molina-vital - a functional-cognitive approach to the middle voice in ancash quechua (first part...

8/3/2019 Molina-Vital - A Functional-Cognitive Approach to the Middle Voice in Ancash Quechua (First Part -First Draft)

1/42

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar December 2011

A FunctionalCognitive approach to the Middle Voice: The Case of Ancash Quechua

Differences in clausal organization across languages especially

those in the choice of primary syntactic argument mean that

correspondence patterns between the situation types and the

clause types will be different, too. [] In other words,

constructions expressing transitive situation types across

languages are different in structure. This comes as no surprise in

view of the fact that what is called passive across languages is

often vastly different in structure and even in function, so that two

or more types of passive can be happily accommodated within a

single language. (Shibatani 2006: 263)

1. Introduction and objectives of this workIn the previous quote, Shibatani presents a fact that cannot be emphasized enough:

languages differ in the way they organize what we, linguists, consider to be the same

grammatical phenomena crosslinguistically. There are, thus, plenty of different ways in which

something such as the traditional notion of middle voice can be expressed in different

languages. When somebody is studying the middle voice, or any other grammatical descriptive

construct, has to assume that any generalization is going to be insufficient, unless

1


2/42



crosslinguistic examination goes hand in hand with a detailed description of the conceptual

factors that are relevant to understand the grammatical construct under study.

In this regard, the notion of middle voice is a very complex one, comprising other complex

notions such as transitivity, nature of participants, naturalness of the event, etc. The main

theoretical claim in this paper is that no single conceptual parameter should be proposed as the

definitive element of the middle voice construct. Seminal works like Kemmers extensive

typological description of the middle voice and articles thereon (1993, 1994, 1995), as well as

the series of publications Shibatani has devoted to voice in general (1985, 1988, 2002, 2006)

have, in my opinion, taken the position that the middle voice can be best described by a very

precisely defined property (non-distinguishability of the participants/events for Kemmer 1993)

or a much broader description based on the traditional semantics associated to middle events

(an event whose development is restricted to a loosely defined personal sphere of the agent

for Shibatani 2006).

Building upon Kemmers and Shibatanis contributions to the study of middle voice, I will

propose that the notion ofsubject affectedness is central to the definition of middle voice, at

least for Ancash Quechua (AQ). Following Shibatanis observation that languages differ not

only in the structure of what is considered the same functional category, but they even differ in

2


3/42



the way the allegedly same function is conceived (2006: 263), I consider the middle voice as

both a radial category (as proposed in Lakoff 1987) and the result of different level ofschemas

interacting in a conceptual domain (as established by Langacker 1987). In other words, subject

affectedness is a precise concept with the highest level of centrality in the radial category and

highest level of abstraction in the schemas that regulate the usage of the middle voice in AQ

(and also in Spanish, as I will argue when discussing the relevant theoretical issues). As

tempting as proposing a definitive and universal characterization to a grammatical category, I

believe that the correct conceptual foundation to functional categories in language needs to take

into consideration different parameters that interact at different levels when defining a category

in a given language. Only extensive crosslinguistic examination based on a rich theory of

(cognitive) semantics will provide a coherent picture of what concepts are involved in the

constitution of linguistic categories, and how they are organized. Organization patterns will

reveal similar, compatible, but not identical, even if the category is considered to be the same,

as dictated by methodological grounds in the functional-typological tradition started by

Greenberg (1963).

Consequently, this paper will present a description of the middle voice in a Central

Quechua dialect, Ancash Quechua (AQ) based on the idea different parameters are

3


4/42



simultaneously present in that category, most importantly, those which give shape to the notion

ofevent. As a result, middle voice cannot be studied in isolation from Aktionsart, the inherent

nature of the event-type denoted by the verb, as Bakker (1994: 25) rightly puts; or, as Hintz

(2011: 5) suggests in his comprehensive study of Southern Conchucos Quechua (SCQ), a

dialect of AQ:

An unusual characteristic of SCQ is the interface linking aspect with other semantic

domains, including manner and middle voice. In other words, one grammaticalmarker may combine aspect and tense in its semantics, another aspect and modality,

or aspect and manner, and so forth.

My description of the middle voice will start by examining those situations that

Kemmer (1993) has proposed as typical middle situations present crosslinguistically. From

there on, I will provide a conceptual motivation to the use of AQ middle suffix -ku, particularly

in contrast with another voice suffix, passive ka. In addition, for completions sake, I will

suggest some conceptual basis for understanding the interaction between the aspectual suffix

ri(inchoative) and middle voice.

In the next section I will deal with how Kemmers typology of middle situations is

expressed in AQ. Once the data has been presented, the following section will be devoted to an

exhaustive analysis of the conceptual semantics presented in these constructions will be

4


5/42



provided for middle ku, passive ka, and inchoative ri. Finally, I will deal with the

theoretical problems the data from AQ, as well as some data from Spanish, present to a theory

of middle voice as those proposed by Kemmer (1993), and Shibatani (2006). I will propose an

approach that combines the broad notion of voice required by Shibatanis observation of

diversity in form both inter and intra-linguistically (as made explicit in Shibatani & Artawa

2003: 258), and the detailed semantic distinctions regarding events and participants as

presented by Kemmer (1993: Ch. 3 and 4).

2. The expression of middle situations in Ancash QuechuaAQ is a Central Quechua variety (Julca 2009: 39) spoken in the majority of the mountain

sectors of the Ancash region, as well as in the northwestern side of the Hunuco region, both in

Peru. The importance of this subfamily of the Quechuan Languages is that, due to widespread

dialectal fragmentation and toponymical evidence, it is one of the regions where Proto Quechua

is likely to have started. In addition to this, central varieties display a richer suffix inventory

than the dialects in the Peripheral Quechua variety (spoken in the Southern Andes from the

Huancavelica region in Peru to the western part of Bolivia and a rather reduced zone in

northern Argentina). Interestingly enough, all the Central dialects have a distinction between

5


6/42



what traditionally has been called a medio-reflexive suffix, ku, and a passive suffix, -ka

(Parker 1976: 116-117).

