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THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION The mission of the Ark.ansas Historical Association. founded in 1941, is to pub- lish the Quartnl)' and through thi sjoul' nal and other activities LO promOle the preservation. writing, tcaching, and understanding of Arkansas history. The Arkansas HislOrical Association supplies the Quarterl)' to its members. Mem- bership is open to anyone interested in Arkansas bistory. Membership dues al'e $16.00 for one year and $30.00 for two years; annual contributing membership is $25.00, suslaining membership $50.00, and supporting membership S 100.00; life membership is $300.00 and permanent membership is $500.00. Corporate! husiness memberships are available in the categories: sponsor, $100.00; patron, $500.00; and benefactor, $ 1.000,00. Current·year single issues are available at $4,50 each postpaid, and back issues are available at $2.50 each postpaid. Manuscripu should be sent to the Editor, A,.anW.f H istorical Hiswry Department. Old Main 4 1 6, University of Arkansas, Fayeueville. Arkansas, 72701. ManuscripL'i, induding quotations and footnotes. should be double· spaced and prepared according to Chi c ago Manulll of Style (University of Chicago Press), Footnotes should be numbered consecutively in the text and assembled at the end of the article. Since manuscripts evaluated anonym· ously, the aut hor's name should appear only on (he title page. Three typescript copies of manuscripts should be submitted. and, where possible, either 3.5 or 5.25·inch disks with word·processing programs compatible with IBM and sup· ported by MS-DOS .hou ld also be sem. Unsolicited book reviews are not accepted. Neither the editors nor the Arkansas Historical Association assume any respon· sibility for statemenL.'i. wh ether of fact or opinion , made by contributors. The Ar.\a,.,a" His/orico/ Q""rlrr/y (ISSN 0004-1823) is published in the spring, Slimmer, fall, and wimer of a given year by the Arkansas Hi!itorical Association. History De partment, Old Main 416, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville. Arkan· sas, 72701 , and is printed by E. O. Painter Printing Company, P. O. Box 877. DeLeon Springs, Florida, 32 130. Second-class postage paid at Fayetteville, AI'· kansas, and additional mailing offices, POSTMASTER : Send address changes to Arkansas HisIOri( ;al Quorle1'I", History De partment , Old Main i J6 , L'niversilY of Arkatlsas. Fayeneville, Arkansas, 72701. COVER: "MuSlered OUl," reproduced from Harper's Weekly , May 19, 1866. Th e Arkansas H is tori cal Quarterly Published by The A rkansas HistOrical Association Editor JEANNI E M. WHAYNE University of Ark ansas, Fayettev ill e Ra ymond O. Arsenault Univers it y of So11th Flo "da SL Petershurg Willard B. Gale wood Uni\'ersit)' of Arka nsas f'aycueyille Margaret Smith Ross LiLLie Rock Board of Editors S. Cha rl es Boltoo nf Lill ie Bobby L. Lovell Te nncuee Slale UniversilY Nashville William L. Shea UniYcrsilY of ArkanS<ls Mnnlice lio Boyce A. Drummond £nurllII5, He nderli<;m Slate Unive rsity Ar\.;.adelphi.1 Bobb)1Roberts Celllr;!1 Arka ll sas Library System Little Roc k Na n Eli zabeth Woodruff Penn Stale Uni\'ersilY Park Correspondence concernin g manuscripc sub missions a rId a ll oth er ed itoda l matters sho uld be senL to Jeannie M. Whayne , Editor, Arhn. /UaS H1stQr icol Quorlerly, Department of Hislory. Old Main 416. Univel"Sity of Arkansas, Fayetteyille. Arkan sas 72701. Co rrespo nd ence concerning membership, orders for curre nl Of' back issues or lhe Qu.o.r· lerly , a nd all other business mallers should be sent to Jeannie M. Whayne, Secrewry· Treasurer. at the same address.

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Page 1: The Arkansas H istorical Quarterly THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL ...pattona/The_Arkansas_Historical_Quarterly_inside.pdf · the percentage of white-ow ned land, see United States Commis

THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION

The mission of the Arkansas Historical Association founded in 1941 is to pubshylish the Arkarl~as Hi~tOli(al Quartnl) and through thisjoulnal and other activities LO promOle the preservation writing publi~hing tcaching and understanding of Arkansas history

The Arkansas HislOrical Association supplies the Quarterl) to its members Memshybership is open to anyone interested in Arkansas bistory Membership dues ale $1600 for one year and $3000 for two years annual contributing membership is $2500 suslaining membership $5000 and supporting membership S 10000 life membership is $30000 and permanent membership is $50000 Corporate husiness memberships are available in the fol1o~ ing categories sponsor $10000 patron $50000 and benefactor $ 100000 Currentmiddotyear single issues are available at $4 50 each postpaid and back issues are available at $250 each postpaid

Manuscripu should be sent to the Editor AanWf Historical Quarl~rly Hiswry Department Old Main 4 16 University of Arkansas Fayeueville Arkansas 72701 ManuscripLi induding quotations and footnotes should be doublemiddot spaced and prepared according to TI~ Chicago Manulll of Style (University of Chicago Press) Footnotes should be numbered consecutively in the text and assembled at the end of the article Since manuscripts an~ evaluated anonymmiddot ously the authors name should appear only on (he title page Three typescript copies of manuscripts should be submitted and where possible either 35 or 525middotinch disks with wordmiddotprocessing programs compatible with IBM and supmiddot ported by MS-DOS hould also be sem

Unsolicited book reviews are not accepted

Neither the editors nor the Arkansas Historical Association assume any responmiddot sibility for statemenLi whethe r of fact or opinion made by contributors

The Araa Hisorico Qrlrry (ISSN 0004-1823) is published in the spring Slimmer fall and wimer of a given year by the Arkansas Hiitorical Association History Department Old Main 416 University of Arkansas Fayetteville Arkanmiddot sas 72701 and is printed by E O Painte r Printing Company P O Box 877 DeLeon Springs Florida 32 130 Second-class postage paid at Fayetteville AImiddot kansas and additional mailing offices POSTMASTER Send address changes to Arkansas HisIOri(al Quorle1I History Department Old Main i J6 LniversilY of Arkatlsas Fayeneville Arkansas 72701

COVER MuSlered OUl reproduced from Harpers Weekly May 19 1866

The Arkansas H istorical Quarterly Published by

The A rkansas HistOrical Association

Editor

JEANNI E M WHAYNE University of Arkansas Fayettevill e

Raymond O Arsenault Universit y ofSo11th Flo da

SL Petershurg

Willard B Galewood Uniersit) o f Arka nsas

faycueyille

Margaret Smith Ross LiLLie Rock

Board of Editors

S Charles Boltoo U ni vel$i l ~ nf Arkan~s

Lill ie ~ock

Bobby L Lovell T enncuee Slale UniversilY

Nashville

William L Shea UniYcrsilY o f ArkanSltls

Mnnlicelio

Boyce A Drummond poundnurllII5 Henderliltm Slate University

Aradelphi1

Bobb)1 Roberts Celllr1 Arka llsas Library System

Little Rock

Na n Elizabeth Woodruff Penn Stale Univer~i l y

UniersilY Park

Correspondence concernin g manuscripc submissions arId all other editodal mat ters should be senL to Jeannie M Whayne Editor ArhnUaS H1stQricol Quorlerly Department o f Hislory Old Main 416 UnivelSity of Arkansas Fayetteyille Arkansas 72701

Correspo ndence concerning membership orders for currenl Of back issues or lhe Quormiddot lerly a nd all other business mallers should be sent to Jeannie M Whayne Secrewrymiddot Treasurer at the same address

The Arkansas Historical Association Founded in 1941

OFFICERS

President

JOHN WILLIAM CRA YES Arkadelphia

Vice President SecretaryTreasurer FRANCES MITCH ELL ROSS

JEANNIE M WHA YNE Little Rock

Fayttteville

BOARD OF TRUSTEES

Morris S Arnold Russell Bearden Mich ael DabrishusFon Smith (J 995) Pine Bluff (1994) Fayelleville (J 993)

janice B Edd leman Eldon Fairle) Ben F johnson III Hackett (J 994) Osceola (J 995) EI Dorado ( 1993)

Ronnie A Nichols jo Ann Pugh Wend) Richter Hele na (1995) Portland (1995) Bismarck (1994)

Mar) Davies SCOtt Kenneth M Startup Edwina Wa lls Little Rock (1993) Walnut Ridge (J 994) lill ie Rock (1995)

C Fred Willia ms Ellioll Wesl Lillie Rock (1993)

Fayeeville (1993)

VOLUME Ll NUMBER 2 SUMMER 1992

The Arkansas Historical Quarterly

Contents

THE IMPACT OF THE C IVIL WAR IN ARKASAS

THE MI SSISSIPPI RIVER PLANTATTON COUNTIES 105 Carl H Moneyhon

THE BLACK EXPERIENCE IN THE FIRST DECADE OF

RECONSTRUCT ION IN POPE COUNTY ARKANSAS

Gene w BlYJetl 119

I N WARS W AKE HEALTH CARE AND ARKANSAS

FREEDMEN 1863-1868 Randy Finley 135

THE BACK-To-AFRICA MOVEME NT IN ARKANSAS

Adell Pallon Jr 164

BOOK REVIEWS 178

BOOK NOTES 190

NEWS AND NOTrCES 194

h) Arkansas Histo rica l Association 1992 ISSN 0004middot 1823

165

The Back-to-Africa Movement in Arkansas

By ADELL PAT T ON JR

TH E BAC K T O AFRICA movement in Arkansas began in 1877 and lasted sporadically into the twentie th centur y The period o f mos t intense activity occurred between 1877 and 1890 and alshythough the effo rts of Arkansas blac ks to e mig rate to Africa were recog nized at that time in both Arkansas and New Yo rk City the ep isode remai ns neglected in the historical literatu re on the exodus Recen t scholarship suggests that the concept of d iasshypora which is applicable to the Arkansas case consists of th ree elements (l) the involuntary and volunta ry emigra tion fro m Af-

Adell Pa tto n Jr is associate proressor of Africa n histo ry at Howard Uni ve rshysity Was hington D C He presented a version of this pa pe r at the annual meetshyin g or th e Arka nsas Historical Associa ti on in Conway Arkansas on March 30 1984

IFor the 1879 exodu s to Kansas see Nell Irvin Pain te r Exodusters Black Migralion to Kon~as After Reconstruction (New York 1977) for the ear ly role of the Ame rican Coloniza tion Society in Liberia see P J Stauuenra us The African Colonizalion Mouement 18 16-1 865 (New York 196 1) on the social and quanti ta shytive developments of this movement see Tom W Shick Behold The Promised La71d A HiJlury of Afro~A7Jlmum Settler Sodety in NineleenlhmiddotCenlury Libma (BGl ILishymore Md 1977) and on the colonization ro le of Arkansas blacks after 1890 see Ed win S Redkey Black Exodus Black Nationalist and Bflck-to-AncafY[ovtmellJJ 890- 910 (New Haven Conn J969)

for a list of Arkansas immigrants 10 Libe ria see Pe ler J Murdza Jr lmmishygrants 10 Liberia 865 10 1904 A Alphabelical Lisling (Newark De l 1975) for the bac k-to-A frica dilemma mixed Wilh fra ud see J ames Logan Morgan Dr Lightfoot 1892 middot Thpound Siream of H iIIltrry J6 (Ap ril 1878) 3-1 3 see also Myrtle Clarine Volger Negroes of Area Joined Back to Africa Movement Indepen~ dena CounLy Chronicle 16 Uanu ary 1975) 46-57 1 than k Tom Dillard for loca tin g (he dile mma SOurces for me

T HI A RK ANSAS HISTORl CAL QUART ERLY

V O L Lt No 2 SUMMER 1992

BAC K-T O-AFRICAmiddotmiddot MO VEMENT

rIca (2) assimilation into and identification with the new cu ltu re and enviro nment and (3) a psychological yea rning for and physshyical return to the homeland of Africa T he latte r clea rl y indishycated marginality individuals or groups living in the twilight zone of two cultures possessed nostalgia fo r the old and a deshyveloping affection for the new Su ch individuals were on the fringe or periphery of two modes of existence and for some the back to Africa scheme p rovided a mechanism for resolving the status diJem rna

Inspired by a complex of motives a group of white Amershyicans incl uding prominent indi viduals in all sectio ns of the counshytry lau nched the American Colo nization Society (AGS) in 18 16 to assist freed blac ks in the U nited States in emigrating to Africa Blac k Ameri ca n response to the organization throughout its lo ng histo ry ranged from bitte r o pposition to enthu siastic etldorseshyment As a result of efforts by the ACS the Republic of Libe ria o n the coas t of West Africa came into ex istence in 1847 and received offi cial recognitio n f rom the U nited States seventeen years later Although the Civil War radically altered the legal sta tus o f the vast majority of black Americans the Liberia Exodus movement continued to attract conside rable su pport among the newly freed slaves Postwar ad voca tes of back-to-Africa schemes a rgued that blacks in the rural South had become a surplus po pshyul atio n because cotton prod uctio n in partic ul ar and agriculture in general no longer required so large a number of labore rs While whi te southern planters stru ggled to main tain and con trol their labo r force of freed blac ks Libe ri a p rom ised to satisfy the yea rning o f freed persons to ow n la nd-a prospect that stood in

Iloseph E Harris ed Global Dimensicms of th~ Afncan Dirupom (Washington DC J982) 3-1 4 46-53 69-84

Eve rett C Hughes Social Change and Sta tus Protesl An Essay on the Margina l Man Pltylon 10 (1949) 58 63middot64 ro t a critique of the marginal man co nce pt see David 1 Golovensky T he Margina l M an Concept An Analysis and Critiqu e Social Farces 30 (March 1952) 333-~39

15ee Shick Behold the Promised L and ~Cha rles H Wesley The Struggle for th e Recogni tion of Haiti and Liheria

as Inde pendent Re publics J ournal ofN egro H istoy II (October J 917) 369-383

166 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

sharp contrast to such possibilities in the post-Reconstruction South

In 1878 Martin R De laney then residing in South Carolina characterized the bac k- to-Africa movement in tha t sta te Our Exodus movement he expla ined is the uprising of poor but industrious and religio us people who desire to cultivate the land ill Liberia and do good to the natives promoting peace and Christian civilization While the desire to acquire land in Liberia provided impetus for the movement the urge among blacks genshyerally to own land in the South remained strong indeed Efforts toward this end were manifestations of the self-help philosophy embraced by blacks in the post-Civi l War era

In terms of regional d istribution the Arkansas exodus moveshyment was strongest in mostly all-black counties within the alluvial Mississippi Delta T he research of Willard B Gatewood Jr indishycates that while blacks th roug hout Arkansas were experiencing varying degrees of discrimination by the end of the century blacks in the eastern coun ties of the Mississ ippi Delta faced the greatest obstacl es It is no wond er then that a count y squarely in the Delta served as the birthplace of the Arkansas exodus

hA circular distributed by the South Carolin a Council of the Liberia Exodus addressed the question of lanel ownership The large landed proprietors hold [heir lands and refuse to sell as a matter of self protection aga inst the com petishytion of the numerOuS popula tion of agricultural laborers Circular incoming Correspondence July 17 1878 American Colonization Socie ty Papers Manushyscript Division Library of Congress Washington DC he re inafter cited as ACS Papers

In regard LO the perce ntage of whi te-ow ned land see United States Commisshysion on Civil Rights The Dedine 0 Black Farming in A-menmiddotca A Report 0 the United Stales Commission on Civil RighlJ (Washington DC 1982) 17 the study repons One-lcn th of all landow ne rs comrollcd from o ne-half to two-thirds of all the lanel in most southe rn counties More than 70 pe rcem o f the blacks in the cotton states were employed in agriculture In 1880 blacks ow ned less than 8 perce nt o f all f1Imsmiddot

Incoming COITes pondence july 17 1878 ACS Pa per s aO n the economic situation of blacks see j ona than M Wiener Class Strucshy

lUre lind Economic Developme nt in the South 1865-1 955 Atnernan Historual Review 84 (Octobe r 1979)970-1 006 and Pete Dani el The Shadow of Slavery Peonage in Ihe Soulh 1901 -1969 (U rbana III 1972)

WiU lI rd B Gatewood jr Arkansas Negroes in the 1890s Documems Arkaas H isloncal QuoTlerly 33 (Winter 1974) 297-298

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT 167

movement Thus the first convention of the Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony (LEAC) was held at the T hird Baptist Church in Helena Phillips County on November 23 1877 Those attendshying the meeting Came from Phillips Lee St Francis and Cross counties and together they formed a constitution and drew up a charter

The L EAC leaders faced opposition from among others a black preacher in Helena Reverend J T J e lliier who blasted them from his pulpit saying certain leaders of this movement namely H M Turner R H Cain B F Porter and A L Stanshyford should have a rope put on the ir necks led to the woods and made promise to leave the country or the rope tig htened until they did But the proponents responded to such criticism by affirming their determination and attacking their o pponent Long live the leaders of the Liberian Exodus Long li ve the Afshyrican Colonization Society as Christ bade us pray for our enemies Long live J T J enifer to re pent of his wickedness The y proceeded with their plans and in keeping with their newl y drafted constitution appointed commissioners who were to travel to Liberia for the purpose of procuring suitable land for the LEA C Upon returning to the United States these commissionshyers were to a rrange for the transportation of the colonists back to Africa T he delegates selected C H Hicks of Lee County and Anthony L Stanford the president of the convention to be their commissioners I

Almost nothing surfaces in the h istorical record on C H Hicks and even though A L Stanford served in the Arkansas state legislature in the 1870s he too remains an obscure figure However from examining the records of the American Colonizashytion Society and certain secondary works a picture of this remarkshyable man emerges Born in Greenwich Cumberland County New Jersey onJuly 4 1830 he joined the African Methodist Episcopal Church and late r became an ordained minister receiving the

IOThe First Convention of the Liberia Exodus Arkansas Colony in Anmwl Report athe New York State Colonization Society 1886 (Colon ization Pamphlet no 6)2

lllbi4 3 I~Ibid 4

168 ARKA NSAS H ISTORICAL QUARTERLY

AnLho ny L Stanford Cowesy of the Arkansas Histury Commission LittLe Rock

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

Doctorate of Divinity He entered the Eclectic Medical Colleg-e of Philadelphia Pennsy lvania in 1868 and received his medical diploma two years later Leavin g Philadelphia he began the pracshytice of medicine in Mississippi in 1871 In the latter part of 1872 he crossed the Mississippi River into Arkansas and embarked on a career as a doctor a minister a state sena tor and ultimately the leader of the Arkansas exodus to Africa

His skills as a doctor coupled with his training and experience as a minister probably served him well in the Arkansas environshyment Eclectic medicine employed the use of botanical products something Arkansans both black and white were accustomed to

But how and where Stanford practiced remains unknown The histori cal record is strangely silent on this en igmatic man until 1877 when he was first elected to the Arkansas Sena te Stanford represen ted the Fourteenth District which was comprised of Philshylips and Lee counties in the Twenty-First and Twenty-Second Genera l Assemblies

I ~ Professor Charles Bowlus (University of Arkansas at Lillie Rock) provided very useful obituary info rmatio n o n the Reverend A 1 Sta nford (correspon shyde nce of December 2 1983) in the ArwmlLS M ansion 0( August 1883 (a nineteenth-century bJack publication)

The American College of Med icine in Pe nnsylva nia a nd the Eclectic College o f Philadelphia were chartered in 1860 after a split from the Eclectic Medical College of Pennsylvania In 1865 the former college changed its name to the Philadelphia University of Medicine and Surgery the rising oppositiun (0 edtcshylie medicine from regular physicians appears to have been behind the ch a nge in na me See Harold J Abrahams Extinct Medical Schools of Nmeleel1th-Cenlury Philadelphia (Philadelphia 1966) 245

