jawaharlal nehru

26
Jawaharlal Nehru Jawaharlal Nehru (/ˈneɪruː, ˈnɛruː/; [5] Hindustani: [ˈdʒəʋaːɦərˈlaːl ˈneːɦru] ( ); 14 November 1889 – 27 May 1964) was the first Prime Minister of India and a central figure in Indian politics for much of the 20th century. He emerged as the paramount leader of the Indian independence movement under the tutelage of Mahatma Gandhi and ruled India from its establishment as an independent nation in 1947 until his death in office in 1964. Nehru is considered to be the architect of the modern Indian nation-state: a sovereign, socialist, secular, and democratic republic. The son of Motilal Nehru, a prominent lawyer and na- tionalist statesman and Swaroop Rani, Nehru was a grad- uate of Trinity College, Cambridge and the Inner Tem- ple, where he trained to be a barrister. Upon his return to India, he enrolled at the Allahabad High Court, and took an interest in national politics, which eventually re- placed his legal practice. A committed nationalist since his teenage years, Nehru became a rising figure in Indian politics during the upheavals of the 1910s. He became the prominent leader of the left-wing factions of the Indian National Congress during the 1920s, and eventually of the entire Congress, with the tacit approval of his mentor, Gandhi. As Congress President in 1929, Nehru called for complete independence from the British Raj and in- stigated the Congress’s decisive shift towards the left. Nehru and the Congress dominated Indian politics during the 1930s as the country moved towards independence. His idea of a secular nation-state was seemingly validated when the Congress, under his leadership, swept the 1937 provincial elections and formed the government in sev- eral provinces; on the other hand, the separatist Muslim League fared much poorer. But these achievements were seriously compromised in the aftermath of the Quit In- dia Movement in 1942, which saw the British effectively crush the Congress as a political organisation. Nehru, who had reluctantly heeded Gandhi’s call for immediate independence, for he had desired to support the Allied war effort during the Second World War, came out of a lengthy prison term to a much altered political land- scape. The Muslim League under his old Congress col- league and now bête noire, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had come to dominate Muslim politics in India. Negotiations between Nehru and Jinnah for power sharing failed and gave way to the independence and bloody partition of In- dia in 1947. Nehru was elected by the Congress to assume office as in- dependent India’s first Prime Minister, although the ques- tion of leadership had been settled as far back as 1941, when Gandhi acknowledged Nehru as his political heir and successor. As Prime Minister, Nehru set out to re- alise his vision of India. The Constitution of India was enacted in 1950, after which he embarked on an ambi- tious program of economic, social and political reforms. Chiefly, he oversaw India’s transition from a monarchy to a republic, while nurturing a plural, multi-party democ- racy. In foreign policy, Nehru took a leading role in Non- Alignment while projecting India as a regional hegemon in South Asia. Under Nehru’s leadership, the Congress emerged as a catch-all party, dominating national and state-level poli- tics and winning consecutive elections in 1951, 1957, and 1962. He remained popular with the people of India in spite of political troubles in his final years and failure of leadership during the 1962 Sino-Indian War. In India, his birthday is celebrated as Children’s Day. 1 Early life and career (1889–1912) Jawaharlal Nehru was born on 14 November 1889 in Allahabad in British India. His father, Motilal Nehru (1861–1931), a wealthy barrister who belonged to the Kashmiri Pandit community, [6] served twice as President of the Indian National Congress during the Independence Struggle. His mother, Swaruprani Thussu (1868–1938), who came from a well-known Kashmiri Brahmin fam- ily settled in Lahore, [7] was Motilal’s second wife, the first having died in child birth. Jawaharlal was the el- dest of three children, two of whom were girls. [8] The elder sister, Vijaya Lakshmi, later became the first fe- male president of the United Nations General Assem- bly. [9] The youngest sister, Krishna Hutheesing, became a noted writer and authored several books on her brother. Nehru described his childhood as a “sheltered and un- eventful one.” He grew up in an atmosphere of privilege at wealthy homes including a large palatial estate called the Anand Bhawan. His father had him educated at home by private governesses and tutors. [10] Under the influence of a tutor, Ferdinand T. Brooks, Nehru became interested in science and theosophy. [11] Nehru was subsequently initi- ated into the Theosophical Society at age thirteen by fam- ily friend Annie Besant. However, his interest in theos- ophy did not prove to be enduring and he left the soci- ety shortly after Brooks departed as his tutor. [12] Nehru wrote: “for nearly three years [Brooks] was with me and in many ways he influenced me greatly.” [11] 1

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Jawaharlal Nehru was son of eminent lawyerpoliticianMotilal Nehru and he was born in themidst of wealth. Motilal was a great admirer ofEnglish and he provided all kinds home teachingin English to his son. In 1905 young Nehru wassent to Harrow for education. In 1907 Nehrujoined Trinity College at Cambridge and in 1910he obtained a degree in Natural Sciences. He wascalled to the bar in 1912.

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Page 1: Jawaharlal Nehru

Jawaharlal Nehru

Jawaharlal Nehru (/ˈneɪruː, ˈnɛruː/;[5] Hindustani:[ˈdʒəʋaːɦərˈlaːl ˈneːɦru] ( ); 14 November 1889 – 27May 1964) was the first Prime Minister of India anda central figure in Indian politics for much of the 20thcentury. He emerged as the paramount leader of theIndian independence movement under the tutelage ofMahatma Gandhi and ruled India from its establishmentas an independent nation in 1947 until his death in officein 1964. Nehru is considered to be the architect ofthe modern Indian nation-state: a sovereign, socialist,secular, and democratic republic.The son of Motilal Nehru, a prominent lawyer and na-tionalist statesman and Swaroop Rani, Nehru was a grad-uate of Trinity College, Cambridge and the Inner Tem-ple, where he trained to be a barrister. Upon his returnto India, he enrolled at the Allahabad High Court, andtook an interest in national politics, which eventually re-placed his legal practice. A committed nationalist sincehis teenage years, Nehru became a rising figure in Indianpolitics during the upheavals of the 1910s. He became theprominent leader of the left-wing factions of the IndianNational Congress during the 1920s, and eventually ofthe entire Congress, with the tacit approval of his mentor,Gandhi. As Congress President in 1929, Nehru calledfor complete independence from the British Raj and in-stigated the Congress’s decisive shift towards the left.Nehru and the Congress dominated Indian politics duringthe 1930s as the country moved towards independence.His idea of a secular nation-state was seemingly validatedwhen the Congress, under his leadership, swept the 1937provincial elections and formed the government in sev-eral provinces; on the other hand, the separatist MuslimLeague fared much poorer. But these achievements wereseriously compromised in the aftermath of the Quit In-dia Movement in 1942, which saw the British effectivelycrush the Congress as a political organisation. Nehru,who had reluctantly heeded Gandhi’s call for immediateindependence, for he had desired to support the Alliedwar effort during the Second World War, came out ofa lengthy prison term to a much altered political land-scape. The Muslim League under his old Congress col-league and now bête noire, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, hadcome to dominate Muslim politics in India. Negotiationsbetween Nehru and Jinnah for power sharing failed andgave way to the independence and bloody partition of In-dia in 1947.Nehru was elected by the Congress to assume office as in-dependent India’s first PrimeMinister, although the ques-tion of leadership had been settled as far back as 1941,

when Gandhi acknowledged Nehru as his political heirand successor. As Prime Minister, Nehru set out to re-alise his vision of India. The Constitution of India wasenacted in 1950, after which he embarked on an ambi-tious program of economic, social and political reforms.Chiefly, he oversaw India’s transition from a monarchy toa republic, while nurturing a plural, multi-party democ-racy. In foreign policy, Nehru took a leading role in Non-Alignment while projecting India as a regional hegemonin South Asia.Under Nehru’s leadership, the Congress emerged as acatch-all party, dominating national and state-level poli-tics and winning consecutive elections in 1951, 1957, and1962. He remained popular with the people of India inspite of political troubles in his final years and failure ofleadership during the 1962 Sino-IndianWar. In India, hisbirthday is celebrated as Children’s Day.

1 Early life and career (1889–1912)

Jawaharlal Nehru was born on 14 November 1889 inAllahabad in British India. His father, Motilal Nehru(1861–1931), a wealthy barrister who belonged to theKashmiri Pandit community,[6] served twice as Presidentof the Indian National Congress during the IndependenceStruggle. His mother, Swaruprani Thussu (1868–1938),who came from a well-known Kashmiri Brahmin fam-ily settled in Lahore,[7] was Motilal’s second wife, thefirst having died in child birth. Jawaharlal was the el-dest of three children, two of whom were girls.[8] Theelder sister, Vijaya Lakshmi, later became the first fe-male president of the United Nations General Assem-bly.[9] The youngest sister, Krishna Hutheesing, becamea noted writer and authored several books on her brother.Nehru described his childhood as a “sheltered and un-eventful one.” He grew up in an atmosphere of privilege atwealthy homes including a large palatial estate called theAnand Bhawan. His father had him educated at home byprivate governesses and tutors.[10] Under the influence ofa tutor, Ferdinand T. Brooks, Nehru became interested inscience and theosophy.[11] Nehru was subsequently initi-ated into the Theosophical Society at age thirteen by fam-ily friend Annie Besant. However, his interest in theos-ophy did not prove to be enduring and he left the soci-ety shortly after Brooks departed as his tutor.[12] Nehruwrote: “for nearly three years [Brooks] was with me andin many ways he influenced me greatly.”[11]

1

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2 1 EARLY LIFE AND CAREER (1889–1912)

Nehru in khaki uniform as a member of Seva Dal.

Nehru’s theosophical interests had induced him to thestudy of the Buddhist and Hindu scriptures.[13] Accord-ing to B.R. Nanda, these scriptures were Nehru’s “firstintroduction to the religious and cultural heritage of[India]....[they] provided Nehru the initial impulse for[his] long intellectual quest which culminated...in theDiscovery of India.”[13]

Nehru became an ardent nationalist during his youth. TheBoer War and the Russo-Japanese War intensified hisfeelings. About the latter he wrote, "[The] Japanese vic-tories [had] stirred up my enthusiasm ... Nationalisticideas filled my mind ... I mused of Indian freedom andAsiatic freedom from the thraldom of Europe.”[11] Laterwhen Nehru had begun his institutional schooling in 1905at Harrow, a leading school in England, he was greatlyinfluenced by G.M. Trevelyan's Garibaldi books, whichhe had received as prizes for academic merit.[14] Nehruviewed Garibaldi as a revolutionary hero. He wrote: “Vi-

The Nehru family ca. 1890s

sions of similar deeds in India came before, of [my] gal-lant fight for [Indian] freedom and in my mind India andItaly got strangely mixed together.”[11]

Nehru dressed in cadet uniform at Harrow School in England

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3

Nehru went to Trinity College, Cambridge in Octo-ber 1907 and graduated with an honours degree innatural science in 1910.[15] During this period, Nehrualso studied politics, economics, history and literaturedesultorily. Writings of Bernard Shaw, H.G Wells,J.M. Keynes, Bertrand Russell, Lowes Dickinson andMeredith Townsend moulded much of his political andeconomic thinking.[11]

Nehru at the Allahabad High Court

After completing his degree in 1910, Nehru went to Lon-don and stayed there for two years for law studies at theInns of Court School of Law (Inner Temple).[16] Duringthis time, he continued to study the scholars of the FabianSociety including Beatrice Webb.[11] Nehru passed hisbar examinations in 1912 and was admitted to the En-glish bar.[16]

