Indigenous Movements in the Americas

Paper III:

Section 17: Civil Rights and Social Movements in the Americas Post 1945 – Origins, Nature and Challenges of Indigenous peoples in the Americas

Background: Pre-1945

Since Christopher Columbus in 1492, the history of Latin America was dominated by conflict between conquerors (Spanish and Portuguese) and the indigenous populations. The culturally arrogant conquerors set up a hierarchical society based on their notions of race. The White Europeans were at the top, while the “inferior” indigenous were at the bottom.

Latin American colonies gained independence in the 1800s. The new governments were not interested in indigenous land rights or preserving indigenous culture. They continued the oppression of the indigenous and mestizos[footnoteRef:1]. By 1900, indigenous peoples had lost a significant proportion of their land and were forced to pay special taxes and provide unpaid labor services in placed like Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico and Peru. [1: Mestizo – offspring between a Native and a European. ]

Indigenous Populations 1900-1945

Countries that had large mestizo populations (Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador) were assimilated into society and politics, but darker skinned indigenous remained low on the Latin American social ladder, with African Latinos on the bottom. The large indigenous populations in Guatemala, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia were impoverished and discriminated against. Resistance was useless. Somme countries with large indigenous and mestizo populations began to glorify their diversity as a national point of pride. After the Mexican Revolution (1910-20) it suited the new Mexican government to try to create a sense of national identity by depicting the Spanish as evil conquerors and the Aztecs as noble victims. Never mind the fact that those who oversaw the government were the decedents from those European conquerors….

The indigenismo[footnoteRef:2] movement, which was fashionable in Guatemala, Ecuador, Bolivia, & Peru, saw indigenous culture as a source of their best national values and revered the communal character of the Inca state. They urged the revitalization of indigenous communities through land redistribution and the incorporation of indigenous people as citizens in the nation’s progress. Despite this romanticizing, racism persisted, and native populations were still oppressed. The racist attitude is exemplified in Mexican president Cardenas, when he claimed the goal was to “Mexicanize the Indians, not to Indianize Mexico.” By 1945, Mexico was proudly a mestizo nation with an impoverished and socially inferior indigenous population. [2: Indigenismo – Latin American movement that revered indigenous culture as a source of national pride]

After 1945

The numbers of indigenous populations vary from country to country. They constitute over half of the population in Guatemala, Peru and Bolivia, one-third in Ecuador and one-tenth in Mexico. Mestizos constituted the majority in Colombia, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua and Panama. The population was predominantly of European decent in Argentina (who more often refused to acknowledge their indigenous population’s existence) Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay.

Countries with large indigenous populations were significantly poorer than those without. These indigenous populations were always impoverished. Around 90% of the cultivatable land was owned by a small minority of whites or mestizos. The indigenous were also discriminated against, most were not allowed to vote. After 1945, the indigenous began to organize and fight for economic and political equality and respect for their culture. The following factors help explain why political activism of Indigenous populations increased after 1945: the politicization of the peasants, indigenous organizations, Liberation Theology (after the 1960’s), economic problems, globalization and sympathetic governments.

Politicization of Peasants

In 1945, the Indigenous populations were mostly illiterate, nonpolitical and focused on surviving. However, some began to become politicized in remote regions of the Andes (South American Mountain range that runs through Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Argentina and Chile). This was mainly due to the efforts of leftist radicals (communists/socialists). Other factors include:

· Labor unions helped organize peasant miners in Cerro de Pasco and in steel refineries in La Oroya

· Exposure to city life of peasants who urbanized in search of work, such as in Lima, Peru

· Contact with friends/family who had worked in coastal urban areas

· Increased literacy and access to political information

Peasants heard form one another about the injustices they suffered and saw how others lived. They were organized into unions and once organized were taught about their rights and collective responsibilities.

Indigenous Organizations

In the 1960’s and 70’s there was a large amount of conservative, authoritarian military regimes, and yet, despite this, indigenous organizations persisted to push for their rights. Organizations such as the Colombian Regional Council of the Cauca Indians (CRIC) established in 1971, raised ethnic consciousness as well as the international organizations, such as the South American Indian Council (CISA). These organizations emphasized “Indianism” and stressed the survival of Indians required their cultural survival and autonomy. They gained publicity and media attention which made it difficult for governments and politicians to ignore them or the indigenous problem.