Most of the data I will present in this paper has been elicited either from my main

consultant, a native speaker, or from folkloric tales from the most prestigious variety in the AQ

dialect: Huaylas Quechua. This region, located in the middle of two high mountain chains,

Cordillera Blanca(White Mountain Chain, named this way because of their peaks covered

with permanent glaciers), and Cordillera Negra(Black Mountain Chain, which has virtually

no snow covered peaks). Still, some data of middle voice use comes from the Southern

Conchucos dialect, located on the west slope of the Cordillera Negra, as it has been described

by Hintz (2011).

6


7/42



Figure 1. The Quechua dialects in South America. Quechua I corresponds to centralQuechua, while the varieties labeled Quechua II are Peripheral Quechua.In order to offer a detailed description of the usage of the middle voice marker, I will

follow Kemmers typology of middle situations (1993: 16-20). For sake of completion, I will

include reflexive situations, although middlereflexive markers in different languages.

7


8/42



According to her position, reflexives and middle should be differentiated on the basis of how

the former introduces a stronger distinction between the macro-roles Inititator of the event and

Endpoint of the event. In other words, whenever a reflexive marker is used (usually a

phonologically heavier marker), some degree of distinction if applied between participants

since two different roles are clearly performed; however, it is not expected that both

participants are the same individual, which is a case of coreference. I will address the problems

the notion of distinguishability between Inititator and Endpoint in the final section of this

paper. I will present a list including those cases presented by Kemmer that can be expressed

through a suffix. In most of the situations, the suffix used is ku, which has been considered

the current expression of the Proto Quechua suffix *-ku, the middle-passive suffix according to

Cerrn-Palomino (1987: 146). I will present examples for every middle and reflexive situation1

in Kemmers typology, even if they are represented by a suffix other than ku. The particular

behavior of the suffixes involved in the coding of the situation will be presented. However, a

1 For the moment, I will mostly leave reciprocals out of this study. However, I am aware that every finding at this

stage needs to extend seamlessly to the explanation of natural and emphatic reciprocals (those marked with

periphrastic coding).

8


9/42



more in depth discussion will take place when comparing middle ku, passive ka, and

inchoative ri.2

A. Grooming and body careKemmer (1993: 53-55) presents this kind of events as prototypical cases of middle

situations, and she makes the case for distinguishing reflexives from middles. Based on the

typical light morphological marking or intransitive-like marking of grooming events in,

perhaps, every language with a middle system, she presents grooming and body care events as

a prime example of a situation that does not involve the expectation of an action performed

towards an external patient or Endpoint.

(1) Peyo paqa ku -rqa -n.

Pedro wash.head MID PAST 3

Pedro washed (his head).

(2) Qaqlla : -ta kuka jabon -wan shullpa ku rqa a.

face 1.SG ACC coca soap INST wash MID PAST 1S

I washed my face with coca soap

(3) Shura ku rqa -: mushuq ratash -ni -: -ta alli rika ku na -paq.

dress MID PAST 1.SG new cloth EU 1 ACC good see MID CONC DAT

I dressed up with my new clothes to look good.

2 Following the classification of marking systems presented by Kemmer (1993: 24-28), AQ, as well as all the other

varieties, Central or Peripheral, is a one form middle system. Although there is an emphatic form that implies

coreference, kiki, this is seldom used, and cannot be considered a systematic resource to mark reflexive situations

as it seems to be the case of heavy forms in Russian like sebja, clearly distinct from the light form sja.

9


10/42



As it seems to be the case for many languages surveyed in Kemmers work, even if

there is a clear direct object (as in 2 and 3) , the fact that it is a possession or part of the subject

makes the action still considered not directed towards an external Endpoint.

Certainly this idea is true of grooming events only based on how frequently those

actions are carried out by individuals affecting their own bodies. Only during exceptional

periods of life (early childhood, elderly age, incapacity, etc.) an individual becomes the object

of a grooming or body care event. In AQ, there is no need, according to my consultant, to mark

emphatically an unexpected subject, although is an open option using the emphatic pronoun

kiki, which must be marked with nominal suffix, as (4) shows.

(4) Lullu wamra kiki -n arma ku rqa -n.

tender child self 3 bath MID PAST 3.SGThe baby bathed himself

B. Change in body postureThis events share some similarity with more prototypical reflexive events: the agent is acting

over itself in order to change the position of its whole body. However, Kemmer (1993: 55)

considers that they are typologically distinguished from reflexives, appearing commonly as

bare intransitives. This means that something restricts this kind of verbs from being used more

frequently as regular transitives. Certainly, the way in which we change our body posture is not

10


11/42



the same way as we make somebody change its body posture. In AQ this events are coded

either with inchoative or with middle markers.

(5) Nuqantsik kapilla -chaw qunqu ri -ntsik.

we chapel LOC knee INC 1.PL.INC

We kneeled in the chapel.

(6) Huanshi patsaa -chaw laata ri rqa -n.

Juan ground LOC be.on.all.fours INC PAST 3S

Juan got on all fours on the ground.

(7) Huanshi patsaa -chaw punu ku rqa n

Juan ground LOC lay MIDPAST 3S

Juan slept on the ground.

Example (5) presents a very good example of change of posture that in Kemmers survey tends

to be middle marked, but that prefers to use the inchoative suffix. The next couple of examples

present a more interesting contrast. While (6) introduces a complete change in body posture

using the inchoative ri, we can see how in (7) a different situation that still expresses a change

in posture requires middle ku. This contrast can be motivated through focusing on just the

change from one position to another with ri, and focusing on the process of getting ready to

sleep by taking the required posture with ku. The disposition in the agent to do so in order to

sleep in (7) is clearly conveyed by the stem punu, sleep (therefore, there is some kind of

telicity implied in 7).

11


12/42



C. Non-translational motionThis kind of situation involves, according to Kemmer (1993: 56), movement of the body

without changing location. In this case the change of position doesnt require an external locus

that frames the whole body, as in change of body posture. The motion is strictly confined to the

body remaining in a general position. For this typically middle situation, AQ again displays

preference for coding those events using inchoative ri instead of middle ku (which is still

used for this kind of situation in Southern Quechua varieties, like Cuzco or Ayacucho

Quechua). Examples (8)-(11) come from Colonia (2002), another version of the popular folk

tale Achkay, about two abandoned kids and an evil witch. Relevant events are in bold.

