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PRIME MINISTER

I am delighted to bc with you tonight to honour the contribution of a great Australian,SiT Thomas Playtord, to the development of our country and of this State of SouthAustralia.

Occasions such as this are important aad uplifting for many reasons, and not least ofthem is the opportunity they provide to 3%t the historical rccord straight.

One of the more isidious developmnens in Aii-triliari pnlitical life over the pastdecade or so has bcen the attempt to re-write Australian history in~ the service of apartisan political cause.

No-onc should be in any doubt that this process has been a systcmatic and dclibcrateone. My predecessor as Primo Minister regarded the partisan re-interprctation ofAustralia's past as central to miuch of the agenda for the funtrc that he sought toimplement It distorted the debate over a range of policy issues including ourconstitutional form of government and the relevance of our traditional associationswith particular countries and regions-

T say that this process of officially attempting to re-write Australian history was aninriedinit,- snoe herouse it wag an abus, of the true purpoas of hictory. It rowd hiatorybackwardls, imposing on the past a pattern designed to serve contemporary politicalnccds. It portayed a partial and selective view of our past as the officially endorsedversion of our history. And it sought to stifle voices of dissent from that view withabuse and vitriol rather than reasoned debate.

This process was also an insidious one bccausc it sought to demcan, pillory and tc=down many great people of Austral ia's past who had no opportunity to wiswer back and all becau~se they stood for principles and priorities that were porccivcd to bc atodds with the agenda of the then national governmcnt. Sit Robert Menzies, of course,was a frequent target of such attacks, but so too werrc many others who shared hisvalues and priorities.

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There is another reason as well why this recent attempted hijacking of our history wasinsidious. And that is because it set Australian against Australian: it implied thatthose who shared the officially endorsed view of our past, with all its blinkers andbitter biases, wcre somehow 'bUtter" Australians and more "national ist" Australiansthan those who rejected it. It had the cffect of re-opcning soin divisions in oursocicty that most of us rightly believed had been reconciled long ago.

There is certainly a need for Australians to undurstand their history better. But theydon't need to be force-fed by those self-appoiited cultural dietitians in our midstwho'.e agenda has more to do with divisivc politic-al strategies thai i re.spixt for thefacts of history.

Ilere is no hierarchy of "good" AustrAlians and 'lesser" Au'dlians on the basiswhat interpretation of out history, and what priorities for our future, they believe

There is no purpos'e served by trying to Lear down or demean the achievementsq of thegreat men and womon of our past simply because they bclicved in political values,moral standards or policy priorities that ame now peccived by some to be datcd orunfashionable,

Wc would benefit as a nation if there were a greter awareness of the historical fume~sthat havo shaped our developmntn und the scale of thc contributionsq whichindividuals, both the illustrious and the nameless, have made.

But we need to understand the past on it owni tcrms and not judge thQSC that have gonebttiore us on the basis of out own wontemporury standare.'-

What we do UM need is a politically filtcred view of our past which holds up as iconsonly thosc who believe in a particular political philosophy and which condemns asvillains and manipulators those who believed in anything else.

The fact is that the history of our nation is the story Q~f all our people and it Is a story&i all our people. It is owned by no-one. It is not the story of some generalconspiracy or manipulation: it. is a history which has itg flaws certainly but whichbroadly constitutes a scale of heroic and unique acicvcmcnt against great odds,

They are achicvcments to which Australians from all sidei of politics and religion,and from every calling and region, have contributed.

We need to understand those contributions and to learn from them. We need to do so,not through rose-tinted glasses, but in a spirit of gcncrosity and openticss. Thatgenerosity will recognise the special but distinctive contributio03 o Obth a Curtin arid,a Mcrudes. Although naturally according to our own prodilections we will cheerrather louder for Some than others.

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Above all, we need to put firmly behind us the recent, mean-spirited attempts topromote a divisive, selective and inaccurate version of our history as part of miattempt to promote a partisan political agenda.

THE PLAYFORD .EGACY

It is against that broader background that T am very pleased to be with you tonight tohonour the memory of Sir Thomas Playford.

Just as I have said that as a nation we need to know and understand our history belter,so too political parties nccd to understand and learn from their past not in a way thatis demeaning of others but in a way that is constructive and respects the facts.