1T he re is some reason LO be suspicio us o r (he a u the nticity of Sranro rds degree T he conege Stanrord g raduated fro m was clo-ed in 1880 a fte r it was exposed as a diploma m ill Harold H Abrahams has subjected the college to close scrutiny and it appears that its dean had po litica l ambitio ns a nd freely distributed medical diplomas among black voters as patronagt for the ir suppo rt After sut~j ecting the records to me ticulous rtsearch Abrahams lists the matricushyla tes and graduates or the co llege at the end or his chapte r entitled The Eclectic Medical CoJlege of Philadelphia University of Medicin e a nd Surgery Stanrord ooes lIot appear a mo ng the mat riculates in 1868middot1 869 nor does he appear among the grauuares in 1870 Abraha ms however is continuing to compil e his Jist o r ma triculates and g raduates Abrahams Extinct M eduaL Sclwob 389-4 17 426

IFay Hempstead A Piclorird Hitory of ArkamQ$ From Earliesl T imes to the Year 1890 (Sl Louis Mo (890) 1222-23

170 171

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Curiously Stanfords political success occurred after Reconshystruction had ended in Arkansas and it coincided with his interest ill the American Colonization Societys back-to-Africa moveshyment In fact Stanford appears to have used his position in the Arkansas state senate to promote the back-to-Africa cause He criss-crossed va rious counti es in 1878 perhaps as a part of his campaign for re-election and handed out HOllse of Representashytives stationery to loca l black farmers Senator Stanford probably secured the stationery from black friends who were members of the house In any event black farmers like Berry Coleman used that stationary to make application to the ACSl

The evidence suggests that Stanford entered the political arena with his own peculiar agenda He had committed himself to the back-to-Africa cause before his election to the state senate and even before the first convention of the Arkansas Exodus Colony in 1877 Stanford wrote from Helena to William Copshypinger secretary-treasurer of the American Colonization Society about the condition of blacks in the South and the logistics of the movement He reported in an elegant handwriting

The colored people of the South are extremely poor Poverty is a word inadequate to describe the perilous condition of these people And it seems impossible for them to extricate themselves The white people of the South many of them labor to keep money out of the hands of these poor people in order to prevent their becoming able to leave the country Some of the colored people a few have land and stock but it is to them almost valueless as they can get no money for it If there could be some plan adopted by which they could

l7Stanfords e leClion to the senate after the e nd o f Reconstructio n is no t as curious as might appear As historian Tom Dillard asserLS soon after Negroes ga ined the ballot Arkansas Democrats began actively seeking black converts rn 1878 Phillips County Democratic leader James C Tappan predicted substantial Negro support for the Democratic Pa rty During the 1879 session of the legislature several while Democratic legislators supported (he proposed elecshytion of a black ho use chaplain (he Rev Jo hn T Je ni fer of Little Rock Tom Dillard To the Back of the Ele pham Racial Conflict in the Arkansas Republishycan Party Arkansas Historiw l Quarterly 33 (Spring 1974) 14

1o lncoming Corresponde nce August 12 1878 ACS Papers

8ACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

get 23 or even 12 of the value of what they possess they could not on ly pay their own passage but assist others who are in mOre straitened circurnstancesY)

On January 2 1878 A L Stanford and C R Hicks sailed aboard the bark Monrovia from New York for Llbena After tourshying Liberia for two months they returned to the U nited States to make reports to the ACS Both Stanford alld Hicks endorsed the societyS Liberia project Hicks argued that Afnca was the place for American blacks it was their homeland and offered them far more than they could hope to gain in America He found the citizens and immigrants in the African repub1ic to be prosperous and pleased with their surroundings and he reported that his own health had been stable th roughout theJouTlley mdshyeating that general health conditions were good He poillted out finally that several families around Forrest City MIll Brook Council Bend and Wittsburg Arkansas had expressed mterest in emigrating to Africa and that he planned to emigrate himselPo

Stanford complimented the ACS for havtng estabhshed what he described as the prosperous colony of LiberIa for the dowlltrodden Negro race Writing from Philadelphia on June 9 1878 he foreswore previous misgivings about emIgration and professed himself to be a true convert to the Africall c~use H~ now believed that Africa was the natural home of the Negro He cautiolled the ACS however that a greater awakening in the public mind was necessary beca use those wishing to emigrate would need ass istance And he warned the ACS about the need to be particular in selecting emigrants

Again [ do not think the colony so successfu lly planted in Liberia ought to be burdened with great numbers at presshyent of the indolent ignorant and immoral class of AmerIcan Negroes I favor a gradua l emigration of the more enterprIsshying hard working mo~al and intelligent class If some means could be adopted to aid this latter class as much as posslble[] I believe that such a course would not on ly prove a blessmg

lIncoming Correspondence November 1 1877 ACS Papers wAmerican Colonization Society SIxty-Third AmlUai Report 1879 12-1 3

172 173 ARKA NSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

to Africa but would also be the means of inducing the former class to make themselves erficien t

it was Stanfords intention to go back to Arkansas complete his final term in the general assembly and then return to Africa On his way back to the state he deli vered lectures on emigration to Africa in principal cities One such lecture delivered in Philadelphia on June 7 1878 was entitled The Future of Africa and her Present Needs Once back in Arkansas Stanford apshypealed to the sympathy of Coppinger of the ACS again 011 Janshyuar) 16 1879 Circumstances in the state he wrote were not favorable to emigration Blacks in Arkansas who wanted to go to Africa were suffering economicall y because of the drop in cotton prices Thus they were less able than ever to fund their own emigration He reported that only some twenty persons could pay their fares to New York in the fall and additional fund s would be needed from the ACS to transport the man y others who wish ed to emigrate to Africa Stanford complained that in lookshying over the large list of persons which the Colonization Societ) in its benevolence has charitably settled in their fatherland I find that Arkansas is not represented while colored people of almost every other sta te [have] been benefited Stanford pointed out that Arkansass inland position made it especially difficult for Arshykansas blacks whom he considered a better class of potential imshymigrant to participate in the back-to-Africa movement He hoped that Arkansas blacks would receive as much help from the ACS as had blacks located near seaports

At the same time that Stanford was appealing to the ACS for special assistance B K McKeevers a black man of North Creek in Phillips County wrote Coppinger about deteriorating conditions in Arkansas Certain whi tes had become awa re of the back-to-Africa drive and apparently hoped to put a stop to it McKeevers who identified himself as a Presbyterian minister and school teacher who hoped to go to Liberia repo rted

~ lln com ing Correspondence June 9 l878 ACS Papers 22ACS Sixty-Third Annual Report 12middot13 incoming correspondence January

16 1879 ACS Papers l~ Incoming Correspondence January 16 1879 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMF-T

The Kuklus [Ku Klux Klan] has begun to talk to Negroes out here and whip them about a week ago[] they taken out one C J Thomas (Clerk of co No 16 Liberia Exodus Ark Colony) After giving him two heavy blows over the head with a pistol he got away Dear Sir 1 hope you will do all you can for me as I shall continue to seek an asylum from this segnedation [segregation] may long live the Colonization Society for this great favor to the anglo African

Having performed his duty as one of the two commissioners for the LEAC and investigated conditions in Africa and having completed his term in the Arkansas Senate Stanford went on the lecture circuit to drum up financial support for emigration He wrote to Coppinger on May 18 1879 from Savannah Georgia concerning a question about which Stanford had strong feelings Some members of the ACS were advocating migration to the American West rather than to Africa but Stanford opposed emigshyration to any place other than Liberia He left Georgia for planshyned lectures in Charleston Washington DC and New York and asked that his medical testimonials be sent along with Eucalyptus seeds from the Agricultural Department to be used in the treatshyment of malaria Stanford now wanted the ACS to appoint him as medical officer for the emigrants at the rate of seventy-five dollars per month After traveling thro ugh Arkansas Tennessee Mississippi Alabama Georgia South Carolina and North Carolina with lillie or no pecuniary benefits Stanford was en ro ute to New York City where he hoped to secure safe passage to his fatherland and to labor in hastening the glorious day when even Africa shall take her place among the civilizations of the world2 He promised to repay funds previously advanced to him from fees received from the Arkansas emigrants and others for services rendered But he was nearly penniless and requested financial help for passage to Libe ria Stanford s financial status was clearly little better than the other Arkansas emigrants who finally reached the North en route to Liberia in early 1880

2~Incoming Correspondence Februa ry 13 1879 AC S Papermiddots 2 cIncoming Correspondence May 18 1879 June 7 J879 ACS Papers

174 175 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

After settling their crops in late 1879 the Arkansas emigrants ar r ived in New York City some time during the first half of 1880 ill a destitu te condition They became known as the Arkansas Re fugees beLa use of the appalling conditions under which they w re forced to live T hey had spent several months in Philadelshyph ia where they received aid from the Pennsylvania auxiliary of the A mel-ica n Colonization Society in the amount of $4000 beshyfore going on to New York to await transportation for Liberia T he New York Evening News in April 1880 carried the following headlines in two of its consecutive columns WRETCHED REFshyUCFFs- EMrCRANT S FOR LIBERIA ON THE VERGE OF ST AR VATION and WRETCHED CONDITION OF THE AR KANSAS REFUGEES THE DEATHTOLL INCREASshyIN G T he emigrants occupied a squalid overcrowded apartshynl ent at No lIS Thirty-Seventh Street in Denham Court Thirtyshyfour men thirty-two women and thirty children were in need of food SOOIl their ranks were swelled by additional numbers Death began to take its toll four were buried without prayer or gra veside sel vices and a church relief committee had to pay for the ir funeral expenses Suffering from inadequate nutrition they were left penniless and stranded in a neighborhood described as objectionable Black and white meet together in orgies and disshygust and disturb the neighborhood

Confined to a sick bed in the study of Shiloh Presbyterian Church the Reverend Henry Highland Garnet a prominent militant black leader spoke briefly about the condition of the refugees to a newspaper reporter sometime in April 1880

These people came here on their own accord They left Arshykansas to avoid oppression Except that they were not held in bondage their condition was worse than when slavery exist ed Colored men there were hired by the year They are paid no mom until the twelve months expire meanwhile purchasing the necessities of life from their employers who ch a rge three or four times more than the market rates In thb way the laborers are brought into debt and under the

~OClipping incoming correspondence April 1880 ACS Papers ~7(tipping incoming correspondence entry 00 239 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

law of the state they cannot leave an employers service while in arrears to him To avoid this [aJ colony waS formed to settle in Liberia

Probably in response to newspaper publicity people of all nationalities donated clothing baskets and other provisions Bakshyers left bread and buns at the door of the Denham Court apart shyment Meanwhile the ACS sent out circulars about the destitute condition of the refugees and received contributions such as that from R L Fellows of New Haven Connecticut who sent a check for thirty dollars for the Arkansas Refugees in May 1880

The stage was now set The Movem ent cOnies from our own hearts God put it there went the credo of the 105 emigrants from Arkansas Fifty-six came from Helena and the rest came from nearby towns and rural areas in surrounding counties The constitution of the LEAC professed the following sentiments We feel it no less a duty than a pleasure and privilege to give the Gospel and Civilization to our fatherland Africa must be redeemed and that by persons of African descent and there are none so well prepared as are the American Negroeso T he words persons of African descent indicated a certain perspective taken by the LEAC concerning a question raised by persons asshysociated with the colonization movement The LEAC clearly believed that all persons of African descent were eligible to emishygrate-a belief that stood in contrast to the cultural natIonalIsm of Reverend Edward Wilmot Blyden an outsta nd mg Pan-Afncan patriot and educator in Liberia in the nineteenth century who advocated that only pure Negroes should emIgrate to Llbena Nevertheless Blyden addressed the Arkansas Re fugees on May 16 1880 in Reverend Garnets Presbyterian Church In hIS closshying remarks Blyden said Let me congratulate you brethren on your resolution to go to the land of your fathers T he best of all is God is with you When you land in thai country [LlbenaJ you will be surprised at the new feelings which will take possession

~Rrhid

29Ibid WConstitution of the Liberia Exodus Ark Colony in Annual Report of the

New York Colonization Society 1886 (Colonization Pamphlet no 6) 1

176 177 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

of you T here is unspeakable grandeur in what you now ignoran tly call the wilds of Africa and the Dark Continenl Blydn urther encouraged them to assist and cooperate fully with their ind igenous bretheren fo r they would be received with gratitude

Two expeditions de parted for Liberia one on May 22 and the other on M3Y 29 on the barks LibeTia and M onrovia respectively Some families of Arkansas Refugees we re delayed in New York for lack of funds and would make an other attempt in the fall of 1880 One hundred and thirty-six emigran ts embarked in May 1880 however under the auspices of the American Colonization Society T he Arkansas Refugees constituted the largest number of the voyagers seventy-six were twelve yea rs of age and above forty-nine were between eleven and two years of age and eleven were only two years old Twenty-frve were of good standing in nine teen Baptist and Methodist churches T here were twentyshyth ree farmers two coopers two teachers two ministers one blacksmith and one brick mason

On Jun e 24 1880 according to a cable from Madeira the A rkansas Refugees arrived in Monrovia after a voyage of thirtyshytwO days The journey from their Arkansas homes had been a long and perilous one but now Brewersville located on the Sl Paul River became their new home Little mOre is known of their experiences in BrewerviJle but Stanford lived only a few yea rs after reaching Africa According to an obituary Judge Stanford had achieved a level of success and respect in his new home When he died in 1883 he was serving as Judge of the Court of Quarter Sessions and Common Pleas and was eulogized as a man of excellent ability and possessing certain rare qua lities

The Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony of 1877-1 880 was no isolated incident but part of an emigration impulse which was lasting and continuous After over seventy-eight years of operashytio n the ACS had enabled 16424 emigrants to settle in Liberia

African Repository 56 ( 1880) 70-73 ror blydens cultural natio nalism set Hollis R Lynch Edward Wilmal Blyden PanNegmiddota Palrial 1832-1912 (New York 1967)

African ReposiUrrj 56 (1880) 73 85 Arkansas Marsion August 1883

BACKmiddotTOmiddotAFRICA MOVEMENT

T ogether with 5722 recap tured Africans who were repatriated to Liberia a grand total of 22 146 emigrants were involved in the colonization scheme by 1895 and the movement con tinued into the twentieth century The Arkansas e pisode began in 1877 abated in 1882 and regained some of its momel1tum in the early twentieth century The low price o f cotton and the hardships of sharecro pping provided much of the inspiration for this first backmiddottomiddotAfrica crusade When Reverend A L Stanford led the 105 Arkansas Refugees to Liberia in 1880 Brewersville became their new frontier settlement They established homes and farms and built schools and churches The Arkansas refugees together with other refugees from the United States introduced the Amermiddot ican mode ls of democracy culture and technology to Liberia helping to create the modern Republic of Liberia middot T hey had freed themselves of the hardship of sharecroppi ng and realized their dreams of land ownership dreams that would have reo mained virtually closed to them had they remai ned in the Arkanshysas Delta

MA merican Colo nization Socie ty SeventyEighth Annual Report 1895 5 ~middot~See Howard Lamar and Leonard T hompson eds The Frontier in H istory

North AlIlm(a atd Southern Africa Compared (New Haven Conn 1981)

Page 2: The Arkansas H istorical Quarterly THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL ...pattona/The_Arkansas_Historical_Quarterly_inside.pdf · the percentage of white-ow ned land, see United States Commis

The Arkansas Historical Association Founded in 1941

OFFICERS

President

JOHN WILLIAM CRA YES Arkadelphia

Vice President SecretaryTreasurer FRANCES MITCH ELL ROSS

JEANNIE M WHA YNE Little Rock

Fayttteville

BOARD OF TRUSTEES

Morris S Arnold Russell Bearden Mich ael DabrishusFon Smith (J 995) Pine Bluff (1994) Fayelleville (J 993)

janice B Edd leman Eldon Fairle) Ben F johnson III Hackett (J 994) Osceola (J 995) EI Dorado ( 1993)

Ronnie A Nichols jo Ann Pugh Wend) Richter Hele na (1995) Portland (1995) Bismarck (1994)

Mar) Davies SCOtt Kenneth M Startup Edwina Wa lls Little Rock (1993) Walnut Ridge (J 994) lill ie Rock (1995)

C Fred Willia ms Ellioll Wesl Lillie Rock (1993)

Fayeeville (1993)

VOLUME Ll NUMBER 2 SUMMER 1992

The Arkansas Historical Quarterly

Contents

THE IMPACT OF THE C IVIL WAR IN ARKASAS

THE MI SSISSIPPI RIVER PLANTATTON COUNTIES 105 Carl H Moneyhon

THE BLACK EXPERIENCE IN THE FIRST DECADE OF

RECONSTRUCT ION IN POPE COUNTY ARKANSAS

Gene w BlYJetl 119

I N WARS W AKE HEALTH CARE AND ARKANSAS

FREEDMEN 1863-1868 Randy Finley 135

THE BACK-To-AFRICA MOVEME NT IN ARKANSAS

Adell Pallon Jr 164

BOOK REVIEWS 178

BOOK NOTES 190

NEWS AND NOTrCES 194

h) Arkansas Histo rica l Association 1992 ISSN 0004middot 1823

165

The Back-to-Africa Movement in Arkansas

By ADELL PAT T ON JR

TH E BAC K T O AFRICA movement in Arkansas began in 1877 and lasted sporadically into the twentie th centur y The period o f mos t intense activity occurred between 1877 and 1890 and alshythough the effo rts of Arkansas blac ks to e mig rate to Africa were recog nized at that time in both Arkansas and New Yo rk City the ep isode remai ns neglected in the historical literatu re on the exodus Recen t scholarship suggests that the concept of d iasshypora which is applicable to the Arkansas case consists of th ree elements (l) the involuntary and volunta ry emigra tion fro m Af-

Adell Pa tto n Jr is associate proressor of Africa n histo ry at Howard Uni ve rshysity Was hington D C He presented a version of this pa pe r at the annual meetshyin g or th e Arka nsas Historical Associa ti on in Conway Arkansas on March 30 1984

IFor the 1879 exodu s to Kansas see Nell Irvin Pain te r Exodusters Black Migralion to Kon~as After Reconstruction (New York 1977) for the ear ly role of the Ame rican Coloniza tion Society in Liberia see P J Stauuenra us The African Colonizalion Mouement 18 16-1 865 (New York 196 1) on the social and quanti ta shytive developments of this movement see Tom W Shick Behold The Promised La71d A HiJlury of Afro~A7Jlmum Settler Sodety in NineleenlhmiddotCenlury Libma (BGl ILishymore Md 1977) and on the colonization ro le of Arkansas blacks after 1890 see Ed win S Redkey Black Exodus Black Nationalist and Bflck-to-AncafY[ovtmellJJ 890- 910 (New Haven Conn J969)

for a list of Arkansas immigrants 10 Libe ria see Pe ler J Murdza Jr lmmishygrants 10 Liberia 865 10 1904 A Alphabelical Lisling (Newark De l 1975) for the bac k-to-A frica dilemma mixed Wilh fra ud see J ames Logan Morgan Dr Lightfoot 1892 middot Thpound Siream of H iIIltrry J6 (Ap ril 1878) 3-1 3 see also Myrtle Clarine Volger Negroes of Area Joined Back to Africa Movement Indepen~ dena CounLy Chronicle 16 Uanu ary 1975) 46-57 1 than k Tom Dillard for loca tin g (he dile mma SOurces for me

T HI A RK ANSAS HISTORl CAL QUART ERLY

V O L Lt No 2 SUMMER 1992

BAC K-T O-AFRICAmiddotmiddot MO VEMENT

rIca (2) assimilation into and identification with the new cu ltu re and enviro nment and (3) a psychological yea rning for and physshyical return to the homeland of Africa T he latte r clea rl y indishycated marginality individuals or groups living in the twilight zone of two cultures possessed nostalgia fo r the old and a deshyveloping affection for the new Su ch individuals were on the fringe or periphery of two modes of existence and for some the back to Africa scheme p rovided a mechanism for resolving the status diJem rna

Inspired by a complex of motives a group of white Amershyicans incl uding prominent indi viduals in all sectio ns of the counshytry lau nched the American Colo nization Society (AGS) in 18 16 to assist freed blac ks in the U nited States in emigrating to Africa Blac k Ameri ca n response to the organization throughout its lo ng histo ry ranged from bitte r o pposition to enthu siastic etldorseshyment As a result of efforts by the ACS the Republic of Libe ria o n the coas t of West Africa came into ex istence in 1847 and received offi cial recognitio n f rom the U nited States seventeen years later Although the Civil War radically altered the legal sta tus o f the vast majority of black Americans the Liberia Exodus movement continued to attract conside rable su pport among the newly freed slaves Postwar ad voca tes of back-to-Africa schemes a rgued that blacks in the rural South had become a surplus po pshyul atio n because cotton prod uctio n in partic ul ar and agriculture in general no longer required so large a number of labore rs While whi te southern planters stru ggled to main tain and con trol their labo r force of freed blac ks Libe ri a p rom ised to satisfy the yea rning o f freed persons to ow n la nd-a prospect that stood in