(8) Tsay -naw patsa -ri -yaa -naq cama -n -kuna -man.that LOC ground INC PL NRPST bed 3 PL DI

There they lay on their beds

(9) Tsay -na -sh wamra -qa qipa -n -ta

that DISC HS child TOP behind 3 ACC

tuma -ri -r, rikaa -ri -naq achikay -ta -qaturn INC SUBSS see INC NRPST witch ACC TOP

taripaa -ri -q -ta -na.reach INC AG ACC DISC

Then, the girl turned around and just saw the witch, who was reaching her.

12


13/42



(10) Tsay -na -sh muna -pa -r aytsa -ta hurqu -na -n -paq

that DISC HS want INTENS SUBSS meat ACC take.out CONC 3 BEN

kuku -rku -naq, i muchki -yka -ku -rku -naqduck UPMT NRPST and bow.down IMPF MID UPMT NRPSTtsay puwa -ku -yka -q manka -man

that boil MID IMPF AG pot DIR

Then, because (she) wanted the meat, she leaned over in order to take (it) out, and she

fell (in)to that boiling pot.

(11) cama -piq shaa -ri -rku -r bed ABLraise INC UPMT SUBSSkamtsa -ta anka -yaa -na -n -paq

toasted.corn ACC toast PL 3 DAT

alista -pa -ku -r qalla -rku -yaa -naq.

get.ready BEN MID begin UPMT PL NRPS

Getting up off bed they began to get ready to toast the corn.

The previous sentences show a clear preference for ri to mark nontranslational motion. The

case that differs from that tendency is muchkiykakurnaq, to bow down. In the context of the

story, this nontranslational motion takes place when the witchs daughter tries to reach for the

pieces of meat in the boiling caldron, and accidentally falls in killing herself. The contrast

between riand ku, as suggested by the previous sentences, seems to be in the higher level of

volitionality and effort with which something is done. Confirmation of the previous hypothesis

is provided by (12) and (13):

13


14/42



(12) Chanka -ta suta ri -rqa :

muscle ACC stretch INC PAST 1.SG

I sprained a muscle.

(13) Chanka -ta suta ku rqa -:

muscle ACC stretch MID PAST 1.SG

I sprained a muscle (the subject deliberatelystretched the muscle to sprain it)

The contrast between the two previous sentences suggests that ri is representing an

action that takes place accidentally, with no volitionality from the affected entity. The

subject is doing something that affects itself. However, affectedness is, in this case, evoked

by the accidental, punctual aspect ofri. Contrary to the well attested trend by which

middle tends to mark lack of volition in the Inititator of the event, AQ seems to privilege

the opposite: higher level of engagement in carrying out an event.

D. Indirect middleQuechua is, in general, famous for its liberal use of the middle market ku to represent

what Kemmer (1993: 78) presents an action whose effect accrues back to the Initiator. This

kind of event implies that the action has been performed for the Initiators own benefit. This

use is prominently featured as a staple of Quechua languages in every grammatical description

that touches the middle-reflexive marker. I will present just a few examples of this situation

type from the wealth of cases that could be considered in this category, particularly those that

14


15/42



given the semantic of the event they modify, are more likely to express an effect that,

somehow, goes back to the Initiator, as Kemmer proposes.

(14) kuntur -na -sh paka -ku -rku -naq ripra -n ruri -n -mancondor DISC HS hide MID UPMT NRPST wing 3 inside 3 DIR

The condor hid (her) inside of his wing (Colonia 2002).

(15) maa tsay wamra miku -q Achikay -qa wamra -ta pishta -r

actually that child eat AG witch TOP child ACC slit SUBSS

roqu -ku -ykaa -naq siqsi -wancut MID IMPF NRPST sharp.leaf INST

Actually, the children-eating witch, having slit the child was cutting him with a sharp

leaf (Colonia 2002).

The two previous examples can be understood as events with a typical transitive

structure, two participants interacting in which one is affected by the actions of the Initiator.

However, the middle marker cannot be expressing that the action is primarily directed to the

initiator, or that is circumscribed to its personal sphere as a defining characteristic, since there

is a clear external object on each sentence. A possible objection could be that on those

sentences kuis not really coding an indirect middle situation but some careful or decisive way

in carrying out the event. Examples (16) and (17) provide evidence in favor of the indirect

middle interpretation as more basic for ku than the modal one (but that doesnt exclude the

15


16/42



fact, as we will see later, that there is a modal value in kucommonly used by speakers of

AQ).

(16) Mayu rikra n -ta paqi ku ri rqa -n.Mario arm 3 ACC break MID INC PAST 3.SG

Mario broke his arm (and he is particularly affected)

(17) mana ima -ta -si maya -r nin, ishpa -ku -q aywa ku -na:no what OBJ EVEN aware SUBSS 3 urinate MID AG go MID NRPSThuk eski:na -pa tuma ri -r

one corner GEN turn INC SUBS

Not being aware of anything, he was going around the corner to relieve himself. (Hintz

2008: 243)

It seems counterintuitive to propose that someone broke carefully his own arm. My

consultant, who in numerous times emphasized the volitional value ofkuas marking an action

done with care, in this case only suggested that the subject of (16) was very affected by

breaking of his arm. On the other hand, it is particularly challenging to imagine how the act of

urinating in (17) can be carefully performed or with special interest, unless that interest is

geared towards self-relieving (a typical case of self beneficiary). The action, therefore, is not

completely restricted to a personal sphere, but shows how the subject is psychologically

affected by achieving relief.

16


17/42



Finally, a case in which an event is the (intransitive) expression of inner emotions gets

marked as middle. Although the verb waqay(to cry) seems a better candidate for the emotion

middle situation type, I think that it is not an emotion experienced by a subject, instead is a

bodily expression of emotion, having a more dynamic configuration, instead of a

psychological-emotional one. The next sentence, therefore, is probably emphasizing the

emotion suffered by the initiator of the crying event, a case of indirect middle. 3

(18) waylaayu turi -yki -qa waqa -ku -n

lazy brother 2 TOP cry MID

Your lazy brother is crying (Colonia 2002).

The use ofkuas an expression of self-benefit or particular interest in the event performed

can affect virtually any verb, transitive or not, provided that the subject is a volitional agent. I

will briefly discuss in section 3 the relation between this common use ofkuand the extension

of the middle semantics into modality and aspect.

