the forgotten war in burma introduction · burmese army. thousands have fled their homes and...

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CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 31 Focus For half a century, the military regime governing Burma (known today as Myanmar) has been waging war on its minority groups. This News in Re- view module examines the plight of the people of Burma, particularly the nation’s ethnic minority groups who have long been the target of the ruling military junta. Sections marked with this symbol indicate content suitable for younger viewers. YV THE FORGOTTEN WAR IN BURMA Introduction Imagine if . . . Imagine if the prime minister of Canada decided to move the nation’s capital from Ottawa to Sioux Lookout, Ontario. Imagine if the reason for doing this was based on the need to relocate the govern- ment to a more remote area for fear of a coup d’état by dissident factions within the nation. Then imagine that the fear of a coup is warranted since many people in Canada live in abject poverty and the Canadian military routinely wages war on the nation’s ethnic minority groups. In this imaginary scenario, the Canadian government is the epitome of xenopho- bia—possessing a powerful fear of potential enemies—seeing bogeymen around every corner, fearing invasion from foreign powers, and, most of all, being terrified of what its own citizenry might do to them given the opportunity. Such a scenario is dystopian in the eyes of most Canadians. Canada has a record of honouring human rights, promoting democratic values, and defending the interests of minority groups. How- ever, many Canadian immigrants come to our nation having left scenarios like the imaginary one posed above. Such is the case for the Karens of Burma, 2 000 of whom have been granted refugee status by the Canadian government. They have left a nation where the government has turned its back on its citizens, resorted to brutality to maintain power, and waged war on its ethnic and cultural minorities A Nation of Promise While its colonial ties with Britain did prove problematic at times for Burma, it was the ability to broker a deal with the British at the end of the Second World War that made Burma the potential bright light of South Asia. Envied by many for its abundance of natural re- sources and the organization of its economy, many believed that Burma could become a major player on the world stage. By 1945, several groups within Burma had positioned themselves to lead an independent nation as the British began to relinquish control of the colony. However, in 1947, the infighting began as Aung San, the founder of the independence movement, was assassi- nated by rivals. Once the British granted full independence to Burma, the wheels for ethnic conflict were set in motion. Civil war between the dominant Bur- mese and several other ethnic minority groups erupted. While Burma strove to contain the conflict with modest demo- cratic reforms, hard-liners in the military began to position themselves as dictators of the nation. In 1962 Ne Win, a com- mander in the army, took the reigns of power via a coup. While the civil war raged on, Ne Win and his military government put a stranglehold on the ethnic groups. Minority groups were kept in line by use of terror: the torching of villages, the rape and murder of citizens, mass arrests, executions, and forced emigration. Meanwhile the gov- ernment did whatever it wanted. It wasn’t until 1988 that any serious threat was posed to Ne Win. When the dictator decided to devalue the nation’s currency, many people lost their life savings. Protests ensued, Ne Win was forced out of office, and the army came down hard on the people. As many as 3 000 were killed in skirmishes between the military and progressive, pro-democ- racy groups. Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of the independence leader killed in 1947, took the lead of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and rallied the people behind democratic reform. In 1990, the NLD won a shock- Definitions A coup d’état is the overthrow of a government by a group seeking to grab power, usually by force; xenopho- bia means fear and hatred of strangers or the unfamiliar; the word dystopian refers to the oppo- site of utopia—if utopia is the per- fect world, dystopia is a nightmarish world of chaos and terror.

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  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 31

    FocusFor half a century,the military regimegoverning Burma(known today asMyanmar) has beenwaging war on itsminority groups.This News in Re-view moduleexamines the plightof the people ofBurma, particularlythe nation’s ethnicminority groupswho have longbeen the target ofthe ruling militaryjunta.

    Sectionsmarked with thissymbol indicatecontent suitable foryounger viewers.

    YV

    THE FORGOTTEN WAR IN BURMAIntroductionImagine if . . .Imagine if the prime minister of Canadadecided to move the nation’s capitalfrom Ottawa to Sioux Lookout, Ontario.Imagine if the reason for doing this wasbased on the need to relocate the govern-ment to a more remote area for fear of acoup d’état by dissident factions withinthe nation. Then imagine that the fear ofa coup is warranted since many people inCanada live in abject poverty and theCanadian military routinely wages waron the nation’s ethnic minority groups.In this imaginary scenario, the Canadiangovernment is the epitome of xenopho-bia—possessing a powerful fear ofpotential enemies—seeing bogeymenaround every corner, fearing invasionfrom foreign powers, and, most of all,being terrified of what its own citizenrymight do to them given the opportunity.