Liberation Theology

In 1962, the Second Vatican Council stated that the Catholic Church needed to do more to help the poor. This idea was furthered at the Catholic Bishop’s conference in Medellín Colombia (1968). From here, the idea of Liberation Theology[footnoteRef:3] developed and organized peasants into Christian Base Communities (CEBs) that combined religious teachings with agitation for the poor. They pushed for land redistribution, water rights and better wages. In the 1970’s-80’s a minority of Catholic clergy fought to mobilize the indigenous populations. [3: Liberation Theology – A Latin American Catholic movement that inspired people to work for change in this life rather than wait until the afterlife. ]

For example, in Guatemala in the early 1970s the church collaborated with idealistic students in literacy projects for the indigenous peasants. Some priests gave lessons in the Guatemalan Constitution, stressing Article I that declared all Guatemalans were equal regardless of race or religion. Liberation Theologists made some Catholics uneasy. El Salvador’s Archbishop Oscar Romero stated during their civil war, “When all peaceful means have been exhausted, the Church considers insurrection moral and justified.” In 1980, Pope John Paul II visited Brazil and forbade the clergy from holding political office and condemned violence as a means of social change.

Economic Problems & Globalization

Economic problems also triggered self-help movements among the indigenous populations. When prices of the country’s cash crop dropped, or when a recession hit, people had to fight for better wages. In other instances, such as the Drug War in the 1980’s coca growers in Bolivia fought against US and international pressure for them to quit growing the plant (which can be processed into cocaine).

Globalization[footnoteRef:4] accelerated developments in Latin America in the 1980s in culture and society. Technology and mass media, along with migration from rural areas to the cities, exposed the indigenous populations to new ideas on individualism and civil rights. [4: Globalization – the internationalization of national economies, finance, trade, and communications. ]

Sympathetic Governments

Some governments recognized that racial divisions, discrimination and inequality got in the way of national progress. Other looked for indigenous support, thus government sympathy generated more activism. For example, the socialist regime of General Velasco Alvarado (1968-75) in Peru gave the Quechua[footnoteRef:5] language equal status with Spanish and redistributed land to indigenous communities. This instilled a sense of militancy and heightened cultural and racial self-awareness within the Andean indigenous population. [5: Quechua – language/member of a n indigenous groups found in Peru, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Chile.]

Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization (1989) required governments to ensure the equality of indigenous peoples. Many Latin American governments ratified the amendment and changed their constitutions to recognize indigenous rights in “multi-ethnic” and “pluri-cultural” states. This provided a semi-legal justification for increased indigenous assertiveness, even though most governments (like Bolivia) were slow to recognize those rights. In the 1990s, a series of progressive left-wing governments were elected and focused on economic and social inequality and worked to help indigenous peoples. For example, in Venezuela, Hugo Chavez introduced a new constitution that allocated three seats to elected representatives of indigenous peoples.

Methods for Obtaining Equality

Rebellions and Violence

Rebellions were the longest standard of demanding rights, but also the least successful. The only notable exception was the Bolivian Revolution of 1952. (more will be discussed on this in the handout on Paz Estenssoro and the MNRs rise to power) Rebellions against the military governments of Guatemala and Nicaragua gained little. Violence was often counter-productive, such as the rebellion in Peru.

In 1960, the indigenous Aymara and Quechua constituted half of Peru’s population. Most lived in poverty in the Andean highlands and were regarded as inferior by the prosperous coastal inhabitants. President Fernando Belaúnde Terry (1963-68) promised agrarian reform…but did little. The indigenous peasants began to seize land, arguing they had paid for it with their labor over the generations of servitude. In late 1963, the government sent in the military and around 8,000 peasants were killed, 3,500 arrested and 19,000 were forced to leave their homes.

Landlessness, unemployment and underemployment remained a problem in the highlands. The Peruvian communist party set up the guerilla[footnoteRef:6] organization, Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) that encouraged the peasants to invade, occupy and rob elite-owned land. The Shining Path waged guerilla warfare against the government, tax collectors, and wealthy merchants. In 1982, the government responsed with indiscriminate attacks on villages until 1988, that led to an estimated 15,000 deaths of mostly innocent peasants. Half killed by the military the other half by the Shining Path. [6: Guerilla – Unconventional fighters who use sabotage, raids, and assassination, usually against governments. ]

Organizations

Peasant organizations were more effective than rebellions. Inn the 1960’s the Brazilian government worked to convert the Amazon rain forest into farmland and cattle ranches. Indigenous peoples were evicted or killed. The government described it as integration, while the Indigenous called it extermination. In 1973, the Catholic Church established the Indigenous Mission Council (CIMI) that organized the meetings of indigenous chiefs. They denounced the massacres perpetuated by ranchers and legal actions to form unions.

Unionization encouraged the Peruvian government to work to end forced labor and redistribute land. The land situation changed very little and the government became more repressive. Even when the activists faced setbacks, their continuous pressure eventually led to some improvement.

Publicity and Protests

Bolivia exemplifies the success and effectiveness of publicity. Domitila Barrios de Chúngara, the daughter of an impoverished highlands family with only 6 years of education, drew worldwide attention to the plight of miners and miner’s wives. In 1965, the average life of a Bolivian miner was 35 years old. When he died, his wife received no aid, even if it was from an industrial accident. Domitila led the House Wives Committee of Siglo XX, established in 1961 to coordinate protests. She joined labor movements, strikes and demonstrations to improve working conditions and create jobs for women. She was frequently arrested and tortured in prison. She visited the UN and wrote the book, Let me Speak! In 1978, drawing international attention. Her activism contributed to greater Bolivian government attention to worker/peasant problems.

Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 2 Domatila B. de Chungara

Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 1 Rigoberta Menchu

Protests and publicity helped to internationalize the struggle for equality. The Guatemalan plight was focused on when Rigoberta Menchú won the 1992 Nobel Peace Prize and the UN declared 1993 the International Year of Indigenous Peoples of the World. In 2007, the 3rd Continental Summit of Indigenous Nations and Peoples was held in Guatemala, where they learned more effective tactics from militant Bolivian and Ecuadorian movements.

Enfranchisement

The vote was the most important method for gaining equality. Most indigenous people were illiterate and therefore disenfranchised[footnoteRef:7]. Indigenous peoples in Peru could not vote until 1979, and in Ecuador, 1980. Once Indigenous peoples had the right to vote, suddenly politicians paid more attention to their issues. This was especially true in countries whose indigenous populations were at least half the totally population. They were able to elect sympathetic politicians, such as in Bolivia in 2005 and Ecuador in 2006. [7: Disenfranchised – to be denied the right or ability to vote]

Continuing Inequality for Indigenous

Racism, greed, cultural clashes, internal divisions, unsympathetic governments and economic issues have made it difficult to end the cycle of poverty, deprivation and social inequality for indigenous populations.

As the 20th century progressed, official disapproval of racism increased, however indigenous peoples remain the largest victims of racist exploitation and violence. This has resulted in a decrease in Brazil’s indigenous population from 1 million to less than 180,000. Around a thousand Yanomamis in Brazil have been murdered out of 9,000 and 12,000 have been murdered in Venezuela since 1975 (mostly by gold miners). Similar murders of Indigenous have been recorded in Colombia, Mexico and Guatemala.

Divisions within indigenous communities have been important in their fight for rights. In Bolivia, where Aymara and Quechua found it hard to cooperate in campaigning for equality. Such divisions made campaigns for indigenous rights problematic when some indigenous customs (such as arranged marriages, public beatings & prohibition of land sales by individuals) were considered unacceptable by national and even other indigenous standards. Many indigenous people began living outside their communities where implementation of their laws would clash with governmental systems in the cities.

Many governments were unsympathetic to indigenous rights. The dictatorial Somoza regime in Nicaragua killed thousands of peasants who were mobilized by the Sandinista guerillas. The Somoza regime collapsed in 1979 and the new Sandinista government tried to quickly assimilate the indigenous people into society. However, assimilation is not what most indigenous want, and this led to the rebellion of the Miskitos in Nicaragua, and 15,000 fled into Honduras. In other Latin American countries, the peasants were often supported by pro-Marxist groups. During the Cold War, the US supported conservative regimes who actively worked against the spread of communism in their countries, which often led to the repression against indigenous communities.

Sometimes sympathetic governments struggled to balance the interests of indigenous peoples and national prosperity. In Peru, a Quechua president was elected (Alejandro Toledo) in 2001. He angered other Quechua when he allowed the privatization of oil and gas in the Amazon region. In 2009, under president Alan Garcia Perez, police clashed with indigenous activists over exploration of the Amazon. Thirty people died. Cities erupted in violent demonstrations by students and labor activists over a free trade pact with the US that gave rights to foreign companies without consultation with the indigenous peoples (mandated in the ILO Convention of 1969). Indigenous protestors said they had the right to determine the future of their ancestral homelands. President Garcia said the natural resources belonged to all Peruvians.

Case Studies of Indigenous Issues in Latin America

Mexico

Since the late 19th Century, police turned away Natives from Mexico City’s center on state occasions so that foreigners would not see them. Native Mexicans had long suffered this repression, discrimination and humiliation at the hands of mestizos and whites. The late 1930’s Mexican governments tried to protect indigenous languages and cultures. Caciques[footnoteRef:8] and village councils had some traditional authority restored and native children could be educated in bilingual schools. However, the indigenous population remained impoverished and unsatisfied. The Mexican government found it difficult to distinguish the indigenous population from Mestizos. In 1943, a census stated that those who wore shoes were mestizos, and those who were barefoot were indigenous. This criterion was not deleted until 1980. [8: Caciques – Indigenous leaders]

In 1974, the indigenous peasantry and students established the Coalition of Workers, Peasants and Students (COCEI) in Oaxaca. They demanded restoration of land, electoral democracy, defense of the Zapotec culture and economic self-government. COCEI candidates in municipal elections were fraudulently deprived of victory in 1974, 1977 and 1980. COCEI and the Communist Party formed a popular front (alliance). After numerous protests and publicity, their candidate became mayor od Juchitán. He helped revive Zapotec culture and made speeches in his native language until the state government overthrew him in 1982.

