The Buka–Hatene Community Learning Centre:

Friends of Baucau’s Project to Rebuild a Community Building in

Baucau, Timor Leste

BEATRIZ C. MATURANA

Since the independence of Timor Leste (East Timor) in 1999, community Friendship Relationships have been established in Australia with the purpose of working with and assisting disadvantaged communities in Timor Leste. Friends of Baucau (FoB) is born as one of these friendships, establishing what has been envisaged as a long lasting relationship between the City of Darebin, City of Yarra and other local community associations and the City of Baucau.

In 2001, during a visit to Melbourne, the District Administrator of Baucau, Mr Marito Reis, expressed the need for a community-training centre to educate local people in a variety of skills. Mr Reis asked for assistance from the Friends of Baucau. Since then, many actions have been undertaken to make this project a reality. Friends of Baucau has organised activities to raise funds to cover the cost of this project. These have included cultural nights, dinners, craft markets and the selling of east Timorese coffee among others. Further, partnerships with other organisation, including RMIT and Australian Volunteers International (AVI), have been created to assist with training, implementation and to undertake local community consultation. Finally, Friends of Baucau placed a project coordinator on site to manage the construction of the community-training building, which is today a reality.

The Buka-Hatene (Want to Know) Community Learning Centre is one of the most ambitious projects undertaken by the Friends of Baucau to date.

The process of development of the centre brings about many questions regarding the depth of our knowledge of the Timorese nation and about our capacity to embrace it without impositions on our part. This paper aims to evaluate the process of realising the Buka-Hatene Community Learning Centre project in the context of the cultural, environmental and economical realities of Timor Leste.

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I. TIMOR LESTE INTRODUCTION

Timor Leste, or Timor Lorosa’e (Timor of the Rising Sun), is an island of 15,007 sq km located in the Indonesian archipelago, in an area of high seismic activity, between Indonesia and Australia. Timor Leste has a dramatic topography dominated by a central mountain range. The climate is tropical, hot and humid with two distinct wet and dry seasons.

Undoubtedly, Timor Leste is one of the world’s poorest countries. It has a population of 800,000 out of which about 75% were displaced by the violence and destruction that followed the national vote for independence from Indonesia on August 1999. More than 50% of the population are illiterate and the infant mortality rate is 80 deaths per 1000 live births - in some rural areas this figure reaches 140, as compared to 5 in Australia with 15.2 average rate among aboriginal Australian children.1

About 70% of all houses, health centres, schools, government buildings and infrastructure were severely damaged, demolished or burnt to the ground in 1999. Most of the infrastructure, including sewerage, electricity, communications, potable running water and wells, is still not fully operational. Environmental pollution from accelerated migration to the cities and lack of effective waste disposal presents serious health and environmental problems.

Timor Leste transition from a colonial province (autonomous region), to an independent country was facilitated by the political changes that took place in Portugal. The long lasting, right-wing dictatorship of António de Oliveira Zalazar – who killed many and exiled some of their left-wing opponents to Portuguese colonies, including Timor Leste - was replaced by the more moderate Marcelo Caetano, who was overthrown in 1974. In 1975, the new liberal democratic government in Portugal supported the process of independence in Timor Leste. In 1975, after more than 400 years under Portuguese control, the East Timorese declared themselves independent from Portugal and decided to maintain Portuguese as the official language. Nine days later the Indonesian military forces occupied the country. Over the next 25 years of occupation, no member of the United Nations recognised the illegal Indonesian claim over Timor Leste, except for Australia and Indonesia. The violent occupation resulted in the estimated death of 100,000 to 250,000 people and the destruction of most of its infrastructure.

The largest contributions by donor countries to the reconstruction of Timor Leste by the year 2000 were: Japan (US$129 million), US ($98 million), Portugal ($91 million), European Union ($68 million), and Australia ($44 million).2 Between the years 1999 and 2002, the multilateral donor contribution to the Trust Fund for East Timor (TFET), administered by the World Bank, reflects that the assistance provided by Australia ranks in fourth place, after Japan. Australian contribution of 39.9M to the TFET, is less than half of that of Japan and less than a third of Portugal’s contribution.3 This is important to note, as the Australian financial support to Timor Leste is often overstated.

Timor Leste: culture, language and Australia On the 20th of May 2002, East Timor was internationally recognized as an independent state

and the world's newest democracy. Based on their history, culture and identity, Portuguese and Tetum the lingua franca or Creole Tetum, were declared by the newly elected government as the two official languages. Another fifteen indigenous languages spoken on the island were also acknowledged. English and Indonesian were confirmed as second languages.4

1 UNDP, 2002. pp.1–9. 2 Costa, H. da and Soesastro, 2000. p.20. 3 See figure 5.1 in Chapter 5, of The Auditor-General, Aid to East Timor, Audit Report No.20 2003–04 4 “East Timor has sixteen indigenous languages, belonging to two different language families or phyla.

Twelve of these languages are of Austronesian origin (and therefore 'cousins' to Malay-Indonesian, Javanese, Tagalog, Malagasy, Motu, Fijian, Samoan and Maori). Although the Austronesian languages of Timor belong, with Malay, to the Western Malayo-Polynesian (or Hesperonesian) division of Austronesian, they are too different in structure and vocabulary to be mutually intelligible with Malay-Indonesian”. Hull, G. The Languages of East Timor: Some Basis Facts, revised 9-2-2002.