That is why I welcome the wide range of activities planned duing this year, the onehundredth anniversary of Sir Thomas' birth, to recognise not only the scale of what heachieved in the development of this State and our nation but also his broader politicallegacy in terms of the historical evolution of the liberal/conservative political traditionin Australia.

'hliose achievements have been widely documented and in particular in StewartCockbumrn's excellent biography.

In assessing the Playford legacy we should bear in mind the rathcr special character ofthe Liberal Party of Australia. Almost unique amongst centre right parties in thewestern world it is the trustee of both the liberal and conservative traditions in ournation.

Those who seek the true soul of our party do it mn iinmcnsc disservice if they try todefine it xcilusively in terms of either tradition. Over the past 18 months I have oftenspoken of our Party as a broad church. Few of us arc citheruniversally liberal orconlSCrvative on all issues.

Speaking personally, I could barely quibble with those who might describe me as aneconomic liberal and one who occasionally verged on social conservatism.

Tom Playford was elected Premier in 1938 as a stop-gap measure when the formerPremier, Sir Richard Butler, unsuccessfully stood for the Federal scat of Wakeficld.Hc must be the only slop-gap leader in history who lastcd twenty seven years!!

It would be wrong, however, if Tom Playford's place in history was more notable forthe length of his tenure in office than for the range and scale of what he actuallyachieved.

Of course, no-one should under-estimate the achievemont uf remahiing a Premier ofany State for almost twenty seven consecutive years. Aftecr just four active anddemanding months in office as Prime Minister, I can only marvel at the sheerendurance qualities demanded for a 27-year stint! And 1 should state here and nowthat I urnam not intcnding to stay in my current office for quite that longl

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Playford survived and prospered in a political sense for so long because he set himselfsome basic principles that he lived up to far better than most.

He had both great personal courage and an enduring sense of scrvice to hiscommunity. Those qualities cpitomised themselves when as a twenty-one year oldwhen he joined thc 27th Battalion and served at Gallipoli, France and Flanders. Anidthat sainc sense of service and rnourage underpinned his long de;cad4s of politicalSCrViCe to his community.

Playford had absolute standards of honesty, trustworthiness and linancial integritywhich he alway% maintained, His governments were completely free of corruptionand scandal.

Playford was a pragmatist, not an idcalogue. Having left school at thirtcen, his realeducation canie through experience. hard work and direct dealing with p'oople. itshould come as no surprise, thcrctore, that throughout his politicul career, he wasstraight with the people and attuned to their interests. HeI was focussed on practicaloutcomes more than processes, and where an agreement was entered into with thepeople, he insisted that it should be carried out to its fullest intent.

He opposed change for the sake of it. But where the practical case for gradual andincremental change was established, lie became one of its most effective advocates.

Tom Playford loved this State and championed its interests unstintingly. Perhapssomewhat iTrevercatly, but certainly not inaccurately, his personal style could beencapsulated in the following simple rules of thumb which he applied to mostpropositionls:

a if it employed South Australians. he'd tick it-,9 it if promoted the State's industrial developmient he'd pick it;

if another State was intereste he'd nick it;9 and if Canberra or anything else got in the way hc'd kick it!

The Preieir's personal qualities and standards of government certainly explain ifthe Playford cra listed so long. But they do not convey the scale of what wasachieved during it.

It was art era of unprcecdented economic modernisation and growth for this State growth built on private enterprise facilitatad by effective government

Playford understood the emerging new forces of science and tehnology and he wasdetermined to harness them to take his State forward.

He attrcted industries, both large and small, to this State on an extraordinary scale from shipbuilding to steel, from defence to rcscurh. from car to textiles. And part ofthe reason. for that success was the infrastructurc base for industr that PlayfordprovideA infrastructure particularly in terms of turansport, energy, watcr and housing,

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Like the political Ieadcrs of every generation, Tom Playford was a product Of histil'3- Of DC-Pfr.34iV66, ILf WULIJ Wtub, urpivrfud idustrial change Th~at iransrormed

Australija in the post- 1945 cra, and of a view of Australia's place in the world that isvery di tTereiin to what prevail s today.

Hc met the challenges that confronted the South Australia of his time in his own waythat won him popular support that endured.