In Western Mexico in 1979, the Unión de Comuneros Emiliano Zapata (UCEZ) was established to defend indigenous property and communal cultural traditions. UCEZ was supported by some Catholic groups and Leftist organizations. The UCEZ provided legal aid and organized mass meetings to articulate and publicize their grievances. They refused to participate in elections due to the corruption in politics. They had success in forcing the resignation of corrupt delegates in the Ministry of Agrarian reform in Michoacán.

Indigienous populations remained disproportionately poor, were considered “backward” by many urbanized Mexicans and reflected Mexican racial prejudice in their preferential treatment of children with lighter skin and hair. Discontent was exemplified Chiapas, a predominantly rural state with a large indigenous population and one of the lowest literacy rates in Mexico. A small group of landowners controlled 40% of the land. While Chiapas produced a large portion of Mexico’s electricity, nearly 70% of the local population did not have access to electricity.

In January 1994, 12,000 guerillas led by a council of 24 Mayan commanders, calling themselves the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) took control of three cities in Chiapas. They demanded self-rule for indigenous communities. A counter-offensive of 14,000 Mexican troops attacked villages with aerial bombings, tortured suspects and executed people without trial. Hundreds were wounded and 145 died. The EZLN was forced out of the cities, but the uprising continued for years. Landless campesinos (peasants) occupied 100,000 acres of farmland. This led 100 landowners to make a hunger strike in Mexico City. Civilian deaths caused national unrest and led to 100,000 protest march in Mexico City that forced the government to halt the military operation.

Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 3 Subcomandante Marcos

Subcomandante Marcos, a white guerilla leader, attributed 500 years of poverty and exploitation as the cause of the Chiapas Rebellion. He became an international spokesman for the EZLN, and manipulated the media to gain national and international support. Many believe he is a former university professor.

In 2000, president Vincente Fox withdrew the military from Chiapas and ordered the release of jailed rebels. Chiapas remained restless and in 2001, Subcomandante Marcos led an EZLN march to Mexico City to demand indigenous autonomy and control of their resources. The Mexican congress was unhelpful and indigenous communities remained at the mercy of paramilitaries paid for by landowners and conservative politicians. Despite the protests, Natives continue to have second class status in Mexico.

Case Study: Guatemala & Genocide

In 1945, Guatemala was one of the poorest Latin America nations, 2% of the population owned 74% of the cultivatable land. The indigenous Mayan majority was mostly illiterate, had a life expectancy of under 40 years old, and the highest infant mortality rate in the Americas (over 50%). In 1944, Juan José Arévalo was elected and ushered in 10 years of democracy to Guatemala. He abolished the vagrancy law that forced most indigenous people to work on white and mestizo haciendas[footnoteRef:9]. He redistributed some land, gave some authority to village committees and criminalized racial discrimination. [9: Hacienda – a large estate, like a plantation. ]

Jacobo Árbenz succeeded Arévalo and created an Agrarian Reform Law (1952). Over 250,000 Guatemalan peasants had been organized by the Guatemalan National Peasant Confederation (CNCG), which had contributed to increased peasant uprisings. As a result of the reform law, 100,000 peasant families received land, credit and technical aid from new state agencies. This made the middle class nervous about the “rise of Indians” against civilization. The US owned United Fruit Company (currently called Chiquita) was also threatened, as much of the land they owned (and weren’t using) was being redistributed to peasants. This prompted the United States government, who believed Árbenz was a commie, to support a CIA sponsored coup to kick out Árbenz in 1954. (to be discussed further in a different handout)

Democracy ended in 1954 under a series of white and mestizo military governments took control and led to a civil war that lasted nearly 40 years. Guatemala’s indigenous population struggled to survive. Over 200,000 died. The war was fought over ethnic tensions, land and the government’s “fight against communism” which promoted US aid to the government. In 1967, the Guatemalan military, assisted by the US military, launched the first scorched earth campaign[footnoteRef:10] that killed 8,000 civilians to defeat 300 guerillas. [10: Scorched Earth Campaign – a tactic of destroying crops so the population lacks food. ]

The indigenous population was never passive in the face of government repression. The Committee of Peasant Unity (CUC) developed out of a variety peasant leagues, Mayan Cultural associations, and CEBs. In 1980, 150,000 workers were organized in strikes that stopped cotton and sugar production and led to wage increases. Mayan guerilla groups created considerable damage to the economy. This increased guerilla activity prompted the government of Lucas García (1978-1982) and the Pentecostal minister, General Efraín Ríos Montt (1982-1983) to “pacify” the Indian barbarism. Montt declared his presidency was the “Will of God” and told the indigenous population, “If you are with us, we will feed you; if not, we will kill you.” His military systematically eliminated entire indigenous communities, supposedly to eliminate guerillas. By 1983, the army controlled the countryside. The warfare continued until a peace agreement was reached with the guerillas in 1996.