    Such a scenario is dystopian in theeyes of most Canadians. Canada has arecord of honouring human rights,promoting democratic values, and defendingthe interests of minority groups. How-ever, many Canadian immigrants cometo our nation having left scenarios likethe imaginary one posed above. Such isthe case for the Karens of Burma, 2 000 ofwhom have been granted refugee statusby the Canadian government. They haveleft a nation where the government hasturned its back on its citizens, resorted tobrutality to maintain power, and wagedwar on its ethnic and cultural minorities

    A Nation of PromiseWhile its colonial ties with Britain didprove problematic at times for Burma, itwas the ability to broker a deal with theBritish at the end of the Second WorldWar that made Burma the potentialbright light of South Asia. Envied bymany for its abundance of natural re-

    sources and the organization of itseconomy, many believed that Burmacould become a major player on theworld stage. By 1945, several groupswithin Burma had positioned themselvesto lead an independent nation as theBritish began to relinquish control of thecolony. However, in 1947, the infightingbegan as Aung San, the founder of theindependence movement, was assassi-nated by rivals. Once the British grantedfull independence to Burma, the wheelsfor ethnic conflict were set in motion.Civil war between the dominant Bur-mese and several other ethnic minoritygroups erupted. While Burma strove tocontain the conflict with modest demo-cratic reforms, hard-liners in the militarybegan to position themselves as dictatorsof the nation. In 1962 Ne Win, a com-mander in the army, took the reigns ofpower via a coup. While the civil warraged on, Ne Win and his militarygovernment put a stranglehold on theethnic groups. Minority groups werekept in line by use of terror: the torchingof villages, the rape and murder ofcitizens, mass arrests, executions, andforced emigration. Meanwhile the gov-ernment did whatever it wanted.

    It wasn’t until 1988 that any seriousthreat was posed to Ne Win. When thedictator decided to devalue the nation’scurrency, many people lost their lifesavings. Protests ensued, Ne Win wasforced out of office, and the army camedown hard on the people. As many as3 000 were killed in skirmishes betweenthe military and progressive, pro-democ-racy groups. Aung San Suu Kyi, thedaughter of the independence leaderkilled in 1947, took the lead of theNational League for Democracy (NLD)and rallied the people behind democraticreform. In 1990, the NLD won a shock-

    DefinitionsA coup d’état is theoverthrow of agovernment by agroup seeking tograb power, usuallyby force; xenopho-bia means fear andhatred of strangersor the unfamiliar;the word dystopianrefers to the oppo-site of utopia—ifutopia is the per-fect world, dystopiais a nightmarishworld of chaos andterror.

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 32

    Further ResearchTo stay informedabout events inBurma, consider avisit to the follow-ing Web sites:www.myanmar.comandwww.myanmar-information.net.These are govern-ment-directed. Formore informationabout the plightand point of viewof the Karen peo-ple visitwww.womenofburma.org andwww.karenpeople.org.For more on Karenhuman rights, go towww.khrg.org.

    ing, landslide victory in the nation’sparliamentary elections despite the factthat the military government had de-clared martial law and had preventedAung San Suu Kyi from campaigning byplacing her under house arrest. For herefforts, Suu Kyi was awarded the NobelPeace Prize in 1991.

    Xenophobia and the KarensInstead of accepting the will of its peopleafter the election results were announced,the military junta strengthened its grip onthe nation. The election results wereignored. The government changed thecountry’s name from Burma to Myanmarto more effectively reflect the Burmeselanguage of the ruling class. Defencespending went up as the governmenttripled the size of its army. Today,Burma has the second largest army inSoutheast Asia, almost 500 000 strong. Itspends five times more on its militarythan it does on health care and educationcombined. Meanwhile, the people ofBurma live in poverty, while the rulingclass lives like kings. The average incomeis $10 to $20 per month. The privatebanking system is in disrepair, and thenation’s currency is virtually worthless.

    The people feeling the brunt of theregime’s xenophobic policies are thenation’s ethnic minorities. No group hasbeen hit harder than the Karens. Most ofthe Karen community lives in the state ofKaren on the southeast side of Burma

    that shares a border with Thailand. Sincethe civil war began many of the Karenpeople have been murdered by theBurmese army. Thousands have fledtheir homes and crossed the border intoThailand. Some have been living in Thairefugee camps for as long as 30 years.Despite efforts to organize guerillaarmies to combat the national army, thesituation at present can only be describedas dire. The government has the power,and the people have seen their fightingefforts overwhelmed by a much betterequipped and trained military force.