After returning to India in August 1912, Nehru enrolledhimself as an advocate of the Allahabad High Court andtried to settle down as a barrister. But, unlike his father,he had only a desultory interest in his profession and didnot relish either the practice of law or the company oflawyers. Nehru wrote: “Decidedly the atmosphere wasnot intellectually stimulating and a sense of the utter in-sipidity of life grew upon me.[11] His involvement in na-tionalist politics would gradually replace his legal practicein the coming years.[11]

2 Struggle for Indian Indepen-dence (1912–47)

Nehru had developed an interest in Indian politics dur-ing his time in Britain.[17] Within months of his returnto India in 1912 he had attended an annual session ofthe Indian National Congress in Patna.[18] Nehru was dis-concerted with what he saw as a “very much an English-knowing upper class affair.”[19] The Congress in 1912had been the party of moderates and elites.[18] Nehruharboured doubts regarding the ineffectualness of theCongress but agreed to work for the party in supportof the Indian civil rights movement in South Africa.[20]He collected funds for the civil rights campaigners ledby Mohandas Gandhi in 1913.[18] Later, he campaignedagainst the indentured labour and other such discrimina-tions faced by Indians in the British colonies.[21]

When the First World War broke out in August 1914,sympathy in India was divided. Although educated In-dians “by and large took a vicarious pleasure” in seeingthe British rulers humbled, the ruling upper classes sidedwith the Allies. Nehru confessed that he viewed the warwith mixed feelings. Frank Moraes wrote: “If [Nehru’s]sympathy was with any country it was with France, whoseculture he greatly admired.”[22] During the war, Nehruvolunteered for the St John Ambulance and worked asone of the provincial secretaries of the organisation inAllahabad.[18] Nehru also spoke out against the censor-ship acts passed by the British government in India.[23]

Nehru in 1918 with wife Kamala and daughter Indira

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4 2 STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1912–47)

Nehru emerged from the war years as a leader whosepolitical views were considered radical. Although thepolitical discourse had been dominated at this time byGopal Krishna Gokhale,[20] a moderate who said that itwas “madness to think of independence”,[18] Nehru hadspoken “openly of the politics of non-cooperation, ofthe need of resigning from honorary positions under thegovernment and of not continuing the futile politics ofrepresentation.”[24] Nehru ridiculed the Indian Civil Ser-vice (ICS) for its support of British policies. He notedthat someone had once defined the Indian Civil Service,“with which we are unfortunately still afflicted in thiscountry, as neither Indian, nor civil, nor a service.”[25]Motilal Nehru, a prominent moderate leader, acknowl-edged the limits of constitutional agitation, but counselledhis son that there was no other “practical alternative” toit. Nehru, however, was not satisfied with the pace of thenational movement. He became involved with aggressivenationalists leaders who were demanding Home Rule forIndians.[26]

The influence of the moderates on Congress politicsbegan to wane after Gokhale died in 1915.[18] Anti-moderate leaders such as Annie Beasant and LokmanyaTilak took the opportunity to call for a national movementfor Home Rule. But, in 1915, the proposal was rejecteddue to the reluctance of the moderates to commit to sucha radical course of action. Besant nevertheless formed aleague for advocating Home Rule in 1916; and Tilak, onhis release from a prison term, had in April 1916 formedhis own league.[18] Nehru joined both leagues but workedespecially for the former.[27] He remarked later: "[Be-sant] had a very powerful influence on me in my child-hood... even later when I entered political life her influ-ence continued.”[27] Another development which broughtabout a radical change in Indian politics was the espousalof Hindu-Muslim unity with the Lucknow pact at the an-nual meeting of the Congress in December 1916. Thepact had been initiated earlier in the year at Allahabadat a meeting of the All-India Congress Committee whichwas held at the Nehru residence at Anand Bhawan. Nehruwelcomed and encouraged the rapprochement betweenthe two Indian communities.[27]

2.1 Home rule movement

Several nationalist leaders banded together in 1916 un-der the leadership of Annie Besant to voice a de-mand for self-government, and to obtain the status of aDominion within the British Empire as enjoyed by Aus-tralia, Canada, South Africa, New Zealand and New-foundland at the time. Nehru joined the movement androse to become secretary of Besant’s All India HomeRule League.[27][28] In June 1917 Besant was arrested andinterned by the British government. The Congress andvarious other Indian organisation threatened to launchprotests if she were not set free. The British govern-ment was subsequently forced to release Besant and make

significant concessions after a period of intense protests.

2.2 Non-cooperation

The first big national involvement of Nehru came atthe onset of the non-co-operation movement in 1920.He led the movement in the United Provinces (nowUttar Pradesh). Nehru was arrested on charges of anti-governmental activities in 1921, and was released a fewmonths later. In the rift that formed within the Congressfollowing the sudden closure of the non-co-operationmovement after the Chauri Chaura incident, Nehru re-mained loyal to Gandhi and did not join the Swaraj Partyformed by his father Motilal Nehru and CR Das.

2.3 Internationalising the struggle

Indira Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajiv Gandhi and SanjayGandhi

Nehru played a leading role in the development of the in-ternationalist outlook of the Indian independence strug-gle. He sought foreign allies for India and forged linkswith movements for independence and democracy allover the world. In 1927, his efforts paid off and theCongress was invited to attend the congress of oppressednationalities in Brussels in Belgium. The meeting wascalled to co-ordinate and plan a common struggle againstimperialism. Nehru represented India and was elected tothe Executive Council of the League against Imperialismthat was born at this meeting.[29]

During the mid-1930s, Nehru was much concerned withdevelopments in Europe, which seemed to be drifting to-

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2.5 Declaration of Independence 5

Nehru and his daughter Indira in Britain, 1930s

ward another world war. He was in Europe in early 1936,visiting his ailing wife, shortly before she died in a sani-tarium in Switzerland. Even at this time, he emphasisedthat, in the event of war, India’s place was alongside thedemocracies, though he insisted that India could only fightin support of Great Britain and France as a free country.Nehru closely worked with Subhash Bose in develop-ing good relations with governments of free countriesall over the world. However, the two split in the late1930s, when Bose agreed to seek the help of fascistsin driving the British out of India. At the same time,Nehru had supported the Republicans who were fight-ing against Francisco Franco's forces in the Spanish CivilWar. Nehru along with his aide V.K. Krishna Menonvisited Spain and declared support for the Republicans.Nehru refused to meet Benito Mussolini, the dictatorof Italy when the latter expressed his desire to meethim.[30][31]

2.4 Republicanism

Nehru was one of the first nationalist leaders to realisethe sufferings of the people in the states ruled by IndianPrinces. He suffered imprisonment in Nabha, a princelystate, when he went there to see the struggle that was be-ing waged by the Sikhs against the corrupt Mahants. Thenationalist movement had been confined to the territoriesunder direct British rule. Nehru helped to make the strug-gle of the people in the princely states a part of the nation-alist movement for independence. The All India statespeople’s conference was formed in 1927. Nehru who hadbeen supporting the cause of the people of the princelystates for many years was made the President of the con-ference in 1935. He opened up its ranks to membershipfrom across the political spectrum. The body would playan important role during the political integration of India,

helping Indian leaders Vallabhbhai Patel and V.P. Menon(to whom Nehru had delegated the task of integratingthe princely states into India) negotiate with hundreds ofprinces.In July 1946, Nehru pointedly observed that no princelystate could prevail militarily against the army of indepen-dent India.[32] In January 1947, Nehru said that indepen-dent India would not accept the Divine Right of Kings,[33]and in May 1947, he declared that any princely statewhich refused to join the Constituent Assembly wouldbe treated as an enemy state. During the drafting of theIndian constitution, many Indian leaders (except Nehru)of that time were in favour of allowing each Princelystate or Covenanting State to be independent as a federalstate along the lines suggested originally by the Govern-ment of India act (1935). But as the drafting of the con-stitution progressed and the idea of forming a republictook concrete shape (due to the efforts of Nehru), it wasdecided that all the Princely states/Covenanting Stateswould merge with the Indian republic. Nehru’s daugh-ter, Indira Gandhi, de-recognized all the rulers by a pres-idential order in 1969. But this was struck down by theSupreme Court of India. Eventually, the government bythe 26th Amendment to the constitution was successfulin abolishing the Princely states of India. The processbegan by Nehru was finally completed by his daughter bythe end of 1971.

2.5 Declaration of Independence

Nehru was one of the first leaders to demand that theCongress Party should resolve to make a complete andexplicit break from all ties with the British Empire. Heintroduced a resolution demanding “complete nationalindependence” in 1927, which was rejected because ofGandhi’s opposition.[34]

In 1928, Gandhi agreed to Nehru’s demands and pro-posed a resolution that called for the British to grant do-minion status to India within two years. If the Britishfailed to meet the deadline, the Congress would call uponall Indians to fight for complete independence. Nehru wasone of the leaders who objected to the time given to theBritish – he pressed Gandhi to demand immediate actionsfrom the British. Gandhi brokered a further compromiseby reducing the time given from two years to one. Nehruagreed to vote for the new resolution.Demands for dominion status was rejected by the Britishin 1929. Nehru assumed the presidency of the Congressparty during the Lahore session on 29 December 1929and introduced a successful resolution calling for com-plete independence.Nehru drafted the Indian declaration of independence,which stated:

“We believe that it is the inalienable rightof the Indian people, as of any other people,

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6 2 STRUGGLE FOR INDIAN INDEPENDENCE (1912–47)

to have freedom and to enjoy the fruits of theirtoil and have the necessities of life, so that theymay have full opportunities of growth. We be-lieve also that if any government deprives a peo-ple of these rights and oppresses them the peo-ple have a further right to alter it or abolishit. The British government in India has notonly deprived the Indian people of their free-dom but has based itself on the exploitation ofthe masses, and has ruined India economically,politically, culturally and spiritually. We believetherefore, that India must sever the British con-nection and attain Purna Swaraj or complete in-dependence.” [35]

At midnight on New Year’s Eve 1929, Nehru hoisted thetricolour flag of India upon the banks of the Ravi in La-hore. A pledge of independence was read out, which in-cluded a readiness to withhold taxes. The massive gath-ering of public attending the ceremony was asked if theyagreed with it, and the vast majority of people were wit-nessed to raise their hands in approval. 172 Indian mem-bers of central and provincial legislatures resigned in sup-port of the resolution and in accordance with Indian pub-lic sentiment. The Congress asked the people of Indiato observe 26 January as Independence Day. The flag ofIndia was hoisted publicly across India by Congress vol-unteers, nationalists and the public. Plans for a mass civildisobedience were also underway.After the Lahore session of the Congress in 1929, Nehrugradually emerged as the paramount leader of the Indianindependence movement. Gandhi stepped back into amore spiritual role. Although Gandhi did not officiallydesignate Nehru his political heir until 1942, the coun-try as early as the mid-1930s saw in Nehru the naturalsuccessor to Gandhi.

