Literature Review

Part 1: What is Social exclusion?

Part 2: What is Social Housing Policy in Ireland

Part 3: What is regeneration?

Part 4: Social exclusion in Limerick

Part 5: Regeneration in Limerick

The introduction of regeneration policies / programmes in Limerick City in the areas of

public housing has provided the opportunity for social inclusion in regeneration areas and

has addressed the failures of government policies over many years, in this policy area.

This literature review will be divided into 3 chapters. The first chapter will examine the

nature of social exclusion and poverty in the international context. The second chapter will

examine Irish Social housing policy since the 1960s. Finally the 3rd

chapter will examine the

relevant literature on regeneration in Ireland and abroad.

Aims of this chapter

The first section of the chapter will describe the definition and examine the relationship

between poverty and social exclusion. The third part will examine the various methods of

measuring social exclusion from an international and Irish Perpestive.

Part 1: What is Poverty?

Poverty has always been defined according to the standards in which a people in a certain

place are familiar with. Callan and Nolan note that there is uncertainty associated with the

term and concept of social exclusion in the context of policy making (Callan, Nolan, 1994, pp

9-11). This is due to the term of poverty a wide ranging concept that has common usage both

within academic application and outside the academic world. Because of its wide range of

usage, Callan and Nolan note that there should be variations between talking about poverty

within developed counties in the First World and talking about poverty in the developing

Third World (Callan, Nolan, 1994, pp 9-11).

Townsend defines members of society to be in poverty as “Individuals, families and groups

are said to be in poverty when they lack the resources to obtain the types of diet, participate

in the activities and have the living conditions that are customary or at least widely

encouraged in the societies to which they belong.” (Townsend, 1979, p31).

It can be noted therefore, that poverty exists when individuals and families only have access

to subsistent level income. There are various types of poverty. These are distinguishe the

differences between both absolute and relative poverty.

Absolute poverty : Sen argues that if a person is unable to access the basic resources to fulfil

their basic needs than they are considered to be in absolute poverty (Townsend, 1993,

pp124). A person’s basic needs can be divided into two categories, a person’s basic physical

needs in order to survive, (access to food, shelter, clothing and employment, minimum wage)

and also a person’s social needs (contact with other human beings, such as parents, friends

etc). (ibid pp124-132).

Relative poverty is a more refined approach to determining different poverty levels within

societies. Relative poverty can be applied to different circumstances. This relative approach is

used in the context of those living below the average income level are unlikely to participate

fully in the community and society (Nolan, Callan, 1994, p 16).

What is Social exclusion

The term social exclusion has come into extensive use within political circles with regard to

the idea that persons can be excluded from the benefits of society (Penguin Dictionary of

Sociology, 2006, pp 355-356). Walter and Park note that there is a poverty can led to social

exclusion by way of people living in poverty can be cut off from access to income, social

services and lose social contact with the rest of society (Lister, 2004, p81). It is defined as:

“Social exclusion does not only mean insufficient income, and it even goes beyond

participation in working life…it is the rupture of the social link, it suggests something more

than social inequality and therefore carries with it the risk of a two-tier society. (Tricart,

cited in Alcock, 2006, p121).

Dimensions of social exclusion

Silver examines three significant paradigms where the interpretations of social exclusion are

based. These paradigms are labelled ‘solidarity’, specialisation’ and monopoly.

Solidarity

The paradigm of solidarity attempts to understand the role of how the state attempts to bind

society together. Solidarity sees social exclusion as a breakdown between the relationship

between certain individuals and the rest of society. This breakdown can be caused by society

abandoning or segregating the individual (Lisiter, 2004, Silver, 2008).

Specialisation.

Specialisation focuses on the individual. Social exclusion is usually the result of the

economic division of labour between the upper classes and the working classes, social

differences between the classes. The results include discrimination against the individual or

group prevent people from exercising participating in a society (Lisiter, 2004, Silver, 2008).

Monopoly

Social exclusion is relates to the hierarchical power within the social order of society.

Powerful groups of individuals restrict the access of outsiders to certain privileges and

services. Inequality is created because of this. (de Hann, 2001).