    ConclusionIn a surprising move in fall 2005, theregime decided to move the capital fromYangon (Rangoon) over 300 kilometresnorth to the city of Pyinmana. While themilitary rulers claimed that the movewas designed to make the governmentmore accessible because Pyinmana ismore centrally located, many believe thatthe move was designed to protect thegovernment from a potential coup. Theshift deep into the jungles of Burmaallows the government of Burma toisolate itself even further from the realityof the people it governs. Meanwhile, thenation becomes poorer, the peoplebecome more destitute, and the militaryjunta continues to do whatever it wants.The dystopian nightmare—the one thatCanadians find unimaginable—is a realityfor the people of Burma.

    Questions1. Why does the author use the “Imagine if . . .” scenario at the beginning of

    the article?2. How did Burma change from a nation of great promise to a nation caught

    in the grips of civil war?3. Who is Aung San Suu Kyi?4. Describe three things that demonstrate the difficulties of being a citizen

    of Burma today.

    5. Why did the government decide to move the capital from Yangon toPyinmana?

    6. Should anything that happens in Burma be of interest to Canadians?Explain.

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 33

    YV

    View the documen-tary and completethe questions in thespaces provided.

    THE FORGOTTEN WAR IN BURMAVideo Review

    1. How long has Delia Si lived without a home or a country? _______________

    2. In what country is the refugee camp where Delia Si has been living?

    3. Who are the Karens?

    4. How many Karens are there in Burma? _________________________________

    5. Why is the work of the Burma issues video team so dangerous?

    6. Why does Phillip Thornton believe Burma should be treated as an interna-tional problem?

    7. How many refugees does Thornton think are living in refugee camps?

    8. How many refugees does Thornton say are in jungle hideouts in Burma?

    9. Describe the mission and work of the 300 backpack medics who sneak intoBurma whenever they get a chance.

    10. How will the orientation class prepare Delia Si for life in Canada?

    11. How difficult do you think it will be for Delia Si to settle in Canada?

    12. How many Karen people will be heading to Canada in 2007?_____________

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 34

    THE FORGOTTEN WAR IN BURMACountry Profile

    Why might Burma be a nation wheremilitary security is a central issue?

    Read the following country profileand complete the activity that follows.

    Official name: Union of Myanmar –formerly known as Burma

    Capital: Pyinmana – capital moved 300km north to Pyinmana from Yangon in2006

    Largest city: Yangon – formerly knownas Rangoon

    Population: 50.7 million (UN, 2005)

    Life expectancy: Men - 57 years;Women - 63 years (UN)

    Ethnic groups*: Burman (68%), Shan(9%), Karen (7%), Rakhine (4%,)Chinese (3%), Indian (2%), Mon (2%),other (5%)

    Major languages: Burmese and manyother indigenous ethnic languages

    Major religions*: Buddhism (89%),Christianity (4%), Islam (4%)

    Area: 676 552 square kilometers

    Main exports: Teak, pulses (edibleseeds) and beans, prawns, fish, rice andopiates

    Type of government: Military dictator-ship known as the State Peace andDevelopment Council (SPDC). TheSPDC was formerly known as the StateLaw and Order Restoration Council(SLORC).

    Head of state: Than Shwe, Chairman ofthe State Peace and DevelopmentCouncil (SPDC); Than Shwe is also thedefence minister.

    Vice-chairman: Maung Aye

    Prime minister: Soe Win

    Foreign minister: Nyan Win

    Home affairs minister: Maung Oo

    Media: All media are state controlled;information disseminated is essentiallySPDC propaganda.

    Media voice opposing SPDC: Demo-cratic Voice of Burma – based in Nor-way, broadcasts radio programming viashortwave. Go to http://english.dvb.no/for details.

    Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/country_profiles/1300003.stm;*CIA: The World Factbook – Burma,https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/print/bm.html

    ActivityReview the facts listed above to see if any have changed since February 2007.Investigate the changes and report your findings to the class.

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 35

    THE FORGOTTEN WAR IN BURMAStatistical Analysis

    Review the following statistics and complete the activity that follows.

    Table #1: Number of people from Burma in Thailand’s refugee camps(August 2006)

    Area Camp # of families Total Population

    Mae Sot Mae La 10 272 51 153

    Um Pheim Mai 3603 20 447

    North Mae Ra Moe 2562 15 225

    Mae La Oo* 2720 16 013

    South Noh Poe 3720 13 956

    Ban Dong Yang 934 4417

    Htam Him 1823 9775

    Total 25 634 130 986

    Source: Karen Refugee Committee, Monthly Report, August 2006, www.ibiblio.org/obl/docs3/KRCMR2006-08.pdf

    *Mae La Oo is the refugee camp in a remote jungle area of Thailand that wasdeemed so destitute that a number of nations worked with the United Nations toensure that it was evacuated and shut down. Ten countries, including Canada,agreed to accept refugees so that the camp could be closed.

