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THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES

EDITOR Norman R Bennett Boston University

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD

Roger Pasquler Daniel F McCallUniversite de Paris Boston University Robert O Collins Graham W Irwin University of California Columbia University Santa Barbara

Roy C BridgesCreighton Gabel University of AberdeenBoston University

Robert I RotbergMarcel Luwel Musee Royal de IAfrique Centrale Tufts University Tervuren

Donald CrummeyGodfrey Murluki University of Illinois University of Nairobi

Sara Berry George E Brooks Jr Boston UniversityIndiana University

Frederick CooperProduction Editor University of MichiganMargaret Jean Hay Research Assistant Production Assistant

Nancy SOyring Anne Brown

The editor is grateful to the History Department of Boston University for its continued support of this publication

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Beginning with volume 15 number 1 (1982) the International Journal of African Historical Studies has been published by the African Studies Center at Boston University All correspondence concerning subscripshytions from volume 15on should be directed to the African Studies Center 270 Bay State Road Boston MA 02215 Any correspondence concerning volumes 1 through 14 should be directed to Aflicana Publishing Co a division of Holmes and Meier 30 Irving Place New Yorllt NY 10003

I

THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES

Volume 22 1989 Number 4

Copyrighl 1989 by the Board of Trustees 0 BO1JIl Uniwrrsily

ARTICLES

DR JOHN FARRELL EASMON MEDICAL PROFESSIONALISM AND COLONIAL RACISM IN THE GOLD COAST 1856-1900 by Adell Patton Jr 601

COLONIAL AGRICULTURAL POLICY THE NONmiddot DEVELOPMENT OF THE NORTHERN TERRITORIES OF THE GOLD COAST by Inez Sutton 637

THE NAnON AS FRONTIER ETHNICITY AND CLiENTELISM IN IVORIAN HISTORY by David A Chappell 671

THE COLONIAL HERITAGE OF THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC A LINGUISTIC PERSPECTIVE by William 1 Samarin 617

BOOK REVIEWS

Parpart and Staudt eds ~Vomert and the State in AfriCa by SHARON STICHTER 713

Hargreaves Decolonization in Africa and Gifford and Louis eds De-iJlonization and African Independence The Transfer of Power 196(-1980 by FREDERICK COOPER 715

Manning irancophime Sub-Saitaran Africa 188M985 by RAYMOND F BETTS

Northrup Beyond the Bend in the River African Labor in EtWern Zaire 1865-1940 by JANET MAcGAFFEY 721

Clayton and KiUingray Khoki and Blue Military and Police in British CoionioJ Africa by CHARLES H AMBLER 723

Scheven Bibliographies for Africon Studies 197()1986 by NANCY J SCHMIDT 724

Voeltz German Colonittiism and the SOUIh West Africa Company 1885-19l4 and Cooper ed AlIies in Apartheid - Western Capitalism in Occupied Namibia by RENFREW CHRISTIE 7U

Hermele Land Struggles and Social Differentiation in SOUIhern Mozambique A Case Study of Chok 1950middotl917 by MERLE L BOWEN 729

Mirza and Strobel eds Three Swahili Women life Stories from Mornbata Kenya by CAROL M EASTMAN 732

Headrick The Tentacles of Progress Teclwgtlogy Transfer in the Age of Imperialism 1850-1940 by A G HOPKINS 734

Bennoune The Maldng of Comemporary Algeria 183()1987 by TONY SMITH 735

Okoko Socialism and Self-Reliance in Tanzania by MARJORIE MBILINYI 736

Harrison France and lsiam in West Africa 1861J1960 by ROBERTA ANN DUNBAR 738

Forbes BkJck Africans and Native Americans Color Race aNi Caste in the EvoiuJitgt1l of Red~Black Peoples and Broberg Places and Peoples of the World Barbados by RODERICK A McDONALD 740

Fardon Raiders (t(j Refugees Trends in CluJmba Political DevelopmenJ1750-1950 by MICHAEL MASON 742

Jones and Mitchell eds Sierra UON Studies at Birmingham 1985 by JANE J MARTIN 743

Edwards ed The life of Olaudah Equiano by CHRISTOPHER FYFE 744

Ray Ghana Politics Economics and SOciety by NAOMI CHAZAN 74(i

Mattera Gone with the Twilightmiddot A Story of SophitJlown by DAVID NORTHRUP 748

Newman Black Power aNi Black Religion Essays aNi Reviews by GEORGE SHEPPERSON 749

Sankara Thomes SanJulTG Speaks The Burkina Faso RevolUlion 1983-87 by RENE OTAYEK 750

Berger and Godsell eds A FuJure SoUh Africa Visions Strategies and Realities by KENNETH A HEARD 751

Azevedo ed Cameroon aNi Chad in Hisrorical aNi Conumpvrary Perspectives by FREDERICK QUINN 753

Offermann Angola Zwischen den Fromen 1nternationales Umfeld SOZioOrolWmiSCMS Umfeltt Innenpalilik by JON BRIDGMAN 754

Maclennan A Proper Degree ofTerror John Graiwm and t~ Capes Eastern Frontier by NORMAN ETHERINGTON 755

Stein The French Sugar Business in the EightulUh Century by DAVID RICHARDSON 756

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS 758

INDEX TO VOLUME II (Jl89) 759

RECENT PUBLICATIONS FROM THE

BOSTON UNIVERSITY AFRICAN STUDIES CElgtltER

WORKING PAPERS IN AFRICAN STUDIES

Queens Prostitutes and Peasants lfistorical Perspective on African Wome~ 1971~

1986 by Margaret Jean Hay 130 (1988) A Great Agrarian Cyde A History of Agricultural Productivity and Demographic Change in Highland Ethiopia 1900-1987 by James C McCann 131 (1988) Schooling and Access to Management in LDCs The Case of Kenya by Irving Gershenberg 132 (1988) Pi~ The Democratic Philosophers of the Medieval Sndan by Jay Spaulding and J L Spaulding 134 (1989) Africa Beyond the Famine The case for Hope by Maurice F Strong 135 (1989) Women in Government Service in Colonial Nigeria by LaRay Denzer 136 (1989) Epidemi()logis~ Social Scientists and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in Africa by Randall M Packard 137 (1989) Frontier Agriculture Food Supply and Conjuncture A Revolution in Dura on Ethiopias Mazega 1898~1930 by James C McCann 138 (1989)

The Outlook for Liberalization in Zaire Evidence from Kisanganis Rice Trade bt Diane Russell 139 (1989) Politics Class and Gender in African Resource Management Examining the Conneaios in Rural Kenya by Barbara P Thomas-Slayter 140 (1989) Coping with Confusion African Farmers Responses to Economic Instability in the 1970 and 19l1Os by Sara Berry 141 (1989) Choosing Between African and French Destinations Family and Community Factors in Migration from the Senegal River Valley by Sally E Findley 142 (1989) The Earth Shall Give Judgment Land Leadership and Political Legitimacy in Highland Cameroon by Miriam Goheen 143 (1989) Pawns Porters and Petty Traders Women in the Transition to Export Agriculture in Ghana by Beverly Grier 144 (1989)

DISCUSSION PAPERS IN THE AFRICAN HUMANITIES

Patterns from middotWithout Meaning from Within European-Styie Military Dress and German Colonial Politics in the Barnum Kingdom by Christraud Geary 1 (1989) Western Clothing and African Identity Changing Consumption PaUerns Among the Luo by Margaret Jean Hay 2 (1989) African Art in Movement Traders Networks and Objeltts in the Vest African Art Market by Christopher B Steiner 3 (1989) Transformalions in lIorin Actions and Artefacts Speak Louder Tban W()r~ by Ann OHear 4 (1989)

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THE ECONOMICS OF RACE AND CRIME

S_IL IIyenI Jr lind IlJarglll8 C Simms edlttmJ

The re1afionships between crime and the economy has reooJVed 100 itttle attention This volume resurrects dassiC writings by and about bJacks lIS new contributions from the frontier or reSearch ft~ t emerging tensions in scholarship on race and crime

~738middot75Smiddot1 (paper) 220 pp $1695

RACE RADICALISM AND REFORM SElECTEO PAPERS OF ABRAM L HARRIS Eellied wnh lin ntroClucton by WIllSlIt DBtIty Jr

Pre$~nts maJor themes addressed by this dstinguished black Ameocan economist (1899-1963) regarded as a foremost expert on comparative analysis in economics The editor assesses Hani~ life and ~rIOOiions affordIng Insight into important transliOO6 in hIS ttunking about radica1lsm and SOdal reform ISBN 0middot88738middot210middotX (cloth) 500 pp $4995

HEALTH POLICIES AND BLACK AMERICANS Davel P WIUs editor

Eighteen Ie~ researchers analyze health gains made by black ~r1cans in thiS comprehensive review ~ undoublodly wi beCome a ciassic in Ihe field - lIwa E ~nhardl Ptinceton University Rigorous yet lalr~minc1ed an exceHent timely and uSeful

volume - PaulO Stolley University of Pennsylvania ISBN ~738-249middot5 (paper) 532 pp $2395

CHANGING COURSE CIVIL RIGHTS AT THE CROSSROAOS Clint Bolick

Barriers 10 enirepreneurial and educaUonat OPPOrtunity create a viCIous cycte 01 depenclency and despair says Bolick who outUnes a ~us coutSe of action based on traditional principles 01 civil t1ghlS A fi~ well~baJanced contrltlution to the real struggle for civll rlghls In Amorica - Waller M Wiliams G_ Mason UnIVersity ISBN 0-88738-179-0 (cloth) 192 pp

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BITTER CANAAN Chsl1e S JohflllOn

Int1OdUCtOry -rby John StBIIfiIJeI

ThIs Pllllliously ullUbllShod classic Ibullbull hlOlorkal-ltlOCloioglcal nI or Uborian society by bull pioneering black OOltIologlSI ~ t~s the ~alion of Ame~ blacics to Ubena the evolUtion of Liberi~ nationality and the intervention of American cofJX)(ations in the twentieth century ISBN 0middot88138middot053middot0 (cloth) 230 pp $2995

DR JOHN FARRELL EASMON MEDICAL PROFESSIONALISM AND COLONIAL RACISM IN THE GOLD COAST 1856-1900middot

8y Adell Patton Jr

Pseudo~scientific racism permeated the colonial service in West Africa near the end of the nineteenth century Africans and West Indians had held high administrative positions earlier in the so-called open phase in the colonial serviee In pioneering studies on medical history in West Africa Raymond E Dumett and K David Patterson show the extent to which the rigid color bar gained momentum in the 1890s and how European personnel began to monopolize top posts Africans in all branches of the colonial service many of whom had been educated in the same schools with their European counterparts now found their careers blocked by rising racism1 The Easnton episode is perhaps the case that best illustrates this development in the Colonial Medical Service

The Gold Coast rose to prominence in Anglophone West Africa in the 1850s It received special government status in 1842 and competing European

This paper wa presented ltlot the African Studies Association Aunual Meeting in Cbicago Ulinoill

October 1988 and at the Faculty Colloquium Deportment 01 History Howard University Spring 1989 The Council for lnwnationa EXbangc 01 Scholars (CtES1UsU) funded my rcllllarcb fot tbis paper In Freetown Sierra Leone All a Senior Fulbright Researcher in 1984-85 and rclltlotw travels to the arhivCl in

Eng1aud Liberia Ghana lnd Nigeria TIle Depilttment of History Howard University also funded ardtival researcb in London The paper u port of il broader rtudy in preparation on West African PbysiciaOll The

Politics 01 ButUt ca 1800-1985 I wish to expteu special thana to K David Patterson Walter Awooner~

Renner ilnd DavldllOD 1ioo1 fot their critical reviews of thi paper I aooept reaponllibility for the interpretation expreaed herein

The key to undemanding tbe trIIdictl abbreviations that follows the name of fUOISt of the docton iu

this paper is as (allows F Fellow M Member and L or Lie Licentiate MJtCS refers to The Royal

College of Sutgeltlni of EnsIandj LXQCP to Kings and Queens College of Physieiaru of Ireland (Jd to Lic Midwiflaquoy The Royal College of Surgccms of Ediuburgh MD to Medical Doctor Brull8eu FACSE to

The Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh LFPS to Faculty o( Physicians and Surgeoni of Glasaow LSA to 1he Society of Apothecaries London DPll to Diploma of Public Health London LRCS to Royal Collegc of Surgeons (Ireland) MR to Bachelor of Medicine and DTMH to DipJotrnl of Tropical