Iloseph E Harris ed Global Dimensicms of th~ Afncan Dirupom (Washington DC J982) 3-1 4 46-53 69-84

Eve rett C Hughes Social Change and Sta tus Protesl An Essay on the Margina l Man Pltylon 10 (1949) 58 63middot64 ro t a critique of the marginal man co nce pt see David 1 Golovensky T he Margina l M an Concept An Analysis and Critiqu e Social Farces 30 (March 1952) 333-~39

15ee Shick Behold the Promised L and ~Cha rles H Wesley The Struggle for th e Recogni tion of Haiti and Liheria

as Inde pendent Re publics J ournal ofN egro H istoy II (October J 917) 369-383

166 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

sharp contrast to such possibilities in the post-Reconstruction South

In 1878 Martin R De laney then residing in South Carolina characterized the bac k- to-Africa movement in tha t sta te Our Exodus movement he expla ined is the uprising of poor but industrious and religio us people who desire to cultivate the land ill Liberia and do good to the natives promoting peace and Christian civilization While the desire to acquire land in Liberia provided impetus for the movement the urge among blacks genshyerally to own land in the South remained strong indeed Efforts toward this end were manifestations of the self-help philosophy embraced by blacks in the post-Civi l War era

In terms of regional d istribution the Arkansas exodus moveshyment was strongest in mostly all-black counties within the alluvial Mississippi Delta T he research of Willard B Gatewood Jr indishycates that while blacks th roug hout Arkansas were experiencing varying degrees of discrimination by the end of the century blacks in the eastern coun ties of the Mississ ippi Delta faced the greatest obstacl es It is no wond er then that a count y squarely in the Delta served as the birthplace of the Arkansas exodus

hA circular distributed by the South Carolin a Council of the Liberia Exodus addressed the question of lanel ownership The large landed proprietors hold [heir lands and refuse to sell as a matter of self protection aga inst the com petishytion of the numerOuS popula tion of agricultural laborers Circular incoming Correspondence July 17 1878 American Colonization Socie ty Papers Manushyscript Division Library of Congress Washington DC he re inafter cited as ACS Papers

In regard LO the perce ntage of whi te-ow ned land see United States Commisshysion on Civil Rights The Dedine 0 Black Farming in A-menmiddotca A Report 0 the United Stales Commission on Civil RighlJ (Washington DC 1982) 17 the study repons One-lcn th of all landow ne rs comrollcd from o ne-half to two-thirds of all the lanel in most southe rn counties More than 70 pe rcem o f the blacks in the cotton states were employed in agriculture In 1880 blacks ow ned less than 8 perce nt o f all f1Imsmiddot

Incoming COITes pondence july 17 1878 ACS Pa per s aO n the economic situation of blacks see j ona than M Wiener Class Strucshy

lUre lind Economic Developme nt in the South 1865-1 955 Atnernan Historual Review 84 (Octobe r 1979)970-1 006 and Pete Dani el The Shadow of Slavery Peonage in Ihe Soulh 1901 -1969 (U rbana III 1972)

WiU lI rd B Gatewood jr Arkansas Negroes in the 1890s Documems Arkaas H isloncal QuoTlerly 33 (Winter 1974) 297-298

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT 167

movement Thus the first convention of the Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony (LEAC) was held at the T hird Baptist Church in Helena Phillips County on November 23 1877 Those attendshying the meeting Came from Phillips Lee St Francis and Cross counties and together they formed a constitution and drew up a charter

The L EAC leaders faced opposition from among others a black preacher in Helena Reverend J T J e lliier who blasted them from his pulpit saying certain leaders of this movement namely H M Turner R H Cain B F Porter and A L Stanshyford should have a rope put on the ir necks led to the woods and made promise to leave the country or the rope tig htened until they did But the proponents responded to such criticism by affirming their determination and attacking their o pponent Long live the leaders of the Liberian Exodus Long li ve the Afshyrican Colonization Society as Christ bade us pray for our enemies Long live J T J enifer to re pent of his wickedness The y proceeded with their plans and in keeping with their newl y drafted constitution appointed commissioners who were to travel to Liberia for the purpose of procuring suitable land for the LEA C Upon returning to the United States these commissionshyers were to a rrange for the transportation of the colonists back to Africa T he delegates selected C H Hicks of Lee County and Anthony L Stanford the president of the convention to be their commissioners I

Almost nothing surfaces in the h istorical record on C H Hicks and even though A L Stanford served in the Arkansas state legislature in the 1870s he too remains an obscure figure However from examining the records of the American Colonizashytion Society and certain secondary works a picture of this remarkshyable man emerges Born in Greenwich Cumberland County New Jersey onJuly 4 1830 he joined the African Methodist Episcopal Church and late r became an ordained minister receiving the

IOThe First Convention of the Liberia Exodus Arkansas Colony in Anmwl Report athe New York State Colonization Society 1886 (Colon ization Pamphlet no 6)2

lllbi4 3 I~Ibid 4

168 ARKA NSAS H ISTORICAL QUARTERLY

AnLho ny L Stanford Cowesy of the Arkansas Histury Commission LittLe Rock

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

Doctorate of Divinity He entered the Eclectic Medical Colleg-e of Philadelphia Pennsy lvania in 1868 and received his medical diploma two years later Leavin g Philadelphia he began the pracshytice of medicine in Mississippi in 1871 In the latter part of 1872 he crossed the Mississippi River into Arkansas and embarked on a career as a doctor a minister a state sena tor and ultimately the leader of the Arkansas exodus to Africa

His skills as a doctor coupled with his training and experience as a minister probably served him well in the Arkansas environshyment Eclectic medicine employed the use of botanical products something Arkansans both black and white were accustomed to

But how and where Stanford practiced remains unknown The histori cal record is strangely silent on this en igmatic man until 1877 when he was first elected to the Arkansas Sena te Stanford represen ted the Fourteenth District which was comprised of Philshylips and Lee counties in the Twenty-First and Twenty-Second Genera l Assemblies

I ~ Professor Charles Bowlus (University of Arkansas at Lillie Rock) provided very useful obituary info rmatio n o n the Reverend A 1 Sta nford (correspon shyde nce of December 2 1983) in the ArwmlLS M ansion 0( August 1883 (a nineteenth-century bJack publication)

The American College of Med icine in Pe nnsylva nia a nd the Eclectic College o f Philadelphia were chartered in 1860 after a split from the Eclectic Medical College of Pennsylvania In 1865 the former college changed its name to the Philadelphia University of Medicine and Surgery the rising oppositiun (0 edtcshylie medicine from regular physicians appears to have been behind the ch a nge in na me See Harold J Abrahams Extinct Medical Schools of Nmeleel1th-Cenlury Philadelphia (Philadelphia 1966) 245

1T he re is some reason LO be suspicio us o r (he a u the nticity of Sranro rds degree T he conege Stanrord g raduated fro m was clo-ed in 1880 a fte r it was exposed as a diploma m ill Harold H Abrahams has subjected the college to close scrutiny and it appears that its dean had po litica l ambitio ns a nd freely distributed medical diplomas among black voters as patronagt for the ir suppo rt After sut~j ecting the records to me ticulous rtsearch Abrahams lists the matricushyla tes and graduates or the co llege at the end or his chapte r entitled The Eclectic Medical CoJlege of Philadelphia University of Medicin e a nd Surgery Stanrord ooes lIot appear a mo ng the mat riculates in 1868middot1 869 nor does he appear among the grauuares in 1870 Abraha ms however is continuing to compil e his Jist o r ma triculates and g raduates Abrahams Extinct M eduaL Sclwob 389-4 17 426

IFay Hempstead A Piclorird Hitory of ArkamQ$ From Earliesl T imes to the Year 1890 (Sl Louis Mo (890) 1222-23

170 171

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Curiously Stanfords political success occurred after Reconshystruction had ended in Arkansas and it coincided with his interest ill the American Colonization Societys back-to-Africa moveshyment In fact Stanford appears to have used his position in the Arkansas state senate to promote the back-to-Africa cause He criss-crossed va rious counti es in 1878 perhaps as a part of his campaign for re-election and handed out HOllse of Representashytives stationery to loca l black farmers Senator Stanford probably secured the stationery from black friends who were members of the house In any event black farmers like Berry Coleman used that stationary to make application to the ACSl

The evidence suggests that Stanford entered the political arena with his own peculiar agenda He had committed himself to the back-to-Africa cause before his election to the state senate and even before the first convention of the Arkansas Exodus Colony in 1877 Stanford wrote from Helena to William Copshypinger secretary-treasurer of the American Colonization Society about the condition of blacks in the South and the logistics of the movement He reported in an elegant handwriting

The colored people of the South are extremely poor Poverty is a word inadequate to describe the perilous condition of these people And it seems impossible for them to extricate themselves The white people of the South many of them labor to keep money out of the hands of these poor people in order to prevent their becoming able to leave the country Some of the colored people a few have land and stock but it is to them almost valueless as they can get no money for it If there could be some plan adopted by which they could

l7Stanfords e leClion to the senate after the e nd o f Reconstructio n is no t as curious as might appear As historian Tom Dillard asserLS soon after Negroes ga ined the ballot Arkansas Democrats began actively seeking black converts rn 1878 Phillips County Democratic leader James C Tappan predicted substantial Negro support for the Democratic Pa rty During the 1879 session of the legislature several while Democratic legislators supported (he proposed elecshytion of a black ho use chaplain (he Rev Jo hn T Je ni fer of Little Rock Tom Dillard To the Back of the Ele pham Racial Conflict in the Arkansas Republishycan Party Arkansas Historiw l Quarterly 33 (Spring 1974) 14

1o lncoming Corresponde nce August 12 1878 ACS Papers

8ACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

get 23 or even 12 of the value of what they possess they could not on ly pay their own passage but assist others who are in mOre straitened circurnstancesY)

On January 2 1878 A L Stanford and C R Hicks sailed aboard the bark Monrovia from New York for Llbena After tourshying Liberia for two months they returned to the U nited States to make reports to the ACS Both Stanford alld Hicks endorsed the societyS Liberia project Hicks argued that Afnca was the place for American blacks it was their homeland and offered them far more than they could hope to gain in America He found the citizens and immigrants in the African repub1ic to be prosperous and pleased with their surroundings and he reported that his own health had been stable th roughout theJouTlley mdshyeating that general health conditions were good He poillted out finally that several families around Forrest City MIll Brook Council Bend and Wittsburg Arkansas had expressed mterest in emigrating to Africa and that he planned to emigrate himselPo

Stanford complimented the ACS for havtng estabhshed what he described as the prosperous colony of LiberIa for the dowlltrodden Negro race Writing from Philadelphia on June 9 1878 he foreswore previous misgivings about emIgration and professed himself to be a true convert to the Africall c~use H~ now believed that Africa was the natural home of the Negro He cautiolled the ACS however that a greater awakening in the public mind was necessary beca use those wishing to emigrate would need ass istance And he warned the ACS about the need to be particular in selecting emigrants

Again [ do not think the colony so successfu lly planted in Liberia ought to be burdened with great numbers at presshyent of the indolent ignorant and immoral class of AmerIcan Negroes I favor a gradua l emigration of the more enterprIsshying hard working mo~al and intelligent class If some means could be adopted to aid this latter class as much as posslble[] I believe that such a course would not on ly prove a blessmg

lIncoming Correspondence November 1 1877 ACS Papers wAmerican Colonization Society SIxty-Third AmlUai Report 1879 12-1 3

172 173 ARKA NSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

to Africa but would also be the means of inducing the former class to make themselves erficien t

it was Stanfords intention to go back to Arkansas complete his final term in the general assembly and then return to Africa On his way back to the state he deli vered lectures on emigration to Africa in principal cities One such lecture delivered in Philadelphia on June 7 1878 was entitled The Future of Africa and her Present Needs Once back in Arkansas Stanford apshypealed to the sympathy of Coppinger of the ACS again 011 Janshyuar) 16 1879 Circumstances in the state he wrote were not favorable to emigration Blacks in Arkansas who wanted to go to Africa were suffering economicall y because of the drop in cotton prices Thus they were less able than ever to fund their own emigration He reported that only some twenty persons could pay their fares to New York in the fall and additional fund s would be needed from the ACS to transport the man y others who wish ed to emigrate to Africa Stanford complained that in lookshying over the large list of persons which the Colonization Societ) in its benevolence has charitably settled in their fatherland I find that Arkansas is not represented while colored people of almost every other sta te [have] been benefited Stanford pointed out that Arkansass inland position made it especially difficult for Arshykansas blacks whom he considered a better class of potential imshymigrant to participate in the back-to-Africa movement He hoped that Arkansas blacks would receive as much help from the ACS as had blacks located near seaports

At the same time that Stanford was appealing to the ACS for special assistance B K McKeevers a black man of North Creek in Phillips County wrote Coppinger about deteriorating conditions in Arkansas Certain whi tes had become awa re of the back-to-Africa drive and apparently hoped to put a stop to it McKeevers who identified himself as a Presbyterian minister and school teacher who hoped to go to Liberia repo rted

~ lln com ing Correspondence June 9 l878 ACS Papers 22ACS Sixty-Third Annual Report 12middot13 incoming correspondence January

16 1879 ACS Papers l~ Incoming Correspondence January 16 1879 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMF-T

The Kuklus [Ku Klux Klan] has begun to talk to Negroes out here and whip them about a week ago[] they taken out one C J Thomas (Clerk of co No 16 Liberia Exodus Ark Colony) After giving him two heavy blows over the head with a pistol he got away Dear Sir 1 hope you will do all you can for me as I shall continue to seek an asylum from this segnedation [segregation] may long live the Colonization Society for this great favor to the anglo African

Having performed his duty as one of the two commissioners for the LEAC and investigated conditions in Africa and having completed his term in the Arkansas Senate Stanford went on the lecture circuit to drum up financial support for emigration He wrote to Coppinger on May 18 1879 from Savannah Georgia concerning a question about which Stanford had strong feelings Some members of the ACS were advocating migration to the American West rather than to Africa but Stanford opposed emigshyration to any place other than Liberia He left Georgia for planshyned lectures in Charleston Washington DC and New York and asked that his medical testimonials be sent along with Eucalyptus seeds from the Agricultural Department to be used in the treatshyment of malaria Stanford now wanted the ACS to appoint him as medical officer for the emigrants at the rate of seventy-five dollars per month After traveling thro ugh Arkansas Tennessee Mississippi Alabama Georgia South Carolina and North Carolina with lillie or no pecuniary benefits Stanford was en ro ute to New York City where he hoped to secure safe passage to his fatherland and to labor in hastening the glorious day when even Africa shall take her place among the civilizations of the world2 He promised to repay funds previously advanced to him from fees received from the Arkansas emigrants and others for services rendered But he was nearly penniless and requested financial help for passage to Libe ria Stanford s financial status was clearly little better than the other Arkansas emigrants who finally reached the North en route to Liberia in early 1880

2~Incoming Correspondence Februa ry 13 1879 AC S Papermiddots 2 cIncoming Correspondence May 18 1879 June 7 J879 ACS Papers

174 175 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

After settling their crops in late 1879 the Arkansas emigrants ar r ived in New York City some time during the first half of 1880 ill a destitu te condition They became known as the Arkansas Re fugees beLa use of the appalling conditions under which they w re forced to live T hey had spent several months in Philadelshyph ia where they received aid from the Pennsylvania auxiliary of the A mel-ica n Colonization Society in the amount of $4000 beshyfore going on to New York to await transportation for Liberia T he New York Evening News in April 1880 carried the following headlines in two of its consecutive columns WRETCHED REFshyUCFFs- EMrCRANT S FOR LIBERIA ON THE VERGE OF ST AR VATION and WRETCHED CONDITION OF THE AR KANSAS REFUGEES THE DEATHTOLL INCREASshyIN G T he emigrants occupied a squalid overcrowded apartshynl ent at No lIS Thirty-Seventh Street in Denham Court Thirtyshyfour men thirty-two women and thirty children were in need of food SOOIl their ranks were swelled by additional numbers Death began to take its toll four were buried without prayer or gra veside sel vices and a church relief committee had to pay for the ir funeral expenses Suffering from inadequate nutrition they were left penniless and stranded in a neighborhood described as objectionable Black and white meet together in orgies and disshygust and disturb the neighborhood

Confined to a sick bed in the study of Shiloh Presbyterian Church the Reverend Henry Highland Garnet a prominent militant black leader spoke briefly about the condition of the refugees to a newspaper reporter sometime in April 1880

These people came here on their own accord They left Arshykansas to avoid oppression Except that they were not held in bondage their condition was worse than when slavery exist ed Colored men there were hired by the year They are paid no mom until the twelve months expire meanwhile purchasing the necessities of life from their employers who ch a rge three or four times more than the market rates In thb way the laborers are brought into debt and under the

~OClipping incoming correspondence April 1880 ACS Papers ~7(tipping incoming correspondence entry 00 239 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

law of the state they cannot leave an employers service while in arrears to him To avoid this [aJ colony waS formed to settle in Liberia

Probably in response to newspaper publicity people of all nationalities donated clothing baskets and other provisions Bakshyers left bread and buns at the door of the Denham Court apart shyment Meanwhile the ACS sent out circulars about the destitute condition of the refugees and received contributions such as that from R L Fellows of New Haven Connecticut who sent a check for thirty dollars for the Arkansas Refugees in May 1880

The stage was now set The Movem ent cOnies from our own hearts God put it there went the credo of the 105 emigrants from Arkansas Fifty-six came from Helena and the rest came from nearby towns and rural areas in surrounding counties The constitution of the LEAC professed the following sentiments We feel it no less a duty than a pleasure and privilege to give the Gospel and Civilization to our fatherland Africa must be redeemed and that by persons of African descent and there are none so well prepared as are the American Negroeso T he words persons of African descent indicated a certain perspective taken by the LEAC concerning a question raised by persons asshysociated with the colonization movement The LEAC clearly believed that all persons of African descent were eligible to emishygrate-a belief that stood in contrast to the cultural natIonalIsm of Reverend Edward Wilmot Blyden an outsta nd mg Pan-Afncan patriot and educator in Liberia in the nineteenth century who advocated that only pure Negroes should emIgrate to Llbena Nevertheless Blyden addressed the Arkansas Re fugees on May 16 1880 in Reverend Garnets Presbyterian Church In hIS closshying remarks Blyden said Let me congratulate you brethren on your resolution to go to the land of your fathers T he best of all is God is with you When you land in thai country [LlbenaJ you will be surprised at the new feelings which will take possession

~Rrhid

29Ibid WConstitution of the Liberia Exodus Ark Colony in Annual Report of the

New York Colonization Society 1886 (Colonization Pamphlet no 6) 1

176 177 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

of you T here is unspeakable grandeur in what you now ignoran tly call the wilds of Africa and the Dark Continenl Blydn urther encouraged them to assist and cooperate fully with their ind igenous bretheren fo r they would be received with gratitude

Two expeditions de parted for Liberia one on May 22 and the other on M3Y 29 on the barks LibeTia and M onrovia respectively Some families of Arkansas Refugees we re delayed in New York for lack of funds and would make an other attempt in the fall of 1880 One hundred and thirty-six emigran ts embarked in May 1880 however under the auspices of the American Colonization Society T he Arkansas Refugees constituted the largest number of the voyagers seventy-six were twelve yea rs of age and above forty-nine were between eleven and two years of age and eleven were only two years old Twenty-frve were of good standing in nine teen Baptist and Methodist churches T here were twentyshyth ree farmers two coopers two teachers two ministers one blacksmith and one brick mason

