is there a european socialism ?

IS THERE A EUROPEAN SOCIALISM ? BY JAMES MAY

University of Manchester

POLITICAL scientists have spent much time in recent years studying interactions between Clites in Europe and seeking the emergence of possible new centres of loyalty additional to or in replacement of the customary national ones. Accordingly, this might be an appropriate time to ask: Is there a European socialism? Other contributors have raised many points distinguishing the individual parties, and the question has been raised implicitly whether the parties have sufficient in common for us to speak meaningfully of socialism as a transnational political phenomenon. The socialist or social democratic parties (I use the terms here as synonyms) of Western Europe are active in different party-political systems; the extent and nature of competition on the left-and on the right-varies from country to country; the number of labour movements and the parties’ relationships with them differ from one country to another; the likely effect upon their country generally, and their supporters specifically, of any expansion or intensification of Community activity cau vary from party to party ; some are in government whilst others have little likelihood of enter- ing government or of forming a majority government; even style and behaviour can vary from one party to another. The list of factors could be greatly extended, and the permutations are almost infinite.

Indications of the existence of a European socialism may be sought in three areas: the issues with which European socialists concern themselves, their corporate coherence when they come together on a transnational basis, and the machinery which they provide for purposes of corporate discussion, decision and execution.

Socialists have now been consistent in emphasising the importance of certain issues or issue areas on a European basis for a quarter of a century. Democratic control of the institutions of the Community was a regular demand at the earlier congresses of the Six and con- tinues to excite the concern of socialist members of the European Parliament. The 9th Congress of the parties of the Six in 197.3 called for ‘a political body endowed with powers of its own and subject to

492

IS THERE A EUROPEAN SOCIALISM?

control by an effective, directly elected parliament’.* Aid to develop ing countries and the condemnation of the right-wing dictatorships of southern Europe have been other issues of lasting concern to socialists. The most pervasive and the strongest of socialist concerns, however, has almost certainly been that of the social goals of the Community.

Four aspects of the importance for socialists of the social goals of the Community may be considered. First is the sheer strength, clarity and permanence of socialist concern. Second is the salience possessed by social policy for other areas which are not directly con- cerned with social problems. Third is a distinction which may be attempted between socialist social goals for the Community and the social policy for the Community indicated by the Rome Treaty and broadly accepted by most other ideologies. Fourth is a possible change in the sense of urgency with which social goals have been articulated by socialists in recent years.

In debates of direct social concern socialists have always been prominent in both the Common Assembly and the European Parlia- ment, They have also endeavoured to push the High Authority and the Commission towards a greater concern about social matters. It was on a socialist initiative in 1972, for example, that the Parliament first queried the plans of a multinational company to lay off a large number of workers in Belgium, Holland, Switzerland and West Germany.* More important, however, has been the emphasis on social ends in all aspects of the Communities’ activities. The ubiqui- tous implications of social policy and the lasting importance attri- buted to it by socialists has been specified again in recent congresses of the parties of the Six. The 8th Congress in 1971 noted that the socialists were ‘conscious of their special responsibility for the social content of the Community’; and, after underlining ‘Improvement in the social order’, the report advised that: ‘For the Social Demo- crats this takes precedence over all economic, technical and other considerations’.’ The 9th Congress noted that: ‘All aspects of European policy must be directed towards social objective^'.^ The same concern is frequently reflected in the speeches of individual socialist members of the European Parliament. On December 11, 1974, for example, in a debate at Luxembourg on the Paris Summit-

493

19th Congress of the Socialist Parties of the European Community, Towards II

2 The Times, zo April 1972. 3 The 8th Consess of the Social Democratic Parties in the EuroDean Communiti.

Social Europe, Bonn, 26-27 April 1973, introduction.

, I

28-30 June 1971,-p. 5. 4Ibid., p. 8. 5 9th Congress . . . , op. cit., introduction.

494 JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES

an issue of ‘high politics’-Schelto Patijn raised the issue of social policy and noted of the Paris declaration ‘If the unemployed think there’s anything for them in this text they’ll be disappointed.’6 His closing words again returned to the theme of the necessary social and economic ends which any institutional changes must serve.

The social provisions of the Rome Treaty were, it may be alleged, conceived of as relating to changes brought about in European society by the economic provisions of the Treaty. As one socialist member, Wieldraaijer, remarked in a debate of the Parliament in December 1973, ‘the Treaties forming the juridical basis for the integration of the European countries are not very explicit with re ard to the social objectives that the governments wished to

satisfied with the work of the drafters of the Treaty, socialists have pressed for more clearly articulated social goals and for the changes u1 European society which may be necessary to accomplish them.