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During the Indonesian occupation, the Portuguese language was banned and the new generations born during those years were educated in Indonesian. Estimates on the number of people able to speak Portuguese vary widely. The Australian press, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the United Nations Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET) have underestimated the number of people able to communicate in Portuguese, presenting figures of as low as 5%. Other estimates place the percentage of Timorese speaking Portuguese at between 20% and 25%.5 There is agreement however, that the population under 25 years of ages, who count for a large percentage of the population, do not speak Portuguese. A census undertaken in 1980 showed that approximately 30% of the population was able to speak Indonesian - this figure included the Indonesian population then living in Timor Leste.6

The language diversity of the island forced the simplification of the language or lingua franca. Bazaar Malay was the lingua franca around Dili until 1780s, when the Tetum-Praça replaced it to become the lingua franca and Portuguese the language of commerce and education. Tetum-Praça borrowed hundreds of Portuguese words, and spread to the extent that by 1970 two thirds of the population could speak it. Tetum was not used as a written language and was excluded from use in education. For this reason, it is not considered a suitable language for formal education, clerical or business activities.

In Australia, even within similar political alliances, there are at least two distinct stances about the language and racial make up of Timor Leste.7 This situation is clearly illustrated by Dr. G. Hull article on the languages of Timor Leste and by Dr. Sean Foley reply to it.8 The former, giving an historical account of European cultural and religious influence on the local East Timorese population. Furthermore, this region was spared from the influence of Asiatic Hinduism and Islam. According to Dr. G. Hull, it is this difference that made the Portuguese to consider Timor Leste as part of Oceania and not Asia. Further 400 years of Portuguese influence have imposed an important cultural imprint that sets it further apart from the rest of the region. Sean Foley rejects Hull’s explanation of languages in Timor Leste, arguing that there are 30 and not 16 indigenous languages spoken in the island. He plays down the role and importance of the Portuguese language, which he views as an imposition from the current government. He also argues that Indonesian existed before the invasion of Timor Leste by the Indonesians.

Both notions have vast cultural, economic and political implications. Australia has a business partnership in Indonesia. With Indonesia, Australia was able to sign the Timor Gap agreement from which both benefited. Timor’s independence creates an obstacle to these otherwise smooth commercial relations. It brings about another player, which is currently demanding its rights to their own natural resources of gas and oil in the Timor Gap. The identification of Timor Leste with Portugal brings yet another obstacle, as Australia will have to deal with a culturally different Timor. Language is one of the many challenges Australians will have to face in dealing with Timor Leste. Australians are generally not versed in a number of languages, as is the case with many of the countries in Asia and Timor Leste. Given the geographic location, and historical connections, for many Australians, the Indonesian language might be more relevant than Portuguese.

Based on (Sir) Colonel Bernard Callinan’s recollection of his serving in Portuguese Timor during WWII, Foley’s argument, that Indonesian was spoken in Timor Leste before Indonesian invasion is incorrect. Callinan reports that Malay (or a form of it) was spoken in West Timor and was of little use for him in East Timor - where most people spoke Tetum and Portuguese and did not understand Malay.9 “Tetum is a simple language similar to ‘low Malay’, and is quite pleasing to the ear, being based upon church Latin”.10 He also gives innumerable accounts of indigenous Timorese people and Portuguese, loosing their lives while assisting the Australian troops. These include the “relegados”, who were Portuguese people convicted of political activities - mainly Marxists - who were sent to the most remote Portuguese province, Timor Leste. 5 Hull, G., 29th March 2000. 6 Lutz, N. M., 1991. 7 See Hull, G. On Line Opinion, 11th October 2002. 8 See Foley, S. On Line Opinion, 10th October 2002. 9 Callinan, B., 1953. 10 Ibid, p. 20.

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According to Callinan, the affection that the East Timorese felt for the Australians had its roots in the European connection, more precisely on the Christian religion that made this people unlike their neighbours in West Timor. This aspect made a life and death difference for the Australian military, who in West Timor were in their majority killed or betrayed to the Japanese.

“Into this life, with the precedents and customs of four hundred years of Portuguese rule, we

were to enter later; and within it we came to be accepted, and to share its simple pleasures in such a way as to leave an indelible mark upon us and upon our hosts.”11

Callinan’s comparisons of life in West and East Timor are particularly interesting in shedding

light on modes of colonialisation in Timor. Callinan tries to explain the markedly different attitude adopted by the local Timorese towards the allies in East and West Timor. He considers that both Dutch and Portuguese applied similar severe treatment to the locals “when discipline was called for”. If anything, he continues, the Dutch brought more infrastructure and services to their colony when compared to the Portuguese. Nevertheless, the East Timorese responded with loyalty to the Portuguese and allies and disloyalty to the Dutch. Callinan’s own accounts are not free from patronizing and colonial mannerisms. He calls all Portuguese, Australians and Dutch by their names. The locals, with a few exceptions, are called “natives”. The “natives” are portrayed as simple people, who would above all admire success – this is, according to Callinan, a possible reason as to why they served the Australian’s troops.