    AnalysisWhat steps does the government of Thailand need to take to address the mas-sive number of people from Burma seeking safe haven in their country? In yourview how should the international community respond to the refugee crisis inBurma? Explain.

    Table #2: Refugees to Canada – 1996-2005

    Category 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005

    Government-assisted 7869 7711 7432 7444 10 671 8697 7505 7506 7411 7416refugees

    Privately sponsored 3189 2742 2267 2348 2933 3576 3052 3252 3116 2976refugees

    Refugees landed in 13 462 10 634 10 181 11 797 12 993 11 897 10 546 11 267 15 901 19 935Canada

    Refugee dependants 3 958 3 221 2 962 2 809 3 495 3 749 4 021 3 959 6 259 5 441

    Total Refugees 28 478 24 308 22 842 24 398 30 092 27 919 25 124 25 984 32 687 35 768

    Source: Citizenship and Immigration Canada: Facts and Figures, www.cic.gc.ca/english/pdf/pub/facts2005.pdf

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 36

    AnalysisShould Canada make more of an effort to take more refugees from Burma?Why? Why not?

    Table #3: Permanent Residents Admitted to Canada in 2005 by Source Area

    Region Number Percentage

    Africa and the Middle East 49 277 18.79

    Asia and Pacific 138 057 52.65

    South and Central America 24 638 9.40

    United States 9 262 3.53

    Europe and the U. K. 40 909 15.60

    Source Area Not Stated 93 0.04

    Total 262 236 100

    Source: Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Facts and Figures, www.cic.gc.ca/english/pdf/pub/facts2005.pdf

    AnalysisDo the numbers in the chart above surprise you? Did you realize that Canadaaccepts as many immigrants as is indicated above? Explain your answer withspecific reference to information found in the chart.

    Table #4: Top 15 Immigrant Source Countries (2005)

    Country # of immigrants

    1. China 42 291

    2. India 33 146

    3. Philippines 17 525

    4. Pakistan 13 576

    5. United States 9262

    6. Colombia 6031

    7. United Kingdom 5865

    8. The Republic of Korea 5819

    Country # of immigrants

    9. Iran 5502

    10. France 5430

    11. Romania 4964

    12. Sri Lanka 4690

    13. Russia 3607

    14. Taiwan 3092

    15. Hong Kong 1784

    Other countries 118 061

    Total 262 236

    Source: Citizenship and Immigration Canada: Facts and Figures, www.cic.gc.ca/english/pdf/pub/facts2005.pdf

    AnalysisBurma is not mentioned in the list above. Why isn’t Burma more of a priorityfor Canada? Do you think Canada should be seeking more immigrants fromBurma?

    Why do you think so many people are choosing to immigrate to Canada?

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 37

    THE FORGOTTEN WAR IN BURMATimeline

    Read the following timeline and complete the activity that follows.

    1057 The first unified Burmese state isfounded.

    1287 Kublai Kahn conquers Burma.

    1824-1826 First Anglo-Burmese War– The treaty ending the war sees part ofBurma ceded to British India.

    1852 The Second Anglo-Burmese War– Britain annexes lower Burma.

    1885-1886 Burma becomes a prov-ince of British India.

    1937 Britain separates Burma fromIndia; Burma declared a crown colony.

    1942 Japan invades and occupiesBurma.

    1945 Britain liberates Burma from theJapanese with the help of Aung San.

    1947 U Saw, Aung San’s main politi-cal rival, assassinates Aung San and sixmembers of his interim government; UNu leads the new government.

    1948 Burma becomes independent; UNu becomes prime minister.

    1960 U Nu’s party wins the nationalelection; military expresses uneasinesswith U Nu’s strong support for Bud-dhism as the state religion and hisapparent tolerance of separatist move-ments among the nation’s ethnic mi-norities.

    1962 General Ne Win stages a coup,ousting U Nu and his government;Burma becomes a military dictatorshipwith a single-party governing thenation. The period of mass oppressionbegins.

    1974 A new constitution is introduced,

    solidifying Ne Win’s stranglehold onthe nation.

    1975 Opposition National DemocraticFront is formed by regionally basedminority groups; guerilla attacks byinsurgent opposed to Ne Win begin.

    1981 San Yu, a retired general, as-sumes the presidency; Ne Win remainschairman of the ruling Socialist Pro-gram Party.

    1982 Law is passed that designatespeople of non-indigenous background(e.g., the Karens) “associate citizens”;the law effectively prevents “associatecitizens” from taking public office.