2.6 Civil disobedience

Nehru andmost of the Congress leaders were initially am-bivalent about Gandhi’s plan to begin civil disobediencewith a satyagraha aimed at the British salt tax. After theprotest gathered steam, they realised the power of saltas a symbol. Nehru remarked about the unprecedentedpopular response, “it seemed as though a spring had beensuddenly released.”[36] Nehru was arrested on 14 April1930 while entraining from Allahabad for Raipur. Hehad earlier, after addressing a huge meeting and leading avast procession, ceremoniously manufactured some con-traband salt. He was charged with breach of the salt law,tried summarily behind prison walls and sentenced to sixmonths of imprisonment. Nehru nominated Gandhi tosucceed him as Congress President during his absence injail, but Gandhi declined, and Nehru then nominated hisfather as his successor. With Nehru’s arrest the civil dis-obedience acquired a new tempo, and arrests, firing oncrowds and lathi charges grew to be ordinary occurrences.

The Salt Satyagraha succeeded in drawing the attentionof the world. Indian, British, and world opinion increas-ingly began to recognise the legitimacy of the claims bythe Congress party for independence. Nehru consideredthe salt satyagraha the high-water mark of his associationwith Gandhi,[37] and felt that its lasting importance wasin changing the attitudes of Indians:

"Of course these movements exercisedtremendous pressure on the British Governmentand shook the government machinery. But thereal importance, to my mind, lay in the effectthey had on our own people, and especially thevillagemasses....Non-cooperation dragged themout of the mire and gave them self-respect andself-reliance....They acted courageously and didnot submit so easily to unjust oppression; theiroutlook widened and they began to think a lit-tle in terms of India as a whole....It was a re-markable transformation and the Congress, un-der Gandhi’s leadership, must have the creditfor it."[38]

2.7 Architect of India

Gandhi and Nehru in 1942

Nehru elaborated the policies of the Congress and a fu-ture Indian nation under his leadership in 1929. He de-clared that the aims of the congress were freedom of reli-gion, right to form associations, freedom of expression ofthought, equality before law for every individual withoutdistinction of caste, colour, creed or religion, protectionto regional languages and cultures, safeguarding the in-terests of the peasants and labour, abolition of untoucha-bility, introduction of adult franchise, imposition of pro-hibition, nationalisation of industries, socialism, and es-tablishment of a secular India. All these aims formed the

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2.9 World War II and Quit India movement 7

core of the “Fundamental Rights and Economic Policy”resolution drafted by Nehru in 1929–31 and were rati-fied by the All India Congress Committee under Gandhi’sleadership.[39] However, some Congress leaders objectedto the resolution and decided to oppose Nehru.The espousal of socialism as the Congress goal was mostdifficult to achieve. Nehru was opposed in this by theright-wing Congressmen Sardar Patel, Dr. RajendraPrasad and Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari. Nehru hadthe support of the left-wing Congressmen Maulana Azadand Subhas Chandra Bose. The trio combined to oustDr. Prasad as Congress President in 1936. Nehru waselected in his place and held the presidency for two years(1936–37).[40] Nehru was then succeeded by his social-ist colleagues Bose (1938–39) and Azad (1940–46). Af-ter the fall of Bose from the mainstream of Indian poli-tics (due to his support of violence in driving the Britishout of India), the power struggle between the socialistsand conservatives balanced out. However, Sardar Pateldied in 1950, leaving Nehru as the sole remaining iconicnational leader, and soon the situation became such thatNehru was able to implement many of his basic policieswithout hindrance. The conservative right-wing of theCongress (composed of India’s upper class elites) wouldcontinue opposing the socialists until the great schism in1969. Nehru’s daughter, Indira Gandhi, was able to ful-fill her father’s dream by the 42nd amendment (1976) ofthe Indian constitution by which India officially became“socialist” and “secular”.[41]

During Nehru’s second term as general secretary of theCongress, he proposed certain resolutions concerning theforeign policy of India.[42] From that time onwards, hewas given carte blanche in framing the foreign policy ofany future Indian nation. Nehru developed good relationswith governments all over the world. He firmly placed In-dia on the side of democracy and freedom during a timewhen the world was under the threat of fascism.[31] Nehruwas also given the responsibility of planning the economyof a future India. He appointed the National PlanningCommission in 1938 to help in framing such policies.[43]However, many of the plans framed by Nehru and hiscolleagues would come undone with the unexpected par-tition of India in 1947.

2.8 Electoral politics

Nehru visit to Europe in 1936 proved to be the watershedin his political and economic thinking. Nehru’s real inter-est in Marxism and his socialist pattern of thought stemfrom that tour. His subsequent sojourns in prison enabledhim to study Marxism in more depth. Interested in itsideas but repelled by some of its methods, he could neverbring himself to accept Karl Marx’s writings as revealedscripture. Yet from then on, the yardstick of his economicthinking remainedMarxist, adjusted, where necessary, toIndian conditions.

Jawaharlal Nehru and Rabindranath Tagore

When the Congress party under Nehru chose to contestelections and accept power under the Federation scheme,Gandhi resigned from party membership. Gandhi didnot disagree with Nehru’s move, but felt that if he re-signed, his popularity with Indians would cease to stiflethe party’s membership. When the elections followingthe introduction of provincial autonomy (under the gov-ernment of India act 1935) brought the Congress party topower in a majority of the provinces, Nehru’s popular-ity and power was unmatched. The Muslim League un-der Mohammed Ali Jinnah (who was to become the cre-ator of Pakistan) had fared badly at the polls. Nehru de-clared that the only two parties that mattered in India werethe British Raj and Congress. Jinnah statements that theMuslim League was the third and “equal partner” withinIndian politics was widely rejected. Nehru had hoped toelevate Maulana Azad as the pre-eminent leaders of In-dian Muslims, but in this, he was undermined by Gandhi,who continued to treat Jinnah as the voice of Indian Mus-lims.

2.9 World War II and Quit India move-ment

When World war II started, Viceroy Linlithgow had uni-laterally declared India a belligerent on the side of theBritain, without consulting the elected Indian representa-tives. Nehru hurried back from a visit to China, announc-ing that, in a conflict between democracy and Fascism,“our sympathies must inevitably be on the side of democ-racy.... I should like India to play its full part and throwall her resources into the struggle for a new order.”After much deliberation the Congress under Nehru in-formed the government that it would co-operate with theBritish but on certain conditions. First, Britain must givean assurance of full independence for India after the warand allow the election of a constituent assembly to framea new constitution; second, although the Indian armedforces would remain under the British Commander-in-Chief, Indians must be included immediately in the cen-tral government and given a chance to share power and

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responsibility. When Nehru presented Lord Linlithgowwith the demands, he chose to reject them. A deadlockwas reached. “The same old game is played again,” Nehruwrote bitterly to Gandhi, “the background is the same, thevarious epithets are the same and the actors are the sameand the results must be the same.”On 23 October 1939, the Congress condemned theViceroy’s attitude and called upon the Congress min-istries in the various provinces to resign in protest. Be-fore this crucial announcement, Nehru urged Jinnah andthe Muslim League to join the protest but the latter de-clined.In March 1940 Jinnah passed what would come to beknown as the “Pakistan Resolution,” declaring “Muslimsare a nation according to any definition of a nation, andthey must have their homelands, their territory and theirState.” This state was to be known as Pakistan, mean-ing “Land of the Pure.” Nehru angrily declared that “allthe old problems...pale into insignificance before the lat-est stand taken by the Muslim League leader in Lahore.”Linlithgow made Nehru an offer on 8 October 1940. Itstated that Dominion status for India was the objectiveof the British government. However, it referred neitherto a date nor method of accomplishment. Only Jinnahgot something more precise. “The British would not con-template transferring power to a Congress-dominated na-tional government the authority of which was ”denied bylarge and powerful elements in India’s national life.”In October 1940, Gandhi and Nehru, abandoning theiroriginal stand of supporting Britain, decided to launch alimited civil disobedience campaign in which leading ad-vocates of Indian independence were selected to partic-ipate one by one. Nehru was arrested and sentenced tofour years’ imprisonment. After spending a little morethan a year in jail, he was released, along with otherCongress prisoners, three days before the bombing ofPearl Harbor in Hawaii.When the Japanese carried their attack through Burma(now Myanmar) to the borders of India in the spring of1942, the British government, faced by this new mili-tary threat, decided to make some overtures to India, asNehru had originally desired. Prime Minister WinstonChurchill dispatched Sir Stafford Cripps, a member ofthe war Cabinet who was known to be politically close toNehru and also knew Jinnah, with proposals for a settle-ment of the constitutional problem. As soon as he arrivedhe discovered that India was more deeply divided than hehad imagined. Nehru, eager for a compromise, was hope-ful. Gandhi was not. Jinnah had continued opposing theCongress. “Pakistan is our only demand,” declared theMuslim League newspaper “Dawn” and by God we willhave it.”Cripps’s mission failed as Gandhi would accept nothingless than independence. Relations between Nehru andGandhi cooled over the latters refusal to co-operate withCripps but the two later reconcilled. On 15 January 1941

Nehru and Jinnah walk together at Simla, 1946

Gandhi had stated: “Some say Pandit Nehru and I wereestranged. It will require much more than difference ofopinion to estrange us. We had differences from the timewe became co-workers and yet I have said for some yearsand say so now that not Rajaji but Jawaharlal will be mysuccessor.”[44]

Gandhi called on the British to leave India; Nehru, thoughreluctant to embarrass the allied war effort, had no al-ternative but to join Gandhi. Following the Quit Indiaresolution passed by the Congress party in Bombay (nowMumbai) on 8 August 1942, the entire Congress workingcommittee, including Gandhi and Nehru, was arrestedand imprisoned. Nehru emerged from this—his ninth andlast detention—only on 15 June 1945.During the period where all of the Congress leadershipwere in jail, the Muslim League under Jinnah grew inpower. In April 1943, the League captured the govern-ments of Bengal and, a month later, that of the NorthWest Frontier Province. In none of these provinces hadthe League previously had a majority – only the arrest ofCongress members made it possible. With all the Mus-lim dominated provinces except the Punjab under Jin-nah’s control, the artificial concept of a separate Mus-lim State was turning into a reality. However by 1944,Jinnah’s power and prestige were on the wane. A gen-eral sympathy towards the jailed Congress leaders was

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developing among Muslims, and much of the blame forthe disastrous Bengal famine of 1943–44 during whichtwo million died, had been laid on the shoulders of theprovince’s Muslim League government. The numbers atJinnah’s meetings, once counted in thousands soon num-bered only a few hundreds. In despair, Jinnah left thepolitical scene for a stay in Kashmir. His prestige wasrestored unwittingly by Gandhi, who had been releasedfrom prison onmedical grounds inMay 1944 and hadmetJinnah in Bombay in September. There he offered theMuslim leader a plebiscite in the Muslim areas after thewar to see whether they wanted to separate from the restof India. Essentially, it was an acceptance of the principleof Pakistan – but not in so many words. Jinnah demandedthat the exact words be said; Gandhi refused and the talksbroke down. Jinnah however had greatly strengthened hisown position and that of the League. The most influentialmember of Congress had been seen to negotiate with himon equal terms. Other Muslim League leaders, opposedboth to Jinnah and to the partition of India, lost strength.

3 Prime Minister of India (1947–64)

Lord Mountbatten swears in Jawaharlal Nehru as the first PrimeMinister of free India at the ceremony held at 8:30 am IST on 15August 1947

Nehru and his colleagues had been released as the BritishCabinet Mission arrived to propose plans for transfer ofpower.Once elected, Nehru headed an interim government,which was impaired by outbreaks of communal violenceand political disorder, and the opposition of the MuslimLeague led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who were de-manding a separate Muslim state of Pakistan. Afterfailed bids to form coalitions, Nehru reluctantly sup-ported the partition of India, according to a plan releasedby the British on 3 June 1947. He took office as the PrimeMinister of India on 15 August, and delivered his inau-gural address titled "Tryst with Destiny".