The spread of the Portuguese language and culture over 400 years was facilitated by the coloniser’s assimilation approach. While a strong social class separation and servant-master relationship was the norm in colonial Portuguese Timor, intermarriage between Portuguese and the locals was not uncommon. In theory, local people in Portuguese territories had full rights as for metropolitan Portuguese. This practice, fundamentally different from that of other colonisers - such as the British or the Dutch, who did not mix with the local inhabitants - assisted the establishment of a strong bond between the local people and their colonisers. Before the Indonesian invasion, Timor Leste had little commercial trade with other Asian countries in the region. Macau, a former Portuguese colony, was the only trading partner in the region. The Chinese living in Dili maintained commercial and social links with Macau, Singapore, Taiwan and Hong Kong.12

The decision of “Portuguese” and “Tetum” as the two national languages has not been without its problems.13 The insistence of UNTAET and Australia in the use of English, continuously questions Timor Leste’s self-determination. This has been rightly described by some as disrespectful and at the extreme as cultural imperialism. Portuguese is the 6th most widely spoken language in the world, above German, Russian and French. It is also a language that would ease the learning of other Latin based languages such as Spanish and Italian. Portuguese would assist the commercial relations with Europe and maintain existing colonial ties with Portugal, Brazil and Mozambique. On the other hand, practical considerations would favour the adoption of English as the first language. English teachers and educational materials would be readily available given the proximity with Australia. It would also assist trading between Australia and Timor Leste. However, of all languages having had any influence in Timor, English is not one of them. Indonesian (representing the younger generations) presents a positive aspect as it is widely spoken in Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei. However, it is not a language that would open opportunities in the European market. More importantly, the identity of a nation cannot be decided on practicalities - facts that should be acknowledged by a young nation such as Australia, given its own position as a minority European population in Asia.

11 Ibid, p. 37. 12 For more detailed information, including historical relations and trade, see Oenarto, J., 2000. pp. 6–7. 13 In a live forum, J. BBC NEWS Forum, 12 June 2002, Jose Ramos Horta defends Timor Leste’s

language decision and refers to the issue in the following terms: “It has to do with the history, the culture and the identity of the country. So when we went for Portuguese and Tetun, it was a strategic decision to strengthen the uniqueness of East Timor, the national identity of East Timor. We are not that idiotic to forget the importance of Bahasa or English.”

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Decisions of this type have vast political and economical implications. It is particularly so in Australia, where aid, known as “Tied Aid” is directly connected to own economical interests. Timor Leste’s allegiances will have an impact on Australian trade and its political relations across Asia, mainly Indonesia.

For the official donor of Australian aid money, AusAID, the main objective is to “improve Australia’s national interest” (AusAID: 2003 i) by giving contracts to domestic companies.14 “While Australia has been a ‘generous donor’ it has actually reaped 10 times more in revenues from East Timor than it has given since 1999”.15 According to Oxfam, $1 million a day is being collected in oil and gas from the disputed area of the Timor Sea. The more independent, distinct and assertive Timor Leste becomes, the more complex it will be for the Australian companies to rightfully gain those future markets.

While Indonesian and Australian diplomatic relations are sometimes stressed, these are more relevant to Australia than those with Portugal. At every level of Australian politics, there is a denial of the deep cultural influence that Portugal has had on the East Timorese. This denial extends to our own recollection of the assistance Australians received during the WW2 in Portuguese Timor.

II. TIMORESE ARCHITECTURE

As varied as the people of Timor Leste, so it is its architecture. However, we can generally say that Timorese traditional housing is grouped in hamlets or aldeias in the hills. Houses have thatched roofs and are typically built on stilts. These hamlets can consist of up to 80 families. Groups of three or more aldeias constitute villages or sucos. A variety of local materials are employed in the construction of traditional housing including: grass, Gebang palm, palm thatch, Ylang-Ylang thatch, local timbers, stones and the giant tropical bamboo for structure are all frequently used.

14 Anderson, T. Aid Watch, 1st June 2002. 15 Oxfam. 20th May 2004.

Traditional housing material indicators 2001

Urban Rural

Households with earth/bamboo floors

62.7% 64.8%

Households with main walls of bamboo

23.1% 55.3%

Household with main roof of wood/grass/leaves

16.6% 50.9%

Fig. 1: Source: Extract from East Timor Human Development report 2002

Fig. 2: Traditional house around the District of Baucau

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Fig.3: Old colonial Portuguese market, Baucau

According to Cinatti, de Almeida and Mendes, there are seven vernacular architectural styles

in East Timor. These are Bobonaro, Maubisse, Baucau, Lautem, Viqueque, Suai, and the Oecusse styles.16 According to their research, the diverse architectural styles found in East Timor may be due to the migration route of the Sulawesi, Makassar, Malacca and Seram people. This may also explain the diversity and distribution of languages in the island.

The design and grouping of traditional houses on the land suggests a harmonious and well organised system based on indigenous knowledge and self-sufficiency.17 This is supported by Xanana Gusmao, President of East Timor, who has proposed that new housing could be organised, from the point of view of efficiency, in hamlets or aldeias.18 His proposition caused some controversy because, to some, it has the resonance of forced relocation. It may also be considered a rejection of a modern urban approach. Conversely, a failure to recognise the advantages and relevance of housing structured as aldeias, would be a denial of sustainable development options already present in the organization of Timorese society, particularly in rural areas where the majority live.

Despite the extensive environmental degradation that has brought many varieties of trees, such as sandalwood and ironwood, to the verge of extinction, other traditional building materials, including bamboo, are in abundant supply in the mountains and represent a sustainable option.19 However, the transportation of these resources is difficult and costly for these poor communities.