Medicine and Hygiene Source M Jeane Peterson The Medita1 ProessiOlt in Mid~VictorJan London (Berkeley 1918) 289-m Thus Dr Basmon himself would be referred to as MRCS LKoCP LM MD

CMO

~ymond E Dumctt The Campaign AgalD1lt Malaria lnd Ute Expanllion of ScientifiC Medieol and SanItary Services In Britiib West Africa 1398-1910~ African Historical Swies 1 2 (1968) 191~195 K David Pattcnon Yeallit in Colonial Ghana Disease Medkine and SociQ-Econcmic Change 1900~19S5 (Waltham Mass 1981) 13-14 and for tbe history of racial discrimination in colonial administration and other

issues llIIo Ilee Patterampon Disease and Medicine iu Afriean History A Biblio8111pbical Essay History of Afric4 (1974) 141 For the changing conoepU about race in Britialt thought see Noney Stepan The ldett of Race in Science Greal Britain l8Offr19(O (Hamden Connecticut 1982)

002 ADEll PATTON JR

~rb ~hWnhFlarrel1 Eamon and hi brother Dr bull g Eamon ca 18116 or 1891 G I

~oat Courtlty of Adell Patton Jr and Or~ d aymond Sarlf E bullbullmon Freetown

DR JOHN FARRELL EASMON 003

stations were annexed in 1871 African studies flourished in the region with at least sixteen pubHshed works by African and European scholars by 1874 Lagos which was first under the government of the West African station at Sierra Leone was transferred to the authority of the Gold Coast in the same year and held this link until 1886 when Lagos became an independent colony2

Developments in colonial infrastructure however created a demand for African personnel Just as it had earHer in the century Sierra Leone continued to supply British needs from Freetown the Athens of West Africa - as the center of recruitment and posting across colonial frontlers K A B JonesQuartey described this brain drain in the following manner

for generations in the early days of the opening up of West Africa involuntary Sierra Leonean expatriates were scnt out to the Gambia Nigeria the Gold Coast Dahomey Fernando Po and elsewhere by Government the Church and the trading firms they went as accountants clerks teachers ministers and even top administrators without wnom no modern processes or installations in those countries could have been worked3

The use of quinine against alciparum malaria allowed for the gradual increase of the European population on the coast and the Berlin Conference of 1ampS4 signaled the end of informal empire Since the African medicaJ elite held some of the highest posts under incipient colonialism the African medica community was the first to experience restraints of mobility under changing forms of domination As the chief medical officer (C~fo) in the Gold Coast Dr John Farrell Easman was the highest~ranking African in the colonial service from 1893 to 1896 His dismissal from high office serves as the most appropriate paradigm for analysis of the changing status of the African medical community in the Gold Coast This paper will explore this dimension of Ea5maos experience within the framework of collective biography4

In the 1880s a new generation of African doctors emerged in West Africa who did not owe their training to the colonial government Dr James Africanus Beale Horton (MRCs LM Eng MD Edinburgh) and Dr Broughton Davis (MD Fife) Igbo and Yoruba respectively were born in Sierra Leone They represented the second generation of doctors of African descent graduating from abroad in the mjd~nineteentb century whose training expenses were paid for by the British The War Office dispensed with the policy of training West African ---~-----

lor W Asmus Law and Policy Relating to The Natives of the Gold Cost and Nigeria Journal 0 the African S0d4ty xu XLV (October 1912) 1919 29 and Asmus Law and Poliey ReJating to the Nativcs of Jhe Gold Coast and Nigeria JOU7fud of tite African SOCielY XII XLV (January 1913) 136shy164 1 F Ade Ajayl and MIchael Crowder cds Histtgtry of West Ajrica II 2nd edition (London 1987)

3K A a lonea-Quartey Sierra Leones Role in the Development of Ghana 182JI930 Sierra Leltme Studies8 10-12 (1958) 75-76 Industrial Exhibition At Sierra UOfU 1865 Histqry French Md EnSlish CaJai()gues Appoinl~nt of Jurors Their Report and Lis13 oj Tlttir Awards (London 1866) on the Krlo retreat from business see Abner Cohen The Polllics oj Elite Culture ExploratiolU In The Dramaturgy of P)Wer In Modern African Society (Berkeley 1981) 4850

4Lawrenee Stone UProaopography Daedalw 100 (Wjnter 1971) 46-79

ADEll PATTON JR

surgeons after Horton and Davis The doctors of the 18S0s~ like the earlier ones all took the road (0 Freetown for study in the secondary schools and at Fourah Bay College but their merchant parents and relatives of means usuaHy paid for of their medical training in England Scotland and Brussells Sierra Leone and Nigeria continued to supply most of the doctors for the nineteenth century because the Liberated Africans were the first to be sponsored by the Church Missionary Society for medical education Thus only two doctors came from the Gold Coast in the latter nineteenth century Save Horton and Davis aU of the other pioneer doctors of Nigerian descent returned to Nigeria) and indicative of fervent nationalism some dropped their English names for Yoruba oness

Sierra Leone doctors of Nova Scotian descent introduced yet another dimension criricaJ thinking Deprived of the land promised to them by the British for their 10yaJty in the American War for Independence the Nova Scot~ans pa~sed on to their progeny a tradition of independent thought6 Dr Davuison Nicol sums up some of the salient characteristics of the early Nova Scotians

Their social exclusivity from the Maroons the Liberated Africans and the indigenous communities alienated them they were largely snubbed by the Europeans By the middle of the nineteenth century when they started intermarrying with the others they appeared to have lost their social and economic dominance to the Liberated Africans But their political influence of radicalism and of fighting against white supremacy and whatever they considered to be unjust remained

Dr John Farrell Easmon Who distinguished himself in the world of medical scholarship proved to be the most formidabJe representative of the Nova Scotian tradition in the new generation of African doctors

John Farren Easmon was born on 30 June 1856 of a Nova Scotian settler family in Freetown Sierra Leone who had first arrived from the United States via Nova Scotia in 1792 There were 1131 in their settler group But Easmon had a second genealogical side Walter Richard Easmon married three times and John Farrell Easmon was the son of Mary Ann McCormack the second wife Born in Lndonderry in 1794 Mary Ann was the daughter of John MCCormack a wild Inshman of a renowned Northern Irish medical family He arrived in West A~rjea in 1813 and dveloped a thiving timber business for export Which it is saId was the first major export bUSIness from the Crown Colony of Sierra Leone McCormack went on to hoJd several offices in the Colony government an

M C F Easmon Sierra Leone Doctors Si(rra Leone Studies N S No Ii (1936) 81-96 A 1 0 W$e

~Seatchlight OQ the Krio of Sierra leolle An Ethnography Study of a West Atrlcan PeopJeP InstItute of

African Studies Fourait Bay College ltkcasional Paper No 3 (1980) 1-42 Adelola Adcoye Ajrlc411 Pioneers of ModeTfJ Medtd1U (Ibadan198S)

liyellll Ludlda Huntef Road to Freedom (Ibadan 1982) 13-14

Dr Davidson Nicol ~Braril Canada Nova Scotia aod the Guinea Coast A Literary and HirtoricaJ Oerview of the African Diaspora Presence AjrcaiM (paris 1984) 17

011 JOHN FARIlEll EASMON 005

influential man he ensconced himself with the affairs of interior rulers and treaty negotiations for the governor He returned to Britain in 1S64~ and died in London in 1866

John Farrell Easmon matriculated first at the Roman Catholic Primary School in Freetown and attended the Grammar School under James Quaker in 1868 for his secondary education There some of his peers were Drs Wi11iam Awooner~Renner Obadiah Johnson Joseph Smith and John Randle and such future barristers as Abraham and Jabez Hebron Peter Awooner~Renner and others such as Principal Moore Solomon Farmer and Matthew 1 Marke Dr Joseph Smith was the first in Sierra Leone to obtain tbe FRCSE (the highest specialist surgery degree in the United Kingdom) and under his tutelage Easmon was allowed to serve as apprentice dispenser and nurse in the Colonial Hospital The late John McCormack had kept his grandchildren in Africa in mind upon the settlement of his estate Easmon inherited (400 and abruptly departed for medical study in London in 1876

Easmon enrolled in the University College on Gower Strcet with a selfshyimposed allowance of 8 6s 8d per month Qualification required four years of stUdy and in 1879 he earned the MRcs (a routine basic degree in surgery at The Royal College of Surgeons England) with a distinguished student career In the final year Easmon took six gold and silver medaJs The Sierra Leone papers accorded him numerous accolades After London he studied in Ireland earning the LM (a post-graduate certification in obstetrics and gynecology [midwiferYD and LKQCP (Hcensing for permission to practice medicine in Ireland) and on to BrusseJts for the MD with distinction

Opportunity beckoned again from a distant cousin of [he Irish branch of the McCormack family Surgeon Sir Wmiam McCormack president of the Royal CoUege of Surgeons senior surgeon at St Georges HospitaJ and surgeon to Queen Victoria perhaps the most decorated physjcian in Europe at the time heard of his cousins success and offered Easmon an appointment at St Georges as his House Surgeon ultimately leading up to an assistantship to him This was the first such appointment ever offered to a West African For reasons unknown to the writer Easmon spurned the offer as Harley Street surgical consuJtan~ including its wealth and fame and returned to Freetown instead

In Freetown Dr Easmon put up his plate at No2 East Street and was quickJy surrounded by elderly settlers in need of medical treatment Observers noted his dress in the proper English medical attire a silk top hat a frock coat and striped trousers Thus John Farrell Easmon became the representative scion of a tradition in which other family members of subsequent generations likewise pursued the medical art (see Figure 1)8 The medical family tradition) however was not the only route to distinction in West African social history

Similar to Krio profeSSionals of earlier years in general Dr Easmon and other Sierra Leone elites inherited an elite-validated status and passed it on through endogamy to future generations Through time his success aUowed fer the concentration of diverse resources in the hands of a smaH range of eltte families It brought together couples with the best education those familiar with

80r M C r Easmon A Nova Scotian Family EmilUlII Sinra lAoM(1IIamp (in tM Ninetltflth

CentlDy) Arraoged by Dr M C F Estmoo aasisted by Or Davidton Nicol (Freetown 1961) 57~ 9U also

Arthur T Porter Creohdom A Study of the [)eyeiopmem of Freetown Society (LmdoD 1963)

806 ADEll PATTON JR OR JOHN FARREll EASMON e07

colonial rulers and their institutions and culture and those individuals pragmatic enough to recognize the significance of consolidating non-material assets In addition the web of relationships - conjugal and affinal - entailed extensive networking of alliances in schools education abroad jobs acquisition of credit bureaucratic influence and land acquisition Even further as Kristin Mann has shown individuals who in the precolonial era had been part of extensive lineages of corporate descent transformed their allegiance to a different type of corporate group united by a common identity and goals and based on the elite invention of new tradition9 Hence Dr Easmon had an array of affinal connections with prominent families along the West African coast - in Bathhurst (Banjul1 Freetown Cape Coast Lagos the Calabars Cameroons Fernando Po and Gabon - useful for status recognition and class mobility (see Figure 2)10

Dr Easmon decided to leave his private practice in Sierra Leone and applied for a job in the Gold Coast Medical Service some time in 1880 The need to increase his emoluments may have been behind the move On orders from the secretary of state for the colonie~ the Government House of Sierra Leone informed Governor H J Ussher in the Gold Coast of Dr Easmons appointment as assistant colonial surgeon on 10 September 188( Easmon was to receive salary of pound400 rising by triennial increments of pound50 to l500 a year free quarters or an aUowance for said purpose and the right to private practice On 9 October 1880 Easmon received an advance of pound50 and proceeded by steamer to the Gold Coastl1

From 1880 to 18S2 Easmon was posted at Kwitta Awuna District in Ewe territory and temporarily placed in the general charge of the District where he had the non-medical assignment of suppressing smugglers at Affonhoo He received a commendation from the secretary of state for a job wen done From 1882 to 1883 Easmon was in Accra and in 1883 Lagos and back to Accra in the same year where Dr Jeans the colonial surgeon had hjm administer the Medical Department in his absence Akim was his next assignment with service on the Assinee Boundary Commission from 1883 to 1amp14 One may stop to ponder how such doctors - Drs Horton and Dr Oguntola Odunbaku Sapara12 for example shycame to do any research with the constant rotation but their achievements must have come when Ihey were more permanently assigned This was certainly the case with E~smon