The Community does, of course, now have a social programme -the Social Action Programme of 1973-which is of considerable breadth and ssible importance. For many years before the publi- cation of S A E however, socialists were distinguishing themselves by leading not merely the importance of social policy-allowed by SA%-but its primary importance. Brandt at Leverkusen and at the Pans summit in 1972, for example, emphasised that social policy must not be re arded as a mere appendage of economic growth but must provide $e guideline for economic activity. In the European Parliament in 1973 he argued that ‘for too long we have allowed social policy to be a mere appendix to competition’.*

Socialist declaratory activity in respect of social goals has possibly been of an even more cogent nature during recent years. Prior to the energy crisis and the threat of large-scale economic recession socialist pleas for according primacy to social goals were of great intensity. At the Paris Summit in 1972 it was one of Brandt’s two main themes: and the parties’ 9th Congress on ‘Social Europe’, a matter of months before the oil crisis, emphasised social policy more strongly than at any previous Conference.

On some issues the parties arc divided, sometimes overtly and sometimes not. The Danish party is deviant from majority opinion

ac Bi eve. . . .” Where most other ideologies seem to have been broadly

6 Simultaneous translation, the European Parliament, Luxembourg, I I December

7 Official Journal of the European Communities, Debates of the European

*Official JournaI of the European Communities, Debates of the European

9 The Times, October 20, 1972.

1974.

Parliament, No. 169, December 1973, p. 19.

Parliament, No. 168, November 1973, p. 24.

IS THERE A ELJROPBAN SOCIALISM?

in the Socialist group on the development of Community institutions.l0 More covertly, it is said that a substantial minority of socialist members would like to support the idea of the Parliament interest- ing itself in defence matters, although in the coming defence debate it is expected that the group will abstain en bloc. In spite of differences over some issues, however, the group maintains great coherence over a considerable range of issues. The nature of socialist concern revealed by those issues, moreover-strongly democratic in politics and humanitarian in social and economic matters-tends still to su port Fitzmaurke's allegation of a 'distinctly social deme

If distinctively socialist concerns can be located within the Eura- pean context, to what extent are the reflected in the domestic debates and programmes of the parties7 Is being 'European' simply somethin you do at Strasbourg or at appropriate international meetings? Can there, in fact, be a European socialism if agreed European goals are not reflected in the parties' national activity? Experts on the individual parties will be better equipped to answer this than I. It may be, however, that the factors s cific to the

dominant when possibly rival European claims arise. The possibility of socialist goals agreed in the European Parlia-

ment being reflected elsewhere in the institutions of the Community -in the Commission, for example-is also worth remarking. The

ssible input of socialist rsonalities here is impossible to quantify.

ever, and although the importance of social affairs has been agreed b non-socialists as well, future social policy in the Communi

staff numbering one and a half.12 And in spite of socialist activity in the Parliament and the participation of socialists in other Com- munity institutions, it has taken sixteen years to get a Community social programme-and one which, at that, has been described by relevant functionaries as 'hastily drafted'.

If it is difficult to trace domestic reflections of positions adopted in the European assemblies-which would almost certainly be the most persuasive argument for the existence of a European socialism-does the behaviour of the socialist groups within any of the assemblies reveal a greater enthusiasm for corporate activity than

No. 166, October 1973, p. 20.

Bristol University, 1973, . 121.

491

cratic ou tf ook',ll

individual parties mentioned in my opening paragrap r will remain

E spite of the presence o 1" Haferkamp, Spinelli and Thomson, how-

7 with a I 1 its ramifications was being researched early in 1974 by a fu 1-time

10 See, for example, Christensen, Oficial Iournal of the European Commrmitics,

11 J, Fitzmaurice, The European Pnrliament and its Party Groups, M.Sc. thesis,

12 Information supplmfby functionaries of the Commission, January 1974.


by the other groups? From the beginnin the litera-

the organisation and the effectiveness o the litical groups in the European assemblies 8as empha-

socialists. Writing on the decade 1952-1962, Van Oudenhove em hasised the initiative of the socialists in promoting the formation of e political groups, and their role in the permeation by the roups of almost all as ts of the activities of the Common Assemb y and the ~w0pea.n Kiament?’ In 1967, Zellentin wrote of the emergence of a socialist opposition in them;’.’ and in 1973, Fitzmaurice could ‘scarcely disagree with Henig and Pinder that “the Socialists have been the most cohesive of any political or national group”.’15