In 1997, a UN commission concluded that the Mayans were killed for being Mayan, not for being communists and that it was genocide[footnoteRef:11]. The commission found that 200,000 had been killed and tens of thousands tortured, and even more made homeless/landless as their villages were destroyed. 40,000 people disappeared and 200,000 indigenous fled to Chiapas in Mexico. The Catholic church estimated that more than one million people (15% of the population) had been displaced. [11: Genocide – A deliberate destruction of an ethnic group. ]

Despite the genocide the indigenous population survived and has begun to revive. Indigenous people still constitute nearly half of the population and have become more organized and vocal, especially after Rigoberta Menchú won the Noble Peace Prize and got international attention. In 1993, thousands of indigenous Guatemalans marched in the nation’s capital that led to a renaissance of Mayan culture. In 1996, peace agreements stated the government would recognize the identity and rights of indigenous populations…but the government has not lived up to its promises. Disillusioned activists have brought up the idea of creating an indigenous Guatemalan nation. In 2005 the government announced programs to publicize Mayan culture, at the same time the military continued to violently evict rural Mayans from farms. Today, nearly half of the population lives under poverty, land distribution is inequitable, and the average Mayan life expectancy is only 45 years old, compared to 61 for white and mestizo Guatemalans. The infant mortality rate is twice as high for the indigenous and ¾ of Guatemalan children suffer malnutrition. Only one-tenth of the indigenous population was literate. Ethnic hatred and racism remains high.

Bolivia and Civil Rights

Bolivia has been described as the “most Indian” of the American republics where Spanish speakers are a minority and native languages dominate. The two largest indigenous groups are Aymara (about 25% of the population) and the Quechua (about 40% of the population). Cholos[footnoteRef:12] constitute between 30 and 40% and their numbers are growing as Bolivia grows into a Mestizo nation. Whites are about 15%, and many look like their indigenous counterparts, but are considered white because they are upper class, Spanish-speakers, westernized and eat non-indigenous food. [12: Cholos are (1) Bolivian Mestizos, or (2) indigenous Bolivians who live in the city or (3) prosperous farmers who speak Spanish and an Indigenous language. ]

The indigenous population did not passively accept the Spanish conquest. In 1780, over 100,000 rebelled in vain for the restoration of the Inca monarchy and of Indigenous rights and powers. Life did not improve for Natives after Bolivia became an independent republic. The dominant white elites denied non-whites any power. The army killed thousands to enforce legislation that deprived Natives of their communal lands. In 1899, there was a revolt against their forced labor, heavy taxation and land loss. Some Indigenous massacred, ritually sacrificed and ate some of the government soldiers. The government response was brutal and swift.

In the 1900s the government incorporated the middle class and urban workers into political society, however the indigenous population remained resentful, impoverished, discriminated and exploited. In 1921 and 1927 there were violent indigenous uprisings in the Andean highlands. In 1932-35, tens of thousands died in the Chaco War (with Paraguay) when fighting was left mostly to the indigenous. The Chaco War would enlighten many to the indifference of the government towards the people. The government was just as careless with their education.

There was no established public education system available prior to the 1930s, but a positive consequence of this was that indigenous culture survived in the countryside. Trained teachers set up

Warisata in 1928 that encouraged the indigenous populations of the highlands to organize to fight for land reform and their rights. The school was the center of Indigenismo. In 1937, colonel German Busch’s reformist military government called for a constitutional convention. Radical delegates proposed laws to protect indigenous communities and their communal lands. They also proposed to stop the forced labor on the haciendas. They did not get much support. They did however approve an educational reform law that provided many rural educational centers for the indigenous highlands. Busch created an Office of Indigenous Education that promoted Indigenista teachers. He had been advised that they needed land more than education.

After the Chaco War, the traditional political parties were discredited. Victor Paz Estenssoro helped create a new party, the National Revolutionary Movement (MNR) in 1941. They were nationalist and socialist, but initially quiet on the indigenous front. The Party of the revolutionary Left (PIR) was established by communists in the 1940s. They were divided by internationalist – pro-Soviet members and nationalist pro-Indigenous members. The Revolutionary Workers Party (POR) established in 1934, was the first to use a slogan, that became popular in the 1952 revolution, “Land to the Indian, mines to the State.” PIR and POR put indigenous problems and rights on the Bolivian political agenda. Indigenous activism increased after 1945 due to:

· Busch’s educational reforms made education more widely available to the indigenous

· Trained teachers (Warisata) raised indigenous consciousness

· New radical parties (PIR, POR) were sympathetic to indigenous rights

· Peasants began to organize themselves, particularly in Cochabamba

· 1943, Quechua speaking Major Villarroel led a group of reformist officers in a coup. He collaboratively worked with the MNR and assembled over 100 indigenous leaders in Bolivia’s first National Indigenous Congress (1945). They discussed land reform and indigenous servitude, which increased indigenous consciousness.