Christopher Fyfe reported that Easmon produced the first original eontribution to European medical science ever written by a West African

Kristin Mann MDTrying Well Marriage StilJlAS ilfUJ Social Clumge Among the EducdJed Elite in Colmtial LAgos (CJmbridge 1985) 82 98-too

lOSee Cabet1 The PolUies 0 EliU Cullwe 60middot75 Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger eds The InventiQff oj TrlfdiliQn (CambrIdge 1984)-

UPuhlic Archives Sierra Leone (hereafter referred as PASL Letters to the Gold Coast t81 1887 4th September 1814 to 1st July 1887 (with [ndu)

12LRCP LAcs Edinburgh LFPs Glasgow

608 ADELL PATTON JR

SCC~UIIJ TkcGGlraquot CSZ4 NwltCl

fVM9li1s lt0o iraquot~t) ~J FREETOW J~ LI~nQbull

CO a stal

(IIft ttl scale)

FigIIe 2 SitmI L-_ ElCpIIIrie1e Communiiee-Q-eoIedo Weet Africa in the 19th CtIIIWy-lInIn Drain _lim-ln R~ -~

Boaed on Akin L~and Paul RidIa-de in J F Ada Ajlyi and Midlael Crowder ed8 Hiatcryof WestAfrica VOj 1 ~ _

(1985) p1t UUlI

-OR JOHN FARREll EASMON

physician13 This assessment requires qualification because of Dr Hortons earlier scientific studies His magnum opus was The Diseases of Tropical Climates and heir Trealrneru (1874) based on more than a decade of medical experiments in the region In regard to this study Adelola Adeioye recently conduded that Horton did not merely give an account of the different modes of treatment recommended by various writers but he ultimately drew his own conclusions from the whole14 Hence this excellent 669-page work also presented the views of other authors

On tbe other band T S Gale sbows the uniqueness of Easmons contribution which supports Fyfe and the archival data Gale notes that The term blackwater fever was coined by Dr 1 FarreH Easmon in the Gold Coast in 1884 and thereafter it became the local name for hemoglobinuric fever At this time Easmon wrote the first clinical analysis of the symptoms of the disease in Englih [J Eamon BlackwatltT Fever London 1ll84] Easmon wrote this while administering the Medical Department for ten consecutive months in 188416

This innovation requires some review In Easmons time hemoglobinuric fever was the most severe and yet least-defined eomplication of Jalciparum malaria in West Africa It struck many Europeans but it was rare among the indigenous people because of their genetic adaptations to malaria While it was recognized as a distinct fever in 1864 and received the nomenclature blackwater fever in 1884 Easmons analysis showed its most important symptoms as severe anemia and eXcess bemoglobin in the urine It struck people whose constitutions had been progressively weakened by frequent bouts of Jalciparum malaria and with a sizable dose of quinine as the immediate reciprocating factor The mortality rate eQuId reach 50 percent The Gold Coast governor forwarded Basmons ciinical report to the Colonial Office on 15 December 1888 and on 24 April 1889 The Royal College of Physicians noted receipt of enclosures on Blackwater Fever which had been referred earlier to Committee of the Fellows Tbe Easmon report and those of other observers provided the Colonial Office with comparative data for medical officers in the empireP

13Chriamptophef Fyfe A History of SiCrra Leoru (Olford 1962) 423 also sec Fyfe AfriclUUlS Horton 1835-1883 West African SciCntist and PtJlriot (New York 1m)

14AdelQye African PionNrs of Mcderli Medicine 34-36 Adelraquoye the 8eCOnd African neutoourgeon Qf Nlgetia stated that Fronl the end Qf the nineteenth century the great advances in medical scleDO rendered much of Hortons work obsclete Ulltmtunately biB eady death fQbbed him ol the opportunity to

witness these cltanaes and to iodude tbem in his IllOl1cgnph in Sorne Early Ni~rian Doctors and theit Contdbution to Modem Medicine in weampt Africa MCdical Hi4t01J18 3 (July 1914) 281

1ST S Gate Official Medieal Policy in British West Africa 137()193O (PhD lbesiamp University of London 1912) 1516shy

1~blic RlaquoQ[d5 Office LondoD (heteafter referred to 411 PRO) C 0 961224 Record of Serv~ of Dr J Farrell Easmon Assistant Colonial Surgeon Gold Coan Colony 2j JW)C 1892 see PRO CO 961164 Dr J

D McCarthy on Eastoon-Io (JQverDormiddotEasmon application for leave January 31 1884 and ampclooure Dr

Easmoo~ leiter to cMo January 9 1885 EumonlI library ~ld betwun 300 and 500 medi~1 workll

difficult to tratlllpott from station to station~

17pRO CD 879131 Report of CommiUee QI Blackwater Fever~ 28 March 1889 Dumett cites Report

on Blackwater Fltver (lBs4) ernl)sed in Royal College of PhyaicilllU and Surgeons to CO 24 Aptill8fW CO 206 in The Campaign Agsinst Mawia~ 156 fn 15

610 ADELL PATTON JR

Proper aCknowledgement for Easmo gt bull

coming this may be due to 1 n s role 10 thIS dlScovery was long in Easmon proved the relations~ivpe~~t reasonBs First although the data shows that

A I ~ ween Jackwater Fev r d ro~lca researchers might have l -e I e an malaria other th lit n Care ess in the Itbere y miSsed the Easmon stud Second IT I erature scans and ahead of his time or obviously resarchers ~r~ps E~m~n was just too far other Nevertheless in Tropical M d (e dlScoVenes mdependent of each Castellani and Chambers m d fe Icme ~ second edition~ the authors bl a e re erenee to Easmo) fackwater fever18 But n S lIst use of the term reported the pres~nce of ~nbIPk1te degt

f th lS citation and tbe fact that Easmon had

h C wa er lever in Afd aut ontIes refused to accept its v Idt cans many Colonial medical a y tllto substantiate this position Dr E ~l wund aroun~ World War 119 Even more D If 00 -Mason qualil d I h

0 or 0 Medicine on the thes1S Th R Ie Or t e degree of Malaria at the University 01 Ab de e elatlOoshlp of Blaekwater Fever to

er en ca 1917 in it dan 10 the bibliography there f s revIew of the literatureBet ~ are no re erence to Eas bull h

ween 1917 and 1m or thereabouts th W ad mon spat hnding work 0Colonial Office to Sierra Leone f e 1 -Mason thesis was sent out by the

AI M d or ctrcu ahon among m k_ flcan e kal Staff Ignoring earlie f d D emvofS 0 the West

Medical Officer made the foIl r In lngs r E H Tweedv21 the Prindpal owmg remarks on th W

memo to the colonial secretary in October 1917 e ood-Mason thesis in a

I have carefully read this essa h credit on the Author and h y lch reflects the greatest thorough grasp of this m~s~~s t t at Dr Wood-Mason has a Mason has put forward a t In erestlng subject Dr Wood_

d s rung case and certa 1 mm has proved that tbere is ad t tn Y to my two diseases22 tree connectlOn between the

If this statement can be perceived as h b the African physician could expect Itall ar mger of the earlier twentieth century dd 1 e peer respeet f h ~

1 not dIscourage Easmon from u or IS tntelhgence But this century p rSOlng his objectives 10 the nineteenth

Easmons reputation soared in the G d brochure on Black Water Fever and E 01 Coast as a result of his offieial

middot asmonwentontohld h Sposts tahoned at the Accra General H I 0 ot er admmlstrative of th d ospJta In early 1885 E e In 1genous people alded ln d h bull asmon s treatment

~f bull lIIllDlS mg ther m~lcme While the herbalists maintained th 1 SUSpiCion toward Western day s check on the attendance of ti t elf attraction for the people a single out- patients treated at the hosPitar~n ~et~rns shOwed 53 in~patients and 106

e ea mg effects of the various medical

OaIe OfficIal Medical Policy in Hdti$h Wcst Africa ~

W Mansons Tropical Disease h d d

Medlenl Policy 16 II not one so 111 Its seventh edition publishW in 192L Gale Official

20 MD CM DPH

21 LRC amp p Ireland LM Rotunda

22yASL Minute Paper M lSlJi917 (October) Sub Blackwater Fever to ~Jatia JitCl Dr Wood-M89Onamp1luOOs ltWl the Relationship or

OR JOHN FARRELL EAtMON 611

services in the hospital no doubt stabilized the attendance pattern during Easmons stayn

With regard to sanitary reform in the 188Os K David Patterson reports that government gave only seant attention to drains dust bins and reduction of pigs in Accra - and hence Easmon who would describe Accra in 18 as a sink of filtha4 would have had little impact on sanitary reform in the 18805 Even more the government had Easmon in almost constant rotation Apparently he moved next to Akim in charge of the Medical Department for an additional six months in 1885 and became president of the Executive Comlnittee of the Colonial and Indian Exhibition Gold Coast Seetion which involved collecting packaging and transmitting the Gold Coast exhibits to England Easmons duties for the rema)nder of the 1880s into the early lSS()s formed a Htany of responsibilities 181Ji to 1881 Accra Salaga and Winnebat medical officer and district commissioner 1888 Cape Coast and Accra acting chief medical officer accompanied Governor W Branford Griffiths on both inspection tours of Windward Districts and AkimSarteh Expeditions l8S9 four and one~half months leave of absence 1889-18W acting chief medical officer l891 acting Medical officer Honorary Secretary Agricultural Commercial and Mineralogical Society of the Gold Coast Colony and secretaryJpresident of the Census Committee25 of the countrys first Census of 189026

In his thirteenth year of practice with twelve in the Gold Coast Easmon heard that Dr Ronald Ross who had arrived in Sierra Leone in 1885 and would later be awarded the Nobel Prize for his discovery of Anophe~es mosquito as the vectors of malaria parasite was leaving SIerra Leone for Jamaica Easmon decided to apply for this position as colonial surgeon in 1892 In the Gold Coast Easmon was only senior assistant surgeon and Ross in Sierra Leone had earlier criticized the medical institutions of that colony and had gone on reeord that aU the native Assistant Surgeons should be placed on the same footing27 presumably with European medical officers Hence Easmon may have thought

21gtRO co 961164 Appt of Dr Easmon for spccialleave Privileges and Permanent retention at Accra Qolernot Young to J)e(by (CQlonial Office) 9 February 1885

24K David Pftttetso~ Health in Urban Ghana The Cue of Accra 1910-1940 Scam ScitflUe and MediCiJu 13B (1979) 25tw268 See furtllaquo Durneu Ihe CampaJstt Agbinst Malaria 170-172 ~ mliJlf

efttltts at sanitary reform began in 1893 when he first teromtnended the policy of pcotlaquotlllg BU~I)$ frl)m trullAria and ycllow fever by holving them live in separate resitie~ from Afriuns In 001 segtegatiOll bceamc the official policy For British admiuion of the inBdequaey of prtviotn wnitary cotHlitktJ15 see G81e Official Medical Polley 1Q91l0 Foe ltJOCo em itary ~foell)l ampee PSltenOll above and fiilip D Cnrtitt

Medklll Knowledge and Urblttn PlanniD8 in Tropical Afica~ American Historical Review 90 3 (June 1985) 594-613 John W Cd~ Anglo-Indian Medical Theory alld the Origina of Segtegllliou in West Africa Americart Historical Review 91 2 (April 1986) 301middot335

25pRO C 0 92224 RC(OId of Service of Dr John Farrell poundwnon ASliistant Colonial Surgeon Gold Coast Colony submitted t692

26aaymond B Pumett John Sarbeh the Elder aud African Mercantile EuuepreneuNhip in the Gold Coast in the Late Nineteenth Qntury JOUTntll of African History XIV 4 (1973) 659

17pASL Oo~oorr Confidential ~patche$1o Secentretary of State 1882-1888 13th Jnuary 1S82 to 12th November 18S2 see aito Leo Spitzer The Creamp of SUrra U()1tt Rnponse to Colonialism 187()J945 (_ 191~

ADELL PATTOIII JR

that Ross would exercise his influence on a promotion for him in Sierra Leone On the other ha~d Easmon could have been trying to test his worth for a promotIon there ~n the Gold Coas~ whcre his SUCcess would be more likely because of an elght~year fnendshlp WIth Governor Griffiths The colonial surgeon post in Sierra Leone was ultimately given in 1895 to Dr William Thomas P~out28 who had served in Mauritius and was highly qualified in tropical dIseases but with less seniority than Easmon And Easmon at least for the dme being played his cards right