The Asian Development Bank calculated that before the crisis, the water supply system served only 40% of the population in district capitals and 29% in sub-district towns. The average access to piped water supply was 13%.20

Sanitary infrastructure and related services are, for the most part, non-existent or non-operational. Despite this fact, one could argue that people living in rural areas retain more control of their immediate environment through subsistence farming than indigenous people who live as squatters in Dili and at a lesser extent in Baucau.

16 Cinatti, Ruy, de Almeida, L, Mendes, 1987. pp.55-68. See also Oenarto, Joseph, 2000. pp. 9–11. 17 Ibid. 18 Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE), 2000. 19 Rio, N., 2001. 20 Asian Development Bank 2004, p. 35.

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Fig. 4: Architectural housing typology of Timor Leste, as identified by Cinatti, de Almeida and Mendes. 1987. p 57.

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Portuguese and Indonesian influences in Baucau Baucau is the second largest district and city in East Timor with 16,000 city residents and a

district population of over 114,000 people. In Baucau, buildings of predominantly Portuguese styles are simple, often mixed with

traditional materials and building systems. Frequently, solid concrete or rendered brick construction of Portuguese style buildings, are covered by thatched roofs. Most colonial institutional buildings, such as schools, hotels, hospitals and government facilities, have formal front gardens and ceramic roof tiles. Houses and buildings in the central parts of the towns tend to be located directly on the street front. The lack of setback in private homes, facilitates the operation of small commercial activities, as the front rooms become local version of take-away food, milk bars and kiosks.

Fig. 5: Typical house around on the periphery of Baucau

Traditional building materials are also used in cities. However, in the urban setting -

significantly different from the traditional hamlets – the scattered individual houses present a general appearance of emergency rather than the continuation of an architectural tradition.

The former Portuguese colonisers must have conceived Baucau as a city of importance. Even today, when submerged in poverty and partly destroyed, it is easy to see this grand vision of Baucau set against the magnificent natural geography. Tiled floors, high ceilings, covered walkways and garden courts suggest an effort to respond to the tropical conditions. The wide avenues, the fineness of some of its Portuguese style houses and above all, the majestic city market and square are testimony of a distinctly Portuguese urban sensibility in this remote south east corner of Asia.

Architectural traditions are sometimes expressed in contemporary Timorese architecture through the application of decorated gable ends and buffalo horns. These styles are also predominant in Indonesian style architecture.

The Indonesian influence is not clearly identifiable. It belongs to a modest and utilitarian expression of a contemporary modern style, while exhibiting some vestiges of Indonesian aesthetics. Decorative block screen walls, large eaves and

Fig. 6: Burnt mosque in Baucau. Post independence destruction also reached the minority Muslim population

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shaped window awnings are some noteworthy features. Their legacy is present in the rather functional modern architecture of what remains of the public buildings, such as: universities, government facilities and mosques.

The destruction of public buildings in 1999 makes the appreciation and extent of Indonesian architecture particularly difficult. Basic housing estates and some mosques, predominantly located in the new part of Baucau (new city), were built by the Indonesian government. Housing, built from concrete blocks and metal roofing, placed on a repetitive rectangular grid, are the remnants of the hustle to accommodate the increasing housing needs of the East Timorese and Indonesian civil servants who ran the administration of the country. These buildings express a practical need for minimum shelter, rather than a well thought out response to an existing community, the climate and the surrounding environment.

Sustainable Development “We East Timorese have liberated our homeland. Now, independence for East Timor means

that we need to address many questions about development. We are building our nation and our future. We need to make wise decisions for the sake of future generations.” Xanana Gusmao, at the opening of the Conference on Sustainable Development in East Timor, Dili January 2001.

At this point in the creation of an independent

East Timor, the need to import processed and manufactured goods and to utilise foreign technologies and construction materials cannot be avoided. However, on the basis of local building traditions, the existing pool of knowledge and availability of local construction resources, a great part of the construction programme, particularly in the housing sector, could be delivered locally.

One of the many construction materials used for traditional housing is Bamboo. An important property of bamboo structures is that they withstand earthquakes better than masonry systems. Bamboo is versatile and can be used for walls, roof trusses, framework, floors, roofing, doors, window and doorframes. According to the Environmental Bamboo Foundation, a bamboo construction grade material can be yielded in three years as opposed to timber that requires ten to twenty years. One of the many projects with bamboo technology featured by The International Network for Bamboo and Rattan (INBAR) is a factory producing corrugated bamboo roofing sheets in Hanoi, Vietnam.21 This factory has generated local employment, a low cost roofing alternative and the potential for the exportation of this product to the international eco-friendly markets.

The 5th INBAR International Bamboo Workshop was jointly held with the IV International Bamboo Conference in Ubud, Bali, Indonesia in 1995. An important outcome of this conference was the recognition of the need and the commitment to develop a building code for bamboo. Such a code would elevate the status of this system and challenge the general perception that bamboo is the “poor man’s timber”.22 Materials such as Bamboo, rattan, palm fibres, are common building materials in places like Bali, where they are used with great sophistication. Important hotels in Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand have bamboo roof structures.23 21 Tu Liem, C., 2001. 22 Janssen, J.A., 1996. pp. 63–70. 23 See Maturana, B. Vol.1, 2003, pp.213–219. This paper deals with the Victorian Building Commission’s

proposed Building Code for Timor Leste and with its potentially negative impact on the country. The paper highlights the lack of consideration within the code for the use of sustainable and local technologies and construction materials.

Fig 7. Modern District Administration building in Baucau.