Irish Context of social exclusion.

In the Irish context, the Combat poverty agency considers Social exclusion is considered to

be one of the negative effects of poverty. As economic growth in societies fails to reduce

inequalities and in fact can increase inequalities in societies (Combat Poverty Agency, 1997).

As this inequality in society deepens, people who live in poverty are more likely to be

prevented from acting as independent individuals in society.

Callan and Nolan note that measuring poverty in Ireland is based, similarly to other countries

in the European Union, on income information. Income information can include examining

the numbers of households that fall below average income thresholds in Ireland (Callan,

Nolan, 1994, p27).

By examining poverty and social exclusion through income trends has its limitations. They

take into consideration that income is not the sole determent of social exclusion. They, like

Berghman, argue that there are other factors that determine social exclusion such as family

support, and other aspects lifestyle, such as community involvement and social participation

in leisure activities (Callan, Nolan, 1994, p 50).

Part 2 Housing Policies in Ireland and social exclusion

The previous chapter has described the theoretical aspect of social exclusion and various

methods of measuring poverty and social exclusion.

This chapter will be divided into three parts. Part 1 will describe the various problems in Irish

urban areas, with particular reference to social housing estates. Part 2 will examine the

housing ideologies that influence state housing policy.

Part 3 will examine the recent transformation of Irish housing policy has undergone hin

response increased role of the markets in the housing sector (MacLaren et al 2007 p2).

Introduction

Despite a large increase in the number of houses and apartments built by local authorities and

private developers of the past decade, Ireland still faces a major ‘housing crises’ where the

lower social classes housing areas are separated from the rest of society through inequality

and segregation. This is due to the argument that housing ideologies have had a major impact

on the policy evolution of housing in Ireland and has contributed to the social segregation of

many individuals living within social housing estates (Drudy, 2006 p242).

Social exclusion in Ireland.

Social exclusion in Ireland can be examined by highlighting the major differences and social

and spatial differences between rich and poor neighbourhoods in urban areas (Hourigan,

2011, p xiii).

During the second half of the twentieth century, Ireland began to transition from an

agricultural based economy toward an industrialised Fordist society, and by the end of the

century a post-Fordist society. One of the effects of this shift is migration from rural to urban

areas resulting in a ‘profound change in society’ (Whelan, Layte, 2004, pp38-40). This has

resulted in an increase in the population in urban areas, and subsequently a decrease in the

population in rural areas. As result of this, local governments face challenges brought about

by social segregation from economic and social perspectives within urban areas (Colantonio,

Dixon, 2011, p4).

Within urban areas, a lack of social fluidity is most visible where there is intergenerational

poverty that is concentrated in deprived neighbourhoods. It should be noted that where there

is evidence of low educational attainment, high unemployment, low rates of car ownership,

high rates of lone-parent households and high rates of crime and labour force participation is

geared toward unskilled or semi-skilled labour (McCafferty a, 2009, p34).

Housing Policy in Ireland.

Healy and Reynolds draw upon three philosophies when studying the allocation of housing in

Ireland. These philosophies have a critical influence of the kinds of policies pursued by

central and local government and the type of housing system that emerges as a result of those

policies (Drudy, 2007, p85). There are different tenure types that vary across different nation

states, These three tenure types are, owner-occupied housing, rented housing and social

housing. For the purposes of this essay we will focus of the provision of owner-occupied and

socially rented housing.

Approaches to housing: A commodity or a social right.

Market system

The first approach views the market as the ideal provider for housing and determining

market prices. In this philosophy housing can be considered to be a commodity like any other

object of value such as cars and televisions (Drudy, 2007).

As the market grows, the state’s main role is to provide the private developers with the

necessary means to construct houses. This may involve fast tracking planning, providing tax

breaks, and paying for services such as sewerage and waste removal. (Considine, Dukelow,

2009, p339).