Governor Griffiths refused to recommend Easmon who served as his p~rsonal physician and confidant for the appointment as colonial surgeon in Slern~ Leone on the basis of his being too valuable to the colony Dr Easmon had high ~commendations from the chief medical officer extending back to 1890 and now 10 June 1m the governor wrote in a dispatch that Basmon was indeed merit~rious in the job sought but that his remova1 from the colony would constitute a misfortune for not only the inhabitants of Accra but to each European official and unofficial at the central quarters He reminded the echelon further that

Dr Easmon~s wonderful skilI as a phYSician) his successful treat~ent of lo~al diseases his frequent visits and unremitting attenhon to hIS pahents his courage in difficult cases _ combined with gentleness as a nurse and a singular power of raising the spirits of his patients and making them more and more hopeful each time he vjsits them are qualities which have attracted and attached people to him and are invaluable at Accra where the European popUlation has increased so much of late29

The motive for denying Easmon the promotion was not a selfish one the gvern~r went on although it might appear so but for reason of general lSappOlntment that his departure from the colony would engender Hence he Just COUld not bring himself to recommend such a promotion to Sierra Leone Indeed thIS was a resounding endorsement of Easmons skill in thc medical art from Christianborg Castle

Easmon of course had left himself an out In letter of June 1892 seeking the ~lera Leone appointment he submitted that shoUld the exigencies of public ~rvlce In the colony prove inimical to his promotion the colony shoUld duly ask hIm to be conSIdered ~or futre va~ancies of an administrative nature Obviously he presented a scenano of hIS medical achievements from the university days to lS92

~as~on seized the moment and was not hesitant in making his move for promotlOn In ~he ~ld Coast colony Dr 1 D McCarthy the chief medical ofh~r had retIred 1~ late 1892 effective May 1893 and Easmon applied for the POSItiOn apparently In December F M Hodgson the colonial secretary in the

ZSaM M Surgery Edinimrgh

PRO C O 961224 Dr J F Easmon Applies for Appt as Col Surgeon of 5-Leane Cann4t rlaquoDmmend liS he 11 invaluable to Colony 25 June 1892

DR JOHIII FARREll EASMOIII 613

Gold Coast confirmed EasmQns appointment as chief medical officer in June 1893 Easm~n outstanding professional skill was again borne out in testimony and his salary now at 600 per annum rose to pound800 with the pro~otion with annual increments of 50 to the ceiling of 1ooo pet annum then enjoyed by Dr McCarthy There were conditions however Easrnon was to be debarred from private practice except when it may be necessary that he should assist at consuttations30 On 17 May 1893 Easman assumed his post Not since the appointment of Dr William Fergusson an Afro~West Ind~an as principal m~ical officer and latcr governor of the Sierra Leone Colony tn 1845 had an Afncan medical officer been so promoted in such an important colony

Easmon accepted the appointment in a letter to the colonial secretary on June 1893 expressing appreciation to an the officials who supponed him for the position He did not however agree to all the conditions With the reference to the conditions of the appointment Easmon wrott I shall address you III a separate and distinct communicationn This caveat requires some qualification since the correspondence between the two parties while perhaps extant) has not

been located First private practice by colonial medical officers was ~ vexing ad

unresolved issue throughout the era in West Africa As senior aSSIstant colomal surgeon Easmon apparent1y had a sizable private practice among ~th Europeans and Africans The new promotion stipulated that private practice must be abandoned except under special circumstances Second it remains to be ascertained as to whether Dr McCarthy~ the retired CM-O engaged in private practice while holding the position Third extant correspondence may reve~l that the conditions of the Easmon appointment were moderated upon recclpt of Easmons separate and distinct communication to the colonial secretary

Dr Easmon became CMo of a medical establishment whose budget was HSp21 by 1896 with approximately twenty-two medical officers under his control The medical hierarchy appeared numerically as 1 chief medical officer 1 colonial surgeon 2 senior assistant colonial surgeon~ and 18 assistant c~lonial sur~eons32 Besides Easmon there were three other AfrIcan offIcers Dr SpIlsbury SmIth and Dr j 0 Coker (both of Sierra Leone) Dr B W Quartey-Papafio (of Gld Cobullbullt) and a West Indian Dr Derment H R Waldron The death of Dr Smith 10 1894 while serving as district commissioner at Tarkwa created a vacancy at the senior assistant surgeon leveL Rasmons first appointment to fiiI the vacancy proved to be his Achilles tendon in the Gold Coast medical service

Dr Easmon appointed Dr Walter A MurraYf a British medical officer acting as senior medical officer wlth the Hausa expeditionary force at

3OpRO C 0 96296 Confidential Despatch 1897 Documents contain Report of ColllnliuiO1 of Bnqulry

quan Dr John Farrell Eaampmon

31pRo C 0 92J196 Dr Easmon to the eolooll Secretary Medical Depllrtment Victoriaborg 2nd

June 189l

32nO C O 92296 Gold Coast Medical Officers 27 November 1897 at 415fi21 (ca $82OlQ2S - 1

Guinea to il 1 Shining to $125) in 1896 the QQld COllllt Colerty Medical Deparunenfi budget wu larger than LIl801 Colony t8304 (ca $43596) in the ame year lind Sierra Leones l8047 (ca S42JA67j) in 1898 see

Dumett The Cam~ Againllt Miliaria 1)16197

19

614 ADELL PATTON JR

Dr B W Q Papalio ca 1884 St Bartholomew HOlpital london Courteoy of Adell Patton Jr and St Bartholomew Hopltal london

DR JOHN FARREll EASMON 615

Attabubu33 to the vacant position on 26 February 1894 In making the recommendation to the colonial secretary Easmon said of Murray that he entered the colony as assistant colonial surgeon on 11 May 1890 and had exercised all the attributes of a qualified professional in the employment of his duties Easmon admitted that Dr Papafio assistant colonial surgeon was senior in service to Murray for he had been appointed on 14 March 1889 but Easmon was unable to recommend bim for promotion for lack of loyalty to the public service indispensable to the routinization of the adminIstration Further Easman reported Papafios professional skills had not generated confidence among his colleagues The private secretary suggested in the minutes to the lord marquis of Ripon to approve the promotion of Murray to the higher grade Dr Papano 1S a native Ga ethnic group of Accra1 but Dr Easmon does not hold any tenderness toward him Request might be expressed that Dr Papafios service has not been such as to warrant his recommendation for promotion to the higher gradegt34 The higher echelons approval went out in a letter on 6 April 1894

The disappointed applicant Dr B W Quartey~Papafio3S was the son of a merchant trading family (see Figure 3~ He attended tbe eMS Grammar School Lagos in 1876-7~ transferred to the CMS Grammar School Freetown in IS78 and to Fourah Bay College in 1880s2 He then went abroad to Durham where he received medical honors in the Hospital Prizeman Award in 1883 and wrote his medical thesis on Malaria Hemoglobinuric Fever (so-called Blackwater Fever) of the Gold Coast in perhaps 188436 He was the first doctor of Gold Coast birth in the nineteenth century Dr Ernest James Hayford (MD BrusseUs 1898) was the second doctor for this region37

There were few Gold Coast-born doctors in the nineteenth century Africans in the Gold Coast did not have ready access to the schools of Freetown and were not members of the Krio class which held a quasimiddotmonopoly on African appointments in the colonial service3S Of the West Indians Dr Derment H R Waldron39 who had served as district medical officer at St Kitts in 1880 and as assistant colonial surgeon Lagos in 1881~1882 was even employed in the (reId Coast

33LRCST1884 LMKOCpT 188amp

34pao c 0 961244 Dr W A Murray RecollUIlCnds Promotion of 2 March 1394

35M-ReS Eng 1886 MBCM 1886 Edinb MJ) 1~ Edinburgh

36The Gold Coast Civil Service Lin (London 1898) Natitmal Archives Ghana [bcreafte rcferrw to NAO~ Ray Jenkins ~Oold COastCfl Overseas 1880--1919 With Specific References to Their Activitielr in Britain ImmigrQJtt$ and MiMrilies 4 3 (November 19S5) 4445 and 0Jl Gold Coart edUCAtion in the nineteenth century see j H NketiaProgum In Oold Coast Education The Gcld Coost And Togoltmd Historical Society3 (1953) 1-9

37Charleamp Teny Medical Practitiou(rtI of A(riQII Descent in Colonial GbanalnlernatiClfUfJ Journal of AfriC01t Historical Studies 18 (1985) 141-141 Dr Frederick Victor N8nb-Bruee (MB CbB 1907 Edinburgh) was the third Oold Coalit-born physician and the first to obtain medical certification in the

twentieth century

~Dn Mwrylng Well 109

39MBcM Edinbutsh 1879

616

J I

0

l ~

~

ADEll PATTON JR

0

S ~

8 Ie_ fl ogH0 i--------U ~~ apound

~3 ~

DR JOHN fARRELL EASMON 617

Though the medical bureaucracy was controlled by outsiders QuarteyPapalia had support from his prosperous family and Ga ethnic group On 1 June 1894 he began to press his grievance against Easmon for passing him over for promotion He forwarded a petition against the promotion of Dr Murray on 30 June 1894 to [he marquis of Ripon the secretary of state for the colonies Since the petition went through channels in the Gold Coast Governor Griffiths delayed irs transmission and informed Dr Easmon The petition which the governor described as Foolscap consisted of enelosures of forty-two pages with data on the creation of the new appointment preference shown to Dr Murray correspondence his appointments quotations of testimonials and communications from public officers and patients whom Papafio had treated The section that dealt with his list of appointments and years of meritorious service were instructive

Dr Papafio writing from Akuse in the Volta River District had begun his five and a half years1 service under the tutelage of Dr 1 Desmond McCarthy the CMO and was first appointed in March 1887 as medical officer to the Hausa force in Eastern Akim in September 1888 acting assistant surgeon at Ada in 0 is

II - November 1888 acting assistant surgeon at Kwitta in 1B89 medical officer of the lt

expedition against the Awoonas (Awuna District of Togo) in April 1889Ii en permanent appointment to the Colonial Medical Service staff in 1889 district

i - sect medical officer at Kwitta (now a significant constabulary station) in July 1890bull

district medical officer at Elmina (another major constabulary station) in July 1892 acting deputy sheriff of the Cape Coast~ Elmina District in August l894Cbull

_D medical officer to the Hausa force at Krobo in December 1892 first timel~i appointed as district medical officer of the Volta River District - his laste~ appointment under Dr McCarthy He explained how laborious exacting and lt -= ltt

risky his duties had been especiaJIy in the AwoQna Campaign of 1889O Papafio made an explicit Charge of Sierra Leonean bias against other11

Africans

jO( ~

C Before concluding your Lordships petitioner would with -in reluctance direct attention to the feeling of strong antipathyc ~ and dislikes which unfortunately exists between the aboriginaj E natives of the Gold Coast and the very small colony of nativessf of Sierra Leone residing amongst them Your Lordships-= petidoner is himself not at aB in sympathy with this strong io feeling which he very much deprecates and to which he refers

with regret in as much as it has not worked for the mutual benefit of the parties cODcerned40

The Papafio petition refuted every charge made by Easmon it further indicates the travails and triumphs of an African medical officer in conflict with a fellow African in the colonial state African medical officers had already written about their lack of mobility at the hands of European medica) officers And now the Easmon decision not to promote Papafio properly had left the Ga

4OpRObull C 0 96247 Petitioll of Dr B W Q Papalio14 Aupt 1894 NAG Adm 111107 19OI Awurta Native Affairs 18781001 (Case No M P 1154101)

l

ADELL PATTON JR

people with profound resentment against him and possibly against Sierra Leonians in general And with no apparent redress they resorted to the media

~e Papafio f~mily was part-owner of The Gold Coast Chronicle (Gec) and they Initlated a scathtng attack on Dr Basmon in an article entitled The Gold Coast Medical Service on 23 June 1894 It announced the promotion of Dr Murray who ranked below Dr Papafio in seniority Since three previous promotions had been filled On the basis of seniority the new promotion went over the head of Dr Papafio It was expressly stated that promotion to these appointments was to be based on seniority subject to recommendation of the CMO to the governor After the death of Dr Smith Papafio was next in line of seniority for the post In satire of the promotion the paper then threw a barb at patrimonialism in poetic verse