    1987 Burma’s economy collapses;rioting ensues; in the aftermath Ne Winis forced from office.

    1988 Up to 3 000 people are killed inanti-government riots. The State Lawand Order Restoration Council(SLORC) is formed to bolster thestrength of the ruling military junta.

    1989 The SLORC declares martiallaw, arresting thousands of people,many of whom are human rights anddemocracy advocates; Burma is re-named Myanmar, with the capital,Rangoon, becoming Yangon. The mostinfluential leader of the democracymovement, Aung San Suu Kyi, thedaughter of Aung San, is put underhouse arrest.

    1990 Aung San Suu Kyi’s NationalLeague for Democracy (NLD) wins alandslide victory in parliamentaryelections; the results are ignored by theSLORC.

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 38

    1991 Aung San Suu Kyi wins theNobel Peace Prize for her commitmentto peaceful, democratic change inBurma; she is afraid to leave the coun-try to accept the prize for fear that shewould be prevented from returning.

    1992 Than Shwe becomes SLORCchairman, prime minister, and defenceminister; some political prisoners arefreed in an effort to improve Burma’sinternational reputation.

    1995 After six years of house arrest,Aung San Suu Kyi is released.

    1996 Aung San Suu Kyi attends anNLD pro-democracy meeting; theSLORC arrests 200 people before theyarrive at the meeting.

    1997 SLORC changes its name to theState Peace and Development Council(SPDC); more pro-democracy support-ers are released from prison.

    1999 Aung San Suu Kyi’s husband,Michael Aris, dies of cancer in Britain;she is prevented from visiting him priorto his death.

    2000 Aung San Suu Kyi begins secrettalks with the SPDC; the same year shefinds herself under house arrest.

    2001 SPDC claims the release of 200pro-democracy prisoners is a reflectionof a progressive trend toward democ-racy; Aung San Suu Kyi remains underhouse arrest.– Thailand renews relations with thegovernment in Burma with a state visitby Prime Minister Shinawatra.– Burma pledges to eliminate the illegaldrug trade by 2005.

    – Chinese President Jiang Zemin visitsBurma and pledges his support for thenation.

    2002 Aung San Suu Kyi is releasedfrom house arrest after nearly 20months.

    2003 Aung San Suu Kyi finds herselfback under house arrest (the SPDC callsher incarceration “protective custody”);Khin Nyunt becomes prime ministerand speaks of drafting a new constitu-tion as part of “road map” to democ-racy; later that year the UN humanrights envoy visits Burma.

    2004 The SPDC and the Karen Na-tional Union agree to a ceasefire; aconstitutional convention begins despitea boycott by the NLD, whose leader,Aung San Suu Kyi, remains underhouse arrest.– Khin Nyunt is replaced as primeminister and placed under house arrest.– Leading dissidents are freed as part ofa mass release of prisoners, includingsome of the leaders of the 1988 pro-democracy student demonstrations.– 59 people die and 3 000 lose theirhomes when a tsunami hits Burma onDecember 26.

    2005 Burma moves its seat of govern-ment to a new isolated site near thetown of Pyinmana.

    2007 China and Russia veto a draftU.S. resolution at the UN SecurityCouncil urging Burma to stop persecut-ing minority and opposition groups.

    Source: BBC News – Timeline: Burma,bbc.co.uk

    ActivityUse a highlight marker to indicate the 10 most important events on thetimeline. Write the top five on a separate sheet of paper in order of impor-tance. Explain your ranking in a 75- to 100-word paragraph.

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 39

    THE FORGOTTEN WAR IN BURMAAung San Suu Kyi

    The one ray of hope for the oppressedpeople of Burma comes from the leaderof the National League for Democracy(NLD), Aung San Suu Kyi. She is thedaughter of Aung San, the founder ofthe independence movement that re-sulted in Burma shedding its Britishcolonial status. Aung San was assassi-nated by his main political rivals in1947. His daughter was just two yearsold at the time. Raised by her mother,Suu Kyi gained strength from hermother’s rise to power as a Burmesediplomat in the 1950s and 60s. Suu Kyiwas exposed to the world outside ofBurma. She was educated in India andBritain before marrying Michael Aris, ascholar of Tibetan culture, and startinga family in the early 70s.