The behaviour of socialists in the Parliament-at least until I@ -was sufficiently coherent that Zellentin perceived them ‘After a phase of five years of limited structural opposition’ evolving into a precursor opposition’ that ‘continually pursues an upgrading of

common interests through supranational measures’.17 In support of this argument, Zellentin adduced the prcenta e of written ques-

their tendency to unanimity in roll call votes. Of the written questions put by individual members affiliated to

the various groups, Zellenun noted that between 1959 and $6, socialists put 55.8 per cent of all uestions to the Commission. Also,

of deviation from unanimity in roll call votes than other grou s or national delegations. From 1958 to 1963, socialist deviauon P rom unanimity was 1.7. For the Liberals the figure was 13.7 and for the Christian Democrats 15.2. The respective figures for 1963 to 1g66 were 2.0, 17.6 and 14.9. The seven or eight times the percentage of deviation from unanimity of the other groups vis-h-vis the socialist group is clearly a difference of quite dramatic proportions.

An assessment of socialist behaviour in the European Parliament during recent years, and incorporating data like that em loyed by Zellentin, fails, however, to reveal any clear pattern o P socialist behaviour notably different from that of the other multinational groups.’* In some areas of activity socialists are more coherent; in

f tg

tions put to the Commission by socialists in ti e Parliament, and

between 1958 and 1g66 socialists R ad a very much lower percentage

13 G. Van Oudenhove, The Political Parties in the European Parliament, Leyden,

‘*G. Zellentin, Form and Function of the Opposition in the Etrropean Com- munibes, Government and Opposition, Vol. 2, No. 3, April-July 1967, p. 428.

1s J. Fitzmaurice, op. cit., . 188, citing S. Henig and J. Pinder (eds.), European Political Parties, Allen and &win, 1973.

16G. Zellentin, op. d., p. 434. “Ibid., p. 4 2. 18 That is, $e Christian Democratic and the Liberal. The Communist, Conserva-

tive and the DEP groups are all binational.

IS THERE A EUROPEAN SOCIALISM? 497

others less so. From 1966/1967 to 197211973 there ap ar to have

available.19 Socialist deviation from unanimity on both occasions was nil although a total of eight votes against and twenty absten- tions were recorded for the two votes.2o The data base may be considered so small, however, that its signhcance is questionable.

The proclivity for placing written questions of the Dutch socialist

For the calendar years 1968-1972 inclusive the percentage of written questions answered by the Commission and the Council which had

been only two roll call votes for which the voting o F members is

Vredeling .perhaps makes it more for Vredellng personally and the

been put by socialists in toto and Vredeling and 40.4; 773 and 52.7; 76.2 and 46.8; 72-3 50.4:~ Socialists other than Vredeling had 30 per cent of all questions to which

1 to give separate figures socialist group together

most years they placed about 25 per cent and although socialist membership of the Parliament varied, it tended to be on1 a little

perha s affected the attitude of other members of the oup towards

questions to have been ‘carded’ by the Parliament’s Information Directorate in 1974-1975, 101, or 43 per cent, had been to questions put by socialists. Should this trend continue it would sug est that something of a ‘leave it to Vredeling’ attitude obtained in tf?e group prior to his departure, and that socialists do, in fact, have a greater enthusiasm for placing written questions than the other political groups.

Since 1973, oral questions may be put in the Parliament without notice. In this activity socialists seem to have been less enthusiastic. Of 181 ‘carded’ answers to questions put in 1973-74, only 43 had been put by socialists, or 23.6 per cent-a little less than their repre- sentation in Parliament which in December 1974 was 49 or 26.7 per cent of the 183 members.

In other quantifiable areas, too, socialist behaviour in recent years has apparently been little different to the average for all ideologies. In the four years 1970-1973, the number of study group meetings held by the socialists was considerably less than that of the Christian

more than a quarter. Vredeling’s personal contribution, I: owever,

the plcing of written questions. Of the first 235 rep ff ies to written

19The president of the Parliament is elected by roll call, but by a written vote procedure which ensures that the ballot is secret. In other instances it is oral. 20 Parlement euro#en, DCbats Compte Rendu in Extensio des SCances, VII/66,

No. 85, 9-13 Mai, I@, p. 132. Parlement europien, DCbats Compte Rendu in Extcnsio der S h c e s , 1966, X/66, No. 86, 27 Juin-1 Juillet, p. 2 3

