejecting this interpretation as contrary to the sense of the

text,14

do not go on to say how they see Paul's working and preaching to

have been related. They assume that Paul could not have preached while

working15

and leave the precise import of the tandem reference to working

and preaching uninvestigated.

Grammatically, this verse can be read as evidence for Paul preaching

while working, for the participle "working" is circumstantial, that is, it

defines the circumstances under which the preaching was delivered.16

Even

so, the participle need not be limited historically to this one circumstance of

social setting,17

so that this verse certainly allows for our thesis, even if it

12

Acts 17:11. Where the Beroean Jews examined the scriptures is not said, but the

workshop is a possibility since synagoguegoing was probably confined to sabbaths and feast

days in the first century (so S. Safrai, "The Synagogue," The Jewish People in the First

Century [eds. S. Safrai and M. Stern; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976] 2.90844, esp. 918) and

since reading was one of the intellectual activities carried on in workshops13

E.g , E. von Dobschutz, Die Thessalonicher Briefe (MeyerK 10; 9th ed.; Gottmgen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1909) 97. Others holding this view are listed by H. A. W. Meyer, A

Critical and Exegetical Handbook to the Epistles to the Thessalonians (New York Funk &

Wagnals, 1884)5614

E.g., Meyer, Epistles to the Thessalonians, 56; B. Rigaux, Les Epitres aux

Thessaloniciens (EBib; Pans: Gabalda, 1956) 42324; and E. Best, A Commentary on the First

and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians (HNTC: New York: Harper, 1972) 103.15

E.g., Best {Epistles to the Thessalonians, 104) has argued that the financial assistance

from Phihppi for Paul while he was in Thessalonica (Phil 4:16) suggests that he did not earn

enough money from tentmaking so as to allow him time off to preach.16

C. J. Elhcott, A Critical and Grammatical Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles to theThessalonians (Andover: Draper, 1884) 37.

17

The circumstances of Paul's working have often been understood to have been the


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does not require it. Still, Paul's exhortations to individual Thessalonians (vv

11-12) had to take place somewhere, perhaps at Jason's house (see Acts

17:6) or perhaps in the workshop.18 The plausibility of the latter setting will

become evident from what is said below.

IF THESE SIX passages from Acts and the letters speak, at least sugges

tively, of Paul having used the workshops as social settings for missionary

preaching, then we need to interpret this social setting by placing it against

the background of Paul's missionary activity as a whole and against the

background of intellectual life in the cities of Paul's day. Only then will

Paul's working and preaching be seen with greater clarity and in better

perspective.

The general silence of Paul's letters regarding social settings has been

noted; consequently, we are left with the data of Acts. In general, it must be

said that if the workshop was one social setting for missionary activity, it

certainly was only one such setting, for Luke has Paul preaching in a variety

of social settings. Most frequently mentioned, of course, is the synagogue.

Paul is found in synagogues in Damascus (Acts 9:20), Jerusalem (9:29),

Salamis (13:5), Pisidian Antioch (13:14, 44), Iconium (14:1), Thessalonica

(17:1), Beroea (17:10), Athens (17:17), Corinth (18:4), and Ephesus (18:19;

19:8).19

Another important missionary setting is the house, especially the

houses of Lydia in Philippi (16:15, 40), of Titius Justus in Corinth (18:7), of

an unidentified Christian in Troas (20:7-11), and of several persons in

Ephesus (20:20). Other houses should be included, though Luke makes no

explicit mention of missionary activity as having gone on: Jason's house in

Thessalonica (17:5-6); Aquila's and Priscilla's in Corinth (18:3); Philip's in

unlikely by the presence in Thessalonica of persons of substance and status, such as the leading

women (Acts 17:4) and Jason (17:5-9); they could have easily entertained Paul (see H. Alford,

The Greek Testament [Cambridge: Deighton & Bell, 1880] 3.257, and Rigaux, Les Epitres aux

Thessaloniciens, 424). Moreover Paul, as an apostle, could have in any case demanded to be

cared for (see 1 Thess 2:7 and von Dobschutz, Die Thessalonicher Briefe, 97-98).18 Frame {Epistles to the Thessalonians, 4) picks up on Paul's individual contact with the

Thessalonians that was carried on apart from the Sabbath sermons (cf. Acts 17:2) and says: "It

is quite to be expected that the Apostle would take every opportunity to speak informally about