Despite having a minimal role in housing provision, the state will provide housing for those

who cannot afford it. Thus it can be argued that the market philosophy can lead to

segregation between those of housing types and various social groups (Drudy, 2006, pp 242-

243). This social diversity leads to structured patterns of social segregation within certain

areas. These areas differ from each other in terms of age and population, occupation, levels of

education, etc (McCafferty, cited in Hourigan 2011, p4).

Socially Rented housing

The second approach, places emphasis on housing as a social right. In this approach, social

housing is provided by government. The supply of housing is considered to be part of a

‘holistic process’ to improve the quality of life for all. Housing is placed within a broader

development framework in order to create a more ‘sustainable society’. These include access

to employment, lifelong learning opportunities, a high standard of health services and

adequate social amenities (Drudy 2007, p87).

As housing is provided is not for the purposes of profit. Allocation to social housing is

granted through allocation mechanisms designed to distribute housing to those most in need.

(Considine, Dukelow, 2009a, p333).

History of Housing polices in Ireland.

Irish housing policy has undergone huge transformation since Independence. The state’s role

has changed from the provider of social housing in the 1920s and 1930s toward the facilitator

of social housing at the end of the 20th

century

In the early 1920s, following the formation of the Irish Free State, it was deemed necessary

for the State to address the issues of slum conditions in many urban areas.

Central and local government provide publically rented housing to the lower classes to assist

the low-income population in achieving a better quality of life. The 1930s saw the state began

to shift away from government provided public-rented housing to increasing private output

through subsidising private companies to construct social housing (Norris, 2004, p17).

Since the 1930s the number of owner-occupied dwellings in Ireland has doubled, while the

socially rented sector has declined on account of government policies favouring home

ownership such as tenant purchase despite high levels of social housing construction since the

1970s. This has had a major impact that this has had on socially excluded individuals who are

unable to afford to purchase housing.

1970s-1980s

In the mid-20th

century demand for social housing rose due to an increased population that

outpaced social housing output. The 1970s saw investment in the construction of social

housing on the outskirts of towns and cities with estates such as Southill in Limerick and

Tallaght in Dublin. Due to the economic difficulties, urban design was stripped down to the

bare minimum in order to save costs. ‘Roads were long and straight as this saved on the road

length per house…Economies of scale were achieved through the construction of hundreds of

standardized houses and reducing the size space between houses as much as possible

(Considine Dukelow, 2009a pp347-348 Norris, 2004, pp170-172).

Also during this period, Ireland’s economy also began to grow as it experienced a shift in

policy from economic and social protectionism toward a model of Fordist economy which

sought to export-oriented manufacturing, and adopting policies which would later be labelled

‘neoliberal’ (Kitchin et al, 2002, p1306). This shift was a conscious one in order to modernize

the national economy to achieve exports that coincided with economic growth which

continued until the early 1980s. At the same time, the emergence of multinational companies,

who located subsidiarity’s in Ireland, created jobs and a rise in income (Considine, Dukelow,

2009b, p5, O Donnell, 2008, p4).

Due to rise in income, construction of owner-occupied dwellings began to outpace the

development of social housing. The housing policy document Housing in the 70s’ began the

drive to encourage the number of owner-occupied homes to be increased.

As the middle class gained affluence and began to turn to home ownership, the ‘better off’

tenants living in social housing areas began to turn toward other tenures of housing

(Considine, Dukelow, 2009a, p348).

At this time Ireland has refashioned its institutional economy since the late 1980s by moving

towards greater neo-liberal policies due to economic decline and began to reduce the role of

local government in the provision of housing in favour of market provision (Boucher,

Collins, 2003, p297).

As a result of this, in order to ‘free-up’ social housing for the without having to construct new

housing units, ‘surrender-grant scheme of 1984 were introduced by local authorities, where

residents were given a grant of £5000 encouraged tenants to purchase their own homes

(Fahy, et al, 2004, p2). However it must be noted that these neoliberal policies have resulted

in areas becoming increasingly residualised as many remaining tenants who did not have the

means to leave these estates had low levels of education, the unemployed, lone-parent

families and those ‘at risk of poverty’ (Norris, 2009).