But theres no remedy tis the curne of service Preferment goes by letter and affection Not by the old gradation where each second Stood heir to the first

That Easmon had been unfair to Papafio ever since the latters arrival from England was alleged by many persons On the other hand Papafio was a victim of his extraordinary popularity not only with the people of Accra but also with all the communities of the numerous stations in the colony How could the governor approve the promotion without the consent of the secretary of state the paper asked It was the acting governor who not only referred the question to the secretary of state for his decision but who found it regrettable that Dr Papafio was passed over

The GCc stated that it had observed Papafio ever since his return to the colony in 1887 and took much pride in his accomplishments First his popularity was due to his medical skills and had led to a monopoly of the private practice i~ Accra to the envy of other doctors In order to be promoted into the Service the paper reported Dr Easmon was more anxious than all the other doc toTS shyM~rthy Waldron and Metherel - that Papafio accept the appointment to Aklm and the subsequent rotations away from Accra Obviously his professional skill~ wer~ further evidenced through his successful promotion of European medlcme In areas under the centuries old dominance of traditional healers Hence if Papafio had erred in the discharge of his professional duties j his opponents would have broadeasr them throughout the colony the paper argued Doubts had been raised about the appointment of Dr Easmon~ the paper reflected by everyone with considerable knowledge of the issue about whether a physician who besides his appointment as Chief of the Staff with a salary of BOO to HOOO per annum required to be permitted to take private practice contrary to the usual rule would have too much Jove for a junior coHeage41 The paper ended its denunciation of Easmon with the hope that the colonial

41PRObull C 0 961269 The Gold Coast Chronice n )ll1e 1894 Vol Vwllo 16t

OR JOHN FARRELL EASMON 610

secretary would rectify the injustice and promised to supply the reading public 42

with another followmiddotup essay on justice The editorial was unsignedThe Sierra Leoneans in the Gold Coast responded through a rival

newspaper of their own in 1895 The Gold Coast Independent (GCI~ The editor Bright Davis was one of the ablest journalists in West Africa It was capitalized at 500 shares at I each under the authority of the Gold Coast Printing Company The initial contributions began in November 1894j and consisted of such shareholders as Albert Whiggs Ensmon the half~brother of Dr Easmon who was at the time a medical student in England 1 H Cheeskam W Wilberforce B D Coker Bright Davis D G Lionel Fearan~ J E L Sawyer Jacob Coker J W Coles and J W Sawyer Contributions totaled (150 on the first call

The GCJ published an anonymous articJe on 3 August 1895 entitled the Employment of tile Native Doctors In Colonial Service Less than an attack upon Papafio for his name was omitted and more of a rejoinder to the private practice issue tile article opened with due consideration of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerces concern about the number of British and native doctors in the Gold Coast colony The Chamber of Commerce had written to the secretary of state for the colonies in this regard on 5 April 1895 and their correspondence now appeared elsewhere in the G11 The paper purported to recognize the importance of the heaUh issue among the Europeans residing in the colony but remained vague about the motives that generated its interest in the correspondenee from its origin Ever since the public journal began in the colony its objectives had been against party~spiritism of all categories such as the commercial) official racial or other partisan prejudicial matters The policy of the GCI was directed neither to innuendo nor toward a straightforward opinion prejudicial to the interests of individuals or classes The paper further noted with utmost satisfaction the case in which the Millers brothers of the Afric~n Trade Section of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce had engaged in efforts to defame the character of the native professional men In a telegram to the secretary of the Colonial Office Miller commented that

-My Coast agent just home complains bitterly coloured doctors employed by Government They stand climate better than Europeans thereby seniority giVes advantage and the lives of Europeans are at their mercy Possibly you may influence ebange43

The secretary of state~ however did not favor this request and expressed satisfaction with the meritorious manner of the African doctors in government service~ the GCl observed The paper acknOWledged with regrets the maligning remarks of the local Gold Coast agent and the Millers of Liverpool

4ZpRObull C O 96IZ0 David Kimble A Pltgtlitiea1 History 0 Ghtma The Rise 01 Gold Coast

NaJionalism (Oxford 1963) 91

4~O C 0 961266 Medical Sendee tuque$ info as to the BtiWh and Native Doctors 5 April 189S Co 96196 The Gold C()(Ut Independent 3 August 1895 See oneraquo-Quartey HSieH_ Leones Role in the

De~lopmtllt of GluuUi~ n87 This euay iamp vaSut on the Sierra Leonellns reason for organising the GCl

in 1895

620 ADELL PATTON JR

The GCJ noted that the official duties of medical officers were threefold The first was the welfare of and attendance upon the poor in the dispensaries and hospitals of the cOlony second medical attendance to the European and African officials in government employment and third the direction and supervision of the sanitary needs of the coJony The Independent then moved to a collision course with The Chronicles final allegations

And it is clearly laid down that these officers arc entitled to private practice but now here is it established either in the agreements signed by the respective medical officers none by any executive acts found necessary subsequent to the employment of such officers as can be gathered from the published departments regulation of the medical departments of the Colony that such medical officers are bound to attend any given class of patients outside the limits of their official sphere of duties no matter what the hue of skin or twist of hair may be44

The article shared the belief generally held by all that medica officers were to treat aU of their patients irrespective of color black or white But it thought further that the government should not have allowed irresponsible persons to cast aspersions on the professional qualities of native medical officers especially when the Government of the colony has found the value of native medical officers of great value

The general subject was indeed a vexing one according to the article as it echoed the Changing image of Africa in poetic verse

The time when Geographers in Afdcs maps With savage pictures fHJ their gaps And oer uninhabitable dales) Place elephants in place of vales is past and gone forever

Africa must rise from the ashes of ignorance and superstition from within and misrepresentation by the outside world The Africans must themselves be the final arbiter in guiding the destiny of their magnificent continent in its evoJutionary stages and this factor was to be impressed upon the mind of the abstract scientist and upon the politico-commercial interests of the civilized world And jn a defiant manner with revolutionary overtones the article ended

In any case while it is quite true that to him that hath it shall be given it is ~equal1y definite that a Shylock may not have his pound of flesh without the blood thereof

These words were of a belligerent nature indeed foHowing the Berlin Conference of 1884 which had already partitioned Africa and the Sierra Leoneans who had


thrown down the gauntlet now had to confront a new appointee in the government

Governor WiHiam E Maxwell succeeded Governor Sir W Branford Griffiths who left the Gold Coast Colony in April 1895 Dr Eomon had lost an invaluable ally Maxwell who was educated at Ripon and who began his career in the colonial service in 1865 arrived in the colony with an impressive employment record He had served twenty~four years in Oceania as Jegal adjudk8tor and administrator at such places as Pennng MaJacca Perak and S~ngapore and became acting governor of the Straits Settlements before appointment to the Gold Coastt a region heretofore unknown to him As a member of the Royal Asiatic Society and AnthropologicaJ Institute of Britain Maxwell was exposed to the ideas of pseudtgt-Scientific racism at a time when the scientific study of race was in the hands of scientific and behavioral specialists 45

After a one-year residence on the Gold Coast Maxwell returned to Liverpool to deliver an address before the African Trade Section of the Chamber of Commerce on 1 July 1895 The address dealt with the Affairs of The Gold Coast and Ashanti and was instructive on MaxweWs own image of Africa and his comparative perspective on the development of societies in history Maxwell observed the need to reduce the European casualty rate caused by malaria in West Africa to a level comparable to that in Eastern Asia~ and noted that

The disadvantages on the side of Africa are manifold Instead of being surrounded as the Englishman is in India and China by natives who have attained a high degree of civilization who have a history a literature and an acquaintance with arts and industries the European who goes to the Gold Coast finds himself among negroes of a low order of intelligence who know nothing of value that they have not learned from the white man His house is an inferior one because the ignorance of native workmen and the difficulty attending the transport of materials make building terribly expenses Its surroundings are very possibly insanitary because Englishmen in West Africa have not yet learned to establish their residences at a distanee from towns the almost invariable practice in Indiao46

Even more Maxwell reminded his audience West Africa suffered from the absence of progress and improvement and that these conditions bound tbe European to an apathetic and despondent state of mind Since Eastern Asia owed its development to the importation of energetic native traders from Arabia and India who brought with them their arts manufactures and handicrafts Maxwell believed that the importation of labor from this region to West Africa would increase the output from the gold fields and improve the living standards for European residents The health issue was of primary concern in the address and the governor no doubt returned to the colony with renewed vigor for change

45The Gold Coos CMI Strnce list 1898 S6e Slepnan The Ideo of R4c~ 83-amp7

46pRobull C 0 961286 Maxwell Alfaiu of The Gold Coast Colouy AddtlJli 4 Sept 1896

622 ADELL PATTON JR

A complete breakdown in communication occurred between Governor Maxwell and Dr Easmon by at least August 1896 Maxwell according to the late Dr M Co F Easmon (1B9()lsn2~ the son of Dr Eamoll did not like having an African as head of the Medical Department and on his Council gt41 Generally the CMO rotated medical officers But Maxwell began to change a number of assignments that Easmon had already made hence eroding Easmon+s authority On the other hand Easmon was not without culpability in the growing personality rift between himself and the governor who in this regard warned the colonial secretary in December 1896 that

I see that the Chief of Medical Officers has made a marginal comment on my minutes of the 21st and that you have permitted this rudeness to pass unremarked Please request Dr Easmon to remove his additions by erasure48

And on January 1897 the governor caneeHed a station change again through the colonial secretary rather than deal with Easmon direetly

Inform the Chief Medical Officer that I consider it to be underdesirable to place Dr Waldron [an Afro-West Indian] at Accra or as the sole physician at any station where a European lady is resident and that this view is to be acted on in determining bis destination when he returns from leave49

Correspondence followed from the colonial secretary and the CMO until the governor wrote of Easmons letter that it was improper in tone and that he should not have mailed it By now the confliet between the two personalities was clear

Maxwell first gathered information against Easmon about events that occurred in the Griffiths administration Public officers were prohibited from participating in any other occupation such as trade or other commercial undertaking without going through proper channels The governor directed the colonial secretary to inform Easmon of the charges levelled against him on 18 February 1897 and required a reply in writing AHegations were made for the first time conneeting Easmon with the commercial venture of the Gold Coast Publishing Company and the Gold C()(JS Independent Easmon the letter held was a paid public officer who had activety engaged himself in the management of the GCJ Even more Easmon was said to have written many of the articles even though they were unsigned Further articles commented upon government measures and in doing so exceeded the bounds of Objectivity The letter ended by demanding a statement in writing on or before 25 February 1897

Easmon responded on 26 February and denied all the charges against him When he had gone to see the governor on 9 February On connection with a

47Dr Eumoo -A Nova Scotian Family 59-6il

48PRObull C 0 96297 Dr J F Eammn Explains hi reason fot being dissatisfied with dminimatioD of

the medical department 24 July 1897

PRO c a 961291


matter of the Medical Department) Easmon had been startled when the governor convened a Surprise Enquiry in the presence of the colonial secretary Easmon admitted authorship of an article on public health which he justified on the grounds of the enormous mortality that the European community suffered at the time The article was therefore of a precautionary measure and intended to do no harm to the governor Easmon recounted that as health officer in Aecra during the influenza epidemie of 1893 he had requested with proper approval a general meeting which was held in the district commissioners eourt in James Town Accra for the purpose of informing the masses about the prophylaxis The whole colony had benefited from his alertness Basmon acknowledged further that letters had been supplied to his brother Albert Whiggs Basmon for possible publication under Alberts name and that the letters appeared as an editorial was not his fault Moreover he did not consider an essay on the triumphal tour of the governor as coming within the purview of Section 79 of the Colonial RegUlations No mischief was intended in any of the cases

A eopy of the questions and answers of the Surprise Enquiry he had recently received Basmon said showed different nuances and suggest other interpretations than those of his notes taken in the enquiry For example to the question Have you contributed articles to the lndependent The Surprise Enquiry noted that he had replied a few He distinctJy remembered answering no to that question therefore the data appeared in ways that he never intended He reminded Maxwell that his loyalty to the government had never before been questioned in his sixteen and a half years in the service If additional enquiries were necessary Basmon suggested that the governor be advised to conduct them through the court in accordance with the provisions of the Commissions of Enquiry Ordinance 1893 Since so much damage had been done to his reputation in his position as cMO only the fullest enquiry requested through the governor could exonerate him Basmon pondered further whether such an enquiry would be to his disadvantage against the governor in Counci4 but he thought that the court was the only proper place remaining that could resolve the issue Easmon got his wish On 3 March 1897 the governor ordered an investigation of the charges by Mr Justice Richards as a commissioner~ under Ordinance No 7 of 1893