21 Journal Official, Table Annuelle Analytique et MCthodologrquc, 1968 to 1973 inclusive.


Democrats in two years, virtually the same as the Christian Demo- crats and Liberals in one, and more than the other groups only in the most recent year, 1973.~~ Perhaps more important as an indicator of the coherence of the Socialist group vis-a-vis the business of the Parliament in recent years, however, is their attendance at its Political Affairs committee. During the past year the committee has been considering matters such as direct elections to the Parliament- a topic central to the issue of democratic control about which, as we have noted, socialists have consistently expressed concern. Should European socialism possess coherence as a transnational political phenomenon tlien the attendance of socialist Parliamentarians at meetin s of the committee which was studying such an issue might

Affairs committee between October 9, 1973 and July 4, 1974 indi- cates, in fact, that the attendance record of its socialist members was almost identical to that of its non-socialists. Eight of the committee’s full strength of 29 members during the period were socialist: that is, 2758 per cent. Of those actually attending the meetings of the committee for one or both of its two-day sessions only 27.27 per cent were socialists. Moreover, of those attending the committee’s meetings for only one day, socialists emerged more clearly amon st its less enthusiastic members constituting 30.69 per cent of $is cate ~ r y . ~

tionaries of the Parliament are worth noting. Substantially, there are those who feel that the socialists were the most coherent at least of the larger groups prior to the expansion of the commUn;ty, but are so no longer; and those who have failed ever to perceive any difference between the three multinational rou s. The two opin-

To summarise socialist behaviour in the European Parliament: if the socialist delegates had a greater degree of enthusiasm for joint activity in the Common Assembly and during the earlier years of the European Parliament than the other oups, it has not been maintained. Available evidence does not al ff point in one direction;

reasona % ly be expected. A study of fourteen meetings of the Political

A P though unquantifiable, the opinions of various interested func-

ions are supported with almost equal vigour. 2 5

22 Generat Report on the Activities of the Communities, 4th to 7th inclusive. aMinutcs, The Political Aflairs Committee. This stud does not include all of

the meetings of the Committee during this period. Corndete documentation is not available but probably 17 ordinary sessions were held during the period. It is felt that the 14 meetings for which records were available to the writer is sufficient to constitute a meaningful data base. Extraordinary sessions such as the constitutive session of March 17, 1974 and the joint session with the External Economic Relations Committee of April q, 19 4 have been excluded.

2) Interviews, Luxembourg, Decernier pIz,Ig74.

IS THERE A EUROPEAN SOCIALISM? 499

it fails, however, to point to die socialists as being noticeably more coherent than the other niultinational grou s.

Whatever the present condition or under f ying nature of European socialism, my existence it may have as a transnational phenomenon re uires machincry for purposes of liaison-and, potentially, co-

assemblies. It requires machinery for the group in the European Parliament. The group secretariat in the Parliament provides facilities for the latter purpose; and its secretar -general links personally the groups in die Parliament, in the Consu ir tative Assembly and-for what it is worth---WEU by serving as secretary-general for all three

or 4 ination-between the parties and the groups in the various

groups. A ter World War I1 the available machinery through which Euro- pean socialiqt parties could operate was the Socialist International- or, more accurately, the International Socialist Conference-supplc- mented by various ntl Izoc meetings.” On the formation of the European assemblies, socialist delegates immediately established their own groups within them. At the Council of Europe fundamental divisions over issues such as European Union inhibited die formation of a socialist group within the Consultative Assembly. A socialist Inter-Group was nevertheless agreed upon, providing an organisational form et allowing disagreements to take place in private. Five

Rose’s report to Labour’s NEC on the September 1952 session of the Consultative Assembly noted that socialist members in the Common Assembly had already formed a group, and that they had formed also a sub-group within the Inter-Group of the Consultative Assembly.

The establishment of the groups in the European assemblies, it may be noted, has not substantially affected the relations of the European parties and the International in which the are dominant. That they conduct their European afiairs outside t K e ambit of the International appears to be an arr:ingement satisfacto to both sides. The parties, as one relevant functionary has noted, 6 7 on’t want the International to be too The International, for its part, points out that there are two ends to any communication and

would, ipm fucto, involve the European parties more leeply in t R e that for the International to involve itself more deep1

25 The reluctance of some party leaderships 10 invoive themselves with thc L ariou~, movements for European unity ,is they came into bcin the mitude of the leadership of the then prestigious British Labour P‘irty, f; example-prevented such movements from constitutlng machinrrv rclev~nt t o .ill the partics.

26 Interview, Tom McNally, Secrctnry of LLi1mir’s Inrcrnationai Dcpartmcr1t until

days after t x e constitutive session of the Common Assembly, Saul

in Euro

1974, June 14. 1974.

5- JOURNAL. OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES

affairs of the International, which is keen to emphasise its global

which has linked the parties of the Six since the Rome Treatiesxs ac uired a peculiar importance by becoming intimately involved w i l the whole question of the nature of Euro- pean socialism and of what it is to become.