    Suu Kyi’s political life began in 1988when she returned to Burma to care forher ailing mother. Burma was in politi-cal turmoil at the time. The nation’sleader, General Ne Win, was forcedfrom power, and the new militaryregime turned its guns on pro-democ-racy demonstrators in a show of forceresulting in the deaths of 3 000 people.Aung San Suu Kyi could not sit idly byand watch these events unfold. With thenon-violent, non-co-operation philoso-phy of Mahatma Gandhi as her inspira-tion, Suu Kyi stepped into the politicalspotlight and helped found the NationalLeague for Democracy. The govern-ment responded by placing her underhouse arrest. Despite her detainment,Suu Kyi’s NLD won over 80 per cent ofthe seats in parliament in 1990—aresult that was nullified by the rulingmilitary junta. In 1991, Aung San SuuKyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prizefor her courage in the face of adversity

    Quote“Suu Kyi’s struggleis one of the mostextraordinaryexamples of civilcourage in Asia inrecent decades. Shehas become animportant symbolin the struggleagainst oppres-sion.” — Norwe-gian Nobel Com-mittee, 1991

    in the struggle against Burma’s militarygovernment.

    After the nullification of the 1990vote, Burma sank deeper into despair.The government expanded the militaryand stepped up the war on the nation’sminority groups. Meanwhile, Suu Kyihad to deal with some of her ownpersonal despair. In 1995, Suu Kyi’shusband, Michael Aris, was diagnosedwith prostate cancer in Britain. Shemade plans to be with her husband, butthe government made it clear that, if sheleft Burma, she would not be allowedback in. Despite his ill health, Aris triedto make his way to Burma; he wasdenied an entry visa by the militarygovernment. Suu Kyi remained inBurma and, in March 1999, MichaelAris died. With her husband dead andher two sons living in Britain, Suu Kyifound herself living in almost completeisolation.

    International pressure for a demo-cratic Burma has grown slowly over theyears. After Suu Kyi’s Nobel PeacePrize win in 1991, many people aroundthe world became aware of the plight ofthe people of Burma. Recently, theUnited Nations has sent several high-profile officials to Burma to put diplo-matic pressure on the government whileopenly endorsing the platform of AungSan Suu Kyi. In late 2006, the UnitedStates attempted to pass a UN resolu-tion condemning the behaviour of theBurma government toward its citizens.The resolution was vetoed by the Chi-nese and the Russians.

    Despite international pressure, themilitary government of Burma is intenton bringing down Suu Kyi. In early2007, she was accused of income tax

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 40

    evasion by a government newspaperthat claimed her Noble Peace Prizemoney should have been treated astaxable income. Suu Kyi spent themoney on promoting the call for de-mocracy in Burma on the internationalstage. To her credit, she remains opento dialogue with the Burma governmentand hopes to negotiate some kind of apeace deal for the people of Burma. SuuKyi continues to advocate for demo-cratic reform and is the symbol of the

    resistance movement. She has beenfreed from house arrest on a number ofoccasions only to be re-arrested a shorttime later. Since her initial arrest in1990, Suu Kyi has spent 11 years indetention. Her commitment to non-violent, democratic reform has re-mained steadfast. She and her support-ers believe that the dictatorship willinevitably fall and a democracy advo-cating for the rights of all of the peopleof Burma will emerge.

    Quote“It is not powerthat corrupts butfear. Fear of losingpower corruptsthose who wield itand fear of thescourge of powercorrupts those whoare subject to it.” –Aung San Suu Kyi(Women in WorldHistory Curriculum,www.womeninworldhistory.com/con-temporary-06.html)

    To ConsiderAung San Suu Kyi has always maintained that her family background compelledher to take a lead role in the fight to release Burma from the grip of autocraticrulers. Do you believe that her family shaped her political destiny? Explain.

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 41

    THE FORGOTTEN WAR IN BURMADocument Analysis: Accepting the Nobel Peace Prize

    This is the acceptance speech deliveredon behalf of Aung San Suu Kyi, by herson Alexander Aris on the occasion ofthe award of the Nobel Peace Prize inOslo, December 10, 1991. It is reprintedwith permission of The Nobel Founda-tion.

    Your Majesties, Your Excellencies,Ladies and Gentlemen,

    I stand before you here today toaccept on behalf of my mother, AungSan Suu Kyi, this greatest of prizes,the Nobel Prize for Peace. Becausecircumstances do not permit mymother to be here in person, I will domy best to convey the sentiments Ibelieve she would express.

    Firstly, I know that she would beginby saying that she accepts the NobelPrize for Peace not in her own namebut in the name of all the people ofBurma. She would say that this prizebelongs not to her but to all thosemen, women, and children who, evenas I speak, continue to sacrifice theirwellbeing, their freedom, and theirlives in pursuit of a democratic Burma.Theirs is the prize and theirs will bethe eventual victory in Burma’s longstruggle for peace, freedom, anddemocracy.