Villarroel’s attitude toward the 1945 National Indigenous Congress was noncommittal. They used the congress as a way to channel indigenous agitation. His government removed certain indigenous leaders who called for strong action (like Antonio Alvarez Mamani) on the grounds that they weren’t “truly” indigenous. They were replaced with government appointed non-indigenous chairman of the Congress. Despite its faults, the creation of an indigenous conference was a revolutionary political move. It represented a questioning of the old order. Villarroel promised better educational facilities, the abolition of the hated labor service obligations, and better housing, clothes, food and healthcare.

The Congress was a rare showing of indigenous unity. They demanded an end to the discriminatory laws, compulsory work on the haciendas, and indigenous access to segregated public spaces. MNR activist, Hernan Siles Zuazo told delegates that the land problem was Bolivia’s greatest challenge and that a major MNR platform was that “land should belong those who work it.” He understood land redistribution would take many years to fulfill, but that the Congress was the first step. The greatest achievement of the Congress was the sense of unity it created among the different indigenous groups. Indigenous communities had organized regional communities and mass meetings to prepare against sabotage by the powerful landowners.

Historian Herbert Klein argued that Villarroel’s reforming decrees constituted a “truly revolutionary act” BUT, were never fully put into practice. After the Congress, large scale indigenous marches occurred in the center of cities, like La Paz. This mobilization terrified conservatives, particularly landowners, who feared the abolition of forced labor obligations. Raised Indigenous consciousness led to the Ayopaya revolt in 1947 where several thousand people attacked haciendas until the armed forces crushed them. In 1946, Villarroel was violently overthrown by the rich upper classes, which led to a six-year period (Sexenio) of “politics as usual” and the old guard regained control. Despite the widespread persecution during the Sexenio long-term foundations for indigenous self-help were laid.

The Revolution of 1952

More about the 1952 Revolution will be discussed in the handout on populist leader Paz Estenssoro. Most agricultural land in Bolivia belonged to a few landowners. Indigenous groups struggled to keep their communal land, but by 1950, 92% of the cultivatable land was owned by 6% of landowners. During the Sexenio conservative politicians reversed the reforms Villarroel and the MNR had made. They punished those who had attended the National Indigenous Council by doubling their workload when they returned or by outright firing them. They used military repression to maintain order. In 1951, MNR leader Paz Estenssoro won the presidential election, but the government refused to let him take office. During this time, the economy was suffering due to the collapse of tin prices (in large part due to the United States). The MNR supported the workers and the middle class and they led a successful revolution, making Paz the first successful revolutionary president.

The MNR government introduced many political, social and economic reforms that decreased the exploitation of the indigenous. Prior to the revolution, the indigenous population had not been allowed to vote. The MNR got rid of literacy tests and property restrictions to voting, which raised the electorate from 200,000 to over 1,000,000. Most new voters were illiterate peasants, miners and factory workers.

In 1952, a spontaneous indigenous land reform movement broke out in Cochabamba. It was organized veterans of the Chaco War. The peasant unions were concentrated in the town of Ucureña. It quickly became militant and well organized, thanks to the support of the PIR, which dominated the unions. They were led by Jose Rojas, who joined the MNR[footnoteRef:13] and fought for more radical agrarian land reform. The MNR had promised land reform, and knew they needed to speed things up, especially when peasants began to take land for themselves…and sometimes attacked landowners. Some historians believe had the peasants not taken matters into their own hands, the Agrarian Land Reform on 1953 may not have happened. [13: This was a tactic the MNR used often. They would include people from many different groups which would give them a wider popular base of support. ]

The Agrarian Land Reform of 1953 legalized peasant seizures of land. The law confiscated and redistributed the largest estates and abolished compulsory labor and unpaid transport of the hacienda produce to urban markets by the peasants. It restored the communal lands, redistributed 24 million acres to 237,000 people by 1955 and 29 million to 289,000 by 1970. Only the larger estates were redistributed and were divided into small inefficient holdings that without capital investment, declined rapidly. Bureaucracy bogged down the transfer of titles and led to unrest, but the positive outweighed the negatives.

The 1953 Educational Reform Decree re-established the right to universal education. The government pledged to extend this to indigenous peoples. Landowners had previously prevented them from gaining access to education. Ignorance is a form of control. If people cannot read or understand complex ideas, it is more difficult for them to succeed in the outside world. Therefore, ignorance breeds dependence.