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The advantages and climate suitability of traditional bamboo technologies for East Timor are an intrinsic characteristic of the material. For Timor Leste, the benefits of continuing and improving the use of traditional construction materials such as bamboo could therefore be social, economic and environmental. Additional benefits are yet to be explored.

The lack of reliable infrastructure to provide and deliver power, gas, water and telephone, poses a major challenge and also an opportunity to explore environmentally sustainable options. Currently, the existent electric power stations in Baucau are not sufficient to provide for the city and the district. The service is intermittent, generally lasting two hours every second day. The generators are old and parts to repair them are difficult to obtain. Public buildings, hotels, some residential buildings and restaurants have to resort to power generators. These run with petrol, they are very dangerous, noisy and environmentally unsustainable.

Solar cells placed on roofs, could provide a reliable and almost free source of energy, with immeasurable environmental benefits. While the initial costs for this type of technology may be more than traditional systems used in Australia, the long-term reduction in maintenance may offset the initial expenditure. As these technologies become more common, the costs decrease. There are plenty of good and varied examples of solar generated power around Australia.

Tap water is unreliable in its supply and quality. Rainwater could be harvested from roofs and store in a hygienic manner, thus preventing common diseases resulting from the consumption of contaminated water. The harvesting of rainwater is one of the projects already undertaken by one Australian NGO, The Rotary Roofing Project.

III. NGOS OPERATING IN BAUCAU

About fourteen NGOs concerned with community development and infrastructure operate in the district and the city of Baucau. Most NGOs working in Baucau have had to reconstruct or renovate the facilities from which they operate. It is difficult to estimate the number of NGOs that exist and are fully functioning at any point in time. Lack of telephone services, access to email and the Internet – all taken for granted in the home base of these NGOs – make the fluent communication between NGOs difficult. Networking heavily relies on the capacity of their members to find the appropriate avenues for interaction.

A good and reliable starting point for NGO networking is the Catholic Church. They congregate the majority of the local population and possess the most up to date information on who is doing what. Christian churches of other denominations and Muslim religious groups also run community based projects.

The Roofing Project is one of the many NGOs operating in Baucau. It was founded by the Rotary Club of Victoria and is dedicated to the production and training of workers in the manufacturing of corrugated metal roofing, components and water tanks. Currently, this NGO engages seven Timorese workers and one Australian manager on site. Raw steel materials are imported from Australia and the resulting products - which are too costly for the local community - are generally sold to other NGOs. The manufacturing of water tanks has proved to be more relevant to the local economy and health conditions of the country. They offer an improved manner to harvest and store rainwater. However, water harvesting is not easily accepted by the locals, who generally consider tank-water as stagnant.

In a planning trip organised by the Planning Institute of Australia and the Cities of Yarra and Darebin in 2001, the planners and the architect (myself) visited the offices of Gertil, (Portuguese Mission - Group of Studies for the Reconstruction in Timor Leste). Gertil offered assistance with matters related to reconstruction and in the obtaining of plans and maps - which they were then in the process of producing. It is important to note that Gertil works in a multidisciplinary fashion involving all aspects of design, engineering, topography, statistical data and history.

Fig. 8: School of the Kingdom of Venilale, reconstruction project undertaken by Gertil.

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Gertil has undertaken high quality reconstruction projects, utilising existing construction techniques and local materials. Their projects vary in scale, from the building of schools furniture, reconstruction of orphanages through to the design and reconstruction of the Presidential Building.24 This NGO could offer Friends of Baucau assistance in relation to local construction knowledge, construction materials and other technical resources.

IV. CITY FRIENDSHIP RELATIONSHIP AGREEMENTS

Victorian local governments have had an important role in delivering training and methods to increase administrative competence. Friendship relationship agreements were signed between some local councils in Australia and their counterpart districts in East Timor. These agreements have given the Australian local communities the opportunity to interact, assist, and learn about Timor Leste. It has also served as a platform from which to exert pressure at higher government levels about the urgent need to generously assist East Timor. The Baucau City Friendship Relationship has had an active role in supporting the demands of Timor Leste’s government regarding gas and oil - currently extracted by Australia, from the disputed area in the Timor Gap.

There are eighteen Friendship Relationships between local governments and communities in Australia and Districts or Towns in Timor-Leste. Some of them were established recently, others began several years ago. Some involve local governments, others were established by Australian community groups. Most of the Friendship Relationships are based on a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), founded on the 2000 Statement of Principles.

The main common feature is the long-term commitment to the re-building of Timor-Leste. In response to the needs identified by their counterpart cities in Timor-Leste. The type of assistance varies from government administration through skills development and material aid. Friendship relationships aim to build sustainable community-to-community relationships, based on mutual trust and respect. The Friendship assistance is not “Tied Aid”. It does not seek financial compensation. If as a result financial gain is achieved, this is to be used by the Timorese.

The range of activities undertaken by the Friendship City Program include: 25

• Training of personnel in Australia and study tours for Australian in Timor Leste and East Timorese in Australia

• Creation of paid positions, such as project workers, teachers etc for East Timorese in Timor Leste

• Provision of scholarships – secondary & tertiary for East Timorese to study in Australia • Material aid, including educational materials, medical equipment, office furniture and

equipment, library equipment, sporting equipment, toys, agricultural implements, tools, sewing machines, bicycles, trucks and four-wheel drive vehicles for local institutions.