Throughout the 1980s, economic decline led to high levels of unemployment, emigration and

high levels of public debt (Honohan, 2009 p2). This caused lower social classes to be unable

to pay for the cost of housing in higher valued areas and found themselves excluded from the

of housing due to lack of non-market options and the prohibitive cost of housing. These upper

social classes were in effect ‘ring fenced from ‘undesirable social, groups who must then seek

accommodation through poorer quality social housing’ (Considine, Dukelow 2009a, p350,

McCafferty, Canny, 2005, p14, Drudy, 2007, p244).

1990s-2000s

From 1988 to 2007 GDP expanded by 6% per annum, the unemployment rate shrank to 4%

by 2000 in 2007 (Honohan, 2009, p2). During this period it can be argued that Irish Housing

Policy shifted almost completely towards a market orientated housing system. The provision

of social housing in this period had dropped to cater for 7% of the population and social

housing stock had dropped from 125,000 in 1961 to 88,000 in 1998 while by 2002 the

proportion of owner occupied housing had risen to 77% of total housing stock (Drudy, 2006,

pp247-249).

Social housing policy also underwent considerable reform during the 1990s in line with the

new market orientated housing system as outlined in the 1991 White Paper A Plan for Social

Housing. It proposed that ‘significant change be made to social housing provision to move

away from the construction of large local authority housing estates that have reinforced social

segregation…and local authorities build smaller housing schemes to private estates’ (Norris,

2004, p182, Drudy, 2006, p257).

PART 3: Combating social exclusion through urban regeneration.

Aims of this chapter

This chapter will describe various methods and strategies of combatting social exclusion

through urban regeneration. Social housing areas are now considered to be ‘problem estates’

that are associated with problems of derelict houses, poor infrastructure and social decline. It

will examine the relevant literature regarding why and how urban regeneration is defined in

the academic fields of thought. In addition to this, we will examine the three major aspects of

regeneration that include physical regeneration, social regeneration and economic

regeneration.

Introduction

Mehta considers regeneration to be ‘the process of renewal and to improve the physical,

economic and social conditions of a particular area’ (2006, p1). It has been found that in

order for this urban regeneration to successfully renew an area, the improvement of all three

of these conditions must have equal focus through a system of management that focuses on

the changing the physical, social and economic conditions that result in relative deprivation in

these areas.

Fitzgerald notes that regeneration cannot take place without the support of relevant local

authorities who are responsible for the drafting, and implementation of regeneration reports.

In many regeneration projects in Ireland and the United Kingdom, special purpose agencies

have been established by the state with a time limited mandate to drive regeneration within

certain regeneration areas (Fitzgerald, 2007, pp14-15). These regeneration agencies seek

empower and support the residents of disadvantaged areas to allow them to take more control

of their own lives and resolving the issues within their own communities.

Colantonio and Dixon note that the objectives of regeneration can allow for neighbourhood

interventions that improve the quality of life by addressing the physical social and economic

issues that result in the stigmatisation of local housing estates, and to reduce levels of social

segregation and isolation within these areas (2011, pp55-56).

Physical Regeneration

Physical Regeneration can be considered to be the most visible aspect of urban renewal. The

main aim of physical regeneration is to make the physical appearance of housing estates more

attractive to both the residents living in the estates and to make the estates attractive to those

who live outside it.

It is argued that while investment in housing and urban renewal is a vital condition for

neighbourhood change, improvements to the social and economic structures of estates are

equally, if not more important to not only offering opportunities for social inclusion also to

improve the image of the city as a whole to the outside world (Glossop, 2008, pp7-8).

In the process of physical regeneration, low demand for housing is addressed by internal

improvements to housing stock. These include the demolition of derelict houses, the creation

of space and landscaping, the refurbishment of current housing stock and the addition of

modern houses to the estates. (Hall, 1997, p880). Houses constructed should be designed in

small clusters providing additional security for residents with open spaces that can be

supervised by the overseeing properties. There should also be provisions made for the

construction of community infrastructure such as community centre, and healthcare facilities

(Limerick Regeneration, 2007 pp30-15).