E. Naturally reciprocal events

3 It is possible to propose that (8) is a case of imperfect marking of the verb waqay. Although it is possible to

understand this reading in the context from which this sentence has been taken, it is also possible to understand the

sentence as expressing simple present in AQ, therefore, -kuis mostly an indirect marker. See Hintz (2011: 174-

178) for a detailed discussion of the relation of middle voice and imperfect aspect in Southern Conchucos

Quechua.

17


18/42



In this middle situation type, the action is initiated by a plural subject. Every element in the

subject gets to be both initiator and endpoint of the event described, although not acting on

itself, but in a reciprocal way (initiator once for an external object, then external object for the

initiator that was the object before). Although Kemmer (1993: 96-102) analyzes different kinds

of reciprocal situations, in this paper, I will just present how naturally reciprocal events

function in AQ. This kind of situation is a middle one because it describes an interaction

between elements in the subject that is naturally understood as reciprocal (e.g. to meet), or is

usually presented as such (e.g. to kiss, to fight).

(19) Paykuna tari na ku ri r, chaqra chaqra waqu -na ku ya rqa n.they meet RECP MID INC SUBSS strong strong hug RECP MID PL PAST

When they met, they hug each other strongly.

(20) Tsuri -i kuna -qa manam imay -pis maqa na ku ya nqa -tsu.child 1 PL TOP no when ADD hit RECP MID PL FUT.3 NEG

My children will never fight (hit each other).

In AQ, as well as in many other varieties using middle-reflexive ku, the distributive or

nominalizing suffix na is very commonly used to introduce a reciprocal situation. 4 Even

naturally reciprocal events go marked with the reciprocal suffix naand the middle ku. This

4 Theres little investigation done regarding the nature of na in the combination naku, considered by most

grammarians something like a welded complex suffix. Faller (2007) explores in detail the reciprocal value of

na using a formal semantics framework. To my knowledge, the only study presenting na in naku as a

nominalizer (the potential or concretizer nominalizer) is Calvos Cuzco Quechua grammar (1993).

18


19/42



should be considered problematic for Kemmers theoretical perspective (based on Haiman

1983), since this combination is heavier in form that just ku, therefore it should be used for

reciprocal situations in which there was no natural expectation of reciprocity (i.e. and event like

to kill each other).

Still, there are some cases of natural reciprocals that only use ku. However, there are

cases in which nais absent.

(21) I ishka -n wamaya -y -paq pelya -ku -yku -ya: -naq.and two 3 fear INF BEN fight MID EMP PL NRPS

And the two of them fought terribly. (Weber 2008: )

Considering that na is not contributing any special emphatic reciprocal meaning, I

think (very speculative at this point) that originally it was the marker of reciprocity (or another

category that could incorporate that meaning, such as collective event). Due to the self-

affectedness displayed by the interaction of members of the plural subject, the suffix kuwas

used in combination with na(taking the slot after it, importantly). The primary function ofna

as distributive might explain why it remains used in naturally reciprocal events because

reciprocity in AQ (and I believe in the Quechua family) is not historically rooted on middle

marking, therefore the use ofnaprecedes the use ofku.

F. Translational motion

19


20/42



Like many languages in which the use of middle markers is well extended, AQ can use ku

with typically intransitive motion events, such as ayway, to go. As I will discuss in section 4,

this kind of middle situations represent a case that, although extremely frequent, can still be

considered an extension from the prototypical middle situations (in Kemmers account

grooming and body action). In fact, cases like these need to be fully explained by the

conceptual parameter that is considered central to the categorization of an event as a middle

situation. Some examples of translational middle situations in AQ are provided below.

(22) Tsay -man wina -ka -rku -r -na -sh,

that DIR fill PAS UPMT SUBSS DISC HS

ras aywa -ku -naqfast go MID NRPST

Once it (the basket) was filled, (she) went away quickly.

(23) Usha ri -r, ras -lla wayi yki -man aywa ku -y.finish INC SUBSS fast LIM house 2 DIR go MID IMP

When you have finished, go quickly to your house.

However, to clarify the contribution of ku in this kind of middle situation, contrast

between the use ofku and unmarked sentences, as well as those using the inchoative ri

marker is in order.

20


21/42



(24) Pishqu -kuna shumaq parii ya n.bird PL nice fly PL 3

Birds fly nicely.

(25) Pishqu -kuna parii ku ya n.bird PL fly MID PL

Birds fly (carefully).

(26) Pishqu -kuna parii ri ya -n.bird PL fly INC PL

Birds fly away (scared).

In sentences (24)-(26) it can be seen how a motion event like pariiy (to fly) is

conceptualized in different ways. While (24) shows no particular distinctive way in which the

birds carry out their flying, the use ofku in (25) makes the event the result of a particular

disposition of its agent in order to perform it. My consultant even said of (25) that it expresses

something like birds fly by themselves, or the admiration on how birds are capable of flying

by virtue of their being in a special way (compared to all those beings incapable of flying by

their own means). This can be easily seen as related to the special dedication or interest with

which the agent engages in carrying out a situation, prominently present in other middle

situation types.

Sentence (26) contrasts with the previous ones in that it expresses the contrast between

a previous situation and the one resulting from the birds having flown. This change is

21


22/42



noticeable due to its quick resolution and unexpectedness. All those properties are coded by the

suffix ri. Instead of reaching the change of state/location as a consequence of the performance

of an action due to reasons within the personal sphere of the agent, AQ marks change of state

with ri. This suffix has been commonly described in different AQ grammars as inchoative, but

in a sense that is related to the beginning of the event. In other words, the situation is regarded

as not developed, as just in its initial stage (Parker 1973: 20). However, as (26), and other

sentences using ripresented in this paper, the perspective taken by AQ speakers is many times

on how entering into an event means having completely left a previous state behind. This

change reading tends to be most salient when theres an abrupt and quick transition from one

state to the other and those states are completely different.

G. Emotion middleVerbs expressing emotional interaction between a subject-experiencer and a source (or

motivator) of the emotion are sometimes expressed with middle ku in AQ. In Kemmers

perspective (1993: 130-132), the high level of affectedness of the subject is in correspondence

with one of the main functions of middle markers crosslinguistically. This situation is

analogous, then to the indirect middle type. However, Kemmer (1993: 132) will still prefer to

motivate the middle marking of these events on the indistinguishability of Initiator and

22


23/42



Endpoint participants. The structure of the emotion event involves that the subject experiences

the emotion, but also it makes an object the target of his/her emotions. By taking action making

something the target of emotions and by suffering those emotions at the same time, the subject

is reducing distinguishability of participants to a minimum. 5 In some sense, the other argument,

the motivator of the emotions, doesnt suffer at all, which makes it a less than typical object,

and this justifies the conceptualization of a subject as initiator and endpoint in an event. Some

basic verbs within this class are

(27) i tsay -shi pi -pis tsay man cha pti n

and this HS who ADD this DIR arrive SUBDS 3.SG

pia ku rku ya -n.irritate MID UPMT PL 3S

And, if someone comes, they become UPMTenly irritated (Villari 2009: 40).