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Caesarea (21:8); Mnason's, presumably in Jerusalem (21:16-17); and per

haps those of several others (see 16:34; 21:3-5, 7).20

Not customary settings but nonetheless indicating the variety of social

settings for Paul's mission are the following: the residence of the proconsul

of Cyprus, Sergius Paulus (13:6-12); the city gate in Lystra (14:7, 15-18); the

lecture-hall of Tyrannus in Ephesus (19:9-10); and the praetorium in Cae

sarea (24:24-26; 25:23-27). To repeat: if the workshop was one social setting

for Paul's missionary activity, it was also only one of many. Indeed, the

very variety of settings argues in favor of Paul having used the workshop to

carry out his apostolic commission. Moreover the regularity of Paul's

presence in the workshop would argue that this social setting was as impor

tant a place for preaching as the synagogue and house, especially the lattersince the synagogue, though obviously an oft-used setting, was hardly a

permanent one.

HAVING ARGUED the plausibility as well as the relative importance of

Paul's use of the workshop for missionary activity, we look now at this

Pauline practice against the background of intellectual life in the Greek East

of Paul's day. We begin our survey of the social settings for intellectual

discourse m classical Athens because it was during the fifth and fourth cen

turies that specific settings, including the workshop, became conventional

settings for intellectual activity, conventions that still persisted in the time

of Paul.21

The opening reference to Socrates in the workshop of Simon the shoe

maker already indicates that this social setting for intellectual discourse goes

back to the fifth century.22 Xenophon portrays Socrates discussing phil

osophy in a variety of workshops, including those of a saddler, a painter, a

sculptor, and an armorer;23 Plato mentions the tables of the marketplace asa customary haunt of Socrates.24 The workshop, of course, was not the only

haunt of Socrates. He could also be found talking in other parts of the

20 When cataloguing Paul's missionary activity m houses, we should also include

references to "churches," since they were house-churches Thus, note the missionary activity

m the house-churches of Antioch (Acts 11 26, 13 1, 14 27-28, 15 30-35) and of Lystra,

Iconium, and Pisidian Antioch (14 21-23)21 For classical Athens, see especially R E Wycherley, "Penpatos The Athenian

Philosophical Scene, Parts I and II," Greece & Rome 8 (1961) 152-63 and 9 (1962) 2-2122 For Socrates m Simon's workshop, see Plutarch, Maxime cum princ phil diss 776B,


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marketplace, such as the stoas and other public buildings, in the gymnasiaand in the houses of friends.25

In one sense Socrates' practice was typical for his day, given the custom

of men to frequent the shops and tables of the marketplace.26

And yet inanother sense Socrates' practice was atypical, not only because of the obviously higher intellectual content of his conversations,27 but also becauseof the limited effect his practice had on later philosophers. To judge fromDiogenes Laertius, Socrates' disciples were not to be found discussingphilosophy in the workshop, even though some of them as students had accompanied him, for example, to the saddler's shop.28

Plato and Antisthenes preferred the gymnasia, which in fact becamethe sites for their schools—the Academy for Plato, the Cynosarges forAntisthenes, and later the Lyceum for Aristotle.29 Other Socratics, especially Aristippus, but also Aeschines, Xenophon, and Plato went to the courtsof kings, a social setting Socrates is widely reported to have avoided.30

In other words, these followers of Socrates, by choosing the gymasiumor the royal household, made philosophy less public than it had been withtheir master.31 More Socratic in this sense are the Cynics and Stoics. Philosophy is once again public with them. To be sure, Stoics are sometimesfound at court,32 but their very name derived from their lecturing in the

25 On the ubiquity of Socrates' philosophical discussions, see Wycherley, "Athenian

Philosophical Scene, Part I," 157-61.26 See especially Lysias, Orat. 24.19-20, and H. A. Thompson and R. E. Wycherley, The

Agora of Athens (Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1972) 170-74.27 For a list of the topics of Socrates' workshop discussions, see Diogenes Laertius,

2.122-123.28 Xenophon, Mem. 4.2.1.29 On the educational and intellectual activities in the gymnasia, see Wycherley,

"Athenian Philosophical Scene, Part II," 2-15. Cf. further C. A. Forbes, "Expanded Uses ofthe Greek Gymnasium," Classical Philology 40 (1945) 32-42, esp. 33-37, and J. P. Lynch,