Over a Premiership or twenty-seven years, it. is unreal to pretend that there were nochallenges that could not have been met bettr, not problems that could not have beenhandled more effectively and fairly, nor issues for the future of South Australia thatcould not have been better anticipated. These are matters for historical interpretationthat should continue to be debated in good faith, as I am sure they will.

But in looking back on the legacy of the Playford cma two overrding conclusionsemerge.

The first is that the Playford years not only brought great cconomic reshaping to SouthAustralia that diversified its economic base and provided opportuities for its futuredevelopment. 'Ihlcy also estublished a set of priorities for govcrnmnt that focussedclearly on providing practical benefits to all the people of this State. -and thc fact thatthe number or South Australians doubled during the Playford era is tcstimony to itsmany successes in that regard.

Sir Robert Menzies was an astute judge of people and set highi standards ofeffectiveness, and ethical conduct in making thosecjudgements. It is instructive,therefore. to note Mekiis' verdict an Playford. He wrote that:

if a Premier is to be measured by what he did for his own communitypersistently, constructively, successfully, then I would offer the opinion that hewas the greatest State Premier in the history of Australia."

fhc Scond concl usion is that the achievements of the Playford era should be judgcdon their own tcrrns and ini their own right. They should not be re-interpreted in thelight of preveifing circumnstances nor judged on the basis of currint policy priorities.

The long years of Playford Government should be asscssed in terms of howeffctuively it met the challenges of its own imnes, of how responsibly it address~ed theconcerns of the community which it served, and of how adequately it lived up to itsown high standards of honest and effr'ctive. goverrne1i. On these counts, I believethat the verdict of history will rightly be kind.

THITV YFKARS ON FRlOM THE PT AYFOQRD ERA

The Playford Goverment ended in 1965. The changes that have overtaken Australianpolitical economic and social life since that time have been fundanmental. Many of

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them have heen enriching and liberating. All of them have had an impact in changingthe role of governments, in broadening our national ccononiic horizons and in shapingthc values by which we live.

I wish tonight to outline what I sce as some of those fundamncntal changes inAustralian life and to describe the way in which the Coalition Federali Govcnunentbelieves it i appropriate to respond to them.

The Pagce and Scogic-of Change

Pcrhaps the most persuasive of all rccent changes in Australian society has been theconsequences of the processes of globalisation.

'Ilie Cold War's "balance of terro has been repl aced by new and more peacefuforms of international competition and co-operation.

The ongoing revolution in information technologies, transpot and communications isinexorably creating genuinely global markets for goods, servies and capital. Onlythe changes brought about by the Industrial Revolution itself over 200 years agocompare in relative significance with the changes that arc now flowing from theprocesses of globalisation.

For Australia, theqe changes ame affecting our patterns of trade, investment andemployment. They are maiking the international competitiveness of our busine-scnterprise.s a necessity rather than an option. They arc creating new challenges andIopportunities in our relations with the world's most dynamnic economic region. theAsia-Pacific, And together with other internationalising influcnces, such as our dirctpeopte-to-pcopic links with many countrics around the world and our rapidlyexpainding tourism market, they are making for a more open. creative and diverseAustralian soicity.

Tihe impact of Slobalisatiori is coalescing with a rangc of other factors to chAngeAustralia in fundamecntal ways.

The nature of our Fcdcral system of government has changed signiiecintly over rccentyears. And it is set to change further in the years ahead as area of overlappinigCommonwealth and State jurisdiction are addrmsed and as practical imnprovements inscrvice delivery in arcas such as housing. health and family services are achievcd.

The role of the media in political life has become more pervasive and a force to beim-kquzned wl Lli in its own right.

The roles of men and women, and thc patterns of work within families, have beentransformcd over recent decades.

The nature of work itself and the structure of careers arc changng, with an increasinglikelihood that more and more Austalians will pursuc a range of differcnt

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employment challenges over the course of their working lives. At thc samei time,these realities are creating their own pressures, with those who arc cxpcriencing arising standard of living also sensing a lower quality of life through the pace anddemands of work.

Our population is ageing a~ fact which is creating its own financial prcsqures find itsown dcrnand for more creative opportunities for older Australiarns.