On Jun e 24 1880 according to a cable from Madeira the A rkansas Refugees arrived in Monrovia after a voyage of thirtyshytwO days The journey from their Arkansas homes had been a long and perilous one but now Brewersville located on the Sl Paul River became their new home Little mOre is known of their experiences in BrewerviJle but Stanford lived only a few yea rs after reaching Africa According to an obituary Judge Stanford had achieved a level of success and respect in his new home When he died in 1883 he was serving as Judge of the Court of Quarter Sessions and Common Pleas and was eulogized as a man of excellent ability and possessing certain rare qua lities

The Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony of 1877-1 880 was no isolated incident but part of an emigration impulse which was lasting and continuous After over seventy-eight years of operashytio n the ACS had enabled 16424 emigrants to settle in Liberia

African Repository 56 ( 1880) 70-73 ror blydens cultural natio nalism set Hollis R Lynch Edward Wilmal Blyden PanNegmiddota Palrial 1832-1912 (New York 1967)

African ReposiUrrj 56 (1880) 73 85 Arkansas Marsion August 1883

BACKmiddotTOmiddotAFRICA MOVEMENT

T ogether with 5722 recap tured Africans who were repatriated to Liberia a grand total of 22 146 emigrants were involved in the colonization scheme by 1895 and the movement con tinued into the twentieth century The Arkansas e pisode began in 1877 abated in 1882 and regained some of its momel1tum in the early twentieth century The low price o f cotton and the hardships of sharecro pping provided much of the inspiration for this first backmiddottomiddotAfrica crusade When Reverend A L Stanford led the 105 Arkansas Refugees to Liberia in 1880 Brewersville became their new frontier settlement They established homes and farms and built schools and churches The Arkansas refugees together with other refugees from the United States introduced the Amermiddot ican mode ls of democracy culture and technology to Liberia helping to create the modern Republic of Liberia middot T hey had freed themselves of the hardship of sharecroppi ng and realized their dreams of land ownership dreams that would have reo mained virtually closed to them had they remai ned in the Arkanshysas Delta

MA merican Colo nization Socie ty SeventyEighth Annual Report 1895 5 ~middot~See Howard Lamar and Leonard T hompson eds The Frontier in H istory

North AlIlm(a atd Southern Africa Compared (New Haven Conn 1981)

Page 3: The Arkansas H istorical Quarterly THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL ...pattona/The_Arkansas_Historical_Quarterly_inside.pdf · the percentage of white-ow ned land, see United States Commis

165

The Back-to-Africa Movement in Arkansas

By ADELL PAT T ON JR

TH E BAC K T O AFRICA movement in Arkansas began in 1877 and lasted sporadically into the twentie th centur y The period o f mos t intense activity occurred between 1877 and 1890 and alshythough the effo rts of Arkansas blac ks to e mig rate to Africa were recog nized at that time in both Arkansas and New Yo rk City the ep isode remai ns neglected in the historical literatu re on the exodus Recen t scholarship suggests that the concept of d iasshypora which is applicable to the Arkansas case consists of th ree elements (l) the involuntary and volunta ry emigra tion fro m Af-

Adell Pa tto n Jr is associate proressor of Africa n histo ry at Howard Uni ve rshysity Was hington D C He presented a version of this pa pe r at the annual meetshyin g or th e Arka nsas Historical Associa ti on in Conway Arkansas on March 30 1984

IFor the 1879 exodu s to Kansas see Nell Irvin Pain te r Exodusters Black Migralion to Kon~as After Reconstruction (New York 1977) for the ear ly role of the Ame rican Coloniza tion Society in Liberia see P J Stauuenra us The African Colonizalion Mouement 18 16-1 865 (New York 196 1) on the social and quanti ta shytive developments of this movement see Tom W Shick Behold The Promised La71d A HiJlury of Afro~A7Jlmum Settler Sodety in NineleenlhmiddotCenlury Libma (BGl ILishymore Md 1977) and on the colonization ro le of Arkansas blacks after 1890 see Ed win S Redkey Black Exodus Black Nationalist and Bflck-to-AncafY[ovtmellJJ 890- 910 (New Haven Conn J969)

for a list of Arkansas immigrants 10 Libe ria see Pe ler J Murdza Jr lmmishygrants 10 Liberia 865 10 1904 A Alphabelical Lisling (Newark De l 1975) for the bac k-to-A frica dilemma mixed Wilh fra ud see J ames Logan Morgan Dr Lightfoot 1892 middot Thpound Siream of H iIIltrry J6 (Ap ril 1878) 3-1 3 see also Myrtle Clarine Volger Negroes of Area Joined Back to Africa Movement Indepen~ dena CounLy Chronicle 16 Uanu ary 1975) 46-57 1 than k Tom Dillard for loca tin g (he dile mma SOurces for me

T HI A RK ANSAS HISTORl CAL QUART ERLY

V O L Lt No 2 SUMMER 1992

BAC K-T O-AFRICAmiddotmiddot MO VEMENT

rIca (2) assimilation into and identification with the new cu ltu re and enviro nment and (3) a psychological yea rning for and physshyical return to the homeland of Africa T he latte r clea rl y indishycated marginality individuals or groups living in the twilight zone of two cultures possessed nostalgia fo r the old and a deshyveloping affection for the new Su ch individuals were on the fringe or periphery of two modes of existence and for some the back to Africa scheme p rovided a mechanism for resolving the status diJem rna

Inspired by a complex of motives a group of white Amershyicans incl uding prominent indi viduals in all sectio ns of the counshytry lau nched the American Colo nization Society (AGS) in 18 16 to assist freed blac ks in the U nited States in emigrating to Africa Blac k Ameri ca n response to the organization throughout its lo ng histo ry ranged from bitte r o pposition to enthu siastic etldorseshyment As a result of efforts by the ACS the Republic of Libe ria o n the coas t of West Africa came into ex istence in 1847 and received offi cial recognitio n f rom the U nited States seventeen years later Although the Civil War radically altered the legal sta tus o f the vast majority of black Americans the Liberia Exodus movement continued to attract conside rable su pport among the newly freed slaves Postwar ad voca tes of back-to-Africa schemes a rgued that blacks in the rural South had become a surplus po pshyul atio n because cotton prod uctio n in partic ul ar and agriculture in general no longer required so large a number of labore rs While whi te southern planters stru ggled to main tain and con trol their labo r force of freed blac ks Libe ri a p rom ised to satisfy the yea rning o f freed persons to ow n la nd-a prospect that stood in

Iloseph E Harris ed Global Dimensicms of th~ Afncan Dirupom (Washington DC J982) 3-1 4 46-53 69-84

Eve rett C Hughes Social Change and Sta tus Protesl An Essay on the Margina l Man Pltylon 10 (1949) 58 63middot64 ro t a critique of the marginal man co nce pt see David 1 Golovensky T he Margina l M an Concept An Analysis and Critiqu e Social Farces 30 (March 1952) 333-~39

15ee Shick Behold the Promised L and ~Cha rles H Wesley The Struggle for th e Recogni tion of Haiti and Liheria

as Inde pendent Re publics J ournal ofN egro H istoy II (October J 917) 369-383

166 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

sharp contrast to such possibilities in the post-Reconstruction South

In 1878 Martin R De laney then residing in South Carolina characterized the bac k- to-Africa movement in tha t sta te Our Exodus movement he expla ined is the uprising of poor but industrious and religio us people who desire to cultivate the land ill Liberia and do good to the natives promoting peace and Christian civilization While the desire to acquire land in Liberia provided impetus for the movement the urge among blacks genshyerally to own land in the South remained strong indeed Efforts toward this end were manifestations of the self-help philosophy embraced by blacks in the post-Civi l War era

In terms of regional d istribution the Arkansas exodus moveshyment was strongest in mostly all-black counties within the alluvial Mississippi Delta T he research of Willard B Gatewood Jr indishycates that while blacks th roug hout Arkansas were experiencing varying degrees of discrimination by the end of the century blacks in the eastern coun ties of the Mississ ippi Delta faced the greatest obstacl es It is no wond er then that a count y squarely in the Delta served as the birthplace of the Arkansas exodus

hA circular distributed by the South Carolin a Council of the Liberia Exodus addressed the question of lanel ownership The large landed proprietors hold [heir lands and refuse to sell as a matter of self protection aga inst the com petishytion of the numerOuS popula tion of agricultural laborers Circular incoming Correspondence July 17 1878 American Colonization Socie ty Papers Manushyscript Division Library of Congress Washington DC he re inafter cited as ACS Papers

In regard LO the perce ntage of whi te-ow ned land see United States Commisshysion on Civil Rights The Dedine 0 Black Farming in A-menmiddotca A Report 0 the United Stales Commission on Civil RighlJ (Washington DC 1982) 17 the study repons One-lcn th of all landow ne rs comrollcd from o ne-half to two-thirds of all the lanel in most southe rn counties More than 70 pe rcem o f the blacks in the cotton states were employed in agriculture In 1880 blacks ow ned less than 8 perce nt o f all f1Imsmiddot

Incoming COITes pondence july 17 1878 ACS Pa per s aO n the economic situation of blacks see j ona than M Wiener Class Strucshy

lUre lind Economic Developme nt in the South 1865-1 955 Atnernan Historual Review 84 (Octobe r 1979)970-1 006 and Pete Dani el The Shadow of Slavery Peonage in Ihe Soulh 1901 -1969 (U rbana III 1972)

WiU lI rd B Gatewood jr Arkansas Negroes in the 1890s Documems Arkaas H isloncal QuoTlerly 33 (Winter 1974) 297-298

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT 167

movement Thus the first convention of the Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony (LEAC) was held at the T hird Baptist Church in Helena Phillips County on November 23 1877 Those attendshying the meeting Came from Phillips Lee St Francis and Cross counties and together they formed a constitution and drew up a charter

The L EAC leaders faced opposition from among others a black preacher in Helena Reverend J T J e lliier who blasted them from his pulpit saying certain leaders of this movement namely H M Turner R H Cain B F Porter and A L Stanshyford should have a rope put on the ir necks led to the woods and made promise to leave the country or the rope tig htened until they did But the proponents responded to such criticism by affirming their determination and attacking their o pponent Long live the leaders of the Liberian Exodus Long li ve the Afshyrican Colonization Society as Christ bade us pray for our enemies Long live J T J enifer to re pent of his wickedness The y proceeded with their plans and in keeping with their newl y drafted constitution appointed commissioners who were to travel to Liberia for the purpose of procuring suitable land for the LEA C Upon returning to the United States these commissionshyers were to a rrange for the transportation of the colonists back to Africa T he delegates selected C H Hicks of Lee County and Anthony L Stanford the president of the convention to be their commissioners I

Almost nothing surfaces in the h istorical record on C H Hicks and even though A L Stanford served in the Arkansas state legislature in the 1870s he too remains an obscure figure However from examining the records of the American Colonizashytion Society and certain secondary works a picture of this remarkshyable man emerges Born in Greenwich Cumberland County New Jersey onJuly 4 1830 he joined the African Methodist Episcopal Church and late r became an ordained minister receiving the

IOThe First Convention of the Liberia Exodus Arkansas Colony in Anmwl Report athe New York State Colonization Society 1886 (Colon ization Pamphlet no 6)2

lllbi4 3 I~Ibid 4

168 ARKA NSAS H ISTORICAL QUARTERLY

AnLho ny L Stanford Cowesy of the Arkansas Histury Commission LittLe Rock

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

Doctorate of Divinity He entered the Eclectic Medical Colleg-e of Philadelphia Pennsy lvania in 1868 and received his medical diploma two years later Leavin g Philadelphia he began the pracshytice of medicine in Mississippi in 1871 In the latter part of 1872 he crossed the Mississippi River into Arkansas and embarked on a career as a doctor a minister a state sena tor and ultimately the leader of the Arkansas exodus to Africa

His skills as a doctor coupled with his training and experience as a minister probably served him well in the Arkansas environshyment Eclectic medicine employed the use of botanical products something Arkansans both black and white were accustomed to

But how and where Stanford practiced remains unknown The histori cal record is strangely silent on this en igmatic man until 1877 when he was first elected to the Arkansas Sena te Stanford represen ted the Fourteenth District which was comprised of Philshylips and Lee counties in the Twenty-First and Twenty-Second Genera l Assemblies

I ~ Professor Charles Bowlus (University of Arkansas at Lillie Rock) provided very useful obituary info rmatio n o n the Reverend A 1 Sta nford (correspon shyde nce of December 2 1983) in the ArwmlLS M ansion 0( August 1883 (a nineteenth-century bJack publication)

The American College of Med icine in Pe nnsylva nia a nd the Eclectic College o f Philadelphia were chartered in 1860 after a split from the Eclectic Medical College of Pennsylvania In 1865 the former college changed its name to the Philadelphia University of Medicine and Surgery the rising oppositiun (0 edtcshylie medicine from regular physicians appears to have been behind the ch a nge in na me See Harold J Abrahams Extinct Medical Schools of Nmeleel1th-Cenlury Philadelphia (Philadelphia 1966) 245

1T he re is some reason LO be suspicio us o r (he a u the nticity of Sranro rds degree T he conege Stanrord g raduated fro m was clo-ed in 1880 a fte r it was exposed as a diploma m ill Harold H Abrahams has subjected the college to close scrutiny and it appears that its dean had po litica l ambitio ns a nd freely distributed medical diplomas among black voters as patronagt for the ir suppo rt After sut~j ecting the records to me ticulous rtsearch Abrahams lists the matricushyla tes and graduates or the co llege at the end or his chapte r entitled The Eclectic Medical CoJlege of Philadelphia University of Medicin e a nd Surgery Stanrord ooes lIot appear a mo ng the mat riculates in 1868middot1 869 nor does he appear among the grauuares in 1870 Abraha ms however is continuing to compil e his Jist o r ma triculates and g raduates Abrahams Extinct M eduaL Sclwob 389-4 17 426

IFay Hempstead A Piclorird Hitory of ArkamQ$ From Earliesl T imes to the Year 1890 (Sl Louis Mo (890) 1222-23

170 171

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Curiously Stanfords political success occurred after Reconshystruction had ended in Arkansas and it coincided with his interest ill the American Colonization Societys back-to-Africa moveshyment In fact Stanford appears to have used his position in the Arkansas state senate to promote the back-to-Africa cause He criss-crossed va rious counti es in 1878 perhaps as a part of his campaign for re-election and handed out HOllse of Representashytives stationery to loca l black farmers Senator Stanford probably secured the stationery from black friends who were members of the house In any event black farmers like Berry Coleman used that stationary to make application to the ACSl

The evidence suggests that Stanford entered the political arena with his own peculiar agenda He had committed himself to the back-to-Africa cause before his election to the state senate and even before the first convention of the Arkansas Exodus Colony in 1877 Stanford wrote from Helena to William Copshypinger secretary-treasurer of the American Colonization Society about the condition of blacks in the South and the logistics of the movement He reported in an elegant handwriting

The colored people of the South are extremely poor Poverty is a word inadequate to describe the perilous condition of these people And it seems impossible for them to extricate themselves The white people of the South many of them labor to keep money out of the hands of these poor people in order to prevent their becoming able to leave the country Some of the colored people a few have land and stock but it is to them almost valueless as they can get no money for it If there could be some plan adopted by which they could

l7Stanfords e leClion to the senate after the e nd o f Reconstructio n is no t as curious as might appear As historian Tom Dillard asserLS soon after Negroes ga ined the ballot Arkansas Democrats began actively seeking black converts rn 1878 Phillips County Democratic leader James C Tappan predicted substantial Negro support for the Democratic Pa rty During the 1879 session of the legislature several while Democratic legislators supported (he proposed elecshytion of a black ho use chaplain (he Rev Jo hn T Je ni fer of Little Rock Tom Dillard To the Back of the Ele pham Racial Conflict in the Arkansas Republishycan Party Arkansas Historiw l Quarterly 33 (Spring 1974) 14

1o lncoming Corresponde nce August 12 1878 ACS Papers

8ACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

get 23 or even 12 of the value of what they possess they could not on ly pay their own passage but assist others who are in mOre straitened circurnstancesY)

On January 2 1878 A L Stanford and C R Hicks sailed aboard the bark Monrovia from New York for Llbena After tourshying Liberia for two months they returned to the U nited States to make reports to the ACS Both Stanford alld Hicks endorsed the societyS Liberia project Hicks argued that Afnca was the place for American blacks it was their homeland and offered them far more than they could hope to gain in America He found the citizens and immigrants in the African repub1ic to be prosperous and pleased with their surroundings and he reported that his own health had been stable th roughout theJouTlley mdshyeating that general health conditions were good He poillted out finally that several families around Forrest City MIll Brook Council Bend and Wittsburg Arkansas had expressed mterest in emigrating to Africa and that he planned to emigrate himselPo

Stanford complimented the ACS for havtng estabhshed what he described as the prosperous colony of LiberIa for the dowlltrodden Negro race Writing from Philadelphia on June 9 1878 he foreswore previous misgivings about emIgration and professed himself to be a true convert to the Africall c~use H~ now believed that Africa was the natural home of the Negro He cautiolled the ACS however that a greater awakening in the public mind was necessary beca use those wishing to emigrate would need ass istance And he warned the ACS about the need to be particular in selecting emigrants

Again [ do not think the colony so successfu lly planted in Liberia ought to be burdened with great numbers at presshyent of the indolent ignorant and immoral class of AmerIcan Negroes I favor a gradua l emigration of the more enterprIsshying hard working mo~al and intelligent class If some means could be adopted to aid this latter class as much as posslble[] I believe that such a course would not on ly prove a blessmg

lIncoming Correspondence November 1 1877 ACS Papers wAmerican Colonization Society SIxty-Third AmlUai Report 1879 12-1 3

172 173 ARKA NSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

to Africa but would also be the means of inducing the former class to make themselves erficien t

it was Stanfords intention to go back to Arkansas complete his final term in the general assembly and then return to Africa On his way back to the state he deli vered lectures on emigration to Africa in principal cities One such lecture delivered in Philadelphia on June 7 1878 was entitled The Future of Africa and her Present Needs Once back in Arkansas Stanford apshypealed to the sympathy of Coppinger of the ACS again 011 Janshyuar) 16 1879 Circumstances in the state he wrote were not favorable to emigration Blacks in Arkansas who wanted to go to Africa were suffering economicall y because of the drop in cotton prices Thus they were less able than ever to fund their own emigration He reported that only some twenty persons could pay their fares to New York in the fall and additional fund s would be needed from the ACS to transport the man y others who wish ed to emigrate to Africa Stanford complained that in lookshying over the large list of persons which the Colonization Societ) in its benevolence has charitably settled in their fatherland I find that Arkansas is not represented while colored people of almost every other sta te [have] been benefited Stanford pointed out that Arkansass inland position made it especially difficult for Arshykansas blacks whom he considered a better class of potential imshymigrant to participate in the back-to-Africa movement He hoped that Arkansas blacks would receive as much help from the ACS as had blacks located near seaports

At the same time that Stanford was appealing to the ACS for special assistance B K McKeevers a black man of North Creek in Phillips County wrote Coppinger about deteriorating conditions in Arkansas Certain whi tes had become awa re of the back-to-Africa drive and apparently hoped to put a stop to it McKeevers who identified himself as a Presbyterian minister and school teacher who hoped to go to Liberia repo rted

~ lln com ing Correspondence June 9 l878 ACS Papers 22ACS Sixty-Third Annual Report 12middot13 incoming correspondence January

16 1879 ACS Papers l~ Incoming Correspondence January 16 1879 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMF-T

The Kuklus [Ku Klux Klan] has begun to talk to Negroes out here and whip them about a week ago[] they taken out one C J Thomas (Clerk of co No 16 Liberia Exodus Ark Colony) After giving him two heavy blows over the head with a pistol he got away Dear Sir 1 hope you will do all you can for me as I shall continue to seek an asylum from this segnedation [segregation] may long live the Colonization Society for this great favor to the anglo African