Aristotle's School: A Study of a Greek Educational Institution (Los Angeles: University of

California, 1972)32-83.30 For Aristippus, see Diogenes Laertius, 2.67-68, 73, 77-80, 82. For Aeschines: 2.61-63;

Xenophon: 2.50; Plato: 3.18-23 and 36. For more evidence on the popularity of the ruler's

household as a social setting for intellectual discourse, see my article: "Simon the

Shoemaker," 43-46. On Socrates' refusal to converse with kings, see Diogenes Laertius, 2.25,

and J. Sykutris, Die Briefe des Sokrates und der Sokratiker (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1933) 13-

26.

31 Also reclusive were Epicurus (so Diogenes Laertius, 10.10) and the Epicureans (soDiogenes Laertius, 10.119 and 143, and Philodemus, Oec. col. 23 [p. 63, 9-18 Jensen]). Cf.

f th W h l "Ath i Phil hi l S P t II " 15 16 d "Th G d f


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stoas or public thoroughfares of the marketplace. Thus, Zeno, the founderof Stoicism, lectured in the "Painted Stoa" of Athens, and Chrysippus isreported to have taught in the Odeum, another public building of Athens.33

The Cynics were virtually ubiquitous. Diogenes, for example, is foundin a variety of settings: the marketplace (Diogenes Laertius 6.35, 46, 61),gymnasia (6.38, 77), public baths (6.40, 46, 47), tavern (6.66), the Olympicgames (6.43, 60, 61)—in a word, everywhere (6.22). His public life wasfollowed by many later Cynics, though most dramatically by Crates wholived with his wife Hipparchia in public buildings (6.97).34

Interestingly, no Cynic is placed by Diogenes Laertius in the workshop.And yet, given the Cynics' presence in the marketplace, it should not be sur

prising, if we look elsewhere, to find them in workshops and so make them,or at least the more ascetic among them, the sole heirs of Socrates' practice.

A perusal of Cynic sources shows that Crates can be placed, accordingto early tradition, in the workshop of a shoemaker, a certain Philiscus, andthat Crates' student Metrocles ate in a smith's shop.35 Eventually, traditionplaced Antisthenes, like Socrates, in the workshop of Simon.36 Lucíanpaired his ideal Cynic, Cyniscus, with a shoemaker named Micyllus.37 Finally, other passages in Lucian, especially those that identify Cynics as formerartisans, presuppose frequent contacts between philosophers and artisans,perhaps in the latter's shops.38

But if Cynics can be found in workshops, can we also point to Cynicswho were themselves artisans and who used their workshops for discussingphilosophy and so have a precise parallel to Paul? At first one might be inclined to say no, for the simple life they advocated made work unnecessary.The necessities of life were easily procured; nature provided vegetables,springs, and leaf-covered ground for food, water, and bedding. Cities provided baths and temples for the Cynic to wash and live in.39 What was not

33 Zeno in the Painted Stoa: Diogenes Laertius, 7.5; Chrysippus in the Odeum: 7.184.

Cf. further Wycherley, "Athenian Philosophical Scene, Part II," 16-17, and "The Painted

Stoa," Phoenix 1 (1953) 20-35.34 On Diogenes and the Cynics, see Wycherley, "Athenian Philosophical Scene, Part I,"

161-162, and E. Zeller, Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung (5th

ed.; Leipzig: Reisland, 1922) Vol. 2, Pt. 1, 317.35 For Crates and Metrocles, see Teles,/r


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ready to hand could be purchased with money received from begging.40

Consequently, Cynics could counsel artisans to leave their workbenches41

and to stand aloof from the economic life of the city. Thus the following

anecdote:

Crates, having entered the marketplace and having seen some people

selling and others buying, said: "These people, because they do a complemen

tary transaction with one another, deem themselves happy. But I deem myself

happy because I have freed myself from both, in that I neither buy nor sell."42

Other traditions, admittedly few, show that Cynics were not unalterably opposed to work. There is, for example, Simon the shoemaker, whoby the time of the early empire has been turned into an ideal Cynic philosopher, demonstrating by his working the Cynic virtue of self-sufficiency andattracting to his workshop other philosophers as well as aristocratic youthand men of wealth and power. Obviously, this ideal of the "working-philosopher" was not widely accepted, even among Cynics.43 But the idealwas occasionally embodied, most notably by Dio Chrysostom and MusoniusRufus. Dio, when exiled by Domitian, led the life of a wandering Cynicand, according to later tradition, worked at several menial jobs, though it isnot reported that he taught while doing so.44 It is said, of Musonius, however, that when he was exiled by Nero to Gyara, he worked with his studentson a farm and lectured them in the fields on sound judgment, justice, andperseverance.45 More generally, we can point to Philiscus the shoemakerwho in Crates' eyes was an ideal candidate for philosophy because hisstitching did not distract him from listening to Crates read Aristotle's Pro- trepticus.