At a diffcrcnt level, there is now among Australians what I believe to be a broad-basedconlsciousness about, and an enduring commitment to protcct, our unique and fragilenatural environment

There is also, I believe, a strong and broadly-based national commnitmient to explorenew ways of achieving practical and signiificant imnprovements in Aboriginal health,employmnt, education and housing~.

Not all recent change, however, in Atutralian society has been positive.

There is an croding sense of egalitarianismn and middle clasbness fclt by manyAustralians as a result of persistent high unemployment, particularly among youngAustralians and rising levels of family breakdown over the past decade.

There has been a margirtalisation of politics in the estimation of many Australiansover rcent years. Tis reflects a declining regard for Parliament and Politicians. Italso reflects a widely-held perccption of politics as the special preerve of insiders aswell as what 1 have described for somc time as the dctriballsofion of traditionalpolitical constituencies in Australia.

There is a perception, and particularly among many directly involved in it, that therole of modern governmcnt is necessarily becoming more and morc wcomplex. In myview, howevcr, the more accurate assessment would be that modern government isbeing maiht more complex, anid unnecessarily so.

There seems to be a focus on form and procss at thec expense oftoutcoines for people.

The constant challenge is to ensure that detailed institutional and bureaucraticrequirements do not prevent the achievemcnt of practical outcomes that address thereal needs of the community. A proper balance betwceen thms priorities isfundamental for effective government.

There is what I believe to be a growing and disproportionate influcnce of singlc-issuepolitical interest groups, each pursuing their own quite legitimate purposes but oftenin a way that is divorced fro~m any wider concept ofthe common good.

As a result.. we have witnessed over recent year a decliaing sense of community as anation and an accompanying rist of sub-groups. A political NIMBY ('not-in-my-back-yard') syndrome seem to be spreading. In current circumstanves, for example,many interest groups su~pport the Governrnt's commitment to rceduce thec budget

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deficit hut most go on to arguwc why ihe pnrticiilsr it~nctc thoy roep v'ernt Rho~ild bequarantined from such conective action.

More generally, wc arc als witnessing wha I see as the disturbing dcvclopmtrit of anegativist political culture in Australia with its focus On demeaning institutions andpulling down personalities instcad of contributing constructively to the debate on howwe best meet the national challenges wc face.

A Vision for Goverrment in the Context of These Ohnggo

Tfhe changes I have referred to have made Australia a quite different country in someimportznt respects, with a quite differenit set of national challenges, to thc one inwhich Tom Playford governed.

In defining a vision for nutional governmcnt to respond creatively to thcse changesand to meet these contemporary challenges, it is as important to govern by aconsistent sct of values and priorities as it is to implement an appropriate mix ofpolicies.

Back on Flectiori night, on the second of March this year, I emphasised two of theguiding principles for the new Coalition Government.

I committed the Governmecnt to govern for Wjj Australians. The right to govern isalways an ongoing gift from the people, and there is an accompanying re.%Tmnsibilityfor any government to unite rather than to divide thc community.

I also resolved to be true to the values, priorities and policios we had spelt out in thelead-up to, and during, the Election campaign. I made it clear on Election night that'.wez have not been elected to be just a pale imitation or the Governincnt that we havereplace&*.

Those two principles have guided us as a Government since Election day, and thcywill continue to guide us into the future.

We are a Government with clearly stated values and priorities which reflect thosc ofthe g~ct mainstream of Australian society.

We arc not a Gocverniment beholden to political carrcctne'q~s but one committed tobroad commnunity values and practical outcomes on both economic and social issues.

We are not a Government of economic rationalism in the po~pular sensc of that term.We ame a Government of economic common sense. We seek greater economicefficiency, mnore responsible budgets and more efTectivc markets not as ends intheznsclvcs, but as means for achieving risig living standads, expandingemployment opportunities and ani efective safet net.

We atu not a Government of ideology. We ate a Government of Ideas and ideals.And, in responding to the scale of social, economic and political change I have

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outlined. it will be the idea±; that motivate us and the ideals to which we aspire, rather

than miy pursuit of narrow ideology, that will take usi forward.

We are however a goverrnent with some fixed goals and strong comnmitments.

In the economic area, for example, it would a great mistake for anyone toundetestimate the strength of my conmitment to achieving labour market reform anda profound enhancemcnt of the conditions in which small business operates inAustralia.

growth, greater competitiveness and over time an improvemnt in Australia's currentaccount deficit,

We seck labour market reform because it will provide greater freedomn for individualsand more rewarding outcomes for both employers and employees.