The MNR government set up the Ministry of Peasant Affairs that created organizing teams in rural areas. They created and financed the first national rural union. The Bolivian National Confederation (CNTCB). Within months there were over 1,000 peasant unions with 20,000 members in Cochabamba alone. By 1961, there were 7,500 unions in Bolivia, all were affiliated with the MNR. The indigenous groups were traditionally suspicious of political parties, but after the MNR’s land reform, they became passive and content. The MNR worked through their unions to keep their loyalty. The MNR also made symbolic gestured by abolishing the word “Indian” from official language due to its colonial connotations. By 1964, when the MNR government was overthrown by a military coup, the indigenous situation had greatly improved.

Military Regimes 1964-1982

The MNR had a broad coalition of conflicting interest groups, and its leader, Paz Estenssoro had overstepped his bounds. Leaders within the MNR were becoming increasingly corrupt. Under the MNR, the Bolivian military was made to aid the national development. They had to help indigenous populations, build irrigation systems and help incorporate them into national life. Educated peasants were encouraged to join the army. They developed a strong connection to the peasants and many were sympathetic to them

General Barrientos led the 1964 revolt, was a Quechua speaker and labeled the “peasant president”. His helicopter took him to remote rural villages where he won over rural leaders. In 1966, he signed the Military-Peasant Pact and redistributed land to peasants who pledged to defend the country against “leftists”. Peasant had become satisfied with the land reforms and became conservative and easy to manipulate. Barrientos continued his policy of co-opting, controlling, and mobilizing peasants. He introduce the policy of personal ties with the caciques (local peasant leaders) who recognized him as the “Maximum Leader”. Peasant loyalty to the military government was based on fear that they might lose their land rights. This led to the betrayal of Che Guevara by the Guaraní tribe to the military and his subsequent execution.

In 1971, Hugo Banzer Suárez became president and then dictator. He repressed the Indigenous population by killing over 100 peasants in the Massacre of Tolata. Peasant syndicates had blocked Cochabamba’s main road in protest over food prices in 1974. This was the first major clash since 1952. However, Banzer also worked to renew the Military-Peasant Pact. He removed independent minded leaders of the peasant syndicates and replaced them with pro-government caciques. He also redistributed over 37 million acres of land to peasant families. The military could not afford to ignore the peasants due to their sheer number.

The Kataristas and the CSUTCB

Aymara students in 1970 created the Katarismo movement to promote Aymara ethnic solidarity. In 1973, several groups affiliated with Katarismo published the Tiwanaku Manifesto, where they described themselves as foreigners in their own fatherland. The manifesto rejected integrationist policies of the government, saying it denied the ethnic integrity of 2/3 of the Bolivian population. Kataristas published a biography of Tupac Katari, who had rebelled against the Spanish colonial government in 1781. They used leaflets and radio programs to create and confirm his iconic status. A women’s organization was named after his wife, Bartolina Sísa. They organized congresses and mobilized women to demand better working conditions, unionization and better treatment for indigenous women by politicians and males family members.

The Katarismo Movement was divided over ideology and poorly organized, but by the late 1970’s it had taken over most of the official government peasant unions and organized the Confederation of Peasants Unions of Bolivia (CSUTCB). By 1981, the Kataristas controlled the Aymara peasant unions and gained representation in the Bolivian Central Labor Union (COB). In 1981, the indigenous Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement (MRTKL), leader Genaro Flores became the first indigenous peasant leader of the COB.

Coca and Cocaine

In 1982, Bolivia returned to a civilian government. Continuing economic issues, unemployed miners and peasant led many to the cultivation of coca and some into the drug trade. Coca is easy to grow, cultivate and sell. It holds great religious and medicinal significance for the Aymara and Quechua. Miners traditionally chewed the leaves between shifts to calm their stomachs and ease their pain. When they stopped chewing them, the loss of vitamins from the leaves caused their teeth to fall out. Bolivians also made a national tea from the leaves. It was commonly served in the US Embassy. However, extensively processed leaves become cocaine. In 1961, the United Nations called for the outlawing of coca tea and leaf chewing. This infuriated Bolivians.

From 1964, with support from the military regime, drug cartels paid peasants to grow coca. In the 1980s the international cocaine trade became very lucrative and the production tripled. In 1985, Paz Estenssoro was called back to lead Bolivia, and his coalition criminalized coca leaf cultivation. Paz assisted US military advisors and 150 special US troops used military force against growers. The cocaine problem and policies of the US helped to politicize the indigenous population of Bolivia. In the 1980s and 1990s, indigenous peasant associations opposed the government's coca eradication program and use of military force against growers. They used roadblocks, hunger strikes, mass rallies with “Chew-ins”, marches and occupations which forced the government to compromise. Federations of coca growers insisted that national sovereignty and Andean culture were at issue in the government’s criminalization policies.