On 6 March 1897) the governor notified Easmon that in view of the evidence now addressed before the Commission that he would no longer be allowed to perform his duties as chief medicaJ officer Acting through the governor F M Hodgson sent what must have seemed to Easmon an eviction notice

2 I am accordingly to inform you that you are interdicted from duty with stoppage of half salary You are to hand over charge to Dr Henderson and you are I am to state to vacate the Government quarters which you now occupy within one week from this date 50

Mr Money the acting attorney general shortly thereafter began canvassing Easmons patients and raising questions about his intimacy with certain females

5OpRO C O 96f1J7 Eatmon Dr J F Oarje8 against him 31 July 1697

624 ADELL PATTON JR

thro~ghout the coastal region Persons who refused to cooperate were threatened with summons Thirty-two witnesses were called in the proceedings which went from March to about the end of May 1amp17

Hence the Commission of enquiry met in a series of consecutive hearings on the charges against Easmon and produced a voluminous report On 23 April the Commission was issued and the authorization was published in the government Gautte [Extraordinary1 Accra Gold Coast on 23 April 1B97 Governor Maxwell altered a section of the Enquiry Ordinance to read

authorizes and doth hereby authorize him to enquire inl0 the said herein before recited charges against the said Dr John Farrell Basmon and also into any matter tOUChing the conduct and charaeter of the said Dr John Farrell Easmon in his professional eapacity as a incumbent of the medical profession51

This made the enquiry now inclusive and the charges were now broadened to include non-professional charges The Crown was represented by Mr T Hutton Mills an African who was the acting attorney general and a former patient of Easmon and African barristers Peter Awooner-Renner and C ] Bannerman appeared for Easmon The colonial secretary and the registrar were tne first two witnesses caUed and Awooner~Renner put both of them under examination about Easmons service and character52

In an itemized brief of the charges on 19 May 1897 Awooner~Renner and Bannerman submitted that no evidence appeared before the court that warranted the conclusion that Dr Easmon had commercial undertakings or involved himself in trade of any kind Second he took no active part in the management of the Gold Coast Independenl and there was abundant documentary or oral evidence that he dissociated himself from such activity Third Basmon never submitted an unsigned article to the Gold CQlJSt IndependenJ and the other essay 00 Weather and Health was written in accordance within his right as CMO and sanitary officer and therefore not a contravention of Colonial RegUlations Next it was not within the authority of any officer to alter or change the wording in the Colonial Regulations as the governor had done The defense lawyers raised several other issues that Easmon would also later reiterate abroad The defense explained that all charges were to be based on Colonial RegUlations 76 and 79 However the word habitually as embodied in regulation 79 (to read habitually exceeded the bounds of fair and temperate discussion in commenting on the measures of the Government) was omitted in Easmons consideration In the first hearing of 26 March 1897 Barristers Awooner~Renner and Bannerman had been persistent in their request for definite rules as guidelines in the proceedings The commissioner refused and had informed the defense counsel that witnesses could be examined and re--examined upon any SUbject pertinent to the enquiry The defense however was not allowed to open or review the

StPRO C 0 961296 Government Gazefte (SxtraontinMyl Accra Gold Coast Wlstern Africa Friday

2l Apri11897

5~O C 0 961296 Report of Commisampioa of Enquiry 22 May l897


evidence to which the commissioner had access They were denied prior knowledge of the witnesses summoned before the court and of the nature of the evidence on which tney were to testify and the commissioner supported the crown counsel in every respect Hence the enquiry was always cGnducted Gn a surprise basis and was far from impartial Of the thirty-two witnesses summGned the counsel fGr the defense called only four The defense lawyers dosed by expressing disappointment about the governors absence from the e~q~~ry~ since he had initiated the charges and had prevented the enquiry from eltculOg certa1n matters and facts so relevant to the enquiry and to the defense through cro5amp-examination

In commentary upon the brief of his grandfather Peter Awooner-Renner (Figure 41 and Bannerman some eighty-eight years later Attorney Raymond Awooner-Renner of Freetown noted in 1985 that the brief waS not a prGper d f 53 H b _A bull fe ense e 0 servcu SGme SlgOl leant legal features of the enqUiry First the rules of enquiry can be regulated by the commissioner in contrast to the court w~ere the rUles are strictly followed An enquiry therefore is a fact-finding tnbunal wlthm the terms of reference A commissioner may be empowered to make recommendations or to act in various ways as if empowered to make r~commendations or to act in various ways as if constituted with the powers of a high court such as to issue subpGenas to gather evidence under oath and to punish for contempt in certain cases which could be referred to the mi~ister of justice for appropriate action in the colony

The government issued its report on the enquiry on 22 May 1891 Mr E K Richards the commissioner reported his role in denying an application for a SUbpoena to Governor Maxwell but reminded the defense that it might submit questions in writing to the governor in which a response was to be made to the secretary of state Since the subpoena was quashed the defense refused the alternative approach The enquiry report however defined Dr Easmon guilty of all charges with the exception of the direct involvement in the management of the Gold Coast Independent The issue of the paper commenting upon government measures was a serious charge indeed Political activism served as a barrier to advan~ment long before the Easmon episode In 1886 T Hutton Mills a young clerk In the Queens Advocate office was sacked for his role in a riot in Accra for he had allegedly shouted We must kill all the white men to-day Even if

53Attorney~BarriJter Raymond Awooncr-ReunCl (BL London MA Boston Univenity DJL Harvard D~ Hague) interviewed at Freetown 12 February 1985 (Commentary and Notes) Dr Walter AwoonermiddotRenner (MA NYU MSd U Mass MD MPH Hamburg DTMH BageJ FWACP West Atrial) interviewed 8 Deeembet 1984 at Frcctown Sierra Leone (Tape 3 Side A and B) In response to the commilltioners assertion that the Gold Coast 1mlependeru was edUcal of 001onia1 administration Attorney AwoonermiddotRcuaet observed the briefi resporue was moderate In language the newspaper the bciet argued ~was loyal temperate and fair in lu tone and comments Attorney Awooner-Renner and Dr Walter AwoonermiddotRenner MD impugned the cCtlamplervatlvc naMe of the btiers languge to the transition from inIocmal to formal tule and held that the JnSlage challjes as the (colonial) domination alters The exacting power of cotonial representatives in the Enquiry in 1897 attests to the validilY to their 1I115eSilllettt but the

conservativc character of the lawyers for the defense requires additional commentary Fot the foundatioo of the legal opinions of Peter AwoonerRenner see hit Reports Notes of Cases amp PrfJCuding5 qnJ

JudgffU-nts in Appeals Refennces Under Rules Orders amp Ordinances Relating to the (Jold COOM Colony and The Colony of Nigeria From 18tH to 1914 (London 1915) See 1100 Bprn M Edmumbull lAwyers in Gold Coast Politics c 1900-1945 Fram Mensah Sarhah to J B DtvtqtWt (SudhoIm 1979)

626 OR JOHN FARREll EASMON 627

Hutton later held that the remark attributed to him was inaccurate and unintended as well an appeal to the secretary of state did not get his job back Hence the colonial state sent a strong signal to African civil servants that public criticism of authority would not be tolerated54

Meanwbile~ Easmon was further charged with the private practice issue which could only be engaged in while on leave of absence as in official consultation and finally he had removed his private prescription book from the hospital which was in violation of the colonial rules and regulations of the Medical Department

The private practice issue was one of continuous vexation and Easmon attempted to resolve the matter in a letter to the acting colonial secretary on 2 June 1897 Easmon said tbat he had never fully accepted the terms of his appointment as CMo of the COlony Although he promised to write further about the conditions of his appointment he never did Consultation required either one or two medical officers present with the cMo in the treatment of patients and it was almost impossible to have this number present because only there were only two medical men at the Accra station More often than not Easmon worked the station alone When Governor Sir Brandford Griffiths had earlier been pressed about the conditions of employment he had replied

Doctor I heartily congratulate you on your appointment but recaIted whether you are Chief Medical Officer or not I will always require you to attend me personally I hold you personally responsible for the care of all my European officials you must look after the European ladies the wives of the officials wait until the question of your private practice 1S raiscdss

At the same time Easmon reminded him of his very large clientele which consisted of almost the whole private practice in Accra where his reputation as physician and surgeon had been established Many of the clients were personal friends of his and some patients had becn under his care for years Hence it was not feasiblc to call the private practice to a sudden halt Easmon promised to give up the private practice gradually which he had done The classes of patients attended however consisted of those in consultation with other medical officers persona) friends old patients with diseases that required long treatment wives of feHow officers not eligible for gratuitous medical aid such as an thc English Jadies and former paying patients whom he often treated at own expense

Easmon further reminded the secretary of state that all private practice was to cease after his lcave in 1895 but that the aggravated i1l~health conditions that followed the epidemic of 1896 compelled him to continue The rate of invaliding and morality rose and the European community had panicked He felt obligated to treat the European residents in consultation and a few as private patients

S4Kimb1e A Political History 95-96

5SPRQ C O 296

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628 ADELL PATTON JR

The Executive Council met the day after receIvmg Basmons letter Present were Governor Maxwel~ G B Haddon Smith Esquire (Acting~ w McLachlan Money acting attorney general Davent McDonald the treasurer and Sir Francis C Seon major general The Council reviewed the charges as reported in the report of the Commission of enquiry and shortly called Easmon in ror further interrogation with a shorthand writer present The Council adjourned and met again on 8 June 1897 to confirm the minutes Easmon was required to be present again and was questioned further The Council informed him that it would nodfy him in regard to any future proceedings requiring his presence The Council met again on 10 June and deliberated more on the enquiry

The Council refused to believe thot Mr Albert Eomon then in the United Kingdom and funded by his older brQther~ was a bona fide shareholder in the Gold Coast Publishing Company and held that tbe appearance of Alberts name in the list of contributors was a mere proxy intended to eoneeal Dr Easmons involvement in The Gold Coast Independent It concluded also that witnesses for Easmon - the Sierra Leoneans - bad suppressed much of the eviden-e during the proceedings of the Commission Even more M S Tllomas the pnnter was accused of perjury for withholding additional information Hnking Easmon to the management of the newspaper Tbe Council further Stipulated that Easmons refutation of contributing unsigned articles to the newspaper could not be accepted and proved the charge Easmont the Council continued published articles in 1896 attacking the government and had therefore committee an error in judgement The Council additionally proved the charge of private practice both at Accra and Cape Coast and alleged that the income from such practice exceeded the noo to pound120 a year as said that the amount must have been several hundred pounds instead and that the practice should have been shared by one or more of the medical officers in the government service Even though Easmon said that the practice was now in the hands of Dr Albert Whiggs Easmon his younger brother the Council did not believe it and said that Easmon was still so engaged Finally the Council found that Dr 1 F Easmon w~s unf~t for the offke of chief medical officer and recommended his suspension wIth ultnnate removal from the colonial medieal service His defense was one of total dishonesty and perjury Although they had considered the length and nature of his employment in the Gold Coast Colony the Council was definitely satisfied that he [Easmon] is unfit to continue to belong to a service composed of honourable men The governor adjourns the Council sine die ie without resumption on the issue on 12 June 1897

All parties privy to the ongoing proceedings seemed to have been aware of the eorrespondenee to follow for it was all written on the same day 12 lune 1897 At the behest of the governor O B Haddon Smith wrote to Dr Easmon that in light of the findings against him the governor had deeided effectively as of this date that you are aecordingly suspended from the Service with stoppage of salary from this dates6 Easmons answer promised a protest appeal to the secretary of state for the colonies against the Council and the commissioner of the enquiry Smith was quick to respond and warned Easmon that the transmission must be in line with Section 218 of the ColoniaJ Rules and

56pRo C 0 96296 The Acting Colonial Seaetary to Dr Easmon Accra 12th June 1897


RegUlations This meant that the transmission must first go through the Gold Coast chain of command where it might be delayed or tabled