Based on Parker andChvez (1976) and Carranza Romero (2003), Piay (be angry)

seems to be always marked with ku. This would make an interesting case for comparison with

inchoative ri. Due to the meaning ofpiay, the contribution ofkuis very close to the idea of

getting into the state of being angry, which was commonly expressed in change of posture

and nontranslational middle situations with inchoative ri. Data regarding the use of ri in

5 I am aware that this kind of explanation is confusing participants (those entities that engage in the realization of

an event), and roles (the minimal conceptual identities required by an event to achieve full completion). A critical

approach to Kemmers explanations based on indistinguishability of participants will be elaborated in section 4.

23


24/42



combination with kufor intransitive emotion verbs likepiay, thatexpress going through an

emotion is required. In addition, this type of verbs can provide evidence regarding whetherri

is restricted to marking change of state in actions and not emotions.

The most urgent question for this kind of middle situation is what can be the function of

ku. So far, the most consistent uses of the middle suffix in AQ have come from activities that

involve a high level of attention to the performance of the event, or the intention to obtain

benefits from the event, or actions directed towards the self. However, although more evidence

is required, (27) cannot be easily understood as an inchoative, as Villari suggests in her

translation of that sentence, since we have evidence that riis more frequently used to convey

that aspectual meaning. Examples (28) and (29) will present the contrast between an emotion

verb on the intransitive end of the spectrum llakiy(to be worried) with and without ku.

(28) Wawqi i kuna -qa llaki -ya rqa -n sanasa -n -kuna wanu -pti -n -mi. brother 1 PL TOPbe.sad PL PAS

T3 friend 3 PL die SUBDS 3 EV

My brothers were sad because their friend died.

(29) Wawqi i kuna -qa llaki ku ya rqa -n ruray ni n kuna -ta brother 1 PL TOPbe.sad MID PL PAST 3 do EU 3 PL ACCuqra yku pti i -mi.

lose EMP SUBDS 1 E

My brothers were worried because I lost their works.

24


25/42



The verb llakiyis regarded by Parker and Chavez (1976) as inherently intransitive, and

describes a state of sorrow. The main contrast, as attested by my consultant, lays on the fact

that (29), the form with ku, expresses a somewhat more active or intense emotion: to be

concerned, to worry about. On the other hand, (29) just expresses the subject wawqiikuna

as affected by sorrow, but not actively thinking about what makes them feel this way. This

reflects the idea that kuis introducing the notion of an Inititator of the event displaying more

engagement or volition.

The only case of an emotion verb that can be considered more transitive-like (as love

or hate) gathered at this point of my research is mantsay (to fear / to be afraid).

Contrasting between forms with middle marker and without it is relevant for our

characterization of the middle domain in AQ.

(30) Juan -qa allqu -ta mantsa rqa -nJuan TOP dog ACC fear PAST 3.S

Juan feared the dog (was afraid of the dog).

(31) Juan -qa allqu -ta mantsa ku rqa n.Juan TOP dog ACC fear PAST 3.SG

Juan feared the dog (for some time).

According to my consultant (and in full agreement with the observations made in Hintz

2011: Ch. 8), the contrast here is not precisely a voice based one, but one of aspect. (31)

25


26/42



presents the event of being afraid as something that took place in the past for an undetermined

extended period. As I will argue in section 4, this prolongation of an event through ku is a

consequence of the focus AQ middle voice has on the carefulness / high intensity with which

the subject engages in the middle marked event. (30) is interesting in itself, since it shows that

in AQ not every emotion verb requires middle marking. In this sense, mantsaycan be regarded

as more active than piay in (27) or even llakiy in (28). However, it is not the case that

mantsakuyonly expresses some durative meaning.

(32) Juan mantsa ku rqa -n allqu -ta rika -r.Juan fear MID PAST 3.SG dog ACC see SUBS

Juan was afraid (of doing something) when he saw the dog. (He was scared of doing

something because of the dog.)

(33) Ama mantsa -ku -ya -y tsu!PROH fear MID PL IMP NEG

Do not fear (you guys)! (Colonia 2002)

Sentence (32) can be considered analogous to (29). In both cases the event is intensified by

the use of ku. (32) is particularly interesting because the lack of a direct object makes

mantsakurqanthe expression of a fear in which the subject is very engaged into. This level of

commitment to the fear is what creates, in the context of (32) the impression that there was

something that the subject wanted to do, and now he/she is worried that wont be accomplished

26


27/42



due to the presence of the dog. The focus is not on the origin of the fear, but in the resulting

state as more relevant to the subject in terms ofpersonal affectedness.

Along the same lines is sentence (33) the lack of direct object produces that the focus

of the intensity of the feeling is not transmitted in the form of an extended relation between

subject and source of fear, instead the fear is intensified as a personal experience, as something

that affects the subject personally. In the context of the story, the witch introduces herself to

the kids after noticing that they have been lost and hungry, and perhaps, realizing that her own

aspect is not exactly the most charming and ease-producing. If this is true, then,

mantsakuyaytsucan hardly refer to a durative situation.6 Instead, according to my consultant, in

this case, the command is expressing the advice from the witch to kids so that they dont feel

afraid of anything in general. This suggests that theres in the kids some active involvement in

their being afraid they have the power to stop that feeling, as the command suggests.7

H. Emotive speech action

6 AQ does present a durative suffix, imperfective ykain commands. Therefore, it is not possible to argue that the

durative reading ofkuis blocked by the imperative mood.

7 One piece of evidence that I need to verify is ifmantsaycan take a direct object without using ku. If this were

not possible, that would emphasize the intrinsic nature ofself affectedness through high involvement in the event

as the central parameter of middle voice in AQ.