46 Lastly, Lucian's conception of the Cynic lifestyle as especially

suited to artisans—tanners, carpenters, etc.—presupposes the ideal of the

40 On Cynic begging, see Diogenes Laertius, 6.29, 33, 37, 40, etc., and Zeller,

Philosophie der Griechen, Vol. 2, Pt. 1, 317.41

See the references in n. 38.42

Stobaeus, Flor. 3.5.52. Cf. a similar aloofness on the part of Diogenes in Lucian, Hist, conscr. 3.

43 On Simon as an ideal Cynic and the intra-Cynic debate over him, see my article,

"Simon the Shoemaker," 44-45 and 50-53.44 For Dio's working, see Philostratus, V. Soph. 488, and H. von Arnim, Leben und

Werke des Dio von Prusa (Berlin: Weidmann, 1898) 246-48.


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working-philosopher, especially since he regarded artisans who left their

workbenches for Cynic mendicancy as frauds.47

To summarize our discussion thus far regarding the various social set

tings for intellectual discourse, we can say that the settings used in classicalAthens — the gymnasium, the king's court, the house, the public buildings

and workshops of the marketplace—had become traditional social settings

long before the time of Paul, with some settings more identified with certain

"schools" than with others: Platonists in the Academy, Aristotelians in the

Lyceum, Stoics in the stoas, Epicureans in the Garden, and Cynics in the

marketplace. To be sure, by the time of Paul things were not quite so neat

because of the destruction of the Academy and Lyceum a century earlier48

and the usual practice of philosophers to mingle and debate with oneanother.49 Nevertheless, we can still point to intellectual discourse going on

in these settings, especially in gymnasia and in the houses of the rich and

powerful or those of the philosophers themselves.50 The setting of the work

shop also became conventional, though as we have seen, only among certain

Cynics. This intellectual activity in workshops provides further evidence for

arguing that the workshops were used by Paul for his preaching and teach

ing, especially if Paul's dependence on other Cynic traditions is kept in

mind.51

HAVING LEARNED that Cynics were sometimes to be found in work

shops, we must now go on to say something about what might have typical

ly gone on in this social setting. We shall use this evidence to portray more

clearly Paul in his workshop.

47 For artisans suited for Cynic philosophy, see Lucian, Vit. auct. 1 and 11. Cf. also

Lucian, Timon 7, and Merc. cond. 6. For Lucian's view that artisans who left their work

benches for Cynic philosophy were frauds, see the references in n. 38. For his praise of the

Cynic Demetrius of Sunium, who worked as a porter, see Lucian, Tox. 31.48 This is the thesis of J. Lynch, Aristotle's School, 163-207.49 Note, e.g., the visit of an Epicurean to Epictetus' school (Epictetus, Diss. 3.7.1) and

the debate between an Epicurean and a Stoic in the Painted Stoa (Lucian, J. Trag. 4-5, 16-18,

35-51).50 On the importance of the gymnasium as a social setting for intellectual discourse in the

early empire, see Epictetus, Diss. 3.16.14; 4.1.113; Plutarch, Non posse suav. vivi 1086D; and

Dio, Orat. 13.31. On the houses of the rich and powerful, see Dio, Orat. 77/78.34-36; Lucian,

Philops. 6 and 14; Pise. 11-13; Vit. auct. 15; and Philostratus, V. Soph. 520-21 and 600. On the

philosophers' own living quarters for teaching, see Seneca, ep. 76.1-4; Epictetus, Diss. 4.1.177;

Dio, Orat. 15.1; Plutarch, Consol, adux. 609C; Lucian, Nigr. 1-7; Aulus Gellius, N. A. 2.2.1-