“Long years ago we made a tryst with des-tiny, and now the time comes when we shall

Teen Murti Bhavan, Nehru’s residence as Prime Minister, now amuseum in his memory.

redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full mea-sure, but very substantially. At the stroke ofthe midnight hour, when the world sleeps, In-dia will awake to life and freedom. A momentcomes, which comes but rarely in history, whenwe step out from the old to the new, when anage ends, and when the soul of a nation, longsuppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that atthis solemnmoment we take the pledge of ded-ication to the service of India and her peopleand to the still larger cause of humanity.”[45]

Nehru with Albert Einstein at Princeton University, 1949

On 30 January 1948, Father of the Nation, MahatmaGandhi was shot while he was walking to a platform fromwhich he was to address a prayer meeting. The assas-sin, Nathuram Godse, was a Hindu nationalist with linksto the extremist Hindu Mahasabha, who held Gandhi re-sponsible for weakening India by insisting upon a pay-ment to Pakistan. Nehru addressed the nation throughradio:[46]

"Friends and comrades, the light has goneout of our lives, and there is darkness every-where, and I do not quite know what to tell you

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or how to say it. Our beloved leader, Bapu aswe called him, the father of the nation, is nomore. Perhaps I am wrong to say that; never-theless, we will not see him again, as we haveseen him for these many years, we will not runto him for advice or seek solace from him, andthat is a terrible blow, not only for me, butfor millions and millions in this country.”—Jawaharlal Nehru’s address to Gandhi[47]

President Harry Truman and Jawaharlal Nehru, with Nehru’ssister, Madame Pandit, during Nehru’s visit to the United States,October 1949

Yasmin Khan argued that Gandhi’s death and funeralhelped consolidate the authority of the new Indian stateunder Nehru and Patel. The Congress tightly controlledthe epic public displays of grief over a two-week period—the funeral, mortuary rituals and distribution of the mar-tyr’s ashes—asmillions participated and hundreds of mil-lions watched. The goal was to assert the power of thegovernment, legitimise the Congress party's control andsuppress all religious para-military groups. Nehru andPatel suppressed the RSS, the Muslim National Guards,and the Khaksars, with some 200,000 arrests. Gandhi’sdeath and funeral linked the distant state with the Indianpeople and made more understand the need to suppressreligious parties during the transition to independence forthe Indian people.[48]

In later years there emerged a revisionist school of his-tory which sought to blame Nehru for the partition of In-dia, mostly referring to his highly centralised policies foran independent India in 1947, which Jinnah opposed infavour of a more decentralised India.[49][50] Such viewshas been promoted by the Hindu nationalist BharatiyaJanata Party (BJP), which favours a decentralised centralgovernment in India.[51]

In the years following independence, Nehru frequentlyturned to his daughter Indira to look after him andmanage his personal affairs. Under his leadership, theCongress won an overwhelming majority in the electionsof 1952. Indira moved into Nehru’s official residence to

attend to him and became his constant companion in histravels across India and the world. Indira would virtuallybecome Nehru’s chief of staff.Nehru had led the Congress to a major victory in the 1957elections, but his government was facing rising problemsand criticism. Disillusioned by alleged intra-party cor-ruption and bickering, Nehru contemplated resigning butcontinued to serve. The election of his daughter Indira asCongress President in 1959 aroused criticism for allegednepotism, although actually Nehru had disapproved ofher election, partly because he considered it smacked of“dynastism"; he said, indeed it was “wholly undemocraticand an undesirable thing”, and refused her a position inhis cabinet.[52] Indira herself was at loggerheads with herfather over policy; most notably, she used his oft-statedpersonal deference to the Congress Working Committeeto push through the dismissal of the Communist Partyof India government in the state of Kerala, over his ownobjections.[52] Nehru began to be frequently embarrassedby her ruthlessness and disregard for parliamentary tra-dition, and was “hurt” by what he saw as an assertivenesswith no purpose other than to stake out an identity inde-pendent of her father.[53]

In the 1962 elections, Nehru led the Congress to victoryyet with a diminished majority. Communist and socialistparties were the main beneficiaries although some rightwing groups like Bharatiya Jana Sangh also did well.

3.1 Assassination attempts and security

There were four known assassination attempts on Nehru.The first attempt on his life was during partition in1947 while he was visiting North-West Frontier Province(now in Pakistan) in a car.[54] The second one wasby a knife-wielding rickshaw-puller in Maharashtra in1955.[55][56][57][58] The third one happened in Bombay(nowMaharashtra) in 1956.[59][60][61] The fourth one wasa failed bombing attempt on train tracks in Maharash-tra in 1961.[62] Despite threats to his life, Nehru despisedhaving too much security around him and did not like todisrupt traffic due to his movement.[63]

3.2 Economic policies

Nehru implemented policies based on import substitutionindustrialisation and advocated a mixed economy wherethe government controlled public sector would co-existwith the private sector.[64] He believed that the establish-ment of basic and heavy industry was fundamental to thedevelopment and modernisation of the Indian economy.The government therefore directed investment primarilyinto key public sector industries – steel, iron, coal, andpower – promoting their development with subsidies andprotectionist policies.[65]

The policy of non-alignment during the Cold War meant

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3.4 Domestic policies 11

Nehru meeting with Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and DeutscheBank chairman Hermann Josef Abs during a state visit to WestGermany in June 1956.

that Nehru received financial and technical support fromboth power blocs in building India’s industrial base fromscratch.[66] Steel mill complexes were built at Bokaroand Rourkela with assistance from the Soviet Unionand West Germany. There was substantial industrialdevelopment.[66] Industry grew 7.0 per cent annually be-tween 1950 and 1965 – almost trebling industrial outputand making India the world’s seventh largest industrialcountry.[66] Nehru’s critics, however, contended that In-dia’s import substitution industrialisation, which was con-tinued long after the Nehru era, weakened the interna-tional competitiveness of its manufacturing industries.[67]India’s share of world trade fell from 1.4 per cent in 1951–1960 to 0.5 per cent over 1981–1990.[68] On the otherhand, India’s export performance is argued to have actu-ally showed sustained improvement over the period. Thevolume of exports went up at an annual rate of 2.9 percent in 1951–1960 to 7.6 per cent in 1971–1980.[69]

GDP and GNP grew 3.9 and 4.0 per cent annually be-tween 1950–51 and 1964–65.[70][71] It was a radical breakfrom the British colonial period.[72] But, in comparisonto other industrial powers in Europe and East Asia, thegrowth rates were considered anaemic at best.[68][73] In-dia lagged behind the miracle economies (Japan, WestGermany, France, and Italy).[74] State planning, controls,and regulations were argued to have impaired economicgrowth.[75] While India’s economy grew faster than boththe United Kingdom and the United States – low initial in-come and rapid population increase – meant that growthwas inadequate for any sort of catch-up with rich incomenations.[73][74][76]

3.3 Agriculture policies

Under Nehru’s leadership, the government attempted todevelop India quickly by embarking on agrarian reformand rapid industrialisation. A successful land reformwas introduced that abolished giant landholdings, but ef-forts to redistribute land by placing limits on landown-

ership failed. Attempts to introduce large-scale cooper-ative farming were frustrated by landowning rural elites,who formed the core of the powerful right-wing of theCongress and had considerable political support in op-posing the efforts of Nehru. Agricultural productionexpanded until the early 1960s, as additional land wasbrought under cultivation and some irrigation projectsbegan to have an effect. The establishment of agricul-tural universities, modelled after land-grant colleges inthe United States, contributed to the development of theeconomy. These universities worked with high-yieldingvarieties of wheat and rice, initially developed in Mexicoand the Philippines, that in the 1960s began the GreenRevolution, an effort to diversify and increase crop pro-duction. At the same time a series of failed monsoonswould cause serious food shortages despite the steadyprogress and increase in agricultural production.[77]

3.4 Domestic policies

Nehru’s study in Teen Murti Bhavan.

See also: States Reorganisation Act

The British Indian Empire, which included present-dayIndia, Pakistan and Bangladesh, was divided into twotypes of territories: the Provinces of British India, whichwere governed directly by British officials responsible tothe Governor-General of India; and princely states, un-der the rule of local hereditary rulers who recognisedBritish suzerainty in return for local autonomy, in mostcases as established by treaty. Between 1947 and about1950, the territories of the princely states were politi-cally integrated into the Indian Union under Nehru andSardar Patel. Most were merged into existing provinces;others were organised into new provinces, such as Ra-jputana, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Bharat, and Vind-hya Pradesh, made up of multiple princely states; a few,including Mysore, Hyderabad, Bhopal, and Bilaspur, be-came separate provinces. The Government of India Act1935 remained the constitutional law of India pending

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adoption of a new Constitution.The new Constitution of India, which came into force on26 January 1950, made India a sovereign democratic re-public. Nehru declared the new republic to be a “Union ofStates”. The constitution of 1950 distinguished betweenthree main types of states: Part A states, which were theformer governors’ provinces of British India, were ruledby an elected governor and state legislature. The Part Bstates were former princely states or groups of princelystates, governed by a rajpramukh, who was usually theruler of a constituent state, and an elected legislature. Therajpramukh was appointed by the President of India. ThePart C states included both the former chief commission-ers’ provinces and some princely states, and each was gov-erned by a chief commissioner appointed by the Presidentof India. The sole Part D state was the Andaman andNicobar Islands, which were administered by a lieutenantgovernor appointed by the central government.In December 1953, Nehru appointed the States Reorgan-isation Commission to prepare for the creation of stateson linguistic lines. This was headed by Justice Fazal Aliand the commission itself was also known as the FazalAli Commission. The efforts of this commission wereoverseen by Govind Ballabh Pant, who served as Nehru’sHome Minister from December 1954. The commissioncreated a report in 1955 recommending the reorganisa-tion of India’s states. Under the Seventh Amendment,the existing distinction between Part A, Part B, Part C,and Part D states was abolished. The distinction betweenPart A and Part B states was removed, becoming knownsimply as “states”. A new type of entity, the union ter-ritory, replaced the classification as a Part C or Part Dstate. Nehru stressed commonality among Indians andpromoted pan-Indianism. He refused to reorganise stateson either religious or ethnic lines. Western scholars havemostly praised Nehru for the integration of the states intoa modern republic but the act was not accepted univer-sally in India.

3.5 Social policies

Jawaharlal Nehru was a passionate advocate of educationfor India’s children and youth, believing it essential forIndia’s future progress. His government oversaw the es-tablishment of many institutions of higher learning, in-cluding the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, theIndian Institutes of Technology, the Indian Institutes ofManagement and the National Institutes of Technology.Nehru also outlined a commitment in his five-year plansto guarantee free and compulsory primary education toall of India’s children. For this purpose, Nehru over-saw the creation of mass village enrolment programmesand the construction of thousands of schools. Nehru alsolaunched initiatives such as the provision of free milk andmeals to children to fight malnutrition. Adult educationcentres, vocational and technical schools were also organ-ised for adults, especially in the rural areas.

Nehru with schoolchildren at the Durgapur Steel Plant. Dur-gapur along with Rourkela and Bhilai were the three integratedsteel plants set up under India’s Second Five-Year Plan in the late1950s.