• Financial support for construction and rehabilitation of buildings • Support for women’s sewing and weaving groups • Fund raising in Australia, including sale of East Timor coffee, tais or woven textiles and

straw baskets • Development of community awareness in Australia of Timor-Leste’s needs • Friendship schools program through “sister schools” • Support for democratic governance processes at local governments through the city

friendship relationship

24 Information about Gertil’s projects is available at their website: http://gertil.fa.utl.pt/. 25 This information based on interviews with Richard Brown (former Friends of Baucau Project Officer)

and extracts from his draft document entitled ‘Victorian Timor-Leste Friendship Program, Status Report 2004’.

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The Baucau City Friendship Relationship The friendship relationship between the District Administration of Baucau and The City of

Darebin, City of Yarra and Friends of Baucau was established in 2000. This has resulted in numerous visits of government officials and students to Australia. East Timorese have had the opportunity to observe the manner in which Australian local councils operate and decide on the provision of building infrastructure. Perhaps the major contribution from Australia to East Timor at local council levels is in the area of “Good Governance”. Issues such as community participation, transparency and environmental sustainability are central to these exchanges.

The activities undertaken by Friends of Baucau include: the signing of MoU (Memorandum of Understanding), hosting visits by delegations from Baucau, provision of training for Baucau personnel, visits by Council personnel to Baucau, fundraising, friendship schools programs and women’s development support. It has been estimated the total assistance provided reaches approximately $300,000. The conception of the project to develop the Buka-Hatene Community Learning Centre emerged as a result of this dialogue.

V. THE BAUCAU BUKA-HATENE COMMUNITY LEARNING CENTRE

Background In 2001, during a visit to Melbourne, the District Administrator of Baucau, Mr Marito Reis,

expressed the need for a community training centre, to assist local people in developing a variety of skills. Marito Reis asked for assistance from the Friends of Baucau (FoB).

Early in the development of this project, and as part of the general vision and commitment of FoB, it was clear that central to this project was the strengthening of friendship between Local Governments and their respective communities. Consequently, crucial to FoB is an ongoing local participation and input, clear and open communication at all levels, and the setting up of realistic objectives for the centre.

Social, economic and environmental sustainability of this project were considered important issues. In order to achieve these, by implementing a variety of community activities, FoB raised enough funds for the construction of the centre. Through Australian Volunteers International (AVI), in early 2003, a project officer was engaged to work on site in Baucau. The project officer acted as a liaison between FoB and the District Administration and undertook community consultation until February (2004), when a new project officer assumed these tasks. Furthermore, FoB has taken on a long-term financial commitment, by employing a local person in Baucau to run the facility.

Another project, an environmental sustainable tourist centre in Ata’Uro, was discussed by the FoB and considered a good model for a sustainable building. Not much information has yet been produced about Ata’Uro. At this stage and from word of mouth, it can be said that it presents many positive aspects considered relevant to FoB’s Buka-Hatene building. Firstly, it was built by local people, generally using local materials and technology, it is environmentally friendly, it has generated local employment and it was conceived on the basis of strong community consultation and participation. Ata’Uro is a project sponsored by Australian Volunteers International.

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The Site Finding the right site for the Buka-Hatene project proved to be a major hurdle. Since the

independence of Timor Leste, there has been a difficult situation in regards to land ownership. Portuguese land claims, and local Timorese land rights clash with the more recent Indonesian land distribution. Recently, the implementation of a Portuguese form of public tenure legislation has been considered in the hope that this will solve the current situation and provide a reliable land distribution system for the future.

Amidst these complex conditions, it was very difficult for FoB to find a site that could be legally purchased by the District Administration. This situation limited the choices of sites, which as a result, were assessed on their favourable location as much as on the chances of a formal and successful legal acquisition. Once the site was found, the legal purchase - first by the National Government, then by the District Administration of Baucau - took approximately eight months. During this time, the FoB project officer in Baucau, together with the District Administrator, undertook the legal errands, organised the production of construction drawings, facilitated community consultations, and prepared a workshop with local students from which the Buka-Hatene committee of management was born.

The chosen site is located close by the District Administration of Baucau (refer to Fig. 11). The area could be defined as the administrative zone of Baucau and is located between the old and new city. Thus, it is easily accessible for the community.

The site comprised two derelict buildings, one of which was chosen to undergo major refurbishment. Unfortunately, no existing conditions plan was drawn; It is difficult thus to assess exactly what was re-constructed and what remained of the original structure. However, based on existing photographs of the site prior the works, it can be assumed that only the concrete shell, slab and internal walls remained. New opening for doors and windows were constructed and a new roof structure of steel trusses and corrugated metal added. The new roof replaced what had once been a timber structure roof, burnt down in 1999.

Fig. 9: Existing conditions of site and buildings before restoration of the Buka-Hatene Community Learning Centre. Photo courtesy of Friends of Baucau.

Fig. 10: Existing conditions of site and buildings before the restoration of the Buka-Hatene Community Learning Centre. Photo courtesy of Friends of Baucau.

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Fig. 11: Plan of the city of Baucau showing the location of the Buka-Hatene Community Learning Centre in relation to the Old and New Towns. Source of base plan: Government of Timor Leste.

Old Portuguese market

Buka-Hatene Community Learning Centre

Baucau District Administration

BAUCAU NEW TOWN

BAUCAU OLD TOWN

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Community consultation and networking A preliminary plan was drawn by an officer at the district administration. This rough plan only

showed a diagram representing the internal organisation of the building. As no concept drawings or perspective sketches were produced, it is difficult to estimate whether the design received any meaningful input from the community, who - as for any layperson, in Timor Leste or Australia - would have had great difficulty in interpreting plans. From this early diagram, finished construction drawings were produced (refer to Fig. 12a), in this way restricting any opportunity for community input.