Also attempts should be made to improve access to housing estate through the construction of

new roads allowing residents located at the rear of estates is to access and exit the estates and

also to link up regeneration areas to the mainstream economy of the area (Hall, 1997, p879).

Also another feature of physical regeneration is to give the local residents living in

regeneration areas a role in the decision making process in estate management in order to

give local government direction on where to direct resources where the residents feel that

they are needed most (Hall, 2009, p 882). It must be noted that the community perpestive is

becoming and important feature of the regeneration theory. (Bissett, 2008, p5).

While there are attempts to define participation by the community in estate management, they

tend to concentrate on the level of management, emphasise the need to build structure that go

beyond collecting opinions and allowing for involvement in decision making. Participation

should note limited to the rule of law but go beyond the consultation process by actively

involving stakeholders in the process of making urban regeneration sustainable (Nexus 2011,

p8).

There has been much debate on the impact of the impact of the theory of social mix in the

success of regeneration of housing areas. Social mix is described as a process of moving

residents of disadvantaged areas into areas of greater advantage and greater income. The

supposed benefits of social mix include that the residents who have left the areas of

disadvantage will have improved access to opportunities of education and unemployment

(Arthurson, 2008, pp1-6).

Social Regeneration

Social regeneration aims to enhance community empowerment in disadvantaged areas and

tries to involve residents in initiatives that will help reduce isolation and improve the quality

of life of those living on the estate (Hall, 1997, p9.)

This can be done through helping residents in disadvantaged areas to participate better in

economic activities through providing education via ‘life-long learning’ and ‘up-skilling’ and

reducing the number of early school leavers in the disadvantaged areas (Limerick City

Regeneration, 2008, pp2-36).

Putnam notes that in addition to education, social regeneration projects are often built upon

with the assistance of community groups, sports clubs, and voluntary organisations that

promote youth, elderly and cultural activities. There is also a major concern that

improvements in educational attainment will assist the individuals living in the areas rather

than the area as a whole. As a person gains more skills and becomes more independent,

he/she make wish to leave that area in search of employment and a better neighbourhood.

This concern must be addressed through physical regeneration and improving the area to

make it more attractive to live in (Taylor, 1998, p10).

Power and Barnes note that as part of social regeneration there should also be a greater

emphasis on policing regeneration areas as the reduce the effects of crime. They note in

particular, the importance of community policing and the visibility of armed policing as a

majorly effective policy response that represents ‘a frontline intervention’ and can help to

reduce crime rates and improve relationships between police and communities (Power and

Barnes, 2011, pp13-14).

In addition Taylor argues that social regeneration can only be successful if the services of the

state i.e. police, social services, housing departments; work in partnership with each other to

work across interdepartmental boundaries in order to provide effective responses that effect

disadvantaged areas. (Taylor, 1998, p10).

Economic Regeneration

The third pillar of regeneration is known as economic regeneration, The main purpose of

economic regeneration is to reintegrate disadvantaged areas into the mainstream economy of

the region in which they are located (Limerick City Regeneration 2008, p68).

Economic regeneration has grown to be of great importance in the regeneration system. In the

1980’s according to Sim, economic initiatives of early regeneration projects featured less in

importance mainly due to the difficulties in ‘developing opportunities in times of severe

recession’.(Sim, 1986, p.27, cited in Hall 1997, p10).

Previously we noted the importance for good housing quality and to allow residents to build

up social capital and empowerment through physical and social regeneration. Taylor argues

that even if a disadvantaged area has undergone physical and social regeneration and now

features good quality infrastructure and a high level of skill, knowledge and education,

without a local economy, the social capital that has been created is likely to erode in a short

period of time (Taylor, 1998 p11). .

Taylor notes the extreme difficulty in bringing jobs back into an area that is known for not

only economic exclusion but also areas that have a negative stereotype. Taylor notes that

these stereotypes can be broken down if estates develop ‘a rich patchwork of local activity

and worked with partners to turn the estate around, it may become easier to persuade outside

firms to employ people from the area and to persuade banks to lend’ (Taylor, 1998, p12).