Having performed his duty as one of the two commissioners for the LEAC and investigated conditions in Africa and having completed his term in the Arkansas Senate Stanford went on the lecture circuit to drum up financial support for emigration He wrote to Coppinger on May 18 1879 from Savannah Georgia concerning a question about which Stanford had strong feelings Some members of the ACS were advocating migration to the American West rather than to Africa but Stanford opposed emigshyration to any place other than Liberia He left Georgia for planshyned lectures in Charleston Washington DC and New York and asked that his medical testimonials be sent along with Eucalyptus seeds from the Agricultural Department to be used in the treatshyment of malaria Stanford now wanted the ACS to appoint him as medical officer for the emigrants at the rate of seventy-five dollars per month After traveling thro ugh Arkansas Tennessee Mississippi Alabama Georgia South Carolina and North Carolina with lillie or no pecuniary benefits Stanford was en ro ute to New York City where he hoped to secure safe passage to his fatherland and to labor in hastening the glorious day when even Africa shall take her place among the civilizations of the world2 He promised to repay funds previously advanced to him from fees received from the Arkansas emigrants and others for services rendered But he was nearly penniless and requested financial help for passage to Libe ria Stanford s financial status was clearly little better than the other Arkansas emigrants who finally reached the North en route to Liberia in early 1880

2~Incoming Correspondence Februa ry 13 1879 AC S Papermiddots 2 cIncoming Correspondence May 18 1879 June 7 J879 ACS Papers

174 175 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

After settling their crops in late 1879 the Arkansas emigrants ar r ived in New York City some time during the first half of 1880 ill a destitu te condition They became known as the Arkansas Re fugees beLa use of the appalling conditions under which they w re forced to live T hey had spent several months in Philadelshyph ia where they received aid from the Pennsylvania auxiliary of the A mel-ica n Colonization Society in the amount of $4000 beshyfore going on to New York to await transportation for Liberia T he New York Evening News in April 1880 carried the following headlines in two of its consecutive columns WRETCHED REFshyUCFFs- EMrCRANT S FOR LIBERIA ON THE VERGE OF ST AR VATION and WRETCHED CONDITION OF THE AR KANSAS REFUGEES THE DEATHTOLL INCREASshyIN G T he emigrants occupied a squalid overcrowded apartshynl ent at No lIS Thirty-Seventh Street in Denham Court Thirtyshyfour men thirty-two women and thirty children were in need of food SOOIl their ranks were swelled by additional numbers Death began to take its toll four were buried without prayer or gra veside sel vices and a church relief committee had to pay for the ir funeral expenses Suffering from inadequate nutrition they were left penniless and stranded in a neighborhood described as objectionable Black and white meet together in orgies and disshygust and disturb the neighborhood

Confined to a sick bed in the study of Shiloh Presbyterian Church the Reverend Henry Highland Garnet a prominent militant black leader spoke briefly about the condition of the refugees to a newspaper reporter sometime in April 1880

These people came here on their own accord They left Arshykansas to avoid oppression Except that they were not held in bondage their condition was worse than when slavery exist ed Colored men there were hired by the year They are paid no mom until the twelve months expire meanwhile purchasing the necessities of life from their employers who ch a rge three or four times more than the market rates In thb way the laborers are brought into debt and under the

~OClipping incoming correspondence April 1880 ACS Papers ~7(tipping incoming correspondence entry 00 239 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

law of the state they cannot leave an employers service while in arrears to him To avoid this [aJ colony waS formed to settle in Liberia

Probably in response to newspaper publicity people of all nationalities donated clothing baskets and other provisions Bakshyers left bread and buns at the door of the Denham Court apart shyment Meanwhile the ACS sent out circulars about the destitute condition of the refugees and received contributions such as that from R L Fellows of New Haven Connecticut who sent a check for thirty dollars for the Arkansas Refugees in May 1880

The stage was now set The Movem ent cOnies from our own hearts God put it there went the credo of the 105 emigrants from Arkansas Fifty-six came from Helena and the rest came from nearby towns and rural areas in surrounding counties The constitution of the LEAC professed the following sentiments We feel it no less a duty than a pleasure and privilege to give the Gospel and Civilization to our fatherland Africa must be redeemed and that by persons of African descent and there are none so well prepared as are the American Negroeso T he words persons of African descent indicated a certain perspective taken by the LEAC concerning a question raised by persons asshysociated with the colonization movement The LEAC clearly believed that all persons of African descent were eligible to emishygrate-a belief that stood in contrast to the cultural natIonalIsm of Reverend Edward Wilmot Blyden an outsta nd mg Pan-Afncan patriot and educator in Liberia in the nineteenth century who advocated that only pure Negroes should emIgrate to Llbena Nevertheless Blyden addressed the Arkansas Re fugees on May 16 1880 in Reverend Garnets Presbyterian Church In hIS closshying remarks Blyden said Let me congratulate you brethren on your resolution to go to the land of your fathers T he best of all is God is with you When you land in thai country [LlbenaJ you will be surprised at the new feelings which will take possession

~Rrhid

29Ibid WConstitution of the Liberia Exodus Ark Colony in Annual Report of the

New York Colonization Society 1886 (Colonization Pamphlet no 6) 1

176 177 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

of you T here is unspeakable grandeur in what you now ignoran tly call the wilds of Africa and the Dark Continenl Blydn urther encouraged them to assist and cooperate fully with their ind igenous bretheren fo r they would be received with gratitude

Two expeditions de parted for Liberia one on May 22 and the other on M3Y 29 on the barks LibeTia and M onrovia respectively Some families of Arkansas Refugees we re delayed in New York for lack of funds and would make an other attempt in the fall of 1880 One hundred and thirty-six emigran ts embarked in May 1880 however under the auspices of the American Colonization Society T he Arkansas Refugees constituted the largest number of the voyagers seventy-six were twelve yea rs of age and above forty-nine were between eleven and two years of age and eleven were only two years old Twenty-frve were of good standing in nine teen Baptist and Methodist churches T here were twentyshyth ree farmers two coopers two teachers two ministers one blacksmith and one brick mason

On Jun e 24 1880 according to a cable from Madeira the A rkansas Refugees arrived in Monrovia after a voyage of thirtyshytwO days The journey from their Arkansas homes had been a long and perilous one but now Brewersville located on the Sl Paul River became their new home Little mOre is known of their experiences in BrewerviJle but Stanford lived only a few yea rs after reaching Africa According to an obituary Judge Stanford had achieved a level of success and respect in his new home When he died in 1883 he was serving as Judge of the Court of Quarter Sessions and Common Pleas and was eulogized as a man of excellent ability and possessing certain rare qua lities

The Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony of 1877-1 880 was no isolated incident but part of an emigration impulse which was lasting and continuous After over seventy-eight years of operashytio n the ACS had enabled 16424 emigrants to settle in Liberia

African Repository 56 ( 1880) 70-73 ror blydens cultural natio nalism set Hollis R Lynch Edward Wilmal Blyden PanNegmiddota Palrial 1832-1912 (New York 1967)

African ReposiUrrj 56 (1880) 73 85 Arkansas Marsion August 1883

BACKmiddotTOmiddotAFRICA MOVEMENT

T ogether with 5722 recap tured Africans who were repatriated to Liberia a grand total of 22 146 emigrants were involved in the colonization scheme by 1895 and the movement con tinued into the twentieth century The Arkansas e pisode began in 1877 abated in 1882 and regained some of its momel1tum in the early twentieth century The low price o f cotton and the hardships of sharecro pping provided much of the inspiration for this first backmiddottomiddotAfrica crusade When Reverend A L Stanford led the 105 Arkansas Refugees to Liberia in 1880 Brewersville became their new frontier settlement They established homes and farms and built schools and churches The Arkansas refugees together with other refugees from the United States introduced the Amermiddot ican mode ls of democracy culture and technology to Liberia helping to create the modern Republic of Liberia middot T hey had freed themselves of the hardship of sharecroppi ng and realized their dreams of land ownership dreams that would have reo mained virtually closed to them had they remai ned in the Arkanshysas Delta

MA merican Colo nization Socie ty SeventyEighth Annual Report 1895 5 ~middot~See Howard Lamar and Leonard T hompson eds The Frontier in H istory

North AlIlm(a atd Southern Africa Compared (New Haven Conn 1981)

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166 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

sharp contrast to such possibilities in the post-Reconstruction South

In 1878 Martin R De laney then residing in South Carolina characterized the bac k- to-Africa movement in tha t sta te Our Exodus movement he expla ined is the uprising of poor but industrious and religio us people who desire to cultivate the land ill Liberia and do good to the natives promoting peace and Christian civilization While the desire to acquire land in Liberia provided impetus for the movement the urge among blacks genshyerally to own land in the South remained strong indeed Efforts toward this end were manifestations of the self-help philosophy embraced by blacks in the post-Civi l War era

In terms of regional d istribution the Arkansas exodus moveshyment was strongest in mostly all-black counties within the alluvial Mississippi Delta T he research of Willard B Gatewood Jr indishycates that while blacks th roug hout Arkansas were experiencing varying degrees of discrimination by the end of the century blacks in the eastern coun ties of the Mississ ippi Delta faced the greatest obstacl es It is no wond er then that a count y squarely in the Delta served as the birthplace of the Arkansas exodus

hA circular distributed by the South Carolin a Council of the Liberia Exodus addressed the question of lanel ownership The large landed proprietors hold [heir lands and refuse to sell as a matter of self protection aga inst the com petishytion of the numerOuS popula tion of agricultural laborers Circular incoming Correspondence July 17 1878 American Colonization Socie ty Papers Manushyscript Division Library of Congress Washington DC he re inafter cited as ACS Papers

In regard LO the perce ntage of whi te-ow ned land see United States Commisshysion on Civil Rights The Dedine 0 Black Farming in A-menmiddotca A Report 0 the United Stales Commission on Civil RighlJ (Washington DC 1982) 17 the study repons One-lcn th of all landow ne rs comrollcd from o ne-half to two-thirds of all the lanel in most southe rn counties More than 70 pe rcem o f the blacks in the cotton states were employed in agriculture In 1880 blacks ow ned less than 8 perce nt o f all f1Imsmiddot

Incoming COITes pondence july 17 1878 ACS Pa per s aO n the economic situation of blacks see j ona than M Wiener Class Strucshy

lUre lind Economic Developme nt in the South 1865-1 955 Atnernan Historual Review 84 (Octobe r 1979)970-1 006 and Pete Dani el The Shadow of Slavery Peonage in Ihe Soulh 1901 -1969 (U rbana III 1972)

WiU lI rd B Gatewood jr Arkansas Negroes in the 1890s Documems Arkaas H isloncal QuoTlerly 33 (Winter 1974) 297-298

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT 167

movement Thus the first convention of the Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony (LEAC) was held at the T hird Baptist Church in Helena Phillips County on November 23 1877 Those attendshying the meeting Came from Phillips Lee St Francis and Cross counties and together they formed a constitution and drew up a charter

The L EAC leaders faced opposition from among others a black preacher in Helena Reverend J T J e lliier who blasted them from his pulpit saying certain leaders of this movement namely H M Turner R H Cain B F Porter and A L Stanshyford should have a rope put on the ir necks led to the woods and made promise to leave the country or the rope tig htened until they did But the proponents responded to such criticism by affirming their determination and attacking their o pponent Long live the leaders of the Liberian Exodus Long li ve the Afshyrican Colonization Society as Christ bade us pray for our enemies Long live J T J enifer to re pent of his wickedness The y proceeded with their plans and in keeping with their newl y drafted constitution appointed commissioners who were to travel to Liberia for the purpose of procuring suitable land for the LEA C Upon returning to the United States these commissionshyers were to a rrange for the transportation of the colonists back to Africa T he delegates selected C H Hicks of Lee County and Anthony L Stanford the president of the convention to be their commissioners I

Almost nothing surfaces in the h istorical record on C H Hicks and even though A L Stanford served in the Arkansas state legislature in the 1870s he too remains an obscure figure However from examining the records of the American Colonizashytion Society and certain secondary works a picture of this remarkshyable man emerges Born in Greenwich Cumberland County New Jersey onJuly 4 1830 he joined the African Methodist Episcopal Church and late r became an ordained minister receiving the

IOThe First Convention of the Liberia Exodus Arkansas Colony in Anmwl Report athe New York State Colonization Society 1886 (Colon ization Pamphlet no 6)2

lllbi4 3 I~Ibid 4

168 ARKA NSAS H ISTORICAL QUARTERLY

AnLho ny L Stanford Cowesy of the Arkansas Histury Commission LittLe Rock

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

Doctorate of Divinity He entered the Eclectic Medical Colleg-e of Philadelphia Pennsy lvania in 1868 and received his medical diploma two years later Leavin g Philadelphia he began the pracshytice of medicine in Mississippi in 1871 In the latter part of 1872 he crossed the Mississippi River into Arkansas and embarked on a career as a doctor a minister a state sena tor and ultimately the leader of the Arkansas exodus to Africa

His skills as a doctor coupled with his training and experience as a minister probably served him well in the Arkansas environshyment Eclectic medicine employed the use of botanical products something Arkansans both black and white were accustomed to

But how and where Stanford practiced remains unknown The histori cal record is strangely silent on this en igmatic man until 1877 when he was first elected to the Arkansas Sena te Stanford represen ted the Fourteenth District which was comprised of Philshylips and Lee counties in the Twenty-First and Twenty-Second Genera l Assemblies

I ~ Professor Charles Bowlus (University of Arkansas at Lillie Rock) provided very useful obituary info rmatio n o n the Reverend A 1 Sta nford (correspon shyde nce of December 2 1983) in the ArwmlLS M ansion 0( August 1883 (a nineteenth-century bJack publication)

The American College of Med icine in Pe nnsylva nia a nd the Eclectic College o f Philadelphia were chartered in 1860 after a split from the Eclectic Medical College of Pennsylvania In 1865 the former college changed its name to the Philadelphia University of Medicine and Surgery the rising oppositiun (0 edtcshylie medicine from regular physicians appears to have been behind the ch a nge in na me See Harold J Abrahams Extinct Medical Schools of Nmeleel1th-Cenlury Philadelphia (Philadelphia 1966) 245

1T he re is some reason LO be suspicio us o r (he a u the nticity of Sranro rds degree T he conege Stanrord g raduated fro m was clo-ed in 1880 a fte r it was exposed as a diploma m ill Harold H Abrahams has subjected the college to close scrutiny and it appears that its dean had po litica l ambitio ns a nd freely distributed medical diplomas among black voters as patronagt for the ir suppo rt After sut~j ecting the records to me ticulous rtsearch Abrahams lists the matricushyla tes and graduates or the co llege at the end or his chapte r entitled The Eclectic Medical CoJlege of Philadelphia University of Medicin e a nd Surgery Stanrord ooes lIot appear a mo ng the mat riculates in 1868middot1 869 nor does he appear among the grauuares in 1870 Abraha ms however is continuing to compil e his Jist o r ma triculates and g raduates Abrahams Extinct M eduaL Sclwob 389-4 17 426

IFay Hempstead A Piclorird Hitory of ArkamQ$ From Earliesl T imes to the Year 1890 (Sl Louis Mo (890) 1222-23

170 171

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Curiously Stanfords political success occurred after Reconshystruction had ended in Arkansas and it coincided with his interest ill the American Colonization Societys back-to-Africa moveshyment In fact Stanford appears to have used his position in the Arkansas state senate to promote the back-to-Africa cause He criss-crossed va rious counti es in 1878 perhaps as a part of his campaign for re-election and handed out HOllse of Representashytives stationery to loca l black farmers Senator Stanford probably secured the stationery from black friends who were members of the house In any event black farmers like Berry Coleman used that stationary to make application to the ACSl

The evidence suggests that Stanford entered the political arena with his own peculiar agenda He had committed himself to the back-to-Africa cause before his election to the state senate and even before the first convention of the Arkansas Exodus Colony in 1877 Stanford wrote from Helena to William Copshypinger secretary-treasurer of the American Colonization Society about the condition of blacks in the South and the logistics of the movement He reported in an elegant handwriting

The colored people of the South are extremely poor Poverty is a word inadequate to describe the perilous condition of these people And it seems impossible for them to extricate themselves The white people of the South many of them labor to keep money out of the hands of these poor people in order to prevent their becoming able to leave the country Some of the colored people a few have land and stock but it is to them almost valueless as they can get no money for it If there could be some plan adopted by which they could

l7Stanfords e leClion to the senate after the e nd o f Reconstructio n is no t as curious as might appear As historian Tom Dillard asserLS soon after Negroes ga ined the ballot Arkansas Democrats began actively seeking black converts rn 1878 Phillips County Democratic leader James C Tappan predicted substantial Negro support for the Democratic Pa rty During the 1879 session of the legislature several while Democratic legislators supported (he proposed elecshytion of a black ho use chaplain (he Rev Jo hn T Je ni fer of Little Rock Tom Dillard To the Back of the Ele pham Racial Conflict in the Arkansas Republishycan Party Arkansas Historiw l Quarterly 33 (Spring 1974) 14

1o lncoming Corresponde nce August 12 1878 ACS Papers

8ACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

get 23 or even 12 of the value of what they possess they could not on ly pay their own passage but assist others who are in mOre straitened circurnstancesY)

On January 2 1878 A L Stanford and C R Hicks sailed aboard the bark Monrovia from New York for Llbena After tourshying Liberia for two months they returned to the U nited States to make reports to the ACS Both Stanford alld Hicks endorsed the societyS Liberia project Hicks argued that Afnca was the place for American blacks it was their homeland and offered them far more than they could hope to gain in America He found the citizens and immigrants in the African repub1ic to be prosperous and pleased with their surroundings and he reported that his own health had been stable th roughout theJouTlley mdshyeating that general health conditions were good He poillted out finally that several families around Forrest City MIll Brook Council Bend and Wittsburg Arkansas had expressed mterest in emigrating to Africa and that he planned to emigrate himselPo

Stanford complimented the ACS for havtng estabhshed what he described as the prosperous colony of LiberIa for the dowlltrodden Negro race Writing from Philadelphia on June 9 1878 he foreswore previous misgivings about emIgration and professed himself to be a true convert to the Africall c~use H~ now believed that Africa was the natural home of the Negro He cautiolled the ACS however that a greater awakening in the public mind was necessary beca use those wishing to emigrate would need ass istance And he warned the ACS about the need to be particular in selecting emigrants

Again [ do not think the colony so successfu lly planted in Liberia ought to be burdened with great numbers at presshyent of the indolent ignorant and immoral class of AmerIcan Negroes I favor a gradua l emigration of the more enterprIsshying hard working mo~al and intelligent class If some means could be adopted to aid this latter class as much as posslble[] I believe that such a course would not on ly prove a blessmg

lIncoming Correspondence November 1 1877 ACS Papers wAmerican Colonization Society SIxty-Third AmlUai Report 1879 12-1 3

172 173 ARKA NSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

to Africa but would also be the means of inducing the former class to make themselves erficien t

it was Stanfords intention to go back to Arkansas complete his final term in the general assembly and then return to Africa On his way back to the state he deli vered lectures on emigration to Africa in principal cities One such lecture delivered in Philadelphia on June 7 1878 was entitled The Future of Africa and her Present Needs Once back in Arkansas Stanford apshypealed to the sympathy of Coppinger of the ACS again 011 Janshyuar) 16 1879 Circumstances in the state he wrote were not favorable to emigration Blacks in Arkansas who wanted to go to Africa were suffering economicall y because of the drop in cotton prices Thus they were less able than ever to fund their own emigration He reported that only some twenty persons could pay their fares to New York in the fall and additional fund s would be needed from the ACS to transport the man y others who wish ed to emigrate to Africa Stanford complained that in lookshying over the large list of persons which the Colonization Societ) in its benevolence has charitably settled in their fatherland I find that Arkansas is not represented while colored people of almost every other sta te [have] been benefited Stanford pointed out that Arkansass inland position made it especially difficult for Arshykansas blacks whom he considered a better class of potential imshymigrant to participate in the back-to-Africa movement He hoped that Arkansas blacks would receive as much help from the ACS as had blacks located near seaports

At the same time that Stanford was appealing to the ACS for special assistance B K McKeevers a black man of North Creek in Phillips County wrote Coppinger about deteriorating conditions in Arkansas Certain whi tes had become awa re of the back-to-Africa drive and apparently hoped to put a stop to it McKeevers who identified himself as a Presbyterian minister and school teacher who hoped to go to Liberia repo rted

~ lln com ing Correspondence June 9 l878 ACS Papers 22ACS Sixty-Third Annual Report 12middot13 incoming correspondence January

16 1879 ACS Papers l~ Incoming Correspondence January 16 1879 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMF-T