    Speaking as her son, however, Iwould add that I personally believethat by her own dedication and per-sonal sacrifice she has come to be aworthy symbol through whom theplight of all the people of Burma maybe recognized. And no one mustunderestimate that plight. The plightof those in the countryside and towns,living in poverty and destitution,those in prison, battered and tor-tured; the plight of the young people,the hope of Burma, dying of malariain the jungles to which they have fled;that of the Buddhist monks, beaten

    and dishonoured. Nor should weforget the many senior and highlyrespected leaders besides my motherwho are all incarcerated. It is on theirbehalf that I thank you, from myheart, for this supreme honour. TheBurmese people can today hold theirheads a little higher in the knowledgethat in this far distant land theirsuffering has been heard and heeded.

    We must also remember that thelonely struggle taking place in aheavily guarded compound inRangoon is part of the much largerstruggle, worldwide, for the emanci-pation of the human spirit frompolitical tyranny and psychologicalsubjection. The Prize, I feel sure, isalso intended to honour all thoseengaged in this struggle whereverthey may be. It is not without reasonthat today’s events in Oslo fall on theInternational Human Rights Day,celebrated throughout the world.

    Mr. Chairman, the whole interna-tional community has applauded thechoice of your committee. Just a fewdays ago, the United Nations passed aunanimous and historic resolutionwelcoming Secretary-General JavierPérez de Cuéllar’s statement on thesignificance of this award and endors-ing his repeated appeals for mymother’s early release from detention.Universal concern at the grave humanrights situation in Burma was clearlyexpressed. Alone and isolated amongthe entire nations of the world asingle dissenting voice was heard,from the military junta in Rangoon,too late and too weak.

    This regime has through almost 30years of misrule reduced the onceprosperous “Golden Land” of Burmato one of the world’s most economi-cally destitute nations. In their heartof hearts even those in power now inRangoon must know that their even-tual fate will be that of all totalitarian

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 42

    regimes who seek to impose theirauthority through fear, repression,and hatred. When the present Bur-mese struggle for democracy eruptedonto the streets in 1988, it was thefirst of what became an internationaltidal wave of such movementsthroughout Eastern Europe, Asia, andAfrica. Today, in 1991, Burma standsconspicuous in its continued sufferingat the hands of a repressive, intransi-gent junta, the State Law and OrderRestoration Council. However, theexample of those nations which havesuccessfully achieved democracy holdsout an important message to theBurmese people; that, in the lastresort, through the sheer economicunworkability of totalitarianism thispresent regime will be swept away.And today in the face of rising infla-tion, a mismanaged economy andnear worthless Kyat, the Burmesegovernment is undoubtedly reapingas it has sown.

    However, it is my deepest hope thatit will not be in the face of completeeconomic collapse that the regime willfall, but that the ruling junta may yetheed such appeals to basic humanityas that which the Nobel Committeehas expressed in its award of thisyear’s prize. I know that within themilitary government there are thoseto whom the present policies of fearand repression are abhorrent, violat-ing as they do the most sacred prin-ciples of Burma’s Buddhist heritage.This is no empty wishful thinking buta conviction my mother reached in thecourse of her dealings with those inpositions of authority, illustrated bythe election victories of her party inconstituencies comprised almostexclusively of military personnel andtheir families. It is my profoundestwish that these elements for modera-tion and reconciliation among thosenow in authority may make theirsentiments felt in Burma’s hour ofdeepest need.

    I know that if she were free todaymy mother would, in thanking you,

    also ask you to pray that the oppres-sors and the oppressed should throwdown their weapons and join to-gether to build a nation founded onhumanity in the spirit of peace.

    Although my mother is often de-scribed as a political dissident whostrives by peaceful means for demo-cratic change, we should rememberthat her quest is basically spiritual. Asshe has said, “The quintessentialrevolution is that of the spirit,” andshe has written of the “essentialspiritual aims” of the struggle. Therealization of this depends solely onhuman responsibility. At the root ofthat responsibility lies, and I quote,“the concept of perfection, the urgeto achieve it, the intelligence to find apath towards it, and the will to followthat path if not to the end, at leastthe distance needed to rise aboveindividual limitation. . . .” “To live thefull life,” she says, “one must have thecourage to bear the responsibility ofthe needs of others . . . one must wantto bear this responsibility.” And shelinks this firmly to her faith when shewrites, “. . . Buddhism, the foundationof traditional Burmese culture, placesthe greatest value on man, who aloneof all beings can achieve the supremestate of Buddhahood. Each man has inhim the potential to realize the truththrough his own will and endeavourand to help others to realize it.”Finally she says, “The quest for democ-racy in Burma is the struggle of apeople to live whole, meaningful livesas free and equal members of theworld community. It is part of theunceasing human endeavour to provethat the spirit of man can transcendthe flaws of his nature.”