Under Nehru, the Indian Parliament enacted manychanges to Hindu law to criminalise caste discrimina-tion and increase the legal rights and social freedomsof women.[78][79][80][81] A system of reservations in gov-ernment services and educational institutions was cre-ated to eradicate the social inequalities and disadvantagesfaced by peoples of the scheduled castes and scheduledtribes. Nehru also championed secularism and religiousharmony, increasing the representation of minorities ingovernment.Nehru specifically wrote Article 44 of the Indian con-stitution under the Directive Principles of State Policywhich states : 'The State shall endeavour to secure forthe citizens a uniform civil code throughout the territoryof India.' The article has formed the basis of secularismin India.[82] However, Nehru has been criticised for theinconsistent application of the law. Most notably, Nehruallowed Muslims to keep their personal law in matters re-lating to marriage and inheritance. Also in the small stateof Goa, a civil code based on the old Portuguese FamilyLaws was allowed to continue, and Muslim Personal lawwas prohibited by Nehru. This was the result of the an-nexation of Goa in 1961 by India, when Nehru promisedthe people that their laws would be left intact. This hasled to accusations of selective secularism.While Nehru exempted Muslim law from legislation andthey remained un-reformed, he did pass the Special Mar-riage Act in 1954. The idea behind this act was to giveeveryone in India the ability to marry outside the personallaw under a civil marriage. As usual the law applied to allof India, except Jammu and Kashmir (again leading toaccusations of selective secularism). In many respects,the act was almost identical to the Hindu Marriage Actof 1955, which gives some idea as to how secularised thelaw regarding Hindus had become. The Special MarriageAct allowed Muslims to marry under it and thereby retainthe protections, generally beneficial to Muslim women,that could not be found in the personal law. Under the

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3.6 Foreign policies 13

act polygamy was illegal, and inheritance and successionwould be governed by the Indian Succession Act, ratherthan the respective Muslim Personal Law. Divorce alsowould be governed by the secular law, and maintenanceof a divorced wife would be along the lines set down inthe civil law.Nehru led the faction of the Congress party which pro-moted Hindi as the ligua-franca of the Indian nation. Af-ter an exhaustive and divisive debate with the non-Hindispeakers, Hindi was adopted as the official language ofIndia in 1950 with English continuing as an associate of-ficial language for a period of fifteen years, after whichHindi would become the sole official language. Effortsby the Indian Government to make Hindi the sole of-ficial language after 1965 were not acceptable to manynon-Hindi Indian states, who wanted the continued useof English. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK),a descendant of Dravidar Kazhagam, led the oppositionto Hindi. To allay their fears, Nehru enacted the OfficialLanguages Act in 1963 to ensure the continuing use ofEnglish beyond 1965. The text of the Act did not satisfythe DMK and increased their scepticism that his assur-ances might not be honoured by future administrations.The issue was resolved during the premiership of Lal Ba-hadur Shastri, who under great pressure from Nehru’sdaughter, Indira Gandhi, was made to give assurancesthat English would continue to be used as the official lan-guage as long the non-Hindi speaking states wanted. TheOfficial Languages Act was eventually amended in 1967by the Congress Government headed by Indira Gandhito guarantee the indefinite use of Hindi and English asofficial languages. This effectively ensured the current“virtual indefinite policy of bilingualism” of the IndianRepublic.

3.6 Foreign policies

Nehru with Otto Grotewohl, the Prime Minister of East Germany

See also: Role of India in Non-Aligned Movement

Nehru led newly independent India from 1947 to 1964,during its first years of independence from British rule.Both the United States and the Soviet Union competed to

make India an ally throughout the Cold War. Nehru alsomaintained good relations with the British Empire. Underthe London Declaration, India agreed that, when it be-came a republic in January 1950, it would join the Com-monwealth of Nations and accept the British monarch asa “symbol of the free association of its independent mem-ber nations and as such the Head of the Commonwealth.”The other nations of the Commonwealth recognised In-dia’s continuing membership of the association. The re-action back home was favourable; only the far-left and thefar-right criticised Nehru’s decision.On the international scene, Nehru was a champion ofpacifism and a strong supporter of the United Nations. Hepioneered the policy of non-alignment and co-foundedthe Non-Aligned Movement of nations professing neu-trality between the rival blocs of nations led by the US andthe USSR. Recognising the People’s Republic of Chinasoon after its founding (while most of the Western bloccontinued relations with the Republic of China), Nehruargued for its inclusion in the United Nations and refusedto brand the Chinese as the aggressors in their conflictwith Korea.[83] He sought to establish warm and friendlyrelations with China in 1950, and hoped to act as an in-termediary to bridge the gulf and tensions between thecommunist states and the Western bloc.Nehru had promised in 1948 to hold a plebiscite inKashmir under the auspices of the UN. Kashmir was adisputed territory between India and Pakistan, the twohaving gone to war with each other over the state in 1948.However, as Pakistan failed to pull back troops in accor-dance with the UN resolution and as Nehru grew increas-ingly wary of the UN, he declined to hold a plebiscite in1953. His policies on Kashmir and the integeration ofthe state into India was frequently defended in front ofthe United Nations by his aide, Krishna Menon, a bril-liant diplomat who earned a reputation in India for hispassionate speeches.

Nehru receiving US President Dwight D. Eisenhower at Parlia-ment House, 1959

Nehru, while a pacifist, was not blind to the political andgeo-strategic reality of India in 1947. While laying the

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foundation stone of the National Defence Academy (In-dia) in 1949, he stated: “We, who for generations hadtalked about and attempted in everything a peaceful wayand practised non-violence, should now be, in a sense,glorifying our army, navy and air force. It means a lot.Though it is odd, yet it simply reflects the oddness of life.Though life is logical, we have to face all contingencies,and unless we are prepared to face them, we will go un-der. There was no greater prince of peace and apostleof non-violence than Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of theNation, whom we have lost, but yet, he said it was bet-ter to take the sword than to surrender, fail or run away.We cannot live carefree assuming that we are safe. Hu-man nature is such. We cannot take the risks and risk ourhard-won freedom. We have to be prepared with all mod-ern defence methods and a well-equipped army, navy andair force.”[84][85]

Nehru envisioned the developing of nuclear weaponsand established the Atomic Energy Commission of In-dia (AEC) in 1948.[86] Nehru also called Dr. Homi J.Bhabha, a nuclear physicist, who was entrusted with com-plete authority over all nuclear related affairs and pro-grams and answered only to Nehru himself.[86] Indian nu-clear policy was set by unwritten personal understandingbetween Nehru and Bhabha.[86] Nehru famously said toBhabha, "Professor Bhabha take care of Physics, leaveinternational relation to me".[86] From the outset in 1948,Nehru had high ambition to develop this program to standagainst the industrialised states and the basis of this pro-gram was to establish an Indian nuclear weapons capabil-ity as part of India’s regional superiority to other South-Asian states, most particularly Pakistan.[86]

Nehru also told Bhabha, later it was told by Bhabha toRaja Rammanna that,

"We must have the capability. We shouldfirst prove ourselves and then talk of Gandhi,non-violence and a world without nuclearweapons.[86] "

Nehru was hailed by many for working to defuse globaltensions and the threat of nuclear weapons after theKorean war (1950–1953).[87] He commissioned the firststudy of the human effects of nuclear explosions, andcampaigned ceaselessly for the abolition of what he called“these frightful engines of destruction.” He also had prag-matic reasons for promoting de-nuclearisation, fearingthat a nuclear arms race would lead to over-militarisationthat would be unaffordable for developing countries suchas his own.[88]

Nehru ordered the arrest of the Kashmiri politicianSheikh Abdullah in 1953, whom he had previously sup-ported but now suspected of harbouring separatist ambi-tions; Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad replaced him.In 1954 Nehru signed with China the Five Principles ofPeaceful Coexistence, known in India as the Panchsheel

(from the Sanskrit words, panch: five, sheel: virtues),a set of principles to govern relations between the twostates. Their first formal codification in treaty form wasin an agreement between China and India in 1954. Theywere enunciated in the preamble to the “Agreement (withexchange of notes) on trade and intercourse between Ti-bet Region of China and India”, which was signed atPeking on 29 April 1954. Negotiations took place inDelhi from December 1953 to April 1954 between theDelegation of the PRC Government and the Delegationof the Indian Government on the relations between thetwo countries with respect to the disputed territories ofAksai Chin and South Tibet. The treaty was disregardedin the 1960s, but in the 1970s, the Five Principles againcame to be seen as important in Sino-Indian relations, andmore generally as norms of relations between states. Theybecame widely recognised and accepted throughout theregion during the premiership of Indira Gandhi and the3-year rule of the Janata Party (1977–1980).[89]

In 1956 Nehru had criticized the joint invasion of theSuez Canal by the British, French and Israelis. The roleof Nehru, both as Indian Prime Minister and a leader ofthe Non Aligned Movement was significant; he tried tobe even-handed between the two sides, while denouncingEden and co-sponsors of the invasion vigorously. Nehruhad a powerful ally in the US president Dwight Eisen-hower who, if relatively silent publicly, went to the extentof using America’s clout in the IMF to make Britain andFrance back down. The episode greatly raised the pres-tige of Nehru and India amongst the third world nations.During the Suez crisis, Nehru’s right-hand man, Menonattempted to persuade a recalcitrant Gamal Nasser tocompromise with theWest, and was instrumental in mov-ing Western powers towards an awareness that Nassermight prove willing to compromise.In 1957, Menon was instructed to deliver an unprece-dented eight-hour speech defending India’s stand onKashmir; to date, the speech is the longest ever deliv-ered in the United Nations Security Council, covering fivehours of the 762nd meeting on 23 January, and two hoursand forty-eight minutes on the 24th, reportedly conclud-ing with Menon’s collapse on the Security Council floor.During the filibuster, Nehru moved swiftly and success-fully to consolidate Indian power in Kashmir (then un-der great unrest). Menon’s passionate defence of Indiansovereignty in Kashmir enlarged his base of support in In-dia, and led to the Indian press temporarily dubbing himthe 'Hero of Kashmir'. Nehru was then at the peak of hispopularity in India; the only (minor) criticism came fromthe far-right.[90][91]

The USA had hoped to court Nehru after its interven-tion in favour of Nasser during the Suez crisis. However,ColdWar suspicions and the American distrust of Nehru-vian socialism cooled relations between India and the US,which suspected Nehru of tacitly supporting the SovietUnion. Nehru maintained good relations with Britaineven after the Suez Crisis. Nehru accepted the arbitra-

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tion of the UK and World Bank, signing the Indus WaterTreaty in 1960 with Pakistani ruler Ayub Khan to resolvelong-standing disputes about sharing the resources of themajor rivers of the Punjab region.Although the Pancha Sila (Five Principles of PeacefulCoexistence) was the basis of the 1954 Sino-Indian bor-der treaty, in later years, Nehru’s foreign policy sufferedthrough increasing Chinese assertiveness over border dis-putes and Nehru’s decision to grant political asylum tothe 14th Dalai Lama. After years of failed negotiations,Nehru authorised the Indian Army to invade Portuguesecontrolled Goa in 1961, and then he formally annexed itto India. It increased his popularity in India, but he wascriticised by the communist opposition in India for theuse of military force. The use of military force againstPortugal earned him goodwill amongst the right-wing andfar-right groups.