The Kuklus [Ku Klux Klan] has begun to talk to Negroes out here and whip them about a week ago[] they taken out one C J Thomas (Clerk of co No 16 Liberia Exodus Ark Colony) After giving him two heavy blows over the head with a pistol he got away Dear Sir 1 hope you will do all you can for me as I shall continue to seek an asylum from this segnedation [segregation] may long live the Colonization Society for this great favor to the anglo African

Having performed his duty as one of the two commissioners for the LEAC and investigated conditions in Africa and having completed his term in the Arkansas Senate Stanford went on the lecture circuit to drum up financial support for emigration He wrote to Coppinger on May 18 1879 from Savannah Georgia concerning a question about which Stanford had strong feelings Some members of the ACS were advocating migration to the American West rather than to Africa but Stanford opposed emigshyration to any place other than Liberia He left Georgia for planshyned lectures in Charleston Washington DC and New York and asked that his medical testimonials be sent along with Eucalyptus seeds from the Agricultural Department to be used in the treatshyment of malaria Stanford now wanted the ACS to appoint him as medical officer for the emigrants at the rate of seventy-five dollars per month After traveling thro ugh Arkansas Tennessee Mississippi Alabama Georgia South Carolina and North Carolina with lillie or no pecuniary benefits Stanford was en ro ute to New York City where he hoped to secure safe passage to his fatherland and to labor in hastening the glorious day when even Africa shall take her place among the civilizations of the world2 He promised to repay funds previously advanced to him from fees received from the Arkansas emigrants and others for services rendered But he was nearly penniless and requested financial help for passage to Libe ria Stanford s financial status was clearly little better than the other Arkansas emigrants who finally reached the North en route to Liberia in early 1880

2~Incoming Correspondence Februa ry 13 1879 AC S Papermiddots 2 cIncoming Correspondence May 18 1879 June 7 J879 ACS Papers

174 175 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

After settling their crops in late 1879 the Arkansas emigrants ar r ived in New York City some time during the first half of 1880 ill a destitu te condition They became known as the Arkansas Re fugees beLa use of the appalling conditions under which they w re forced to live T hey had spent several months in Philadelshyph ia where they received aid from the Pennsylvania auxiliary of the A mel-ica n Colonization Society in the amount of $4000 beshyfore going on to New York to await transportation for Liberia T he New York Evening News in April 1880 carried the following headlines in two of its consecutive columns WRETCHED REFshyUCFFs- EMrCRANT S FOR LIBERIA ON THE VERGE OF ST AR VATION and WRETCHED CONDITION OF THE AR KANSAS REFUGEES THE DEATHTOLL INCREASshyIN G T he emigrants occupied a squalid overcrowded apartshynl ent at No lIS Thirty-Seventh Street in Denham Court Thirtyshyfour men thirty-two women and thirty children were in need of food SOOIl their ranks were swelled by additional numbers Death began to take its toll four were buried without prayer or gra veside sel vices and a church relief committee had to pay for the ir funeral expenses Suffering from inadequate nutrition they were left penniless and stranded in a neighborhood described as objectionable Black and white meet together in orgies and disshygust and disturb the neighborhood

Confined to a sick bed in the study of Shiloh Presbyterian Church the Reverend Henry Highland Garnet a prominent militant black leader spoke briefly about the condition of the refugees to a newspaper reporter sometime in April 1880

These people came here on their own accord They left Arshykansas to avoid oppression Except that they were not held in bondage their condition was worse than when slavery exist ed Colored men there were hired by the year They are paid no mom until the twelve months expire meanwhile purchasing the necessities of life from their employers who ch a rge three or four times more than the market rates In thb way the laborers are brought into debt and under the

~OClipping incoming correspondence April 1880 ACS Papers ~7(tipping incoming correspondence entry 00 239 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

law of the state they cannot leave an employers service while in arrears to him To avoid this [aJ colony waS formed to settle in Liberia

Probably in response to newspaper publicity people of all nationalities donated clothing baskets and other provisions Bakshyers left bread and buns at the door of the Denham Court apart shyment Meanwhile the ACS sent out circulars about the destitute condition of the refugees and received contributions such as that from R L Fellows of New Haven Connecticut who sent a check for thirty dollars for the Arkansas Refugees in May 1880

The stage was now set The Movem ent cOnies from our own hearts God put it there went the credo of the 105 emigrants from Arkansas Fifty-six came from Helena and the rest came from nearby towns and rural areas in surrounding counties The constitution of the LEAC professed the following sentiments We feel it no less a duty than a pleasure and privilege to give the Gospel and Civilization to our fatherland Africa must be redeemed and that by persons of African descent and there are none so well prepared as are the American Negroeso T he words persons of African descent indicated a certain perspective taken by the LEAC concerning a question raised by persons asshysociated with the colonization movement The LEAC clearly believed that all persons of African descent were eligible to emishygrate-a belief that stood in contrast to the cultural natIonalIsm of Reverend Edward Wilmot Blyden an outsta nd mg Pan-Afncan patriot and educator in Liberia in the nineteenth century who advocated that only pure Negroes should emIgrate to Llbena Nevertheless Blyden addressed the Arkansas Re fugees on May 16 1880 in Reverend Garnets Presbyterian Church In hIS closshying remarks Blyden said Let me congratulate you brethren on your resolution to go to the land of your fathers T he best of all is God is with you When you land in thai country [LlbenaJ you will be surprised at the new feelings which will take possession

~Rrhid

29Ibid WConstitution of the Liberia Exodus Ark Colony in Annual Report of the

New York Colonization Society 1886 (Colonization Pamphlet no 6) 1

176 177 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

of you T here is unspeakable grandeur in what you now ignoran tly call the wilds of Africa and the Dark Continenl Blydn urther encouraged them to assist and cooperate fully with their ind igenous bretheren fo r they would be received with gratitude

Two expeditions de parted for Liberia one on May 22 and the other on M3Y 29 on the barks LibeTia and M onrovia respectively Some families of Arkansas Refugees we re delayed in New York for lack of funds and would make an other attempt in the fall of 1880 One hundred and thirty-six emigran ts embarked in May 1880 however under the auspices of the American Colonization Society T he Arkansas Refugees constituted the largest number of the voyagers seventy-six were twelve yea rs of age and above forty-nine were between eleven and two years of age and eleven were only two years old Twenty-frve were of good standing in nine teen Baptist and Methodist churches T here were twentyshyth ree farmers two coopers two teachers two ministers one blacksmith and one brick mason

On Jun e 24 1880 according to a cable from Madeira the A rkansas Refugees arrived in Monrovia after a voyage of thirtyshytwO days The journey from their Arkansas homes had been a long and perilous one but now Brewersville located on the Sl Paul River became their new home Little mOre is known of their experiences in BrewerviJle but Stanford lived only a few yea rs after reaching Africa According to an obituary Judge Stanford had achieved a level of success and respect in his new home When he died in 1883 he was serving as Judge of the Court of Quarter Sessions and Common Pleas and was eulogized as a man of excellent ability and possessing certain rare qua lities

The Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony of 1877-1 880 was no isolated incident but part of an emigration impulse which was lasting and continuous After over seventy-eight years of operashytio n the ACS had enabled 16424 emigrants to settle in Liberia

African Repository 56 ( 1880) 70-73 ror blydens cultural natio nalism set Hollis R Lynch Edward Wilmal Blyden PanNegmiddota Palrial 1832-1912 (New York 1967)

African ReposiUrrj 56 (1880) 73 85 Arkansas Marsion August 1883

BACKmiddotTOmiddotAFRICA MOVEMENT

T ogether with 5722 recap tured Africans who were repatriated to Liberia a grand total of 22 146 emigrants were involved in the colonization scheme by 1895 and the movement con tinued into the twentieth century The Arkansas e pisode began in 1877 abated in 1882 and regained some of its momel1tum in the early twentieth century The low price o f cotton and the hardships of sharecro pping provided much of the inspiration for this first backmiddottomiddotAfrica crusade When Reverend A L Stanford led the 105 Arkansas Refugees to Liberia in 1880 Brewersville became their new frontier settlement They established homes and farms and built schools and churches The Arkansas refugees together with other refugees from the United States introduced the Amermiddot ican mode ls of democracy culture and technology to Liberia helping to create the modern Republic of Liberia middot T hey had freed themselves of the hardship of sharecroppi ng and realized their dreams of land ownership dreams that would have reo mained virtually closed to them had they remai ned in the Arkanshysas Delta

MA merican Colo nization Socie ty SeventyEighth Annual Report 1895 5 ~middot~See Howard Lamar and Leonard T hompson eds The Frontier in H istory

North AlIlm(a atd Southern Africa Compared (New Haven Conn 1981)

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168 ARKA NSAS H ISTORICAL QUARTERLY

AnLho ny L Stanford Cowesy of the Arkansas Histury Commission LittLe Rock

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

Doctorate of Divinity He entered the Eclectic Medical Colleg-e of Philadelphia Pennsy lvania in 1868 and received his medical diploma two years later Leavin g Philadelphia he began the pracshytice of medicine in Mississippi in 1871 In the latter part of 1872 he crossed the Mississippi River into Arkansas and embarked on a career as a doctor a minister a state sena tor and ultimately the leader of the Arkansas exodus to Africa

His skills as a doctor coupled with his training and experience as a minister probably served him well in the Arkansas environshyment Eclectic medicine employed the use of botanical products something Arkansans both black and white were accustomed to

But how and where Stanford practiced remains unknown The histori cal record is strangely silent on this en igmatic man until 1877 when he was first elected to the Arkansas Sena te Stanford represen ted the Fourteenth District which was comprised of Philshylips and Lee counties in the Twenty-First and Twenty-Second Genera l Assemblies

I ~ Professor Charles Bowlus (University of Arkansas at Lillie Rock) provided very useful obituary info rmatio n o n the Reverend A 1 Sta nford (correspon shyde nce of December 2 1983) in the ArwmlLS M ansion 0( August 1883 (a nineteenth-century bJack publication)

The American College of Med icine in Pe nnsylva nia a nd the Eclectic College o f Philadelphia were chartered in 1860 after a split from the Eclectic Medical College of Pennsylvania In 1865 the former college changed its name to the Philadelphia University of Medicine and Surgery the rising oppositiun (0 edtcshylie medicine from regular physicians appears to have been behind the ch a nge in na me See Harold J Abrahams Extinct Medical Schools of Nmeleel1th-Cenlury Philadelphia (Philadelphia 1966) 245

1T he re is some reason LO be suspicio us o r (he a u the nticity of Sranro rds degree T he conege Stanrord g raduated fro m was clo-ed in 1880 a fte r it was exposed as a diploma m ill Harold H Abrahams has subjected the college to close scrutiny and it appears that its dean had po litica l ambitio ns a nd freely distributed medical diplomas among black voters as patronagt for the ir suppo rt After sut~j ecting the records to me ticulous rtsearch Abrahams lists the matricushyla tes and graduates or the co llege at the end or his chapte r entitled The Eclectic Medical CoJlege of Philadelphia University of Medicin e a nd Surgery Stanrord ooes lIot appear a mo ng the mat riculates in 1868middot1 869 nor does he appear among the grauuares in 1870 Abraha ms however is continuing to compil e his Jist o r ma triculates and g raduates Abrahams Extinct M eduaL Sclwob 389-4 17 426

IFay Hempstead A Piclorird Hitory of ArkamQ$ From Earliesl T imes to the Year 1890 (Sl Louis Mo (890) 1222-23

170 171

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Curiously Stanfords political success occurred after Reconshystruction had ended in Arkansas and it coincided with his interest ill the American Colonization Societys back-to-Africa moveshyment In fact Stanford appears to have used his position in the Arkansas state senate to promote the back-to-Africa cause He criss-crossed va rious counti es in 1878 perhaps as a part of his campaign for re-election and handed out HOllse of Representashytives stationery to loca l black farmers Senator Stanford probably secured the stationery from black friends who were members of the house In any event black farmers like Berry Coleman used that stationary to make application to the ACSl

The evidence suggests that Stanford entered the political arena with his own peculiar agenda He had committed himself to the back-to-Africa cause before his election to the state senate and even before the first convention of the Arkansas Exodus Colony in 1877 Stanford wrote from Helena to William Copshypinger secretary-treasurer of the American Colonization Society about the condition of blacks in the South and the logistics of the movement He reported in an elegant handwriting

The colored people of the South are extremely poor Poverty is a word inadequate to describe the perilous condition of these people And it seems impossible for them to extricate themselves The white people of the South many of them labor to keep money out of the hands of these poor people in order to prevent their becoming able to leave the country Some of the colored people a few have land and stock but it is to them almost valueless as they can get no money for it If there could be some plan adopted by which they could

l7Stanfords e leClion to the senate after the e nd o f Reconstructio n is no t as curious as might appear As historian Tom Dillard asserLS soon after Negroes ga ined the ballot Arkansas Democrats began actively seeking black converts rn 1878 Phillips County Democratic leader James C Tappan predicted substantial Negro support for the Democratic Pa rty During the 1879 session of the legislature several while Democratic legislators supported (he proposed elecshytion of a black ho use chaplain (he Rev Jo hn T Je ni fer of Little Rock Tom Dillard To the Back of the Ele pham Racial Conflict in the Arkansas Republishycan Party Arkansas Historiw l Quarterly 33 (Spring 1974) 14

1o lncoming Corresponde nce August 12 1878 ACS Papers

8ACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

get 23 or even 12 of the value of what they possess they could not on ly pay their own passage but assist others who are in mOre straitened circurnstancesY)

On January 2 1878 A L Stanford and C R Hicks sailed aboard the bark Monrovia from New York for Llbena After tourshying Liberia for two months they returned to the U nited States to make reports to the ACS Both Stanford alld Hicks endorsed the societyS Liberia project Hicks argued that Afnca was the place for American blacks it was their homeland and offered them far more than they could hope to gain in America He found the citizens and immigrants in the African repub1ic to be prosperous and pleased with their surroundings and he reported that his own health had been stable th roughout theJouTlley mdshyeating that general health conditions were good He poillted out finally that several families around Forrest City MIll Brook Council Bend and Wittsburg Arkansas had expressed mterest in emigrating to Africa and that he planned to emigrate himselPo

Stanford complimented the ACS for havtng estabhshed what he described as the prosperous colony of LiberIa for the dowlltrodden Negro race Writing from Philadelphia on June 9 1878 he foreswore previous misgivings about emIgration and professed himself to be a true convert to the Africall c~use H~ now believed that Africa was the natural home of the Negro He cautiolled the ACS however that a greater awakening in the public mind was necessary beca use those wishing to emigrate would need ass istance And he warned the ACS about the need to be particular in selecting emigrants

Again [ do not think the colony so successfu lly planted in Liberia ought to be burdened with great numbers at presshyent of the indolent ignorant and immoral class of AmerIcan Negroes I favor a gradua l emigration of the more enterprIsshying hard working mo~al and intelligent class If some means could be adopted to aid this latter class as much as posslble[] I believe that such a course would not on ly prove a blessmg

lIncoming Correspondence November 1 1877 ACS Papers wAmerican Colonization Society SIxty-Third AmlUai Report 1879 12-1 3

172 173 ARKA NSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

to Africa but would also be the means of inducing the former class to make themselves erficien t

it was Stanfords intention to go back to Arkansas complete his final term in the general assembly and then return to Africa On his way back to the state he deli vered lectures on emigration to Africa in principal cities One such lecture delivered in Philadelphia on June 7 1878 was entitled The Future of Africa and her Present Needs Once back in Arkansas Stanford apshypealed to the sympathy of Coppinger of the ACS again 011 Janshyuar) 16 1879 Circumstances in the state he wrote were not favorable to emigration Blacks in Arkansas who wanted to go to Africa were suffering economicall y because of the drop in cotton prices Thus they were less able than ever to fund their own emigration He reported that only some twenty persons could pay their fares to New York in the fall and additional fund s would be needed from the ACS to transport the man y others who wish ed to emigrate to Africa Stanford complained that in lookshying over the large list of persons which the Colonization Societ) in its benevolence has charitably settled in their fatherland I find that Arkansas is not represented while colored people of almost every other sta te [have] been benefited Stanford pointed out that Arkansass inland position made it especially difficult for Arshykansas blacks whom he considered a better class of potential imshymigrant to participate in the back-to-Africa movement He hoped that Arkansas blacks would receive as much help from the ACS as had blacks located near seaports

At the same time that Stanford was appealing to the ACS for special assistance B K McKeevers a black man of North Creek in Phillips County wrote Coppinger about deteriorating conditions in Arkansas Certain whi tes had become awa re of the back-to-Africa drive and apparently hoped to put a stop to it McKeevers who identified himself as a Presbyterian minister and school teacher who hoped to go to Liberia repo rted

~ lln com ing Correspondence June 9 l878 ACS Papers 22ACS Sixty-Third Annual Report 12middot13 incoming correspondence January

16 1879 ACS Papers l~ Incoming Correspondence January 16 1879 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMF-T

The Kuklus [Ku Klux Klan] has begun to talk to Negroes out here and whip them about a week ago[] they taken out one C J Thomas (Clerk of co No 16 Liberia Exodus Ark Colony) After giving him two heavy blows over the head with a pistol he got away Dear Sir 1 hope you will do all you can for me as I shall continue to seek an asylum from this segnedation [segregation] may long live the Colonization Society for this great favor to the anglo African

Having performed his duty as one of the two commissioners for the LEAC and investigated conditions in Africa and having completed his term in the Arkansas Senate Stanford went on the lecture circuit to drum up financial support for emigration He wrote to Coppinger on May 18 1879 from Savannah Georgia concerning a question about which Stanford had strong feelings Some members of the ACS were advocating migration to the American West rather than to Africa but Stanford opposed emigshyration to any place other than Liberia He left Georgia for planshyned lectures in Charleston Washington DC and New York and asked that his medical testimonials be sent along with Eucalyptus seeds from the Agricultural Department to be used in the treatshyment of malaria Stanford now wanted the ACS to appoint him as medical officer for the emigrants at the rate of seventy-five dollars per month After traveling thro ugh Arkansas Tennessee Mississippi Alabama Georgia South Carolina and North Carolina with lillie or no pecuniary benefits Stanford was en ro ute to New York City where he hoped to secure safe passage to his fatherland and to labor in hastening the glorious day when even Africa shall take her place among the civilizations of the world2 He promised to repay funds previously advanced to him from fees received from the Arkansas emigrants and others for services rendered But he was nearly penniless and requested financial help for passage to Libe ria Stanford s financial status was clearly little better than the other Arkansas emigrants who finally reached the North en route to Liberia in early 1880

2~Incoming Correspondence Februa ry 13 1879 AC S Papermiddots 2 cIncoming Correspondence May 18 1879 June 7 J879 ACS Papers

174 175 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

After settling their crops in late 1879 the Arkansas emigrants ar r ived in New York City some time during the first half of 1880 ill a destitu te condition They became known as the Arkansas Re fugees beLa use of the appalling conditions under which they w re forced to live T hey had spent several months in Philadelshyph ia where they received aid from the Pennsylvania auxiliary of the A mel-ica n Colonization Society in the amount of $4000 beshyfore going on to New York to await transportation for Liberia T he New York Evening News in April 1880 carried the following headlines in two of its consecutive columns WRETCHED REFshyUCFFs- EMrCRANT S FOR LIBERIA ON THE VERGE OF ST AR VATION and WRETCHED CONDITION OF THE AR KANSAS REFUGEES THE DEATHTOLL INCREASshyIN G T he emigrants occupied a squalid overcrowded apartshynl ent at No lIS Thirty-Seventh Street in Denham Court Thirtyshyfour men thirty-two women and thirty children were in need of food SOOIl their ranks were swelled by additional numbers Death began to take its toll four were buried without prayer or gra veside sel vices and a church relief committee had to pay for the ir funeral expenses Suffering from inadequate nutrition they were left penniless and stranded in a neighborhood described as objectionable Black and white meet together in orgies and disshygust and disturb the neighborhood

Confined to a sick bed in the study of Shiloh Presbyterian Church the Reverend Henry Highland Garnet a prominent militant black leader spoke briefly about the condition of the refugees to a newspaper reporter sometime in April 1880