    This is the second time that myyounger brother and I have accepteda great prize for my mother in Nor-way. Last year we travelled to Bergento receive for her the Thorolf RaftoPrize for Human Rights, a wonderfulprelude to this year’s event. By nowwe have a very special feeling for thepeople of Norway. It is my hope that

    Further ResearchTo learn moreabout the NobelPeace Prize andother winners,consider a visit tothe official Website atwww.nobelprize.org.

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 43

    soon my mother will be able to sharethis feeling and to speak directly forherself instead of through me.

    Meanwhile this tremendous supportfor her and the people of Burma hasserved to bring together two peoplesfrom opposite ends of the Earth. Ibelieve much will follow from thelinks now forged.

    It only remains for me to thank youall from the bottom of my heart. Let

    us hope and pray that from today thewounds start to heal and that in theyears to come the 1991 Nobel Prizefor Peace will be seen as a historicstep towards the achievement of truepeace in Burma. The lessons of thepast will not be forgotten, but it is ourhope for the future that we celebratetoday.

    © The Nobel Foundation␣ 1991

    ActivityPick two of the excerpts below and write a personal response to them in a briefparagraph.

    1. “She would say that this prize belongs not to her but to all those men,women, and children who, even as I speak, continue to sacrifice theirwellbeing, their freedom, and their lives in pursuit of a democraticBurma.”

    2. “The Prize, I feel sure, is also intended to honour all those engaged in thisstruggle wherever they may be.”

    3. ”In their heart of hearts even those in power now in Rangoon must knowthat their eventual fate will be that of all totalitarian regimes who seek toimpose their authority through fear, repression, and hatred.”

    4. “Although my mother is often described as a political dissident who strivesby peaceful means for democratic change, we should remember that herquest is basically spiritual.”

    5. “The quest for democracy in Burma is the struggle of a people to livewhole, meaningful lives as free and equal members of the world commu-nity. It is part of the unceasing human endeavour to prove that the spiritof man can transcend the flaws of his nature.” — Aung San Suu Kyi

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 44

    THE FORGOTTEN WAR IN BURMAActivity: You Make the Choice

    The situation of the Karens of Burma is too painful for most people living inCanada to comprehend. It is hard to imagine a government turning on thevulnerable members of its minority groups—in effect, forcing them to flee toforeign lands to save their own lives. However, such has been the case for theKarens. Your task in this exercise is to pick one of the following scenarios andwrite a letter explaining your position to someone directly affected by yourdecision.

    Scenario #1You are living in a UN refugee camp for displaced Karens in Thailand. Thegovernment of Canada has offered you and your family the opportunity toleave the camp and move to Canada. However, you are a doctor and have beenworking in the camp to help others maintain their precarious grip on their ownhealth. To leave the camp will be devastating to those working on the medicalteam at the camp’s medical centre.

    What will you do?• Stay in the camp with your family and continue working as a doctor.• Stay in the camp and continue working as a doctor while allowing your family

    to proceed to Canada.

    • Leave the camp to start a new life with your family in Canada.

    Write a letter to the head of the camp’s medical team explaining your answer.Length: 200-250 words

    Scenario #2You are living in a remote village in southeastern Burma. You have learned thatgovernment forces have recently burned a neighbouring village to the ground.Rumours of rape and murder in the attack are creating a climate of fear withinyour community. It appears that your village may be next on the government’sattack list. You have tried to lay low for years, but it appears that, as a Karen, itmay be time to make your move.

    What will you do?• Stay in the village and fight the army when they arrive.• Leave your village and join Karen resistance fighters in their guerilla war

    against the army.• Take your family and move to a UN refugee camp in Thailand.

    Write a letter to your neighbour in the village explaining your decision.Length: 200-250 words

  • CBC News in Review • March 2007 • Page 45

    Scenario #3The Canadian government has made its decision. You, your spouse, and twochildren have been granted refugee status. However, your best friend and hisfamily will have to remain in the camp. This is the opportunity you have beenwaiting for; however, you are heartbroken at the idea of having to leave yourfriend behind.

    What do you do?• Leave your friend behind and move to Canada, hoping one day that he and

    his family will be as lucky as you.• Remain in the camp until such a time that both your family and your best

    friend’s family have a chance to leave together.• Move to Canada and work with refugee groups to see about finding a spon-

    sor for your friend and his family to facilitate their refugee claim.

    Write a letter to your friend explaining your decision.Length: 200-250 words