It is the absolute cornerstone of the reform plan that the Coalition has for theAustralian economy. Without it our prospects will rcmain dented and futureeconomnic growth needlessly enfeebled.

Likewise. on the social horizon we are stea1farmi in onr dttermnifnn In' %1rj..nL~th#n ths'

role and place of the family unit within society.

This goal will bc the axis around which policies in many area-. such as taxation,industrial relations and social welfaire will rotate.

The Ides TEh~t Motivatc

Ideas are not political ends in themselves but the basis for developing practicalpolicies that work Ior the common good.

The ideas which lie at the centre of thc Federal Governmecnt's policymnaking prioritiesrelate directly to the concerns and aspirations of the great Australian mainstmrea.

*At the core of the ideas that motivate us is our clear intention to restore trumiZ andconfidence between the Australian community and the national government.

We made a clear-cut set of core promtises to the Australian people at the lastElection ptomises relating to family tax and health care. indu.'trial relations, smallbusiness. uncmployment (particularly amnong out young people), the concerns ofolder Australians, and a range of other importan policy areas.

Let me reaffirm what has always been our position that these promises mill befulfilled and that these commitments will be lionoured.

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On coming to government, of coure, we inherited a serious fiscal dCtcrioration thatwvas dishonestly concealed by Labor in thr. 1;ampaign and that reflected its grossincompetence and negligencc.

Wc are committed to cleaning up Labor's fiscal mess. We art commitivd torepairing Australia's savings and to rcining in the blow-out in governentcxpcnditure. We are acting to reduce the B~udget deficit because it is theresponsible and necessary thing to do. It is not easy but it is right, and we will doso fairly and justly.

We are not pursuing this course for any reasons of ideological purity or granideconomic theory. We are pursuing it because of the practical outcoincs it willdeliver. It is an investment in our country's future, opening up for us thepossibility of generating higher rates of growth in incomes and an increasingnumnbcr of jobs without putting prcssure on the current account und interest rates.

I should also reaffirm another point I have made consistently since the "Bcazleyblack hole" was revealed afler we catne to office. And that is that we art not goingto let Labor's fiscal irresponsibility force us into dishonouring the key Electionpromises we made to thc Austlian people.

Those promises were inade to be honoured and, regardless of the changedcircumstances which Labor's negligence has created, they will be honoured.

What we are seetirg now in the Senate is partisan obstructionism for its own sakefrom the Democrats. They are threatening key elements of the Coalition's reformpackage, such as industrial relations reform, the Natural Heritage Trust and theone-third privatisation of Teistra on all of which our mrandate from the Australianpeople is direct aind specific.

The great frc in the current situation is that the obstructionism is coming from amiinority Party that parades itself as committed to keeping politicans honest.

In prcsenting our legislation on these key issues to the Parliamecnt, we arc beinghonest and keeping faith with the commitments we undertook at the Election. Therecent actions of the Democrats would suggest that their central preoccupation isnot with honesty but with blind partisanship.

The Australlian people clected our Government with an overwhelming majority toimplement the changes to which we committed oursclves at the Election. Indenying the people those changes, the Democrats need to know that they arcplaying for very high stakes indccd.

Int addition to restoring a relationship of trust between Australians and theirnational govcrnment, another of the ideas which motivate us is to give practicalpolicy effictto our bell -a that it is individualiR who matter more than governments.bureaucracies and vested interests.

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That is why the GovernmCnt is coMmitted to making choice for individuals thegolden thread running through all our policy initiatives :choice in the laboVurmarket, choice~ to join or not to join a trade union, choice in education, choice: intelecommunications, choice in retirement income, and choice in a whole range ofother policy areas

It is why we are committed, in this period of rapid change, to strengthen the familyunit which has proved itself over time as the source of the most effective emnotiotialsupport for individuals and as thc best social welfare system that amy society hasever devised.

Our policy prioritics are also motivated by a commitment to achieve a practical

balance between thc limits of government and the limits of mnarkets.

We bclicve in getting govenrnents, not out of people's lives, hut off their backs.