Two important decisions that affected the appearance and construction cost of the building were taken with little consultation with the local community. The choice of steel trusses -including the awarding of the manufacturer - and the location of the water tank were determined outside the general community consultations.

These issues were important to the local community and FoB back in Melbourne, who had insisted on sustainable alternatives for the building. Early discussions regarding the acquisition of solar cells for the provision of electricity were overlooked during construction.

Networking with other NGOs was undertaken. These included the NGO Forum, Alola, Marists, IRFED, UNDP and the District Administration. A church group to which some of the members belonged and a Women’s Group were also approached. It is unclear whether there was any community comment or learning, included in the final decisions. The project manager of the Rotary Roofing Project was a permanent source of knowledge and support. Opportunities don’t seem to have been taken in sharing, learning, providing or receiving assistance from other NGOs who may have had similar experience with the reconstruction and redevelopment of such a building facility.

Local issues and constraints Issues regarding the infrastructural underdevelopment of Timor Leste have to be considered in

order to assess the progress and realistic levels of achievement of a project such as this. Baucau has irregular electricity supply, tap water is intermittent and, for the most, contaminated. The transport, supply and choice of building materials is extremely limited. Added to the pressures already discussed, there were tight deadlines and a limited number of skilled tradespeople to undertake specific tasks such as electrical works.

Difficulties caused by language and cultural differences were the most important issues affecting the smooth progress of the project, particularly in regard to community consultation and networking.

It is noted that most of the comments regarding language obstacles were presented as being the problem of the local East Timorese people. Such comments as “they don’t speak English”, “the language problem is formidable” and “it had to be done in Portuguese”26 were indicative of inadequate preparation in relation to the languages of Timor Leste.

26 Irwin, J. Norhtcote Leader, 3rd September 2003.

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Fig. 12: a: The Buka-Hatene Floor Plan – RDTL Public Works. Technical drawings of this type cannot easily be understood and do not encourage communication and input from the local community. Image courtesy of Friends of Baucau. b: This example shows a type of drawing that is easy for laypeople to read and helps in the communication of ideas between the community and technical project officers. Drawings such as this can encourage conversation about internal or external spatial arrangements. (Gertil - residential project).

a

b

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Building Process Australian standards were used as guidelines for the construction of this building. The use of

the standards had to be very flexible to allow for a different level of workmanship and availability of building materials.

The final construction drawings were produced in Dili by the Local Public Works Supervisor at the Department of Public Works. As dimensions were not verified on site, discrepancies occurred between the existing shell of the building and the drawings. These discrepancies resulted in cost variations. No site plan was produced.

A local builder was selected through a public tender process – this is now the statutory process used for public and government buildings in Timor Leste. A set of documents was produced and supplied to each of the ten tenderers, including architectural drawings written in English and specifications in Indonesian. According to the project officer in Baucau, all the builders spoke Portuguese.

An important condition in the selection of the tender was to provide local employment. The tender price comprised the cost of the building construction with a separated component for the construction of steel framed roofing (steel trusses and roof cladding)

The tenders varied from US$ 16,000 to US$34,000. Three builders, who complied with the local labourer requirement, were short-listed. The selected builder provided a tender price of US$16,000 plus US$5,300 for the roof component. A final adjustment, due to discrepancies between dimensions in the drawing and the actual building, slightly increased the final cost.

The decision to construct a steel framed instead of timber framed roof - taken without due consultation with the Buka-Hatene committee of management or the community - created some disagreements and distrust on the part of the committee of management. The committee argued that Friends of Baucau had unilaterally decided to grant the construction of the roof to another Australian NGO, the Rotary Roofing Project. While the Rotary Roofing Project only employs one Australian, the manager, and seven locals, the perception that an Australian NGO was favoured was not easily dispelled. A standard timber truss roof would have costed $2,000, whereas, the Australian steel truss roof cost $5,300. An important cost difference, particularly when one of the reasons mentioned for abandoning the idea of solar cells for electricity was that there were insufficient funds.

The roof plan did not show gutters or the direction of flow of the stormwater. This oversight was not picked up by the project officer who had no construction or design experience. Decisions about the direction of the stormwater and the location of the water tank (at the front of the building), were made by the Rotary Roofing Project, without consultation with the committee of management, who did not agree with the final location of the water tank. This situation caused grievance and distrust about the consultation process and the role of the Rotary Roofing Project.

Fig. 13: rendering the walls of the Buka-Hatene Learning Centre. Photo courtesy of Friends of Baucau.

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The plan showed a lack of privacy and presented issues with overviewing in the location and orientation of the male and female toilets. Australian Standards in this respect had been ignored. Similar spatial arrangements in such a building in Australia would be unsatisfactory. Less obvious, but similar discrepancies might be blamed on insufficient community consultation or lack of experience of the Australian representative.

For the proper operation of the building as a community learning centre - which will include computers - an electricity generator may have to be purchased. This will produced noise and other negative environmental effects as well as considerable ongoing expense.

Lessons to be learnt At this stage, the long-term use of the building cannot be assessed. However, it provides

satisfactory accommodation and has a pleasant appearance. Social activities and an English language course have already been organised - with more than 100 people enrolled. This is a very positive sign, which might indicate that this project has been successfully accomplished.