27


28/42



A few verbs that can be considered part of this category were found in the analyzed

narrations. They can be interpreted as an extension of the previous class, in that they suggest

high involvement of the subject in the event because of the effects the speech act accrues on

his/her self.

(34) i tapu -ku -naq kay -nawand ask MID NRPST this LOC

and (she) asked here (Colonia 2002).

(35) qam -qa asha -ku -maa -na -yki -paqyou TOP insult MID 1OBJ CONC 2 BEN

so that you insult me (Colonia 2002).

Every instance oftapuy(to ask) gathered in the story of the witch has been marked with

ku. My impression is that, given the context, the witch was more than questioning, inquiring

of the whereabouts of the girl she was chasing. This intensified way of asking is a result of the

strong commitment the witch has to capturing and killing the girl, which motivates the usage of

ku. The same can be said about ashay, to insult. In (35), the object of the insulting (1st

person object maa, referring to a skunk) is different from the subject qan(2nd person singular,

referring to the witch), which makes the use ofkuclearly detached from any form of

reflexivity (and, by extension, very difficult to conceive as a case of indistinguishability of

participants, since there are two very clearly differentiated participants in (35)). In any case,

28


29/42



according to the skunk, the action is performed by the witch with notorious effort directed

against him. Therefore, his taking offense is magnified and his reaction (spraying the witchs

eyes) is justified.

I. Other speech actionsMore forms of this kind are needed in the database. The ones I requested from my

consultant didnt use ku. The only example that reflects an event such as bragging shows no

middle marker, perhaps because nikachaykachais a root that has welded suffixes that convey

the intensification and involvement of the self in the action of bragging. The extension of the

stem contrast with the tendency of verb stems in AQ to be two syllables long.

(36) Pablu -qa nikachaykacha -n llapan pita -pis alli ka -q tushu q -naw.Pablo TOP brag 3.SG all ABL ADD good be AG dance AG SI

Pablo says he is better than everyone since he is the best dancer.

J. Cognition middleKemmer's explanation of mental events (1993: 127-130) elaborates upon the possibility that

experiencing something means that the initiator is aware of something (consciously grasps an

stimulus), and that at the same time is affected by that stimulus (forms part of his/her

knowledge). This allows Kemmer to maintain her claim that the central property of middle

voice semantics is the lack of differentiation between participants in an event.

29


30/42



(37) uniku -qa pinsa -ku -yka -naq Achikay -paonly TOP think MID IMPF NRPST witch GEN

pacha -n -chaw usha -ka -y -: -lla -ta -na -sh belly 3 LOC finish PAS INF 1 LIM ACC DISC HS

The only thing (the girl) was thinking about was ending up in the witch's belly (Colonia:

2002).

The use of-kuwith the cognition verbpinsay(a loan from Spanishpensar, to think)

is interesting for several reasons. First, it is not an aspectual, durative, use ofkubecause there

is already an imperfective suffix, -yka, present. Second, with an aspectual meaning discarded,

the next possibility is that kuis expressing a reflexive situation, one in which the girl thinks

herself inside the belly of the witch. This cant be the case, since there is a nominalized form

with infinitive yused as direct object (marked ta). In addition, the indirect middle semantics

does not seem very plausible, since there is no clear benefit obtainable in this particular

situation. Still, there is high level of affectedness of the self in the way the situation is

described: a nightmarish situation completely affecting the initiator of the cognition event.

Therefore, the more abstract notion of subject affectedness seems to be behind the use ofkuin

(37). The preeminence of self-affectedness in (37) does not exclude the possibility that, instead

of the already discarded aspectual reading ofku, there is a volitional reading. Still, I believe

that any volitional reading is rooted in the existence of some strong interest in carrying out the

30


31/42



event. Interest is nothing but a form of self affectedness. Therefore, volitional meaning is a

more concrete application result of the self-affectedness parameter.

Other verbs of cognition using kugathered seem to express more readily a volitional

reading, instead of a more abstract view invoking directly self-affectedness of the subject.

(38) Qanyan yacha ku nqa yki -ta yarpa -nki -ku?Yesterday know MID NMZ 2 ACC remember 2.SG INT

Do you remember what you learned yesterday?

(39) Allaapa -n yarpa ku -: kawaa -ni i -paq.a.lot EV remember MID 1.SG life EU 1 BEN

I worry a lot about my life.

(40) Allaapa -n yarpa chaku -: kawaa -ni i -paq.a.lot EV remember CARE 1.SG life EU 1 BEN

I habitually reflect a lot about my life.

Sentence (38) provides evidence in favor of the enhanced volitionality as a more

accessible (though not conceptually central) parameter for middle voice in different AQ middle

domains. While the meaning of the stem yacha- is to know in a rather neutral way, the

presence of the suffix kucreates an intensification of the event, with higher involvement of

the subject in the process of knowing, which straightforwardly produces the meaning

learning (which is nothing but engage willingly and through effort in the process of

knowing). In similar fashion, the composite suffix chaku in (40) is describing a carefully

31


32/42



performed action. I believe that this form is the result of the combination ofchaa(certainty)

and ku (middle). The difference between (39) and (40) is that the latter introduces more

emphasis in the way I reflect, which equals to the concept of being worried. Although, -ku

introduces intensification / enhanced volitionality in the way the subject carries out a situation

as we have repeatedly shown in this paper, (39), according to my consultant, uses kuto

express a habitual meaning for thinking. This habitual meaning has been analyzed by Hintz

(2011: 175-176) for Southern Conchucos Quechua, and also it was reported for Huaylas

Quechua data in Villari (2009). However, I wouldnt be surprised if there is also the possibility

to interpret (39) as also meaning to be worried about my life. Perhaps, -chakuis just a higher

level of intensity. More comparison is needed here.

K. Spontaneous eventsSpontaneity is the area of middle semantics that approaches the most to the traditional

inchoative aspectual meaning. Kemmer (1993: 142) studies this spontaneous situations are

impersonal ones, since they dont typically involve the direct involvement of an agent. This

type of middle situation is very important to describe the middle voice system in AQ. Given

that the notion of high involvement in an event (based on the self affectedness of the subject

parameter) appears to be the most common semantic import of the middle voice in AQ, this

32


33/42



would immediately clash with the semantics of spontaneous situations they allow no room

for an agent displaying any volitionality. This contradiction seems to be the reason behind the

fact that, among the data gathered, there is only one instance (elicited from my consultant) of a

spontaneous event using ku.