From 1988, Evo Morales headed the biggest Coca growers federation. The Peasant Coca Growers Union became very influential in the CSUTCB, which dominated the COB. The peasant and labor movements were very close to the leftist parties, and gained representation in the National Congress in 1989. Morales became leader of the Movement towards Socialism (MAS). IN 2002, the Chamber of Deputies expelled him because his repeated attacks on the government's anti-drug policy seen as unethical. His expulsion triggered widespread peasant protest and anti-US feelings. Morales gained more popularity when the US ambassador criticized him. The coca leaf war politicized many indigenous peoples.

In 1993, the MNR leader Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada came to power and allied with several other parties, including the Indigenous Tupac Katari Party. He chose as his vice president, an Aymara leader, Hugo Cárdenas, whose wife wore an indigenous dress to political and social events. Sánchez de Lozada introduced several laws that affected the indigenous population. In the Constitutional Amendments Law 1994, Bolivia was defined as a multi-ethnic and pluricultural society, and an independent human rights group was set up to monitor abuses. He introduced bilingual and multicultural education reforms along with new agencies to monitor ethnic and gender issues. The 1994 Law of Popular Participation gave power to localities and established over 300 municipalities of indigenous villages that now had their traditional governing units. This transformed the political landscape in that 85% of municipalities had rural indigenous majorities and received federal funding. The new constitution guaranteed traditional land rights, yet the majority of the indigenous population still felt alienated.

The Water Wars 1999-2002

Over 40% of Bolivians lacked proper sanitation and 30% did not have access to drinkable water. The primarily mestizo and indigenous population of Cochabamba viewed access to water as a basic human right. This led to the Water Wars when the water utility was privatized in the hands of a large multinational corporation. This prompted 30,000 to take to the streets in 2001 in protest. Cochabamba was brought to a standstill in a general strike for five days. President Banzer sent in troops that brought international condemnation over human rights violations. The poverty-stricken people had a right to be fearful as the price of water skyrocketed under the control of the corporation. The next president, Jorge Ramírez was forced to suspend the water privatization contract and the “zero coca” policy.

In 2004, the privatization of natural gas and water damaged three presidencies. The Indigenous city of El Alto initiated the Second Great Water War. The Aymara population brought the city to a standstill in protest against the connection rates of $400, at a time when many families earned less than that in a year. The El Alto Water War was led by Aymara President of the Federation of Neighborhood Councils of El Alto. In 2006, the transnational water company ended its operations in La Paz. Internationally there was a great sympathy for the people fighting for water rights in the face of police with teargas and guns.

Evo Morales

In 2005, Evo Morales won the presidential election and became the first indigenous president of Bolivia. The continued alienation of the indigenous population by previous governments led to Morales victory. Morales was an inspirational opposition leader. He called for:

· The nationalization of Bolivia’s oil and gas reserves

· An assembly to rewrite the constitution and give more rights and power to the “original peoples”

· A national referendum on regional autonomy

· Land redistribution

Morales won the support of the indigenous, trade unions, activists, women’s organizations, and student groups. His victory gave a real voice to the country’s humble and indigenous population. Even though the 1952 Revolution increased Indigenous rights, they still faced racism and discrimination, and even after the 1994 claims of multiethnic and pluricultural society.

Morales embraced his indigenous identity and made being indigenous a sense of pride. He was labeled the first Indian President, yet he was not fluent in Aymara, and had adopted the Cholo culture. He was criticized as “insufficiently” Indian. His pre-inauguration was a spectacular Andean ceremony at the top of Kalasaya temple with a crowd of thousands. He wore a wreath of coca leaves and dressed in the style of pre-conquest Andean priests and nobles. He held a staff with a condor head that symbolized indigenous rule. At his official inauguration he wore a handwoven Andean jacket.

SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 4 Morales at the pre-inaugeration ceremony

Morales election did not solve Bolivian racial or economic problems. The prosperous whites and mestizos of the eastern province tried to separate from the Bolivia of Morales due to racial prejudice. According to the UN Human Development Index, based on life expectancy, adult literacy, and living standards, only Guatemala and Haiti ranked lower than Bolivia in Latin America. The economic inequality in Bolivia was the greatest in Latin America and the seventh highest in the world. Morales inherited a system dominated by wealthy whites unwilling to redistribute wealth and power to maintain traditional social inequality. The 2006 Constituent Assembly was dominated by indigenous delegates/Morales supporters. A new constitution passed in 2007 stated:

· Supported the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

· Reiterated that Bolivia was a pluri-national state

· Increased Indigenous rights in relation to land and cultivation

· Gave indigenous population more seats in the legislature

· Created a judicial system based on customary law

· Established self-governing homelands for 36 indigenous nations

· Introduced affirmative action to provide more jobs for the indigenous population.

It was approved by 61% of the voters in 2009, others bitterly opposed it. The decentralized reforms of 1994-95 had helped to mobilize indigenous political power and strengthened municipal and local government.

Adapted from:

Sanders, Vivienne. Civil Rights and Social Movements in the Americas post-1945. UK: Hodder Education, 2016.

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