These people came here on their own accord They left Arshykansas to avoid oppression Except that they were not held in bondage their condition was worse than when slavery exist ed Colored men there were hired by the year They are paid no mom until the twelve months expire meanwhile purchasing the necessities of life from their employers who ch a rge three or four times more than the market rates In thb way the laborers are brought into debt and under the

~OClipping incoming correspondence April 1880 ACS Papers ~7(tipping incoming correspondence entry 00 239 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

law of the state they cannot leave an employers service while in arrears to him To avoid this [aJ colony waS formed to settle in Liberia

Probably in response to newspaper publicity people of all nationalities donated clothing baskets and other provisions Bakshyers left bread and buns at the door of the Denham Court apart shyment Meanwhile the ACS sent out circulars about the destitute condition of the refugees and received contributions such as that from R L Fellows of New Haven Connecticut who sent a check for thirty dollars for the Arkansas Refugees in May 1880

The stage was now set The Movem ent cOnies from our own hearts God put it there went the credo of the 105 emigrants from Arkansas Fifty-six came from Helena and the rest came from nearby towns and rural areas in surrounding counties The constitution of the LEAC professed the following sentiments We feel it no less a duty than a pleasure and privilege to give the Gospel and Civilization to our fatherland Africa must be redeemed and that by persons of African descent and there are none so well prepared as are the American Negroeso T he words persons of African descent indicated a certain perspective taken by the LEAC concerning a question raised by persons asshysociated with the colonization movement The LEAC clearly believed that all persons of African descent were eligible to emishygrate-a belief that stood in contrast to the cultural natIonalIsm of Reverend Edward Wilmot Blyden an outsta nd mg Pan-Afncan patriot and educator in Liberia in the nineteenth century who advocated that only pure Negroes should emIgrate to Llbena Nevertheless Blyden addressed the Arkansas Re fugees on May 16 1880 in Reverend Garnets Presbyterian Church In hIS closshying remarks Blyden said Let me congratulate you brethren on your resolution to go to the land of your fathers T he best of all is God is with you When you land in thai country [LlbenaJ you will be surprised at the new feelings which will take possession

~Rrhid

29Ibid WConstitution of the Liberia Exodus Ark Colony in Annual Report of the

New York Colonization Society 1886 (Colonization Pamphlet no 6) 1

176 177 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

of you T here is unspeakable grandeur in what you now ignoran tly call the wilds of Africa and the Dark Continenl Blydn urther encouraged them to assist and cooperate fully with their ind igenous bretheren fo r they would be received with gratitude

Two expeditions de parted for Liberia one on May 22 and the other on M3Y 29 on the barks LibeTia and M onrovia respectively Some families of Arkansas Refugees we re delayed in New York for lack of funds and would make an other attempt in the fall of 1880 One hundred and thirty-six emigran ts embarked in May 1880 however under the auspices of the American Colonization Society T he Arkansas Refugees constituted the largest number of the voyagers seventy-six were twelve yea rs of age and above forty-nine were between eleven and two years of age and eleven were only two years old Twenty-frve were of good standing in nine teen Baptist and Methodist churches T here were twentyshyth ree farmers two coopers two teachers two ministers one blacksmith and one brick mason

On Jun e 24 1880 according to a cable from Madeira the A rkansas Refugees arrived in Monrovia after a voyage of thirtyshytwO days The journey from their Arkansas homes had been a long and perilous one but now Brewersville located on the Sl Paul River became their new home Little mOre is known of their experiences in BrewerviJle but Stanford lived only a few yea rs after reaching Africa According to an obituary Judge Stanford had achieved a level of success and respect in his new home When he died in 1883 he was serving as Judge of the Court of Quarter Sessions and Common Pleas and was eulogized as a man of excellent ability and possessing certain rare qua lities

The Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony of 1877-1 880 was no isolated incident but part of an emigration impulse which was lasting and continuous After over seventy-eight years of operashytio n the ACS had enabled 16424 emigrants to settle in Liberia

African Repository 56 ( 1880) 70-73 ror blydens cultural natio nalism set Hollis R Lynch Edward Wilmal Blyden PanNegmiddota Palrial 1832-1912 (New York 1967)

African ReposiUrrj 56 (1880) 73 85 Arkansas Marsion August 1883

BACKmiddotTOmiddotAFRICA MOVEMENT

T ogether with 5722 recap tured Africans who were repatriated to Liberia a grand total of 22 146 emigrants were involved in the colonization scheme by 1895 and the movement con tinued into the twentieth century The Arkansas e pisode began in 1877 abated in 1882 and regained some of its momel1tum in the early twentieth century The low price o f cotton and the hardships of sharecro pping provided much of the inspiration for this first backmiddottomiddotAfrica crusade When Reverend A L Stanford led the 105 Arkansas Refugees to Liberia in 1880 Brewersville became their new frontier settlement They established homes and farms and built schools and churches The Arkansas refugees together with other refugees from the United States introduced the Amermiddot ican mode ls of democracy culture and technology to Liberia helping to create the modern Republic of Liberia middot T hey had freed themselves of the hardship of sharecroppi ng and realized their dreams of land ownership dreams that would have reo mained virtually closed to them had they remai ned in the Arkanshysas Delta

MA merican Colo nization Socie ty SeventyEighth Annual Report 1895 5 ~middot~See Howard Lamar and Leonard T hompson eds The Frontier in H istory

North AlIlm(a atd Southern Africa Compared (New Haven Conn 1981)

Page 6: The Arkansas H istorical Quarterly THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL ...pattona/The_Arkansas_Historical_Quarterly_inside.pdf · the percentage of white-ow ned land, see United States Commis

170 171

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Curiously Stanfords political success occurred after Reconshystruction had ended in Arkansas and it coincided with his interest ill the American Colonization Societys back-to-Africa moveshyment In fact Stanford appears to have used his position in the Arkansas state senate to promote the back-to-Africa cause He criss-crossed va rious counti es in 1878 perhaps as a part of his campaign for re-election and handed out HOllse of Representashytives stationery to loca l black farmers Senator Stanford probably secured the stationery from black friends who were members of the house In any event black farmers like Berry Coleman used that stationary to make application to the ACSl

The evidence suggests that Stanford entered the political arena with his own peculiar agenda He had committed himself to the back-to-Africa cause before his election to the state senate and even before the first convention of the Arkansas Exodus Colony in 1877 Stanford wrote from Helena to William Copshypinger secretary-treasurer of the American Colonization Society about the condition of blacks in the South and the logistics of the movement He reported in an elegant handwriting

The colored people of the South are extremely poor Poverty is a word inadequate to describe the perilous condition of these people And it seems impossible for them to extricate themselves The white people of the South many of them labor to keep money out of the hands of these poor people in order to prevent their becoming able to leave the country Some of the colored people a few have land and stock but it is to them almost valueless as they can get no money for it If there could be some plan adopted by which they could

l7Stanfords e leClion to the senate after the e nd o f Reconstructio n is no t as curious as might appear As historian Tom Dillard asserLS soon after Negroes ga ined the ballot Arkansas Democrats began actively seeking black converts rn 1878 Phillips County Democratic leader James C Tappan predicted substantial Negro support for the Democratic Pa rty During the 1879 session of the legislature several while Democratic legislators supported (he proposed elecshytion of a black ho use chaplain (he Rev Jo hn T Je ni fer of Little Rock Tom Dillard To the Back of the Ele pham Racial Conflict in the Arkansas Republishycan Party Arkansas Historiw l Quarterly 33 (Spring 1974) 14

1o lncoming Corresponde nce August 12 1878 ACS Papers

8ACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

get 23 or even 12 of the value of what they possess they could not on ly pay their own passage but assist others who are in mOre straitened circurnstancesY)

On January 2 1878 A L Stanford and C R Hicks sailed aboard the bark Monrovia from New York for Llbena After tourshying Liberia for two months they returned to the U nited States to make reports to the ACS Both Stanford alld Hicks endorsed the societyS Liberia project Hicks argued that Afnca was the place for American blacks it was their homeland and offered them far more than they could hope to gain in America He found the citizens and immigrants in the African repub1ic to be prosperous and pleased with their surroundings and he reported that his own health had been stable th roughout theJouTlley mdshyeating that general health conditions were good He poillted out finally that several families around Forrest City MIll Brook Council Bend and Wittsburg Arkansas had expressed mterest in emigrating to Africa and that he planned to emigrate himselPo

Stanford complimented the ACS for havtng estabhshed what he described as the prosperous colony of LiberIa for the dowlltrodden Negro race Writing from Philadelphia on June 9 1878 he foreswore previous misgivings about emIgration and professed himself to be a true convert to the Africall c~use H~ now believed that Africa was the natural home of the Negro He cautiolled the ACS however that a greater awakening in the public mind was necessary beca use those wishing to emigrate would need ass istance And he warned the ACS about the need to be particular in selecting emigrants

Again [ do not think the colony so successfu lly planted in Liberia ought to be burdened with great numbers at presshyent of the indolent ignorant and immoral class of AmerIcan Negroes I favor a gradua l emigration of the more enterprIsshying hard working mo~al and intelligent class If some means could be adopted to aid this latter class as much as posslble[] I believe that such a course would not on ly prove a blessmg

lIncoming Correspondence November 1 1877 ACS Papers wAmerican Colonization Society SIxty-Third AmlUai Report 1879 12-1 3

172 173 ARKA NSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

to Africa but would also be the means of inducing the former class to make themselves erficien t

it was Stanfords intention to go back to Arkansas complete his final term in the general assembly and then return to Africa On his way back to the state he deli vered lectures on emigration to Africa in principal cities One such lecture delivered in Philadelphia on June 7 1878 was entitled The Future of Africa and her Present Needs Once back in Arkansas Stanford apshypealed to the sympathy of Coppinger of the ACS again 011 Janshyuar) 16 1879 Circumstances in the state he wrote were not favorable to emigration Blacks in Arkansas who wanted to go to Africa were suffering economicall y because of the drop in cotton prices Thus they were less able than ever to fund their own emigration He reported that only some twenty persons could pay their fares to New York in the fall and additional fund s would be needed from the ACS to transport the man y others who wish ed to emigrate to Africa Stanford complained that in lookshying over the large list of persons which the Colonization Societ) in its benevolence has charitably settled in their fatherland I find that Arkansas is not represented while colored people of almost every other sta te [have] been benefited Stanford pointed out that Arkansass inland position made it especially difficult for Arshykansas blacks whom he considered a better class of potential imshymigrant to participate in the back-to-Africa movement He hoped that Arkansas blacks would receive as much help from the ACS as had blacks located near seaports

At the same time that Stanford was appealing to the ACS for special assistance B K McKeevers a black man of North Creek in Phillips County wrote Coppinger about deteriorating conditions in Arkansas Certain whi tes had become awa re of the back-to-Africa drive and apparently hoped to put a stop to it McKeevers who identified himself as a Presbyterian minister and school teacher who hoped to go to Liberia repo rted

~ lln com ing Correspondence June 9 l878 ACS Papers 22ACS Sixty-Third Annual Report 12middot13 incoming correspondence January

16 1879 ACS Papers l~ Incoming Correspondence January 16 1879 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMF-T

The Kuklus [Ku Klux Klan] has begun to talk to Negroes out here and whip them about a week ago[] they taken out one C J Thomas (Clerk of co No 16 Liberia Exodus Ark Colony) After giving him two heavy blows over the head with a pistol he got away Dear Sir 1 hope you will do all you can for me as I shall continue to seek an asylum from this segnedation [segregation] may long live the Colonization Society for this great favor to the anglo African

Having performed his duty as one of the two commissioners for the LEAC and investigated conditions in Africa and having completed his term in the Arkansas Senate Stanford went on the lecture circuit to drum up financial support for emigration He wrote to Coppinger on May 18 1879 from Savannah Georgia concerning a question about which Stanford had strong feelings Some members of the ACS were advocating migration to the American West rather than to Africa but Stanford opposed emigshyration to any place other than Liberia He left Georgia for planshyned lectures in Charleston Washington DC and New York and asked that his medical testimonials be sent along with Eucalyptus seeds from the Agricultural Department to be used in the treatshyment of malaria Stanford now wanted the ACS to appoint him as medical officer for the emigrants at the rate of seventy-five dollars per month After traveling thro ugh Arkansas Tennessee Mississippi Alabama Georgia South Carolina and North Carolina with lillie or no pecuniary benefits Stanford was en ro ute to New York City where he hoped to secure safe passage to his fatherland and to labor in hastening the glorious day when even Africa shall take her place among the civilizations of the world2 He promised to repay funds previously advanced to him from fees received from the Arkansas emigrants and others for services rendered But he was nearly penniless and requested financial help for passage to Libe ria Stanford s financial status was clearly little better than the other Arkansas emigrants who finally reached the North en route to Liberia in early 1880

2~Incoming Correspondence Februa ry 13 1879 AC S Papermiddots 2 cIncoming Correspondence May 18 1879 June 7 J879 ACS Papers

174 175 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

After settling their crops in late 1879 the Arkansas emigrants ar r ived in New York City some time during the first half of 1880 ill a destitu te condition They became known as the Arkansas Re fugees beLa use of the appalling conditions under which they w re forced to live T hey had spent several months in Philadelshyph ia where they received aid from the Pennsylvania auxiliary of the A mel-ica n Colonization Society in the amount of $4000 beshyfore going on to New York to await transportation for Liberia T he New York Evening News in April 1880 carried the following headlines in two of its consecutive columns WRETCHED REFshyUCFFs- EMrCRANT S FOR LIBERIA ON THE VERGE OF ST AR VATION and WRETCHED CONDITION OF THE AR KANSAS REFUGEES THE DEATHTOLL INCREASshyIN G T he emigrants occupied a squalid overcrowded apartshynl ent at No lIS Thirty-Seventh Street in Denham Court Thirtyshyfour men thirty-two women and thirty children were in need of food SOOIl their ranks were swelled by additional numbers Death began to take its toll four were buried without prayer or gra veside sel vices and a church relief committee had to pay for the ir funeral expenses Suffering from inadequate nutrition they were left penniless and stranded in a neighborhood described as objectionable Black and white meet together in orgies and disshygust and disturb the neighborhood

Confined to a sick bed in the study of Shiloh Presbyterian Church the Reverend Henry Highland Garnet a prominent militant black leader spoke briefly about the condition of the refugees to a newspaper reporter sometime in April 1880

These people came here on their own accord They left Arshykansas to avoid oppression Except that they were not held in bondage their condition was worse than when slavery exist ed Colored men there were hired by the year They are paid no mom until the twelve months expire meanwhile purchasing the necessities of life from their employers who ch a rge three or four times more than the market rates In thb way the laborers are brought into debt and under the

~OClipping incoming correspondence April 1880 ACS Papers ~7(tipping incoming correspondence entry 00 239 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

law of the state they cannot leave an employers service while in arrears to him To avoid this [aJ colony waS formed to settle in Liberia

Probably in response to newspaper publicity people of all nationalities donated clothing baskets and other provisions Bakshyers left bread and buns at the door of the Denham Court apart shyment Meanwhile the ACS sent out circulars about the destitute condition of the refugees and received contributions such as that from R L Fellows of New Haven Connecticut who sent a check for thirty dollars for the Arkansas Refugees in May 1880

The stage was now set The Movem ent cOnies from our own hearts God put it there went the credo of the 105 emigrants from Arkansas Fifty-six came from Helena and the rest came from nearby towns and rural areas in surrounding counties The constitution of the LEAC professed the following sentiments We feel it no less a duty than a pleasure and privilege to give the Gospel and Civilization to our fatherland Africa must be redeemed and that by persons of African descent and there are none so well prepared as are the American Negroeso T he words persons of African descent indicated a certain perspective taken by the LEAC concerning a question raised by persons asshysociated with the colonization movement The LEAC clearly believed that all persons of African descent were eligible to emishygrate-a belief that stood in contrast to the cultural natIonalIsm of Reverend Edward Wilmot Blyden an outsta nd mg Pan-Afncan patriot and educator in Liberia in the nineteenth century who advocated that only pure Negroes should emIgrate to Llbena Nevertheless Blyden addressed the Arkansas Re fugees on May 16 1880 in Reverend Garnets Presbyterian Church In hIS closshying remarks Blyden said Let me congratulate you brethren on your resolution to go to the land of your fathers T he best of all is God is with you When you land in thai country [LlbenaJ you will be surprised at the new feelings which will take possession

~Rrhid

29Ibid WConstitution of the Liberia Exodus Ark Colony in Annual Report of the

New York Colonization Society 1886 (Colonization Pamphlet no 6) 1

176 177 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

of you T here is unspeakable grandeur in what you now ignoran tly call the wilds of Africa and the Dark Continenl Blydn urther encouraged them to assist and cooperate fully with their ind igenous bretheren fo r they would be received with gratitude

Two expeditions de parted for Liberia one on May 22 and the other on M3Y 29 on the barks LibeTia and M onrovia respectively Some families of Arkansas Refugees we re delayed in New York for lack of funds and would make an other attempt in the fall of 1880 One hundred and thirty-six emigran ts embarked in May 1880 however under the auspices of the American Colonization Society T he Arkansas Refugees constituted the largest number of the voyagers seventy-six were twelve yea rs of age and above forty-nine were between eleven and two years of age and eleven were only two years old Twenty-frve were of good standing in nine teen Baptist and Methodist churches T here were twentyshyth ree farmers two coopers two teachers two ministers one blacksmith and one brick mason

On Jun e 24 1880 according to a cable from Madeira the A rkansas Refugees arrived in Monrovia after a voyage of thirtyshytwO days The journey from their Arkansas homes had been a long and perilous one but now Brewersville located on the Sl Paul River became their new home Little mOre is known of their experiences in BrewerviJle but Stanford lived only a few yea rs after reaching Africa According to an obituary Judge Stanford had achieved a level of success and respect in his new home When he died in 1883 he was serving as Judge of the Court of Quarter Sessions and Common Pleas and was eulogized as a man of excellent ability and possessing certain rare qua lities

The Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony of 1877-1 880 was no isolated incident but part of an emigration impulse which was lasting and continuous After over seventy-eight years of operashytio n the ACS had enabled 16424 emigrants to settle in Liberia

African Repository 56 ( 1880) 70-73 ror blydens cultural natio nalism set Hollis R Lynch Edward Wilmal Blyden PanNegmiddota Palrial 1832-1912 (New York 1967)

African ReposiUrrj 56 (1880) 73 85 Arkansas Marsion August 1883

BACKmiddotTOmiddotAFRICA MOVEMENT

T ogether with 5722 recap tured Africans who were repatriated to Liberia a grand total of 22 146 emigrants were involved in the colonization scheme by 1895 and the movement con tinued into the twentieth century The Arkansas e pisode began in 1877 abated in 1882 and regained some of its momel1tum in the early twentieth century The low price o f cotton and the hardships of sharecro pping provided much of the inspiration for this first backmiddottomiddotAfrica crusade When Reverend A L Stanford led the 105 Arkansas Refugees to Liberia in 1880 Brewersville became their new frontier settlement They established homes and farms and built schools and churches The Arkansas refugees together with other refugees from the United States introduced the Amermiddot ican mode ls of democracy culture and technology to Liberia helping to create the modern Republic of Liberia middot T hey had freed themselves of the hardship of sharecroppi ng and realized their dreams of land ownership dreams that would have reo mained virtually closed to them had they remai ned in the Arkanshysas Delta

MA merican Colo nization Socie ty SeventyEighth Annual Report 1895 5 ~middot~See Howard Lamar and Leonard T hompson eds The Frontier in H istory

North AlIlm(a atd Southern Africa Compared (New Haven Conn 1981)

Page 7: The Arkansas H istorical Quarterly THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL ...pattona/The_Arkansas_Historical_Quarterly_inside.pdf · the percentage of white-ow ned land, see United States Commis