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Typical of the activities in the workshop was discussion. For example,Socrates is said to have discussed with Simon.52 But we should also note thatCrates, when in Philiscus' workshop, is depicted as reading, which Eu-

thydemus was presumably doing when Socrates joined him in the saddler'sshop.53 Finally, Simon is said to have taken notes of his discussions withSocrates and to have used them to write Socratic dialogues.54

The number of people participating in these workshop discussionscannot have been large. Often only two are involved: Socrates with Simon55

and Crates with Philiscus.56 Xenophon, however, has included several ofSocrates' students in his discussion with Euthydemus

S1 But especially in

structive is the Cynic epistle that gathers at least seven persons around

Simon in his shop: Socrates; the youths Alcibiades, Phaedrus, Euthydemus,and Char mides; and politicians like Epicrates and Euryptolemus.58 This listalso points out that persons of substance and status could be found in workshop discussions as well as the poor worker(s), thus indicating the variety ofsocial classes that might be found in this social setting.

The subjects treated in these discussions are many. There are discussions related to the artisans' trades,59 but also many other topics, to judgefrom the list of Simon's conversations with Socrates: the gods, justice,virtue, courage, law, good eating, love, music, to name just a few.60

It should now be clear that the evidence of philosophers in the workshop can help us to reconstruct Paul's parallel practice more clearly andsurely than is possible on the basis of NT texts alone. Consequently, we maypicture Paul in one of his patrons' workshops—say, Jason's in Thessalonica61—as follows: During the long hours at his workbench cutting and

52 For discussing, see Diogenes Laertius, 2 122, and Xenophon, Mem 3 10 1 and 6 Cf

Plutarch, Maxime cum princ phil diss 776B, Diogenes Laertius, 2 21, and ps -Socrates, ep

13 l (p 26, 10 Köhler)53

For Crates, see Teles, frag IVB(p 48, 21-22 O'Neil), for Euthydemus, see Xenophon,

Mem 4 2 154 Diogenes Laertius, 2 122-123, and my article, "Simon the Shoemaker," 41 η 2 and

424355

Diogenes Laertius, 2 122 Cf Plutarch, Maxime cum princ phil diss 776B56

Teles,//Og IVB(p 48, 2132 O'Neil)57

Xenophon, Mem 4 2 1258

Ps Socrates, ep 13 1 (p 26, 37 Köhler), Cf Sykutns, Brief e des Sokrates, 54 and η59 Xenophon, Mem 3 10 11560

Diogenes Laertius, 2 122123


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sewing leather to make tents, Paul would not only have been supporting

himself, but he would also have had opportunities to carry on missionary

activity (see 1 Thess 2:9). Sitting in the workshop would have been his

fellow-workers and perhaps one or more visitors, perhaps customers orperhaps someone who has heard of this tentmaker-''philosopher'' newly

arrived in the city.62 In any case, they would have been listening to, or de

bating with, Paul, who had raised the topic of the gods and was exhorting

them to turn from idols and to serve the living God (1:9-10). Some of those

who listened—a fellow-worker, a customer, an aristocratic youth, or even

a Cynic philosopher—would want to know more about Paul, about his

churches, about his Lord and would return for individual exhortation

(2:11-12). From these workshop conversations some would eventuallyaccept Paul's word as the word of God (2:13).

To SUM UP: we have argued on several grounds that it is plausible to

portray Paul as using the workshop as a social setting for missionary acti

vity. We have tried to interpret this activity by showing that the workshop,

along with the synagogue and house, was an important social setting in this

regard and by showing that the workshop was a recognized social setting in

Paul's day for intellectual discourse, a setting recognized as such by many

(e.g. Plutarch) but used only by certain Cynics. Finally, evidence from thelatter's discussions — the numbers involved, the activities pursued, the sub

jects raised, the kinds of people present—-helps us to reconstruct with more

detail and confidence a picture of Paul in his workshop, busy at tentmaking

and busy at preaching the gospel.

alone or with one assistant, perhaps his son. Rather, we should assume a workshop of a

relatively wealthy person, whose shop employed many workers, mostly slaves, and thuscould accommodate Paul as well.62 Note, e.g., that Epictetus was visited on occasion by people who had heard of his

reputation (Epictetus, Diss. 3.9.11-14). Note also the excitement caused by the arrival in

Ephesus of a celebrity like Apollonius of Tyana (Philostratus, V. Apoll. 4.1).


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^ s

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