4 Sino-Indian War of 1962

From 1959, in a process that accelerated in 1961, Nehruadopted the “Forward Policy” of setting up military out-posts in disputed areas of the Sino-Indian border, in-cluding in 43 outposts in territory not previously con-trolled by India.[92] China attacked some of these out-posts, and thus the Sino-Indian War began, which In-dia lost, and China withdrew to pre-war lines in easternzone at Tawang but retained Aksai Chin which was withinBritish India and was handed over to India after inde-pendence. Later, Pakistan handed over some portion ofKashmir near Siachen controlled by Pakistan since 1948to China. The war exposed the unpreparedness of India’smilitary which could send only 14,000 troops to the warzone in opposition to themany times larger Chinese army,and Nehru was widely criticised for his government’s in-sufficient attention to defence. In response, Nehru sackedthe defence minister Krishna Menon and sought US mil-itary aid. Nehru’s improved relations with USA underJohn F. Kennedy proved useful during the war, as in1962, President of Pakistan (then closely aligned with theAmericans) Ayub Khan was made to guarantee his neu-trality in regards to India, who was threatened by “com-munist aggression from Red China.”[93] The Indian rela-tionship with the Soviet Union, criticised by right-winggroups supporting free-market policies was also seem-ingly validated. Nehru would continue to maintain hiscommitment to the non-aligned movement despite callsfrom some to settle down on one permanent ally.The aftermath of the war saw sweeping changes in theIndian military to prepare it for similar conflicts in thefuture, and placed pressure on Nehru, who was seen asresponsible for failing to anticipate the Chinese attack onIndia. Under American advice (by American envoy JohnKenneth Galbraith who made and ran American policyon the war as all other top policy makers in USA wereabsorbed in coincident Cuban Missile Crisis) Nehru re-

frained, not according to the best choices available, fromusing the Indian air force to beat back the Chinese ad-vances. The CIA later revealed that at that time theChinese had neither the fuel nor runways long enoughfor using their air force effectively in Tibet. Indians ingeneral became highly sceptical of China and its mili-tary. Many Indians view the war as a betrayal of In-dia’s attempts at establishing a long-standing peace withChina and started to question Nehru’s usage of the term“Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai” (meaning “Indians and Chineseare brothers”). The war also put an end to Nehru’s earlierhopes that India and China would form a strong AsianAxis to counteract the increasing influence of the ColdWar bloc superpowers.[94]

The unpreparedness of the army was blamed on DefenceMinister Menon, who “resigned” his government post toallow for someone who might modernise India’s mili-tary further. India’s policy of weaponisation via indige-nous sources and self-sufficiency began in earnest un-der Nehru, completed by his daughter Indira Gandhi,who later led India to a crushing military victory overrival Pakistan in 1971. Toward the end of the war In-dia had increased her support for Tibetan refugees andrevolutionaries, some of them having settled in India, asthey were fighting the same common enemy in the re-gion. Nehru ordered the raising of an elite Indian-trained“Tibetan Armed Force” composed of Tibetan refugees,which served with distinction in future wars against Pak-istan in 1965 and 1971.[95]

During the conflict, Nehru wrote two desperate letters toUS President John F. Kennedy, requesting 12 squadronsof fighter jets and a modern radar system. These jetswere seen as necessary to beef up Indian air strengthso that air to air combat could be initiated safely fromthe Indian perspective (bombing troops was seen as un-wise for fear of Chinese retaliatory action). Nehru alsoasked that these aircraft be manned by American pilotsuntil Indian airmen were trained to replace them. Theserequests were rejected by the Kennedy Administration(which was involved in the Cuban Missile Crisis duringmost of the Sino-Indian War), leading to a cool down inIndo-US relations. According to former Indian diplo-mat G Parthasarathy, “only after we got nothing fromthe US did arms supplies from the Soviet Union to In-dia commence”.[96] Per Time Magazine’s 1962 editorialon the war, however, this may not have been the case.The editorial states, 'When Washington finally turned itsattention to India, it honoured the ambassador’s pledge,loaded 60 US planes with $5,000,000 worth of automaticweapons, heavy mortars and land mines. Twelve hugeC-130 Hercules transports, complete with US crews andmaintenance teams, took off for New Delhi to fly Indiantroops and equipment to the battle zone. Britain weighedin with Bren and Sten guns, and airlifted 150 tons of armsto India. Canada prepared to ship six transport planes.Australia opened Indian credits for $1,800,000 worth ofmunitions’.[97]

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16 8 LEGACY

Prime Minister Nehru talks with United Nations General Assem-bly President Romulo (October 1949).

5 Death

Nehru’s health began declining steadily after 1962, andhe spent months recuperating in Kashmir through 1963.Some historians attribute this dramatic decline to his sur-prise and chagrin over the Sino-Indian War, which heperceived as a betrayal of trust.[98] Upon his return fromDehra Dun on 26May 1964 he was feeling quite comfort-able and went to bed at about 23:30 as usual, he had a rest-ful night till about 06:30 soon after he returned from bath-room, Nehru complained of pain in the back. He spoketo the doctors who attended on him for a brief while andalmost immediately Nehru collapsed. He remained un-conscious until he passed away. His death was announcedto Lok Sabha at 14:00 local time on 27 May 1964 (sameday); cause of death is believed to be heart attack (dis-secting aneurysm of the aorta).[99] Draped in the Indiannational Tri-colour flag the body of Jawaharlal Nehru wasplaced for public viewing. “Raghupati Raghava Rajaram”was chanted as the body was placed on the platform. On28 May, Nehru was cremated in accordance with Hindurites at the Shantivana on the banks of the Yamuna River,witnessed by many hundreds of thousands of mournerswho had flocked into the streets of Delhi and the crema-tion grounds.Nehru, the man and politician made such a powerful im-print on India that his death on 27 May 1964, left Indiawith no clear political heir to his leadership (although hisdaughter was widely expected to succeed him before sheturned it down in favour of Shastri). Indian newspapersrepeated Nehru’s own words of the time of Gandhi’s as-sassination: “The light has gone out of our lives and thereis darkness everywhere.”

6 Religion

Described as Hindu Agnostic,[100] Nehru thought that re-ligious taboos were preventing India from going forward

and adapting to modern conditions: “No country or peo-ple who are slaves to dogma and dogmatic mentality canprogress, and unhappily our country and people have be-come extraordinarily dogmatic and little-minded.”[101]

The spectacle of what is called religion, orat any rate organised religion, in India and else-where, has filled me with horror and I havefrequently condemned it and wished to makea clean sweep of it. Almost always it seemedto stand for blind belief and reaction, dogmaand bigotry, superstition, exploitation and thepreservation of vested interests.

In his autobiography, he has made analysis aboutChristianity,[102] Islam[103] and their effects on his coun-try. He wanted to model India as secular country, butdue to various reforms during his period, his secularistpolicies remain a subject to debate and criticism.[104][105]

7 Personal life

Nehru with Edwina Mountbatten

Nehru married Kamala Kaul in 1916. Their only daugh-ter Indira was born a year later in 1917. Kamala gavebirth to a boy in November 1924, but he lived only for aweek.”[106]

Nehru was alleged to have had relationships with PadmajaNaidu and Edwina Mountbatten.[107] Edwina’s daughterPamela acknowledged Nehru’s platonic relationship withEdwina.[108]

8 Legacy

As India’s first Prime minister and external affairs minis-ter, Jawaharlal Nehru played amajor role in shapingmod-ern India’s government and political culture along withsound foreign policy. He is praised for creating a system

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8.1 Commemoration 17

Statue of Nehru at Park Street, Kolkata

providing universal primary education,[109] reaching chil-dren in the farthest corners of rural India. Nehru’s educa-tion policy is also credited for the development of world-class educational institutions such as the All India Insti-tute of Medical Sciences,[110] Indian Institutes of Tech-nology,[111] and the Indian Institutes of Management.In addition, Nehru’s stance as an unfailing nationalistled him to also implement policies which stressed com-monality among Indians while still appreciating regionaldiversities. This proved particularly important as post-Independence differences surfaced since British with-drawal from the subcontinent prompted regional leadersto no longer relate to one another as allies against a com-mon adversary. While differences of culture and, es-pecially, language threatened the unity of the new na-tion, Nehru established programs such as the NationalBook Trust and the National Literary Academy whichpromoted the translation of regional literatures betweenlanguages and also organised the transfer of materials be-tween regions. In pursuit of a single, unified India, Nehruwarned, “Integrate or perish.”[113]

Historian Ramachandra Guha writes, "[had] Nehru re-

Bust of Nehru at Aldwych, London

tired in 1958 he would be remembered as not just India’sbest prime minister, but as one of the great statesmen ofthe modern world.”[114] Nehru, thus, left behind a dis-puted legacy, being “either adored or reviled for India’sprogress or lack of it.”[115]

8.1 Commemoration

Nehru distributes sweets among children at Nongpoh, Meghalaya

In his lifetime, Jawaharlal Nehru enjoyed an iconic statusin India and was widely admired across the world for hisidealism and statesmanship. His birthday, 14 Novemberis celebrated in India as Bal Divas ("Children’s Day") inrecognition of his lifelong passion and work for the wel-fare, education and development of children and youngpeople. Children across India remember him as ChachaNehru (Uncle Nehru). Nehru remains a popular sym-

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18 11 SEE ALSO

Jawaharlal Nehru on a 1989 USSR commemorative stamp

bol of the Congress Party which frequently celebrates hismemory. Congress leaders and activists often emulatehis style of clothing, especially the Gandhi cap and the"Nehru Jacket", and his mannerisms. Nehru’s ideals andpolicies continue to shape the Congress Party's manifestoand core political philosophy. An emotional attachmentto his legacy was instrumental in the rise of his daughterIndira to leadership of the Congress Party and the na-tional government.Nehru’s personal preference for the sherwani ensured thatit continues to be considered formal wear in North Indiatoday; aside from lending his name to a kind of cap, theNehru jacket is named in his honour due to his preferencefor that style.Numerous public institutions and memorials across Indiaare dedicated to Nehru’s memory. The Jawaharlal NehruUniversity in Delhi is among the most prestigious uni-versities in India. The Jawaharlal Nehru Port near thecity of Mumbai is a modern port and dock designed tohandle a huge cargo and traffic load. Nehru’s residencein Delhi is preserved as the Teen Murti House now hasNehru Memorial Museum and Library, and one of fiveNehru Planetariums that were set inMumbai, Delhi, Ban-galore, Allahabad and Pune. The complex also houses theoffices of the 'Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund', estab-lished in 1964 under the Chairmanship of Dr S. Radhakr-ishnan, then President of India. The foundation also givesaway the prestigious 'Jawaharlal NehruMemorial Fellow-ship', established in 1968.[116] The Nehru family homes

at Anand Bhavan and Swaraj Bhavan are also preservedto commemorate Nehru and his family’s legacy.