While it is not the aim of this paper to report on the extent of the consultation, it is clear - from the late development of the construction drawings and the lack of a well presented concepts – that community consultation were made difficult. This is an area that might have been improved.

It is not clear whether the steel frame roof was preferable in the Baucau context. The term “sustainability”, meaning that the roof would not suffer from termite damage and would not require maintenance was used to justify this decision. Environmental sustainability was not correctly used in this case. The capacity of the local builders to provide good quality carpentry work was doubted. Local knowledge on the appropriateness of local timber, which would withstand termite attack, might have been sought.

From many examples of colonial building heritage in Baucau, it can be assumed, that timber has passed the test of time and good workmanship. Current local projects, such as those built by Gertil, (see Fig. 15), provide evidence for the availability of local knowledge and building materials – including the construction of timber trusses.

Issues arising from the location of the water tank could have been avoided if proper community consultation on the design of the building had been carried out. The location of the water tank proved to be an important issue for the local community from the point of view of appearance.

While the chosen site has many positive aspects, considerations such as sun aspect, shaded windows, direct connection from the main room to an open space such as a terrace and aesthetic were not part of a formal study. Considerations of this type not only

Fig. 14: Front view of the restored Buka-Hatene Community Learning Centre, showing the water tank. Photo courtesy of Friends of Baucau.

Fig. 15: Gertil, timber trusses used in the Cultural Centre Uma Fukun

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benefit the outcomes of the project, they also provide opportunity for dialogue and a precedent for future projects.

Because many students were part of the committee of management, this project presented a valuable opportunity to discuss issues that affect their city and the appropriate ways to address them. While a spontaneous development may not necessarily produce problems, a well thought through process may achieve more than one outcome for the city. Whereas the physical scale of this project may appear modest, in a city of the size of Baucau, with a limited number of facilities of this type, its impact may be larger than expected.

The project officer in Baucau, an expert on community consultation, should not be expected to assume the role of a project manager engaging with design and constructions issues. Positive attitudes toward language, cultural challenges and experience in a non-industrialised country are important considerations when placing an Australian officer on such demanding and autonomous assignment.

In the cities of Yarra and Darebin, decisions regarding the design and location of a community facility demand the input from many different professional areas. Beyond studies of the needs and the social demographics - which could be assumed were undertaken by the District Administrator of Baucau - planning, design and project management, are undertaken by distinctly different skilled employees. There is no apparent reason why this project should not have followed a similar process.

While in Australia a multidisciplinary team would be formed to accomplish the task, in Timor Leste, where these types of skills are not easily available, it is even more important to rely on such a multidisciplinary team. This issue further highlights the need for the project officers to have both, community development and building/design skills. As this may not be attainable, separate project officers with the required skills might be engaged. Alternatively, a skilled team in the Australian City Council could be designated to advise and provide comments on technical and community consultation areas. Costs and travel, among other considerations, are important and would surely affect decisions of this sort. An evaluation of the completed project, in relation to the aims and the tangible and intangible results, would be of importance in maintaining continuing programs of mutual assistance between support groups in Timor Leste and Australia.

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VI. CONCLUSION

Fig. 16: The sign reads: Cities of Friendship, Baucau, Yarra, Darebin. The Baucau Buka-Hatene Community Centre. Photo courtesy of Friends of Baucau.

Long association between the people of Timor Leste and Portugal led to a distinctly different

culture and community in the region. At this early stage in the establishment of a new state and the reconstruction of its infrastructure, language plays a crucial role in determining the future cultural and economic relationships. The tensions, lack of communication and collaboration at donor country level are easily felt. This is the environment in which foreign assistance - at government levels and, to a lesser degree, NGO’s and grassroots community groups - is shaping the country.

The Australian government insistence on the major role in the reconstruction of Timor Leste cannot be proved by their own accounts. This is important, as many people associate the level of contribution to the level of authority in Timor Leste affairs. The Australian government’s attitude has not been successful in building trust with the people or the government of Timor Leste. It becomes crucial to establish a conduct that clearly reflects a different approach of the FoB, when dealing with the people of Timor Leste.

The focus of community support to NGOs in Timor Leste should be on people to people assistance. Broader intergovernmental political and economic attitudes should not influence the grass-

Fig. 17: Buka-Hatene Community Learning Centre, the interior of one of the community rooms. Photo courtesy of Friends of Baucau.

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roots level of understanding. As democratic institutions are established, Timor Leste - in the most democratic event of its history - decided to shape their future, their own way. The role of a community based NGO is to support them on this journey.

The people of Timor Leste possess invaluable understanding and local knowledge of their environment and resources. Encouraging the use of these human and natural resources, could generate opportunities for local employment, reduce dependency on foreign building materials and technologies and thus assist the economy. This process would strengthen societal cohesion and reduce environmental degradation.

While this report has pointed to aspects of this project that could have been improved, it is important to note that, Friends of Baucau has reached an important stage in the consolidation of a sustainable relationship with the people of Baucau. This project testifies to the good will of both communities, their effort and their accomplishment.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author would to thank the Cities of Yarra and Darebin for their cooperation and the Friend of Baucau’s Project Officer Natalie Moxham, former Project Officer Richard Brown and Baucau’s former Project Officer Bruce Stewart, for their cooperation and openness in sharing their experiences. Special thanks to the University of Melbourne Associate Professor and Australian Volunteers International life member Hugh O’Neill for his expert support and constructive critique.

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