(41) Aytsa ismu rqa -n mana kachi -n chura -y raykur -mi.meat rot PAST 3 no salt 3 put INF because EV

The meat rotted because of not having put salt (to it).

(42) Achaq millkapa ta qipi y tsu, puchqu nqa -n.warm meal ACC wrap INF NEG turn.vinegar 3FUT EV

Dont wrap the hot meal, it will turn vinegary.

The two examples above can be considered cases of lexical middles, since neither ismuy

nor puchquy require ku to have an spontaneous sense in which an action is confined to the

subject affecting it greatly, although there is no way to express high volitionality or

carefulness in the way the action takes place.

Sentences (43)-(45) were elicited trying to find a situation in which explicit change

required some particular marking. More cases of naturally spontaneous events need to be

gathered to confirm the impossibility of -ku (this would exclude impersonal middles like the

door closed).

33


34/42



(43) Kuru tiplash -man tikra rqa n.caterpillar butterfly DIR change PAST 3.SG

The caterpillar changed into a butterfly.

(44) kuru tiplash -man tikra ri -rqa -ncaterpillar butterfly DIR change INC PAST 3.PL

The caterpillar UPMTenly changed into a butterfly.

While the verb tikrayin (43) expresses change (literally turn into) by itself, the use ofriin

(44) only adds the sense of UPMTen event. This is a common meaning for inchoative

suffixes, however, it has been observed in previous examples that rihas the power to convey

not only a UPMTen event, but a clear change of state, even for typically middle situations like

change in body posture or nontranslational motion (Cf. particularly (9) and (26) above),

displacing ku from one of its more central functions according to Kemmers crosslinguistic

analysis.

The elicited case of a spontaneous event marked with kuin (45) proved difficult, and I

would consider it highly artificial. However, my consultant said that if anything, that sentence

entails that the metamorphosis was prolonged, and the animal takes its time progressing into

the new state.

(45) kuru tiplash -man tikra ku -rqa -ncaterpillar butterfly DIR change MID PAST 3.SG

The caterpillar was changing into a butterfly.

34


35/42



Not surprisingly, if we add ri to the previous sentence, we will have that the event

started unexpectedly, but the notion of an extended time used for the transformation is still

present.

(46) kuru tiplash -man tikra ku ri rqa -n

caterpillar butterfly DIR change PAST INCH PAST 3.SG

The caterpillar started changing into a butterfly.

L. Reflexive and emphaticAlthough this kind of situations are not considered as middle semantics in Kemmers

perspective, I think that, as Shibatani proposed, reflexives should be considered a form of

middle based on conceptual, typological and methodological reasons that I will discuss on

section 4. Thus, I will provide some examples of these situations in AQ. A general way of

describing the common semantic factor behind these cases is that the situation described using

a reflexive-emphatic marker (a periphrastic form, a pronoun, in general any form heavier than

those used for typical middle situations) is regarded as more unusual. This could be because a

situation that normally involves two different participants is carried out by a single participant

upon his/her own self. The following sentences show us that the reflexive use of ku is still

strong in AQ. This should suggest us that, while the typically middle uses are yielding to ri

and other modal and aspectual meanings, the reflexive meaning holds onto one of its more

35


36/42



basic uses because reflexivity is very compatible with high volitionality and carefulness in the

way an action is performed. To act onto ourselves in a way that replicates how we act onto

others takes particular determination and carefulness.

(47) Kiki yki -ta rika ku nki.same 2 ACC see MID 2

You see yourself

My consultant made it clear that (48) uses the emphatic pronoun kiki (same) only for

clarification sake. The form (Qan) rikakunki is perfectly fine to express you see yourself.

This is evident in (49), which uses an indirect reflexive without any emphatic / heavy form.

(48) Kadeena n kuna piq aywa -y ku na n paq,

chain 3 PL ABL go INF MID CONC 3 BEN

Hwanshi qa maki -n -ta ruqu ku rqa -n.Juan TOP hand 3 ACC cut MID PR 3.SG

In order to escape from the chains, Juan cut his hand.

The next sentence reflects what Kemmer (1995) considers a proper case of introducing an

unexpected referent via an emphatic pronoun.

(49) Kiki i -mi wawqi yki -pa imayka n kuna ta -pis apa -shaq.

same 1 EV brother 2 GEN how.many 3 PL ACC ADD carry 1FU

I myself will take your brothers things.

36


37/42



M.Verbalizer of objects for self-benefitIn this case, -kuis used, with the infinitive y, to derivate verbs from objects. According to

Parker (1976: 140), the main characteristic of this form of verbalization is that it usually takes

nouns that are used for dressing, eating, or other daily activities. The only example of this verb

in a text is this:

(50) hiqa -ri -naq yamta -ku -q.

go INC NRPST firewood MID AG

(She) left to pick up firewood.

Other nouns that are derived into verbs through the use ofkuare given in Parker (1976:

140) and Villari (2009: 28-29).

tsuku -ku -y to put the hat on

llanki -ku -y to put the sandals

tanta -ku -y to get bread

wayna: -ku -y to get a lover (from wayna, young man)

chakra -ku -y to get a small farm

It is important to notice that these nouns do not form verbs unless they present the suffix

ku. Therefore, tsukuy!, an imperative formed using tsuku(hat) and the 2nd person imperative -

y, is impossible it has no discernible meaning. On the other hand, tsukukuy!, which includes

kuas a verbalizer, is perfectly a normal form which means get a hat! or put on a hat!

37


38/42



This final case of use of the middle voice marker is not only a case of category creation

the category is defined by middle semantics. One of the most basic ways in which a person

makes something relevant to his own benefit is bay bringing that object into his/her personal

sphere. In that sense, verbalization with kushould be understood as an especial case of

indirect middle situation type.