172 173 ARKA NSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

to Africa but would also be the means of inducing the former class to make themselves erficien t

it was Stanfords intention to go back to Arkansas complete his final term in the general assembly and then return to Africa On his way back to the state he deli vered lectures on emigration to Africa in principal cities One such lecture delivered in Philadelphia on June 7 1878 was entitled The Future of Africa and her Present Needs Once back in Arkansas Stanford apshypealed to the sympathy of Coppinger of the ACS again 011 Janshyuar) 16 1879 Circumstances in the state he wrote were not favorable to emigration Blacks in Arkansas who wanted to go to Africa were suffering economicall y because of the drop in cotton prices Thus they were less able than ever to fund their own emigration He reported that only some twenty persons could pay their fares to New York in the fall and additional fund s would be needed from the ACS to transport the man y others who wish ed to emigrate to Africa Stanford complained that in lookshying over the large list of persons which the Colonization Societ) in its benevolence has charitably settled in their fatherland I find that Arkansas is not represented while colored people of almost every other sta te [have] been benefited Stanford pointed out that Arkansass inland position made it especially difficult for Arshykansas blacks whom he considered a better class of potential imshymigrant to participate in the back-to-Africa movement He hoped that Arkansas blacks would receive as much help from the ACS as had blacks located near seaports

At the same time that Stanford was appealing to the ACS for special assistance B K McKeevers a black man of North Creek in Phillips County wrote Coppinger about deteriorating conditions in Arkansas Certain whi tes had become awa re of the back-to-Africa drive and apparently hoped to put a stop to it McKeevers who identified himself as a Presbyterian minister and school teacher who hoped to go to Liberia repo rted

~ lln com ing Correspondence June 9 l878 ACS Papers 22ACS Sixty-Third Annual Report 12middot13 incoming correspondence January

16 1879 ACS Papers l~ Incoming Correspondence January 16 1879 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMF-T

The Kuklus [Ku Klux Klan] has begun to talk to Negroes out here and whip them about a week ago[] they taken out one C J Thomas (Clerk of co No 16 Liberia Exodus Ark Colony) After giving him two heavy blows over the head with a pistol he got away Dear Sir 1 hope you will do all you can for me as I shall continue to seek an asylum from this segnedation [segregation] may long live the Colonization Society for this great favor to the anglo African

Having performed his duty as one of the two commissioners for the LEAC and investigated conditions in Africa and having completed his term in the Arkansas Senate Stanford went on the lecture circuit to drum up financial support for emigration He wrote to Coppinger on May 18 1879 from Savannah Georgia concerning a question about which Stanford had strong feelings Some members of the ACS were advocating migration to the American West rather than to Africa but Stanford opposed emigshyration to any place other than Liberia He left Georgia for planshyned lectures in Charleston Washington DC and New York and asked that his medical testimonials be sent along with Eucalyptus seeds from the Agricultural Department to be used in the treatshyment of malaria Stanford now wanted the ACS to appoint him as medical officer for the emigrants at the rate of seventy-five dollars per month After traveling thro ugh Arkansas Tennessee Mississippi Alabama Georgia South Carolina and North Carolina with lillie or no pecuniary benefits Stanford was en ro ute to New York City where he hoped to secure safe passage to his fatherland and to labor in hastening the glorious day when even Africa shall take her place among the civilizations of the world2 He promised to repay funds previously advanced to him from fees received from the Arkansas emigrants and others for services rendered But he was nearly penniless and requested financial help for passage to Libe ria Stanford s financial status was clearly little better than the other Arkansas emigrants who finally reached the North en route to Liberia in early 1880

2~Incoming Correspondence Februa ry 13 1879 AC S Papermiddots 2 cIncoming Correspondence May 18 1879 June 7 J879 ACS Papers

174 175 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

After settling their crops in late 1879 the Arkansas emigrants ar r ived in New York City some time during the first half of 1880 ill a destitu te condition They became known as the Arkansas Re fugees beLa use of the appalling conditions under which they w re forced to live T hey had spent several months in Philadelshyph ia where they received aid from the Pennsylvania auxiliary of the A mel-ica n Colonization Society in the amount of $4000 beshyfore going on to New York to await transportation for Liberia T he New York Evening News in April 1880 carried the following headlines in two of its consecutive columns WRETCHED REFshyUCFFs- EMrCRANT S FOR LIBERIA ON THE VERGE OF ST AR VATION and WRETCHED CONDITION OF THE AR KANSAS REFUGEES THE DEATHTOLL INCREASshyIN G T he emigrants occupied a squalid overcrowded apartshynl ent at No lIS Thirty-Seventh Street in Denham Court Thirtyshyfour men thirty-two women and thirty children were in need of food SOOIl their ranks were swelled by additional numbers Death began to take its toll four were buried without prayer or gra veside sel vices and a church relief committee had to pay for the ir funeral expenses Suffering from inadequate nutrition they were left penniless and stranded in a neighborhood described as objectionable Black and white meet together in orgies and disshygust and disturb the neighborhood

Confined to a sick bed in the study of Shiloh Presbyterian Church the Reverend Henry Highland Garnet a prominent militant black leader spoke briefly about the condition of the refugees to a newspaper reporter sometime in April 1880

These people came here on their own accord They left Arshykansas to avoid oppression Except that they were not held in bondage their condition was worse than when slavery exist ed Colored men there were hired by the year They are paid no mom until the twelve months expire meanwhile purchasing the necessities of life from their employers who ch a rge three or four times more than the market rates In thb way the laborers are brought into debt and under the

~OClipping incoming correspondence April 1880 ACS Papers ~7(tipping incoming correspondence entry 00 239 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

law of the state they cannot leave an employers service while in arrears to him To avoid this [aJ colony waS formed to settle in Liberia

Probably in response to newspaper publicity people of all nationalities donated clothing baskets and other provisions Bakshyers left bread and buns at the door of the Denham Court apart shyment Meanwhile the ACS sent out circulars about the destitute condition of the refugees and received contributions such as that from R L Fellows of New Haven Connecticut who sent a check for thirty dollars for the Arkansas Refugees in May 1880

The stage was now set The Movem ent cOnies from our own hearts God put it there went the credo of the 105 emigrants from Arkansas Fifty-six came from Helena and the rest came from nearby towns and rural areas in surrounding counties The constitution of the LEAC professed the following sentiments We feel it no less a duty than a pleasure and privilege to give the Gospel and Civilization to our fatherland Africa must be redeemed and that by persons of African descent and there are none so well prepared as are the American Negroeso T he words persons of African descent indicated a certain perspective taken by the LEAC concerning a question raised by persons asshysociated with the colonization movement The LEAC clearly believed that all persons of African descent were eligible to emishygrate-a belief that stood in contrast to the cultural natIonalIsm of Reverend Edward Wilmot Blyden an outsta nd mg Pan-Afncan patriot and educator in Liberia in the nineteenth century who advocated that only pure Negroes should emIgrate to Llbena Nevertheless Blyden addressed the Arkansas Re fugees on May 16 1880 in Reverend Garnets Presbyterian Church In hIS closshying remarks Blyden said Let me congratulate you brethren on your resolution to go to the land of your fathers T he best of all is God is with you When you land in thai country [LlbenaJ you will be surprised at the new feelings which will take possession

~Rrhid

29Ibid WConstitution of the Liberia Exodus Ark Colony in Annual Report of the

New York Colonization Society 1886 (Colonization Pamphlet no 6) 1

176 177 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

of you T here is unspeakable grandeur in what you now ignoran tly call the wilds of Africa and the Dark Continenl Blydn urther encouraged them to assist and cooperate fully with their ind igenous bretheren fo r they would be received with gratitude

Two expeditions de parted for Liberia one on May 22 and the other on M3Y 29 on the barks LibeTia and M onrovia respectively Some families of Arkansas Refugees we re delayed in New York for lack of funds and would make an other attempt in the fall of 1880 One hundred and thirty-six emigran ts embarked in May 1880 however under the auspices of the American Colonization Society T he Arkansas Refugees constituted the largest number of the voyagers seventy-six were twelve yea rs of age and above forty-nine were between eleven and two years of age and eleven were only two years old Twenty-frve were of good standing in nine teen Baptist and Methodist churches T here were twentyshyth ree farmers two coopers two teachers two ministers one blacksmith and one brick mason

On Jun e 24 1880 according to a cable from Madeira the A rkansas Refugees arrived in Monrovia after a voyage of thirtyshytwO days The journey from their Arkansas homes had been a long and perilous one but now Brewersville located on the Sl Paul River became their new home Little mOre is known of their experiences in BrewerviJle but Stanford lived only a few yea rs after reaching Africa According to an obituary Judge Stanford had achieved a level of success and respect in his new home When he died in 1883 he was serving as Judge of the Court of Quarter Sessions and Common Pleas and was eulogized as a man of excellent ability and possessing certain rare qua lities

The Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony of 1877-1 880 was no isolated incident but part of an emigration impulse which was lasting and continuous After over seventy-eight years of operashytio n the ACS had enabled 16424 emigrants to settle in Liberia

African Repository 56 ( 1880) 70-73 ror blydens cultural natio nalism set Hollis R Lynch Edward Wilmal Blyden PanNegmiddota Palrial 1832-1912 (New York 1967)

African ReposiUrrj 56 (1880) 73 85 Arkansas Marsion August 1883

BACKmiddotTOmiddotAFRICA MOVEMENT

T ogether with 5722 recap tured Africans who were repatriated to Liberia a grand total of 22 146 emigrants were involved in the colonization scheme by 1895 and the movement con tinued into the twentieth century The Arkansas e pisode began in 1877 abated in 1882 and regained some of its momel1tum in the early twentieth century The low price o f cotton and the hardships of sharecro pping provided much of the inspiration for this first backmiddottomiddotAfrica crusade When Reverend A L Stanford led the 105 Arkansas Refugees to Liberia in 1880 Brewersville became their new frontier settlement They established homes and farms and built schools and churches The Arkansas refugees together with other refugees from the United States introduced the Amermiddot ican mode ls of democracy culture and technology to Liberia helping to create the modern Republic of Liberia middot T hey had freed themselves of the hardship of sharecroppi ng and realized their dreams of land ownership dreams that would have reo mained virtually closed to them had they remai ned in the Arkanshysas Delta

MA merican Colo nization Socie ty SeventyEighth Annual Report 1895 5 ~middot~See Howard Lamar and Leonard T hompson eds The Frontier in H istory

North AlIlm(a atd Southern Africa Compared (New Haven Conn 1981)

Page 8: The Arkansas H istorical Quarterly THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL ...pattona/The_Arkansas_Historical_Quarterly_inside.pdf · the percentage of white-ow ned land, see United States Commis

174 175 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

After settling their crops in late 1879 the Arkansas emigrants ar r ived in New York City some time during the first half of 1880 ill a destitu te condition They became known as the Arkansas Re fugees beLa use of the appalling conditions under which they w re forced to live T hey had spent several months in Philadelshyph ia where they received aid from the Pennsylvania auxiliary of the A mel-ica n Colonization Society in the amount of $4000 beshyfore going on to New York to await transportation for Liberia T he New York Evening News in April 1880 carried the following headlines in two of its consecutive columns WRETCHED REFshyUCFFs- EMrCRANT S FOR LIBERIA ON THE VERGE OF ST AR VATION and WRETCHED CONDITION OF THE AR KANSAS REFUGEES THE DEATHTOLL INCREASshyIN G T he emigrants occupied a squalid overcrowded apartshynl ent at No lIS Thirty-Seventh Street in Denham Court Thirtyshyfour men thirty-two women and thirty children were in need of food SOOIl their ranks were swelled by additional numbers Death began to take its toll four were buried without prayer or gra veside sel vices and a church relief committee had to pay for the ir funeral expenses Suffering from inadequate nutrition they were left penniless and stranded in a neighborhood described as objectionable Black and white meet together in orgies and disshygust and disturb the neighborhood

Confined to a sick bed in the study of Shiloh Presbyterian Church the Reverend Henry Highland Garnet a prominent militant black leader spoke briefly about the condition of the refugees to a newspaper reporter sometime in April 1880

These people came here on their own accord They left Arshykansas to avoid oppression Except that they were not held in bondage their condition was worse than when slavery exist ed Colored men there were hired by the year They are paid no mom until the twelve months expire meanwhile purchasing the necessities of life from their employers who ch a rge three or four times more than the market rates In thb way the laborers are brought into debt and under the

~OClipping incoming correspondence April 1880 ACS Papers ~7(tipping incoming correspondence entry 00 239 ACS Papers

BACK-TO-AFRICA MOVEMENT

law of the state they cannot leave an employers service while in arrears to him To avoid this [aJ colony waS formed to settle in Liberia

Probably in response to newspaper publicity people of all nationalities donated clothing baskets and other provisions Bakshyers left bread and buns at the door of the Denham Court apart shyment Meanwhile the ACS sent out circulars about the destitute condition of the refugees and received contributions such as that from R L Fellows of New Haven Connecticut who sent a check for thirty dollars for the Arkansas Refugees in May 1880

The stage was now set The Movem ent cOnies from our own hearts God put it there went the credo of the 105 emigrants from Arkansas Fifty-six came from Helena and the rest came from nearby towns and rural areas in surrounding counties The constitution of the LEAC professed the following sentiments We feel it no less a duty than a pleasure and privilege to give the Gospel and Civilization to our fatherland Africa must be redeemed and that by persons of African descent and there are none so well prepared as are the American Negroeso T he words persons of African descent indicated a certain perspective taken by the LEAC concerning a question raised by persons asshysociated with the colonization movement The LEAC clearly believed that all persons of African descent were eligible to emishygrate-a belief that stood in contrast to the cultural natIonalIsm of Reverend Edward Wilmot Blyden an outsta nd mg Pan-Afncan patriot and educator in Liberia in the nineteenth century who advocated that only pure Negroes should emIgrate to Llbena Nevertheless Blyden addressed the Arkansas Re fugees on May 16 1880 in Reverend Garnets Presbyterian Church In hIS closshying remarks Blyden said Let me congratulate you brethren on your resolution to go to the land of your fathers T he best of all is God is with you When you land in thai country [LlbenaJ you will be surprised at the new feelings which will take possession

~Rrhid

29Ibid WConstitution of the Liberia Exodus Ark Colony in Annual Report of the

New York Colonization Society 1886 (Colonization Pamphlet no 6) 1

176 177 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

of you T here is unspeakable grandeur in what you now ignoran tly call the wilds of Africa and the Dark Continenl Blydn urther encouraged them to assist and cooperate fully with their ind igenous bretheren fo r they would be received with gratitude

Two expeditions de parted for Liberia one on May 22 and the other on M3Y 29 on the barks LibeTia and M onrovia respectively Some families of Arkansas Refugees we re delayed in New York for lack of funds and would make an other attempt in the fall of 1880 One hundred and thirty-six emigran ts embarked in May 1880 however under the auspices of the American Colonization Society T he Arkansas Refugees constituted the largest number of the voyagers seventy-six were twelve yea rs of age and above forty-nine were between eleven and two years of age and eleven were only two years old Twenty-frve were of good standing in nine teen Baptist and Methodist churches T here were twentyshyth ree farmers two coopers two teachers two ministers one blacksmith and one brick mason

On Jun e 24 1880 according to a cable from Madeira the A rkansas Refugees arrived in Monrovia after a voyage of thirtyshytwO days The journey from their Arkansas homes had been a long and perilous one but now Brewersville located on the Sl Paul River became their new home Little mOre is known of their experiences in BrewerviJle but Stanford lived only a few yea rs after reaching Africa According to an obituary Judge Stanford had achieved a level of success and respect in his new home When he died in 1883 he was serving as Judge of the Court of Quarter Sessions and Common Pleas and was eulogized as a man of excellent ability and possessing certain rare qua lities

The Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony of 1877-1 880 was no isolated incident but part of an emigration impulse which was lasting and continuous After over seventy-eight years of operashytio n the ACS had enabled 16424 emigrants to settle in Liberia

African Repository 56 ( 1880) 70-73 ror blydens cultural natio nalism set Hollis R Lynch Edward Wilmal Blyden PanNegmiddota Palrial 1832-1912 (New York 1967)

African ReposiUrrj 56 (1880) 73 85 Arkansas Marsion August 1883

BACKmiddotTOmiddotAFRICA MOVEMENT

T ogether with 5722 recap tured Africans who were repatriated to Liberia a grand total of 22 146 emigrants were involved in the colonization scheme by 1895 and the movement con tinued into the twentieth century The Arkansas e pisode began in 1877 abated in 1882 and regained some of its momel1tum in the early twentieth century The low price o f cotton and the hardships of sharecro pping provided much of the inspiration for this first backmiddottomiddotAfrica crusade When Reverend A L Stanford led the 105 Arkansas Refugees to Liberia in 1880 Brewersville became their new frontier settlement They established homes and farms and built schools and churches The Arkansas refugees together with other refugees from the United States introduced the Amermiddot ican mode ls of democracy culture and technology to Liberia helping to create the modern Republic of Liberia middot T hey had freed themselves of the hardship of sharecroppi ng and realized their dreams of land ownership dreams that would have reo mained virtually closed to them had they remai ned in the Arkanshysas Delta

MA merican Colo nization Socie ty SeventyEighth Annual Report 1895 5 ~middot~See Howard Lamar and Leonard T hompson eds The Frontier in H istory

North AlIlm(a atd Southern Africa Compared (New Haven Conn 1981)

Page 9: The Arkansas H istorical Quarterly THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL ...pattona/The_Arkansas_Historical_Quarterly_inside.pdf · the percentage of white-ow ned land, see United States Commis

176 177 ARKANSAS HISTORI CAL QUARTERLY

of you T here is unspeakable grandeur in what you now ignoran tly call the wilds of Africa and the Dark Continenl Blydn urther encouraged them to assist and cooperate fully with their ind igenous bretheren fo r they would be received with gratitude

Two expeditions de parted for Liberia one on May 22 and the other on M3Y 29 on the barks LibeTia and M onrovia respectively Some families of Arkansas Refugees we re delayed in New York for lack of funds and would make an other attempt in the fall of 1880 One hundred and thirty-six emigran ts embarked in May 1880 however under the auspices of the American Colonization Society T he Arkansas Refugees constituted the largest number of the voyagers seventy-six were twelve yea rs of age and above forty-nine were between eleven and two years of age and eleven were only two years old Twenty-frve were of good standing in nine teen Baptist and Methodist churches T here were twentyshyth ree farmers two coopers two teachers two ministers one blacksmith and one brick mason

On Jun e 24 1880 according to a cable from Madeira the A rkansas Refugees arrived in Monrovia after a voyage of thirtyshytwO days The journey from their Arkansas homes had been a long and perilous one but now Brewersville located on the Sl Paul River became their new home Little mOre is known of their experiences in BrewerviJle but Stanford lived only a few yea rs after reaching Africa According to an obituary Judge Stanford had achieved a level of success and respect in his new home When he died in 1883 he was serving as Judge of the Court of Quarter Sessions and Common Pleas and was eulogized as a man of excellent ability and possessing certain rare qua lities

The Liberian Exodus Arkansas Colony of 1877-1 880 was no isolated incident but part of an emigration impulse which was lasting and continuous After over seventy-eight years of operashytio n the ACS had enabled 16424 emigrants to settle in Liberia

African Repository 56 ( 1880) 70-73 ror blydens cultural natio nalism set Hollis R Lynch Edward Wilmal Blyden PanNegmiddota Palrial 1832-1912 (New York 1967)

African ReposiUrrj 56 (1880) 73 85 Arkansas Marsion August 1883

BACKmiddotTOmiddotAFRICA MOVEMENT

T ogether with 5722 recap tured Africans who were repatriated to Liberia a grand total of 22 146 emigrants were involved in the colonization scheme by 1895 and the movement con tinued into the twentieth century The Arkansas e pisode began in 1877 abated in 1882 and regained some of its momel1tum in the early twentieth century The low price o f cotton and the hardships of sharecro pping provided much of the inspiration for this first backmiddottomiddotAfrica crusade When Reverend A L Stanford led the 105 Arkansas Refugees to Liberia in 1880 Brewersville became their new frontier settlement They established homes and farms and built schools and churches The Arkansas refugees together with other refugees from the United States introduced the Amermiddot ican mode ls of democracy culture and technology to Liberia helping to create the modern Republic of Liberia middot T hey had freed themselves of the hardship of sharecroppi ng and realized their dreams of land ownership dreams that would have reo mained virtually closed to them had they remai ned in the Arkanshysas Delta

MA merican Colo nization Socie ty SeventyEighth Annual Report 1895 5 ~middot~See Howard Lamar and Leonard T hompson eds The Frontier in H istory

North AlIlm(a atd Southern Africa Compared (New Haven Conn 1981)