The first congress of the arties of the Six took place in Luxem- bourg in January 1957, and P rom the third congress in 1958 onwards congresses took place on a two-yearly basis until 1966. The liaison bureau, established in 1958, organised the congresses and dealt with necessary contacts with all of the parties. The machinery was de- signed essentially for communication rather than for the formation and execution of common programmes. By 1971, however, this was no longer satisfactory in the eyes of some members.

Two points of view had developed about the future evolution of European socialism. One-favouring a cautious ap roach via a

The other approach, championed most strongly by the Dutch, wanted the immediate establishment of a European socialist party. For months before the 8th congress in 1971, working groups had been endeavouring to reconcile these two positions, but continuing differences between the German and Dutch parties prevented any agreement either then or at the congress. Accordingly, Alfred Mozer was commissioned to produce a report on the possibilities for the future development of European socialism. Mozer’s report, resented

the parties. A small working group of five was then set up and in a few months had produced a number of recommendations which were formally accepted by the parties at The Hague, November 1-2 ‘974.

The Liaison Bureau has now been su rseded by the Confederation

it is recommended, should meet four times a year. Decisions taken unanimously by the Bureau and ratified by a twa-thirds majority at congress are binding upon its member parties. That each member party is represented on the Bureau means, however, that each still

The machine

gradual harmonisation of programmes-was supporte d! by the SPD.

in March 1973, still failed to find a way forward accepta Ft le to all

of Social Democratic Parties. The con r ederation has a Bureau which,

27 Rodney Balcombe, Assistant General Secretary, The Socialist International, interview, April 18, 1974, General Secretary, Hans Janitschek, has allowed Europe to his deputy in order that he may be free to adopt a more global perspective him- self (interview, May 17, 1974). An organisational link has been maintained between the International and the socialists in the European assemblies via the right of the International to send an observer to the old Liaison Bureau and a representative ‘in a consultative capacity’ to the new Bureau.

IS THERE A EUROPEAN SOCIALISM? SOX

possesses an effective right of veto.% More important are the agreed provisions for the future development of European socialism.

Sicco Mansholt has been asked to draw up a European socialist programme, and a procedure has just been agreed to collect all of the party programmes, statements of basic principles, and any other relevant policy documents with a view to undertaking a compara- tive study of the positions of member parties. The study is to be a detailed one by social scientists utilising the research facilities of the Dutch or German parties. It is estimated that it will take two years to complete and, it is emphasised, will seek to present a programme which is a ‘synopsis’ of the parties’ programmes rather than a ‘lowest common denominat~r’?~

The pragmatic approach to the future development of European socialism has been in the ascendant during 1 9 7 4 ; ~ ~ and the caution with which the formation of a common programme for the parties is being a proached is indicative of the limited extent to which ‘binding’ d)ecisions are likely to be allowed to emerge out of the present machinery. To summarise: European socialists in their transnational inter-

actions are, in respect of issues, highly coherent; in respect of behaviour, largely undistinguished; in the machinery with which they equip themselves, still uncommitted. The future of European socialism cannot be viewed intelligently in isolation from the currently un- stable condition of Europe. Are the British Labour Party and people going to support Britain’s continued membership? Are the Danes going to reconcile themselves to Europe? To what extent are national governments and parties going to take a preEuropean line in the face of severe economic and social strains? How will the budgetary powers of the European Parliament evolve? What de- velopments will occur in respect of direct elections to it-and will direct elections if they take place bring directly elected members into an adequate structural relationship with national parties and parliaments?

Droscher, the president of the new Bureau, is said to have remarked at The Hague that socialist solidarity has never been weaker than it is today. Current plans for exploring the possibilities for the

28RuIes of Procedure of the Confederation of Socialist Parties of the European Community, September 27, 1974, p. 4.

29 Manfred Michel, Secretary-General, the Socialist Group, interview, December 12,

‘974. 30 An assessment of the present condition and circumstances of European socialism

supportive of this conclusion has been given recently by William Droscher, the President of the new Confederation. See W. Droscher, Europas Soziuldemo@ten formjeten sich, Die Neue Gesellschaft, January 1975, pp. 978981.


future of European socialism are a symptom of the continuing com- mitment of the fraternal parties to the development of a more inte- grated European socialism. They are at the same time a reminder of their failure to attain any such condition in the face of stronger national attractions to date. Increasing economic and social strains in the immediate future are likely to accentuate the tension between national and international attractmns, and should rovide indications of the possibilities for the future development of I! uropean socialism.

is there a european socialism ?

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