38


39/42



39

Apendix: List of Abbreviations Used1: 1st person

2: 2nd person

3: 3rd person

ABL: Ablative

ACC: Accusative

ADD: Additive

ADJC: Adjencency

AG: Agentive

ASSI: Assistive

BEN: Benefactive

CARE: Careful action

CAUS: Causative

CISL: Cislocative

CONC: Concretive

COND: Conditional

CONT: Contrastive

DAT: Dative

DIM: Diminutive

DIR: Directional

DISC: Discontinuative

DUB: Dubitative

DUR: Durative

EU: Euphonic

EV: Evidential

EXC: Exclusive

EMP: Emphatic

FUT: Future

GEN: Genitive

GER: Gerund

HS: Hearsay evidential

IMP : Imperative

IMPF : Imperfective

INC: Inchoative

INF: Infinitive

INS: Instrumental

INT: Interrogative particle

LIM : Limitative

LOC: Locative

MID : Middle

NEG: Negative particle

NMZ: nominalizer

NRPST : Narrative past

PART : Participle

PAS : Passive

PERF: Perfective

PLUP : Pluperfect

RECP : Reciprocal

SIM : Similar,

comparative

SUBSS : Subordinator

same subject

SUBDS : Subordinator

different subject

TOP : Topic

UPMT : Upwad motion,

suddenly.


40/42



References

Calvo-Prez, Julio. 1993.Pragmtica y gramtica del quechua cuzqueo. Centro de EstudiosRegionales Andinos Bartolom de Las Casas.

Carranza Romero, Francisco. 2003.Diccionario quechua ancashino-castellano. Frankfurt amMain: Vervuert.

Colonia Macedo, Prspero. 2002.Achiqu. La vieja que coma nios. Huaraz, ncash: AcademiaRegional de Quechua de ncash - ILV.

Croft, William. 2001.Radical construction grammar: syntactic theory in typological perspective.Oxford University Press.

Faller, Martina. 2007. The Ingredients of Reciprocity in Cuzco Quechua. Journal of Semantics24.255 -288. doi:10.1093/jos/ffm004.

Fox, Barbara A., and Paul J. Hopper. 1994. Voice: form and function. Amsterdam: JohnBenjamins Publishing Company.

Givn, Talmy. 2001. Syntax: an introduction. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Greenberg, Joseph. 1963. Some universals of language with special reference to the order ofmeaningful elements. Universals of Language, 73-113.

Haiman, John. 1983. Iconic and Economic Motivation.Language 59.781-819.

Hintz, Daniel. 2011. Crossing aspectual frontiers : emergence, evolution, and interwovensemantic domains in South Conchucos Quechua discourse. Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press.

Hopper, Paul, and Sandra A. Thompson. 1980. Transitivity in Grammar and Discourse.Language 56.251-299.

Jackendoff, Ray. 1996. The Proper Treatment of Measuring Out, Telicity, and Perhaps EvenQuantification in English.Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 14.305-354.

Julca Guerrero, Flix. 2009. Quechua ancashino. Una mirada actual. Lima: Pedaggico de SanMarcos - CARE.

Kemmer, S. 1995. Emphatic and reflexive-self: expectations, viewpoint, and subjectivity.Subjectivity and Subjectivisation: Linguistic Perspectives, ed. by Dieter Stein and SusanWright, 55-82. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

40


41/42



Kemmer, Suzanne. 1993. The middle voice. J. Benjamins Pub. Co.

Klaiman, M. H. 1991. Control and grammar.Linguistics 29.623-652.

Lakoff, George. 1987. Women, fire, and dangerous things: what categories reveal about the

mind. Univ. of Chicago Press.Langacker, Ronald W. 1987.Foundations of Cognitive Grammar: Theoretical prerequisites.

Stanford University Press.

Maldonado, Ricardo. 2009. Middle as a basic voice system. Studies in role and referencegrammar, ed. by Guerrero, Lilian, Sergio Ibez y Valeria Belloro. Mexico D.F.:Instituto de Investigaciones Filolgicas, UNAM.

---1999.A media voz : problemas conceptuales del cltico se. Mxico: Universidad NacionalAutnoma de Mxico Instituto de Investigaciones Filolgicas.

Meier, Elke, and David Weber (eds.) 2008.ACHKAY: Mito vigente en el mundo quechua. SerieLingstica Peruana 54. Lima: Instituto Lingstico de Verano.http://www.sil.org/americas/peru/show_work.asp?id=50734.

Nss, shild. 2007a.Prototypical transitivity. John Benjamins Publishing Company.---2007b. Defining transitivity: Markedness vs. prototypicality.New Challenges in Typology, ed.

by Matti Miestamo and Bernhard Wlchli, 189:179-198. Berlin, New York: Mouton deGruyter. http://www.reference-global.com/doi/abs/10.1515/9783110198904.3.179.

Pantoja Ramos, Santiago, Jose Ripkens, and German Swisshelm. 1974. Cuentos y relatos en elquechua de Huaraz. Estudios culturales benedictinos ; no. 3. Huaraz, Peru: [s.n.].

Parker, Gary. 1973.Derivacin verbal en el quechua de Ancash. [Lima]: Universidad NacionalMayor de San Marcos Centro de Investigacin de Lingu stica Aplicada.

---1976. Gramtica quechua, Ancash-Huailas. Lima: Ministerio de Educacin.

Parker, Gary and Amancio Chvez.Diccionario quechua, Ancash-Huailas. Lima: Ministerio deEducacin.

Rice, S. 2011. Towards a transitive prototype: Evidence from some atypical English passives.Proceedings of the annual meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 13:

Shibatani, Masayoshi, and Ketut Artawa. 2007. The Middle Voice in Balinese. SEALSXIII:papers from the 13th meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, 239-261.Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.

Shibatani, Masayoshi. 1985a. Passives and Related Constructions: A Prototype Analysis.Language 61.821-848. doi:10.2307/414491.

---1998. Voice Parameters.Kobe Papers in Linguistics 3.93-111.

41


42/42



---2006. On the conceptual framework for voice phenomena.Linguistics 44.217-269.doi:10.1515/LING.2006.009.

Stein, Dieter, and Susan Wright. 2005. Subjectivity and Subjectivisation: Linguistic Perspectives.Cambridge University Press.

Tuggy, D.H., and D.H. Tuggy. 1985. Imagic meaning and dative possessors in Spanish. SelectedTechnical Articles Related to Translation 13.114.

Villari, Cristina. 2009. The middle voice in Ancash Quechua: the semantic functions of thesuffix ku. Universita di Bologna.

Weber, David. 1987.Juan del Oso. Serie Lingstica Peruana 26. Yarinacocha: Ministerio deEducacin del Per-Instituto Lingistico de Verano.http://www.sil.org/americas/peru/show_work.asp?id=21800.

molina-vital - a functional-cognitive approach to the middle voice in ancash quechua (first part...

Documents