8.2 In popular culture

Many documentaries about Nehru’s life have been pro-duced. He has also been portrayed in fictionalised films.The canonical performance is probably that of RoshanSeth, who played him three times: in Richard Attenbor-ough's 1982 film Gandhi, Shyam Benegal's 1988 televi-sion series Bharat Ek Khoj, based on Nehru’s The Discov-ery of India, and in a 2007 TV film entitled The Last Daysof the Raj.[117] In Ketan Mehta's film Sardar, Nehru wasportrayed by Benjamin Gilani. Girish Karnad's histori-cal play, Tughlaq (1962) is an allegory about the Nehru-vian era. It was staged by Ebrahim Alkazi with NationalSchool of Drama Repertory at Purana Qila, Delhi inthe 1970s and later at the Festival of India, London in1982.[118][119]

9 Writings

Nehru was a prolific writer in English and wrote a num-ber of books, such as The Discovery of India, Glimpses ofWorld History, and his autobiography, Toward Freedom.He had written 30 letters to his daughter Indira Gandhi,when she was 10 years old and was in a boarding schoolin Mussoorie, teaching about natural history and the storyof civilisations. The collection of these letters was laterpublished as a book Letters from a Father to His Daugh-ter.[120]

10 Awards

In 1955 Nehru was awarded Bharat Ratna, India’s highestcivilian honour.[121]

11 See also

• List of political families

• Nehru jacket

• Scientific temper, a system of scientific thinking in-troduced by Nehru

• Tryst with destiny, the historic speech made byJawaharlal Nehru, considered in modern India to bea landmark oration about the Indian independencemovement.

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19

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Books.google.com. 25 April 2009. Retrieved 10 July2013.

[2] “Mob Scenes Mar Last Nehru Rites”. The Gazette (Mon-treal: Google News Archive). 9 June 1964. p. 4.

[3] Ramachandra Guha (23 September 2003). “Inter-faithHarmony: Where Nehru and Gandhi Meet Times of In-dia”. The Times of India.

[4] In Jawaharlal Nehru’s autobiography, An Autobiography(1936), and in the Last Will & Testament of JawaharlalNehru, in SelectedWorks of Jawaharlal Nehru, 2nd series,vol. 26, p. 612,

[5] “Nehru”. Random House Webster’s Unabridged Dictio-nary.

[6] Moraes & 2008 4.

[7] Zakaria, Rafiq A Study of Nehru, Times of India Press,1960, p. 22

[8] Moraes 2008.

[9] Bonnie G. Smith; The Oxford Encyclopedia of Womenin World History. Oxford University Press. 2008. ISBN978-0195148909. pg 406–407.

[10] Moraes 2008, p. 22.

[11] Om Prakash Misra; Economic Thought of Gandhi andNehru: A Comparative Analysis. M.D. Publications.1995. ISBN 978-8185880716. pg 49–65.

[12] Moraes 2008, p. 23.

[13] Bal Ram Nanda; The Nehrus. Oxford University Press.1962. ISBN 978-0195693430. pg 65.

[14] Moraes 2008, p. 36.

[15] Moraes 2008, p. 43.

[16] Moraes 2008, p. 47.

[17] Moraes 2008, p. 37.

[18] Ghose 1993, p. 25.

[19] Moraes 2008, p. 49.

[20] Moraes 2008, p. 50.

[21] In Jawaharlal Nehru’s autobiography, An Autobiography(1936) p. 33.

[22] Moraes 2008, p. 52.

[23] Moraes 2008, p. 53.

[24] Ghose 1993, p. 26.

[25] Nehru, JawaharlalGlimpses of world history: being furtherletters to his daughter (Lindsay Drummond Ltd., 1949), p.94

[26] Moraes 2008, p. 56.

[27] Moraes 2008, p. 55.

[28] “Jawaharlal Nehru – a chronological account”. Retrieved23 June 2012.

[29] Moraes 2008, p. 115.

[30] Moraes 2008, p. 77.

[31] Moraes 2008, p. 266.

[32] Copland, Ian (1997), The Princes of India in the Endgameof Empire, 1917–1947, Cambridge, England: CambridgeUniversity Press, ISBN 0-521-57179-0 p. 258.

[33] Lumby, E.W.R. (1954), The Transfer of Power in India,1945–1947, London: George Allen and Unwin p. 228

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[36] Gandhi, Gopalkrishna. “The Great Dandi March —eighty years after”, The Hindu, 5 April 2010

[37] Fisher, Margaret W. (June 1967). “India’s JawaharlalNehru p. 368.

[38] Johnson, Richard L. (2005). Gandhi’s ExperimentsWith Truth: Essential Writings By And About MahatmaGandhi, Lexington Books, ISBN 0739111426 p. 37

[39] Moraes 2008, p. 196.

[40] Moraes 2008, p. 234-238.

[41] “Forty-SecondAmendment to the Constitution”. Ministryof Law and Justice of India. 28 August 1976. Retrieved16 June 2012.

[42] Moraes 2008, p. 129.

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[44] Science & culture, Volume 30. Indian Science News As-sociation. 1964.

[45] Nehru, Jawaharlal (8 August 2006). “Wikisource” (PHP).Retrieved 8 August 2006.

[46] Nehru’s address on Gandhi’s death. Retrieved 15 March2007.

[47] Janak Raj Jai (1996). 1947–1980. Regency Publications.pp. 45–47. ISBN 978-81-86030-23-3.

[48] Yasmin Khan (2011

[49] Thapar, Karan (17 August 2009). “Gandhi, Jinnah bothfailed: Jaswant”. ibnlive.in.com.

[50] “After Advani, Jaswant turns Jinnah admirer”. The Eco-nomic Times (India). 17 August 2009.

[51] “Walk The Talk with Jaswant Singh”. Retrieved 23 Au-gust 2009.

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[53] Marlay, Ross; Clark D. Neher (1999). Patriots andTyrants: Ten Asian Leaders. Rowman & Littlefield. p.368. ISBN 0-8476-8442-3.

[54] Mathai (1978). Reminiscences of the Nehru Age.

[55] “Assassination Attempt on Nehru Made in Car”. Gettys-berg Times. 22 March 1955.

[56] “Rickshaw Boy Arrested for Nehru Attack”. SarasotaHerald Tribune. 14 March 1955.

[57] “Rickshaw Boy Arrested for Attempting to Kill Nehru”.The Victoria Advocate. 14 March 1955.

[58] “Knife Wielder Jumps on Car of Indian Premier”. TheTelegraph. 12 March 1955.

[59] “Nehru’s Assassination is Balked in Bombay”. The MiamiNews. 4 June 1956.

[60] “Police Say Nehru’s Assassination Plot is Thwarted”. Al-tus Times-Democrat. 4 June 1956.

[61] “Bombay Police Thwart Attempt on Nehru’s Life”. Ox-nard Press-Courier. 4 June 1956.

[62] “Bomb Explodes on Nehru’s Route”. Toledo Blade. 30September 1961.

[63] Mathai, M.O. (1979). My Days with Nehru. Vikas Pub-lishing House.

[64] Ghose 1993, p. 243.

[65] Kopstein 2005, p. 364.

[66] Walsh, Judith E. (2006). A Brief History of India. In-fobase Publishing. p. 190. ISBN 978-1438108254.

[67] Yokokawa, Nobuharu; Jayati Ghosh; Bob Rowthorn(2013). Industrialization of China and India: Their Im-pacts on the World Economy. Routledge. p. 213. ISBN978-1134093878.

[68] Grabowski, Richard; Sharmistha Self; Michael P. Shields(2007). Economic Development: A Regional, Institutional,And Historical Approach. M.E. Sharpe. p. 161. ISBN978-1134093878.

[69] Shand, R. Richard Tregurtha; K. P. Kalirajan; Ula-ganathan Sankar (2003). Economic Reform and the Lib-eralisation of the Indian Economy: Essays in Honour ofRichard T. Shand ; papers Presented at a Major Confer-ence on Second Generation Reforms in Chennai from 8– 10 December 1999. Edward Elgar Publishing. p. 39.ISBN 978-1781959435.

[70] Thakur, Anil Khumar; Debes Mukhopadhayay (2010).Economic Philosophy of Jawaharlal Nehru. Deep andDeep Publications. p. 14. ISBN 978-8184502725.

[71] Chandra, Bipan; Aditya Mukherjee; Mridula Mukherjee(2008). India Since Independence. Penguin Books India.p. 449. ISBN 978-0143104094.

[72] Kapila, Uma (2009). Indian Economic DevelopmentsSince 1947 (3Rd Ed.). Academic Foundation. p. 132.ISBN 978-8171887118.

[73] Kapila, Uma (2009). Indian Economic DevelopmentsSince 1947 (3Rd Ed.). Academic Foundation. p. 66.ISBN 978-8171887118.

[74] Giersch, Herbert; Karl-Heinz Paqué; Holger Schmieding(1994). The Fading Miracle: Four Decades of MarketEconomy in Germany. Cambridge University Press. p.4. ISBN 978-0521358699.

[75] Kopstein 2005, p. 366.

[76] Parker, Randall E.; Robert M.Whaples (2013). The Rout-ledge Handbook of Major Events in Economic History.Routledge. p. 306. ISBN 978-0415677035.

[77] Farmer, B. H. (1993). An Introduction to South Asia.Routledge. p. 120. ISBN 0-415-05695-0.

[78] Som, Reba (February 1994). “Jawaharlal Nehru andthe Hindu Code: A Victory of Symbol over Sub-stance?". Modern Asian Studies 28 (1): 165–194.doi:10.1017/S0026749X00011732. JSTOR 312925.

[79] Basu, Srimati (2005). She Comes to Take Her Rights: In-dian Women, Property, and Propriety. SUNY Press. p.3. ISBN 81-86706-49-6. The Hindu Code Bill was vi-sualised by Ambedkar and Nehru as the flagship of mod-ernisation and a radical revision of Hindu law...it is widelyregarded as dramatic benchmark legislation giving Hinduwomen equitable if not superior entitlements as legal sub-jects.

[80] Kulke, Hermann; Dietmar Rothermund (2004). A His-tory of India. Routledge. p. 328. ISBN 0-415-32919-1.One subject that particularly interested Nehru was the re-form of Hindu law, particularly with regard to the rightsof Hindu women...

[81] Forbes, Geraldine; Geraldine Hancock Forbes; GordonJohnson (1999). Women in Modern India. CambridgeUniversity Press. p. 115. ISBN 0-521-65377-0. It isour birthright to demand equitable adjustment of Hindulaw....

[82] Erckel, Sebastian (2011). India and the EuropeanUnion – Two Models of Integration, GRIN Verlag, ISBN365601048X, p. 128

[83] Robert Sherrod (19 January 1963). "Nehru:The GreatAwakening”. The Saturday Evening Post 236 (2): 60–67.

[84] Indian Express, 6 October 1949 at Pune at the time of ly-ing of the foundation stone of National Defence Academy.

[85] Mahatma Gandhi’s relevant quotes, “My non-violencedoes not admit of running away from danger and leav-ing dear ones unprotected. Between violence and cow-ardly flight, I can only prefer violence to cowardice. Non-violence is the summit of bravery.” “I do believe that,where there is only a choice between cowardice and vio-lence, I would advise violence.” “I would rather have Indiaresort to arms in order to defend her honour than that sheshould in a cowardly manner become or remain a helpless

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witness to her own dishonour.” – All Men Are BrothersLife and Thoughts of Mahatma Gandhi as told in his ownwords. UNESCO. pp. 85–108.

[86] Sublet, Carrie. “Dr. Homi Jehangir Bhabha”. Nuclear-weaponarchive.org. Retrieved 8 August 2011.

[87] Bhatia, Vinod (1989). Jawaharlal Nehru, as Scholars ofSocialist Countries See Him. Panchsheel Publishers. p.131.

[88] Dua, B. D.; James Manor (1994). Nehru to the Nineties:The Changing Office of Prime Minister in India. C. Hurst& Co. Publishers. pp. 141, 261. ISBN 1-85065-180-9.