Meanwhile Dr Easmon applied for a leave of absence on 14 June 1897 He apparently was having some health problems and thought that it was best for himself and the family to leave the colony The past six months of the enqUiry had caused Easmon much mental anguish and he felt he was bordering on a nervous breakdown He now wished to travel to the Islands and perhaps on to England Mr Smith the colonial secretary wrote back to inform Easmon that the governor eould not entertain his application In that case Easmon requested that his application be forwarded to the secretary of state for tbe colonies by cable and that he would pay the necessary expenses in accordanee with the official regulation Smith answered shortly that the request to the seeretary of state had to be in writing in compliance with Clause 218 of the Colonial Rules and Regulations and reminded Basmon that the governor could not cable as requested Now perhaps in a desperate frame of mind Easmon next wrote to the governor directly submitting his application for a leave of absenee on the grounds that

The prolonged period of mental worry to which I have been subjected during the past six months has had a distinctly prejudicial effect upon my constitutional powers and I cannot with my knowledge of the facts contemplate with equanimity the prospect of further mental worry under the circumstances in which] am faced to live at present 57

Since his alleged offense had not been one of murder Easmon continued he saw no reason why he and his fami1y~ turned out into the streets in the manner your Excellency determined forcing us thus far to live under cireumstances we are wholly unaecustomed to should be any further jeopardised068 And he requested again that the governor transmit his cabJe at his expense which was declined

Informing the governor of his action Dr Easmon and his family left Accra on 5 July by ship The Gold Coast Chronicle representing the interests of Dr Papafio retorted that the government should have required Easmon to take a medical examination before being allowed to leave the colony And in efforts to counter Easmons possible protest Maxwell submitted a confidential dispatch 24 July 1897 with examples of unfavorable opinions of Dr Easmons administration of the Medical Department to Joseph Chamber1ai~ secretary of state for the colonies The first case dealt with Exhibition of Feeling in Conneetion With Non-Employment on Ashanti Expedition of August 1896 here Easmon was said to not have complied with the order of the officer administering the government to file the appropriate report Easmon had explained his lack of knowledge about the expedition Second this charge dealt with the Attitude of the Chief Medical Officer in Regard to the Public Works Department~ here Easmon had unjustly accused the Public Service and had filed compJaints the report espedally~ filed

57pRo C (l fJ6fI)7 Dr Easmons Application for Sik~~ve dated 14th June 1897

~ROgt C O 96I301Dr Easmont Appeal to the Selaquorury of Slate Through the Governor dated 17th Jutte 897

ADELl PATTON JR

against Mr J Holmes a foreman of works that suggested his ailment from a reJapse of fever was due to the result of Alcoholism was unjustified the governor said Easmon made the accllsation because of his i1l feeling toward the director of public works Third Disrespect to the Governor in Official Correspondence was a serious charge indeed here Easmon obeyed the order that his marginal comments in the Minutes be removed with a protest and without regret or apology Easmon had forwarded a disrespectful letter from Dr Waldron to the colonial secretary for the governor to see And Easmon was said to have been remiss in many other of his duties in regard to requisitions fOf the medIcal stores Fourth Easmon was said to be in Neglect and Delay in Performance of Duty The governor attributed the neglect of official duties to his private practice which consumed too much time In 1895 Easmon was late in filing the medical report and the governor supplied a list of other overdue and delayed office papers with the remarks of the colonial secretary Five Easmon did not exercise fiscal responsibility whieh resulted in the Maladministration of the Medical Department questionable expenditures had been made although Maxwell agreed that an unprecedented number of European patients had been treated at the Accra Hospital And even yet hospital fees had not been properly collected until action later taken by the governor The governor had also intervened in a scavengers strike in order to prevent Easmon from yielding to their demands for higher pay Maxwell took pride in reducing Easmons rate of pay to the Scavengers from 1s~a day to ~J9 and ultimately to -8 a day when he broke their strike with the importation of Kroo laborers And finally Maxwell stated that Easmon had faHed to maintain the proper sodal distance between himself and African official subordinates which his high office demanded For example the chief dispenser Peters at the Accra Hospital had continuously addressed him with the familiar Basmon and one of his constant companions was Gaskin the master-tailor of the Constabulary Department the governor reported59

By the end of July 1897 Dr Easmon had moved into the Adelphi Hotel in Liverpool England and related his version of events to the under secretary of state at Downing Street After his eviction from the governmem quarters in Accrat his family had much difficulty in finding accommodations of a sanitary nature and had to proceed to the house of a friend by way of a lagoon in a canoe with a ferryman The health of his wife Easmon said had deteriorated and the children suffered from frequent attacks of fever He hjmseU suffered from repeated attacks of fever anemia congestion of the spleen and prolonged congestion of the liver and Easmon attributed much of his and his wifes illness to the mental strain and indignities suffered over the previous six months His physical strength was failing daily Hence a change of environment was necessary for his family and was thus the reason for leaving the Gold Coast He then begged for a leave of absence for three months There were a number of enclosures supporting his position against Maxwell and the acting colonial secretary including a medical certificate attesting to the family illness from Dr

S9n0 CO 9UJl OovetGmQf MllxweU to 1 atmberlain Secr$ary of Colonieamp 24th luly 1891 Unfavorable Opiniont toward Dr Easmon


Lawrence C Murcly60 surgeon on the S S Renin Easmon ended his letter with his official designation as Chief Medical Officer of the Gold Coast A number of other Ictters were sent out from the Adelphi Hotel to individuals at Accra requesting testimonials to the secretary of state for reinstatement Mr W Waters wrote In Easmons behalf that he had no hesitation in replying that

if the officials of the Gold Coast and their wives past and present were allowed freedom of speech without fear of voting against the Government there is hardly a man who would not testify to the ability and kindness of yourself and confess to a sense of anger when you are not in Accra 61

Hence colonial power had incited enough fear among the European inhabitants to erode public support for Easmon

In what would have normally been an enquiry moreover the Crown legal advisers allegedly used methods that turned out to be favorable to the role of the prosecution In a filed protest of 5 August 18l7 to the Colonial Office Dr Easmon accused the Judicial Department of employing its entire apparatus against him such as the constabulary and the telegraph systems and repeated many of the earlier arguments of his defense lawyers

Several of the witnesses were kept practically prisoners until time for the hearings Their isolation was allegedly based upon the need for protection against interference by the defense counselor their agents This policy was responsible for the surprise nature of the enquiry that intimidated people in the colony For example Mr T Hutton Mills the prosecuting counsel became unhappy with the evidence given by Mrs Timmerman and exclaimed to the Commission that I thought this witness a friendly one but I Hnd I must now treat her as an hostile one This witness Easmon said further was an invalid and had been carried from Akusi in a hammock and kept in isolation until court time The counsel for the defense called the attention of the Commission to the other similar complaints against improper interrogation of the witnesses

Obviously in the prosecution the Crown agents had made amends with Barrister T Hutton Mi1ls the acting attorney general and Easmons prosecutor Easmon who no doubt was mindful of the fact that Mills had received his secondary training from the Wesleyan Boys High School in Freetow~ resented Millss presence From the outset Eas-mon reminded the Colonial Office fie had protested against his selectlon to prosecute him in his so~caHed Enquiry To cast aspersion upon the Crowns selection Easman reiterated Millss antt~government stance in 1886 and his role in exciting the people to murder all the Europeans

In the final analysi~ Dr Easmon continued in his efforts to exonerate himself from the charges of the enquiry and to prove how the enquiry subverted the 1egal meaning af the Ordinance of 1893 The governor he warned had taken it upon himself to conduct a sec-ret investigation into his entire career with all of the available resources of the government The role of the Commission and the nature of the evidence gathered attested to this especially the active part pursued

6OwltbS s diD_

61PitO C O96fJ1J7 Letter from Mr w Wtus to Dr Eumon dated lit Weymoutb5tb AUlWit 1891

632 ADELL PATTON JR

by the attorney general and the assistance given by a private practitioner such as Mr ~iI1s Therefore the case against him was not conclusive in accordance with proper legal principJes but based on the embodiment of a legal technicality whereby the provisions of the Ordinance were ignored In the final paragraphs of his communication Dr Easmon resorted to an explanation which he deemed ethnological in character that had determined to a large extent the crusade against him one which he regretted so profoundly in reporting and yet a theme gathered from so many variants was simply that in his opinion

my only fault in the eyes of the Governor [Maxwell] has been the colour of my skin [and] the woolly nature of my hair and that it is utterly irreconcilable with Sir William MaxweHs race prejudices for any native of West Africa to hoid such a position as I have filled in the past62

In deference to the secretary of state Dr Easmon reminded him of his long sixteen years service to the state and argued that he was undeserving of the severe treatment received at the hands of Sir William Maxwell no matter what offense the enquiry had suggested or proved against him Still not relinquishing his post he signed his name with title of Chief Medical Officer of the Gold Coast Colony

The imbroglio between Dr Easmon and Governor Maxwel1 continued as the nineteenth century waned Joseph Chamberlain secretary of state for the colonies supported the enquirts findings that Easmon had breached colonial regulations in September 1897 He did not overlook Easmons long service to the government nor the good opinions which you have earned in your professional capacity063 and offered to Easmon the post of colonial surgeon in the Gold Coast at the reduced rate of t6OO a year which with increments would rise to (700 Easmon accepted the secretary of states offer This decision was communicated to Maxwell who replied either Easmon goes or I go064 The governor apparently wasted little time in making Easmon an unacceptable offer and sent a telegram on 11 November 1897 to the district commissioner at Cape Coast Dr Easmon now en route to the Gold Coast from England was ordered to disembark at Cape Coast Castle and proceed at once to Kumasi to relieve Dr Rome Hall He was to be allowed eight hammock men and twelve carriers These items were to be obtained and temporary quarters were to be provided at Cape Coast From the S s Angola Easmon returned the message that he was unable to disembark at Cape Coast because his wife was with him and his traveHing kit was at Accra and requested further authority The colonial secretary reminded Easmon that his request could not be acceded to the governor was unequivocal in his orders EasDlon went on to Accra instead and the colonial secretary notified the acring chief medical officer that Easmon had disobeyed the order given to him The

6~O Co 0 961307 EasmOll Dr J F Charges Agahwt him - Submin Appeal to The Secretary of

State for tlle CoIonies5th August 1897

~AO Secretary of State Confidential Deapatell October 1891 Adm 121S

64Dr EMmou A -lUfll Scotian Fanilly 60


alternative was to withdraw him from duty until the governor decided the next move

On 17 November 1897 the governor warned the secretary of state that Easmon had disobeyed orders When the S S Loanda arrived at Accra in the afternoon Easmon was to board it at his own expense but his salary would start only upon embarkation at Cape Castle Meanwhile tbe Loanda left without Easmon and the acting CMa was to cali on him in order to see what had happened Easmon wrote back that a weeks stay at Accra was required in order co arrange for the safety and comfort of his wife and to attend to property matters before going on to Kumasi He requested detailed information on the duration of his stay there in order to make proper arrangements as colonial surgeon The governor fired back

With regard to Easmon no alteratjon permitted in orders given to him He is in Accra contrary to direct telegraphic instructions Rome Hall has been at Kumasi for seven months Easmon may expect that he will be there at least as long Colonial Surgeon has no definite station but is in tbe same position as other Medical Officers65

Still unable to communicate directly Easmon informed the CMO on 19 November 1897 that the governors orders in regard to the stationing of a colonial surgeon were unacceptable to him and that

unless I am to be definitely located at either Cape Coast or Accra - exigencies of the service excepted - I will be unable to assume the duties of the Colonla) Surgeon of this Colony66

By now Easmon must bad canvassed the prevailing opinion in the European and African communities regarding the governors telegram for Easmon was popular indeed among both groups

The correspondence though staggered finally caught up with the governor at Government House-Accra In the fioal week of November 1897 Maxwell reviewed the batch of telegrams and letters involving himself and his former eMQ He now had on his desk a confidential despatch of 22 October from Joseph Chamberlain containing further enclosures of Dr Easmon to the Colonial Office Easmons letter the governor wrote to secretary of state was tantamount to a resignation of his appointment as colonial surgeon The only alternatives available to him now said the governor were for him either to obey orders or to stand another enquiry on the charge of insubordination In the confidential despatch forwarded to Joseph Chamberlain sometime after December 1897 Maxwell requested Chamberlains approval for treating Dr Easmoos letter of the 19th instant as his resignation and got his wish61

65pRO C O 96299 Colouial-Surgeon 25 Soyember 1897

6Dpao C 0 96IZ99Dr 1 Farrell Easmon to the Actlrtg Chief Medical Oftker 19th Noyember 1897