That is why we are committed as a Government to inaximising individual decision-making, promohing private enterprise and limiting the power of the State ovcr itscitizens. We will continue to pursue those goals through guaranteeing theseparation of powers, through greater choice, diversity and competition in theprovision of goods and services, and through sensibly and sensitively limiting theclaims that are made on the State.

Tn recognising thc proper livnits, of goverrnient, we also recognise the practicallimits of markets. That is why we do not belicve in complete laissez-f'airegovcrnmont. It is why we do not see markets as an end in themselvcs. We do,however, see markets as delivering superior outcomes to state determinedallocations.

Crovernments have a proper and necessary role to guiantee a fair sarety net forthose who, through no fault of their own, require special assistance. Governmentsalso have a responsibility to encourage self-sufficiency among those who arecapable of it.

The safcty net guarntee, howcver, is critical if individuals are to have theopportunity to develop their full potential, Without such a guarantee, the liberalconcepts of a free socicty and equaity of opportunity lose their meaning.

*Wc arc also motivated by a commnitment to meet the challenges of globalisationwhile continuing to assure thc Australian birthright of a fair go for all.

That mcans achieving progress in the reform arem where Laboir failed sodramatically reforms such as fiscal repair, labour market fiedozn, mnicroecononticreform a more internationally competitive infastructure and financial syisemhigher productivity and less foreign debt. They =r all reforms which arc necessaryif Australia is to harnes the process of globalisation for its own advantage. Andthey are all reform-. which are necessary to ensure that Australia participates fulyin the dynamic economtic growth of the Asia-Pacific region.

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:[heIdeals To Which We Aspirc

In addition to the Ideas for enhancing choice and freedom that motivate ourpolicyrnaking priorities, we are also a Government with a clear set of ideals to whichwe aspirc and from which we will not be diverted.

*Wc will continue to meet the true tests of nutiorwi leadership.

That 6s why we will continue to be straight and direct with the peo~ple on majornational issucs (such as gun control, the Budget dcficit and the imbalance in ourimmigration programme), and on our strategy to address them.

It is why we will continue to set a cleax course for the fte based on cxnistentval ues and priorities in areas such as fiscal strategy, job growth, infrastructurercforni, environmental protecton and resource dcvclopment.

And it is why we will continue to be committcd to building a sense of commonnational purpose rathcr than papering together an amalgamation of special interests.

*We will not bc swept ofT-course from our commitment to pursue economic reformpolicies aimed at freeing up thc labour market, building savings and invcstrncnt,creating jobs, developing export and import-competing industrics, and boostingproductivity and living staindards.

Wc wUi remain rock solid in our commitment to strengthen the deccntraliscdnetworks of family, workplaces and communities as more etfcctive guarantors ofchoice and freedom than thc centralisation of political power.

That is why wc will be acting to reduce the economic pressures on low and middleincome families, and especially those with dependent children (through ta, healthcare and other reforms),

It is why we are moving to implement our enterprisc-bascd workplace reforms.

And it is why we will continue to support the great voluntary associations that aresoa c nitral to the streAgth of local conununitics.

aWe will remain unshakeable in our resolve to reward hard work. initiative and "getup and go".

T'hat is why we regard our policy agenda to rcstore small busineqses as the groatgenerators of jobs, national wealth and individual opportunity as central to ourwholc purpose in goverment.

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And we will remain absolutely committed to interacting more extensively and co-opcratively with the countries of our region at the same time as wc continue todevelop our important and longstanding relationships with traditional fricnds.

We will do so confident of who we arc and what we stand for, and confident of theimportant regional contribution we can make as a democracy, as an advanced andinnovative economy and as a force for security and stability.

CONCLUSION

The values and priorities we have set for our Government are clear. They are relevantto the lbrce.s ofboth change and continuity in our society. They are also relevant tothe challenges we face as a nation into the next century.

We aim to pursue those values and priorities with the same consistency, the samecommitment and the samenc comrnmunity-mindedness with which the great leaders ofthe

.ibcral tradition in Australia, such as Tom Playford, pursued the values and prioritieswhich they judged to be right for their own time.

Few political leaders acquire the status of a institution in their own lifetime. TomPlayford was one such leader. We have mu;h to learn from the Playford era and fromthe integrity of the leader who presided over it. I am pleased to have been able to playsome part in honouring his memory tonight.