[89] The full text of this agreement (which entered into forceon 3 June 1954): “Treaties and international agreementsregistered or filed and recorded with the Secretariat of theUnited Nations” (PDF). United Nations Treaty Series 299.New York: United Nations. 1958. pp. 57–81. Retrieved14 August 2012.

[90] “A short history of long speeches”. BBC News. 25September 2009.

[91] Majid, Amir A. (2007). “Can Self Determination Solvethe Kashmir Dispute?". Romanian Journal of EuropeanAffairs 7 (3): 38.

[92] Noorani, A.G. “Perseverance in peace process”, Frontline,29 August 2003.

[93] “Asia: Ending the Suspense”. Time. 17 September 1965.

[94] “China’s Decision for War with India in 1962 by John W.Garver”. Web.archive.org. 26 March 2009. Archivedfrom the original on 26 March 2009. Retrieved 14 Au-gust 2012.

[95] Gangdruk, Chushi. "Chushi Gangdruk: History",ChushiGangdruk.Org

[96] “Jawaharlal Nehru pleaded for US help against China in1962”. The Times of India. 16 November 2010.

[97] “India: Never Again the Same”. Time. 30 November1962.

[98] Asia Society (1988). ""Jawaharlal Nehru"". In Embree,Ainslie T.. Encyclopedia of Asian History 3. New York:Charles Scribner’s Sons. pp. 98–100. ISBN 0-684-18899-6.

[99] BBC ON THIS DAY | 27 | 1964: Light goes out in Indiaas Nehru dies. BBC News. Retrieved 17 March 2011.

[100] Sarvepalii Gopal. Jawaharlal Nehru: A Biography, Vol-ume 3; Volumes 1956-1964. p. 17.

[101] “Pandit Jawarharlal Nehru (1889–1964)". Human-ism.org.uk. Retrieved 14 August 2012.

[102] A. A. Parvathy (1994). Secularism and Hindutva, a Dis-cursive Study. p. 42.

[103] Mohammad Jamil Akhtar. Babri Masjid: a tale untold. p.359.

[104] Ram Puniyani (1999). Communal Threat to SecularDemocracy. p. 113.

[105] Sankar Ghose (1993). Jawaharlal Nehru, a Biography. p.210.

[106] “From years 1916 to 1964...The man and the times”. TheWindsor Star. 27 May 1964. Retrieved 19 January 2013.

[107] “Nehru-Edwina were in love: Edwina’s daughter”. TheIndian Express. 15 July 2007. Retrieved 21 May 2010.

[108] “Love, longing & politics!". The Times of India. 21 April2010. Retrieved 2 September 2012.

[109] Universal primary education first on the Prime Minster’sagenda. Pucl.org (1947-08-15). Retrieved on 2013-12-06.

[110] “Introduction”. AIIMS.

[111] “Institute History”., Indian Institute of Technology

[112] Jahanbegloo, Ramin Conversations with Isaiah Berlin(London 2000), ISBN 1842121642 pp. 201–2

[113] Harrison, Selig S. (July 1956). “The Challenge to In-dian Nationalism”. Foreign Affairs 34 (2): 620–636.doi:10.2307/20031191.

[114] Ramachandra Guha (26 September 2012). “ManmohanSingh at 80”. BBC.

[115] “A legacy that Nehru left behind”. Times of India. 27May 2005.

[116] History Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund, Official web-site.

[117] The Last Days of the Raj (2007) (TV). imdb.com

[118] AWARDS: The multi-faceted playwright Frontline, Vol.16, No. 3, 30 January – 12 February 1999.

[119] Sachindananda (2006). “Girish Karnad”. Authors speak.Sahitya Akademi. p. 58. ISBN 81-260-1945-X.

[120] Balakrishnan, Anima (4 August 2006). “The Hindu :Young World : From dad with love:". Chennai, India:The Hindu. Retrieved 31 October 2008.

[121] “Padma Awards Directory (1954–2007)". Ministry ofHome affairs. Retrieved 26 November 2010.

13 Bibliography• Frank Moraes (2008). Jawaharlal Nehru. JaicoPublishing House. ISBN 978-8179926956.

• Sankar Ghose (1993). Jawaharlal Nehru. AlliedPublishers. ISBN 978-8170233695.

• Jeffrey Kopstein (2005). Comparative Politics: In-terests, Identitites, and Institutions in a ChangingGlobal Order. Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-1139446044.

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22 15 EXTERNAL LINKS

14 Further reading• A Tryst With Destiny historic speech made by Jawa-harlal Nehru on 14 August 1947

• Nehru: The Invention of India by Shashi Tharoor(November 2003) Arcade Books ISBN 1-55970-697-X

• Jawaharlal Nehru (Edited by S. Gopal and UmaIyengar) (July 2003) The Essential Writings of Jawa-harlal Nehru Oxford University Press ISBN 0-19-565324-6

• Autobiography:Toward freedom, Oxford UniversityPress

• Jawaharlal Nehru: Life and work by M. ChalapathiRau, National Book Club (1 January 1966)

• Jawaharlal Nehru by M. Chalapathi Rau. [NewDelhi] Publications Division, Ministry of Informa-tion and Broadcasting, Govt. of India [1973]

• Letters from a father to his daughter by JawaharlalNehru, Children’s Book Trust

• Nehru: A Political Biography by Michael Brecher(1959). London:Oxford University Press.

• After Nehru, Who by Welles Hangen (1963). Lon-don: Rupert Hart-Davis.

• Nehru: The Years of Power by Geoffrey Tyson(1966). London: Pall Mall Press.

• Independence and After: A collection of the more im-portant speeches of Jawaharlal Nehru from Septem-ber 1946 to May 1949 (1949). Delhi: The Publica-tions Division, Government of India.

• Joseph Stanislaw and Daniel A. Yergin (1988).“Commanding Heights”. New York: Simon &Schuster, Inc.

• “The Challenge to Indian Nationalism.” by Selig S.Harrison Foreign Affairs vol. 34, no. 2 (1956): 620–636.

• “Nehru, Jawaharlal.” by Ainslie T. Embree, ed., andthe Asia Society. Encyclopedia of Asian History.Vol. 3. Charles Scribner’s Sons. NewYork. (1988):98–100.

15 External links• India Today’s profile of Nehru• Nehru’s legacy to India• Nehru on Communalism• Jawaharlal Nehru materials in the South AsianAmerican Digital Archive (SAADA)

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23

16 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

16.1 Text• Jawaharlal Nehru Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jawaharlal%20Nehru?oldid=645391611 Contributors: Mav, DanKeshet, Jagged,

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24 16 TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

SexyShugar, Vijethnbharadwaj, Tommy2010, AsceticRose, Mz7, Kkm010, The Madras, ZéroBot, Ida Shaw, RGS, Natalia O., DKory-but, Tiakas lkr, Tekcaj, Wayne Slam, Tolly4bolly, Bharatintro, Labnoor, Keyan20, EkoGraf, Karthikndr, L Kensington, Shrigley, Don-ner60, Loka1976, Orange Suede Sofa, HandsomeFella, Alstah, Sumesh Raut, Abhijeet 1995, Manuactive, 28bot, Top Jim, Socialser-vice, Ankit28595, Kirby 456, Rohith goura, ClueBot NG, Amjad.c, Rajayuv, Ronakshah1990, Nehrumemorial, Neilz N13, JGoldblatt,Sarasin20, Rishav1001, Prateekramachandra, Go Phightins!, Ashutosh Dev, Widr, MerlIwBot, Helpful Pixie Bot, Omer123hussain, Tito-dutta, Hamid Chohan, Lowercase sigmabot, BG19bot, Vale of Glamorgan, Nitsakh, MKar, K.chandrakanth.gupta2710, George Pon-derevo, Gopal0807, AvocatoBot, Metricopolus, Harshilsavani326, Saadshun, Compfreak7, Muhammad Atif Sadiq, Zach Vega, Vikasiit,Snowcream, HMman, Nitinjain123, Arjunsingh3112, Merlaysamuel, Anbu121, Bnkkhan, RudolfRed, ThanMore, BattyBot, Dav sub-rajathan.357, Lukas²³, Ctg4Rahat, Gdfusion, Khazar2, Egeymi, Stumink, Editfromwithout, ABDEVILLIERS0007, BigJolly9, MagenticManifestations, Ngv2040, Webclient101, 25 Cents FC, Charles Essie, Mogism, Citysprach, NehruJunky, Aunhaider786, Ashwin147, Abhi-nandanalok, Frosty, Graphium, Jay Ravi 1944, Easythrees, DiscoverMeLater, Salem990, Bob Biswas, Vijaysoni7, Hemant.bpl, Wholphin-Luver12, Royroydeb, Epicgenius, FenixFeather, Vanamonde93, EnayatBegum, Capitals00, Jodosma, Somnath29, Arthur goes shopping,The Herald, Ginsuloft, The Rahul Jain, InfocenterM, Crème3.14159, Bladesmulti, CopSuscept, Hemant Dabral, JaconaFrere, Pcmster92,Jets100, Monkbot, JackKoszela, Demi lion, Ainalhafila, Boby1187, Durgeshnamdeo, Amortias, Deepthinker94, Solaris9000, Grace Lulu,No.1student, Irfan.hamd, Indian4747, Kautilya3, ModerateLabour100, Vaibhava.m.achar, Saisirajahmed, Alok Bhandari18, Silkenwings,Vedant Dave, GreekAnarchist100 and Anonymous: 1107

16.2 Images• File:1931_Flag_of_India.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5a/1931_Flag_of_India.svg License: Public

domain Contributors: http://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/in-hist.html Original artist: Nicholas (Nichalp)• File:1989_CPA_6121.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/44/1989_CPA_6121.jpg License: Public domainContributors: Personal collection Original artist: Scanned and processed by Mariluna

• File:Ambox_important.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b4/Ambox_important.svg License: Public do-main Contributors: Own work, based off of Image:Ambox scales.svg Original artist: Dsmurat (talk · contribs)

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• File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-61849-0001,_Indien,_Otto_Grotewohl_bei_Ministerpräsident_Nehru.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/76/Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-61849-0001%2C_Indien%2C_Otto_Grotewohl_bei_Ministerpr%C3%A4sident_Nehru.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 de Contributors: This image was provided to Wikimedia Commons by theGerman Federal Archive (Deutsches Bundesarchiv) as part of a cooperation project. The German Federal Archive guarantees an authenticrepresentation only using the originals (negative and/or positive), resp. the digitalization of the originals as provided by the Digital ImageArchive. Original artist: Heilig, Walter

• File:Carlos_Nehru.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/8b/Carlos_Nehru.jpg License: Public domain Con-tributors:

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• File:Jawaharlal_Nehru_statue_in_Aldwych_1.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9f/Jawaharlal_Nehru_statue_in_Aldwych_1.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ?

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• File:Photograph_of_President_Truman_and_Indian_Prime_Minister_Jawaharlal_Nehru,_with_Nehru’{}s_sister,_Madame_Pandit,_waving..._-_NARA_-_200154.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/74/Photograph_of_President_Truman_and_Indian_Prime_Minister_Jawaharlal_Nehru%2C_with_Nehru%27s_sister%2C_Madame_Pandit%2C_waving..._-_NARA_-_200154.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration Original artist: AbbieRowe, 1905-1967, Photographer (NARA record: 8451352)

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