67pRO C 0 961299 Governor Maxwell to Honourable J Chamberlain EMmott Resignatiort 2Sth

November 1897

634 ADELL PATTON JR

The Minutes section shows mixed opmlOns most seemed to support the governors position but a dissenting opinion of 31 December signed with only the initial A was lengthy and more objective Mr A wrote to Mr Chamberlain about his regrets for not sharing the views of his colleagues but the Easmon issue required further consideration Obviously disobedience to orders was one of the grave offense in a disciplined service sometimes however the orders stipulated could be so unusually harsh that disobedience was somewhat mitigated so that no penalty ought to be inflicted A believed Dr Easmon should have been allowed time to provide for the safety of his wife and for arranging his private affairs This consideration was extended to every officer ordered to a new post and when the exigencies of the public service did not permit it the order to proceed at once was stated in a more conciliatory manner

The order was unusual because the colonial surgeon had always been stationed at Accra or Cape Coast Castle Obviously Sir William Maxwells orders stemmed from animosity toward Easmon a notorius dislike for him and yet the governor was in all fairness technically acting within his purview Furthermore Easmon was found to have breached colonial regulations and charges were proven against him but some of the charges involved extenuating circumstances The governor was indeed anxious to dismiss him A continued but Mr Chamberlain had taken a middle course by demoting Easmon from CMD to colonial surgeon A said further It seems to me almost tyrannical to have ordered him up to Kumasi at a moments notice without explanation and when that was an unusual place for the Colonial Surgeon to be sent to and so there is a reason for excusing Dr Easmons disobedience068

A noted further that Easmon was very popular in the colony and subject to an unusual amount of jealousy on the part of British officials and was beyond doubt the ablest medical man on the West African Coast The public service would certainly suffer with his dismissal and the manner in which it was carried out would form the basis of much popular discontentment A ended his commentary with the suggestion that the resignation not be accepted and that enquiries be made to the colonial secretary on the possibility of acceding to Dr Easmons wish to remain at Accra The extant data show no activity on As suggestion

David Kimble reports that the ouster of a Sierra Leonean did not pave the way for a Gold Coast appointment Dr William Robert Henderson69 a British medical officer replaced Dr Easmon as CMD And Dr Murray whose appointment as senior assistant surgeon over Dr Papafio had initiated the conflict continued his rise in the service and was promoted to colonial surgeon upon Easmons resignation Dr Papafio received nothing for his efforts and the service continued to pass him over He filed another memorial not long after the first one over the promotion of a European medical officer rather than himself The acting governor took note that Quartey-Papafio was an efficient and diligent officer but it was not the time for such a large number of European medical officers to be under the orders of a native7o Older beliefs deeply rooted

68rRO C O 961299 A Dissenting against Minutes to Honourable I Chamberlin 31th December 1897

69MD MCh Dublin 1878

70Kimble A Palitical History of Ghana 97-98


in European thought on power and who should govern in the colonial situation was well on its way toward optimal implementation in the Gold Coast by the 189Os In this regard Fyfe reminds us that An axiom of the European empires of race in Africa (and the British Empire during the nineteenth century grew steadily more race-conscious) was the belief that only a white man could command respeet from non-white subordinatest71

Hence Kimbles observation that in the late nineteenth century the doors of African opportunity were closing fast72 appropriately describes what happened to Easmon Steven Feierman adds that African doctors like Easmon would have been squeezed out sooner or later no matter who was the governor of the Gold Coast73 From that time on a new rule stipulated that native medical officer (NMD) was to become the designated nomenclature for an African in the service and NMDs would no longer be eligible for promotion beyond the rank of senior assistant colonial surgeon and could fill only one post out of the two in that category While agreeing to the policy in principle the Colonial Office did not come out into the open on the ruling until 190274 Other considerations than that of seniority were taken into account and justified in accordance with the case at hand Governor Maxwell who was a significant catalyst and advocate of the new policy now symbolized a new era in the changing relationship between Europeans and Africans in West Africa While returning to England on leave Maxwell suddenly died off Cape Coast and was buried at sea some time early in 189B

As for Maxwells nemesis Dr Easmon who was around forty years of age in 1898 he moved into the ranks of private practitioners at Cape Coast The Cape Coast Merchants immediately offered him a retainer of HOOO a year minimum following his resignation which was equal to or greater than his salary as CMD

Dr Easmon died on 9 June 1900 at Cape Coast at the age of forty-three His early death prevented him from making adequate provisions for his children McCormack Charles Farrell Easmon was only ten and Kathleen was eight Dr Easmon however had laid the foundation for a medical dynastys Ever since the death of his own father in 1883 Easmon was the family patriarch and provided the family with financial support He paid the fees and allowance for the medical education of his brother Dr Albert Whiggs Easmon in England Albert received his medical degree in 18 and shared for a time private practice with his older

71Fyfe Africanus Horton 42

72Kimble A Political History of Ghana 1850-1928 98

73Steven Feierman Personal Correspondenee Iune 25 1989

74pRO C O 87999 Memorandum as to the Employment of Native Medical Officers in West Africa

Colonial Office December 1908 for African reaction to the stated policy see Adell Patton Ir E Mayfield

Boyle 1902 Howard University Medical School Graduates Challenge to British Medical Policy in West Africa The Journal of Negro HislOry LXVII 1 (Spring 1982) S2-61

7SDr Raymond Sarif Easmon Age 70 interviewed at Freetown Sierra Leone on 4 August 1983 (Tapes

A amp B) He is the son of Dr Albert Ea5mon the nephew of Dr John Farrell Eatmon and cousin to the late

Dr M C F Easmon and Dr Charles Odamten Eatmon Dr Charles Odamten Eatmon Age 71 interviewed at

Accra Ghana on 9 Ianuary 1985 (Tapes A amp B) and the fifth medical Easmon who like his grandfather became chief medical adviser of Ghana and first president of the Ghana Medical Association 19S8 see M A

Barnor A History of Medical Societies in Ghana Ghana Medical Journal 1 1 (September 1962) 4middot7

636 ADELL PATTON JR

brother About thirty~fie years of age in 1900 Albert returned to Freetown as a private practitioner and never worked in the colonial medleal service The fate of his brother under Governor Maxwell left in him a profound disdain for the colonia1 serviee - a legacy that was bitterly remembered by other Basmons and African doctors in years to conte Finally the Easmon episode did not end with the events of 1897 but anticipated the gradual loss of prominence of African medical practitioners in the colonial service of Anglophone West Africa Many West Africans interest in medicine declined by 1900 and they began to study Jaw instead The Easmon episode was the major catalyst in this professional transformation with the triumph of pseudo~sdentific racism and colonial rule

COLONIAL AGRICULTURAL POLICY THE NON-DEVELOPMENT OF THE NORTHERN TERRITORIES OF THE GOLD COAST

8y Inez Sutton

The area of the Northern Territories was acquired belatedly and added almost as an afterthought to the Gold Coast Colony As with all coloniesgt it stood in a relationship of dependence to the metropole the function of the colony being to supply raw materials especially those exotic to Europe This relationship has been described in many ways one of the most useful being Andre GundershyFranks metropole-satelHte mode~ which is not so very different from the eighteenth-century mercantilist idea1 The intention here is not to detail the relationship between metropole and colony but to look at the relationship among parts of the Gold Coast CoJony Here also Gunder-Frank has provided a useful frameworkgt showing that as well as a center-periphery relationship between metropole and colony there developed in many colonies a similar relationship between more and less developed parts of the colony This model while not as stark as in for instance Latin America is useful in describing the economic pattern in Ghana of a growing exportw()riented money economy in the south and stagnation or much slower change in the north3

Growth or development can be defined in terms of per capita income investment provision of basic needs infrastructure or other indicators The growth of one sector of the colony cannot be seen in isolation from the slower growth or lack of growth in other parts The development of the southern part of the Gold Coast depended On there not being similar development in the north Thls can be seen in the way colonial funds were allocated and in the fact that southern industries - commercial agriculture mining and other enterprises shydepended on labor from the north Here various studies of labor migration complement the center-periphery analysis It seems clear from the work of Samir Amin and others that the large~scale supply of migrant labor has precluded

1A Gunder-Frank Capitalism and Underdevelopmtni in Latin America (London 1969)

2ure application of dependency theory lO this subJeCt may be seen in Rhoda Howard CofofJiallsm and UnderdevelopmefJl in GhaM (London 1978)

3M Staniland in The LwlIS of Daghon (Cambridge 1975) Ch 3 refeu to the north as an economie

satelHte of the south but stresses thalthe relationship was one more of indifference rather than of aggressive exploitation Another approach to the differentiation between north and south - consistent with the above

- can be seen in Ladouccurs regloll3iism which he sees as a proce3$ having to do with disparities In

economic development (and jn other area5 such as 50CiaJ services) leading to a sell5C of relative deprivation

and a feeling of regional identity partly in a neglltjve sense P Ladouceur C~fs and Politicians The Politics of Regionalism in Nortltem Ghana (london 1979) 13 and Ch 1 passlll On social services R

Thomas Education in Northern Ghana 1906middot1940middot Imernational JoumaJ of AfTkall HisJorlcaJ Studies VU 3 (1974) suggets that the absence of mong economic pressurelt contributed to the slownellJ of change

through education In education as well ~ the economy the governmeots desire to maiutaln the traditional was emphasiud

Mirza and Strobel eds Three Swahili Women life Stories from Mornbata Kenya by CAROL M EASTMAN 732

Headrick The Tentacles of Progress Teclwgtlogy Transfer in the Age of Imperialism 1850-1940 by A G HOPKINS 734

Bennoune The Maldng of Comemporary Algeria 183()1987 by TONY SMITH 735

Okoko Socialism and Self-Reliance in Tanzania by MARJORIE MBILINYI 736

Harrison France and lsiam in West Africa 1861J1960 by ROBERTA ANN DUNBAR 738

Forbes BkJck Africans and Native Americans Color Race aNi Caste in the EvoiuJitgt1l of Red~Black Peoples and Broberg Places and Peoples of the World Barbados by RODERICK A McDONALD 740

Fardon Raiders (t(j Refugees Trends in CluJmba Political DevelopmenJ1750-1950 by MICHAEL MASON 742

Jones and Mitchell eds Sierra UON Studies at Birmingham 1985 by JANE J MARTIN 743

Edwards ed The life of Olaudah Equiano by CHRISTOPHER FYFE 744

Ray Ghana Politics Economics and SOciety by NAOMI CHAZAN 74(i

Mattera Gone with the Twilightmiddot A Story of SophitJlown by DAVID NORTHRUP 748

Newman Black Power aNi Black Religion Essays aNi Reviews by GEORGE SHEPPERSON 749

Sankara Thomes SanJulTG Speaks The Burkina Faso RevolUlion 1983-87 by RENE OTAYEK 750

Berger and Godsell eds A FuJure SoUh Africa Visions Strategies and Realities by KENNETH A HEARD 751

Azevedo ed Cameroon aNi Chad in Hisrorical aNi Conumpvrary Perspectives by FREDERICK QUINN 753

Offermann Angola Zwischen den Fromen 1nternationales Umfeld SOZioOrolWmiSCMS Umfeltt Innenpalilik by JON BRIDGMAN 754

Maclennan A Proper Degree ofTerror John Graiwm and t~ Capes Eastern Frontier by NORMAN ETHERINGTON 755

Stein The French Sugar Business in the EightulUh Century by DAVID RICHARDSON 756

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS 758

INDEX TO VOLUME II (Jl89) 759

RECENT PUBLICATIONS FROM THE

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1986 by Margaret Jean Hay 130 (1988) A Great Agrarian Cyde A History of Agricultural Productivity and Demographic Change in Highland Ethiopia 1900-1987 by James C McCann 131 (1988) Schooling and Access to Management in LDCs The Case of Kenya by Irving Gershenberg 132 (1988) Pi~ The Democratic Philosophers of the Medieval Sndan by Jay Spaulding and J L Spaulding 134 (1989) Africa Beyond the Famine The case for Hope by Maurice F Strong 135 (1989) Women in Government Service in Colonial Nigeria by LaRay Denzer 136 (1989) Epidemi()logis~ Social Scientists and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in Africa by Randall M Packard 137 (1989) Frontier Agriculture Food Supply and Conjuncture A Revolution in Dura on Ethiopias Mazega 1898~1930 by James C McCann 138 (1989)

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