Regeneration in Ireland

Bissett notes that in Ireland, there are predominantly two types to regeneration in Ireland.

There is the model of Public Private Partnership and the model put forward by tenants and

community groups (Bissett, 2008,p113).

The public private partnership model in Ireland, according to Bissett is the preferred

regeneration model that can be described as the ‘market for profit’. In recent years there has

been an appreciation amongst regeneration policy makers that many of the problems of

regeneration areas are multi-dimensional and demand a response from a wide variety of

sector (Norris, 2009). During the early 1990s to the late 2000s (the Celtic Tiger period) the

majority of regeneration programmes in Ireland have used the mechanism of the ‘Public

Private Partnership’ (PPP). Proponents of PPPs argue that they can address the deficits of

public services and infrastructure that would not be possible through state funding alone.

PPPs also introduce private sector innovations that result in ‘improved speed of delivery,

value for money and higher productivity for labour and capital resources.

The PPP model for regeneration emerged in the Dublin Area. Local communities in two

social housing areas (St Michaels Estate and Fatima Mansions) had developed plans for the

wholesale regeneration of their areas. However Government neoliberal polices of instructed

Dublin City Council to pursue different regeneration plans using the PPP model. This would

result in zero financial cost to the state by transferring market land values of estates to the

private developers in return for a certain amount of social and privately rented housing, and

the construction of community facilities and retail sectors in the areas. There would also an

argument that the profits made from PPP would be able to fund social regeneration as a

means to reduce social exclusion in the areas (Bissett, 2008, pp113-119).

Despite government favouring the method of public-private partnership, it has been criticised

by residents and community groups who argue that PPP regeneration can have an impact on

the entire regeneration process. With PPP regeneration, residents argue that tenancies will be

drastically reduced and PPP is used as an attempt by government to repossess the land and

use it in other ways (Bissett, 2008, p7). In early 2008 the collapse of the housing markets

significantly damaged the regeneration programmes in the Dublin regeneration estates.

Tenants First noted that many of the fears of the community organisations were confirmed.

They argued that the continued reliance on the PPP model of regeneration has contributed to

disillusionment and uncertainty to the already poor living conditions endured by these

communities’. Residents have been told that the plans that they invested so much effort in are

cancelled due to the private sector no longer being able to provide construction services

Chapter 4 Social Exclusion and Social Housing in Limerick

As we have seen, the aim of Irish social housing policy is to oversee and maintain an efficient

housing market by facilitating market responses to housing demand. Nationally, the social

housing as a tenure has declined significantly since the 1960s and is now just 10% of Irish

housing stock. Because of the reduction in the demand for social housing, processes of

residualisation now occur where public housing is used to house those who are unable to seek

their preferred housing tenure and are socially and economically vulnerable.

This chapter will now examine how the residualisation has affected social housing areas

within Limerick City particularly the current regeneration areas in Limerick. We will

examine the historical context of housing policies in the affected estates and the impact these

policies have had, we will examine the social geography of Limerick, the historical context of

how housing policy has shaped social segregation in Limerick.

Social geography of Limerick

Limerick City is the third largest city in Ireland. From 1996 to 2006 the population of both

the city and county increased by 14%, the labour force increased by 32% and the employment

rate increased by 40%. However social dichotomies that exist between different geographical

areas within the city. While some areas experience great affluence and wealth, other areas

may suffer from urban deprivation, and unemployment.

McCafferty in his study Profile of a Changing City provides on Limericks ‘complex mosaic’

of economic and social patterns that are characterised by social diversity. This social diversity

is expressed in terms of a wide array of process, having their origins in the market and also

urban governance systems, which has resulted in social types typically being placed within

certain areas in the city (McCafferty, citied in Hourigan, 2011).

Limericks social geography is constantly evolving due to changing social, economic and

educational differences in the city. Areas in Limerick can be compared with each other in

terms of the age of the occupants, the size and types of families living in the areas, the levels

of educational attainment, the occupation of the residents, their income and levels of

consumption (McCafferty, O Keefe, 2009, p17).

Historical Context

(Map reproduced from Limerick Regeneration Website)

According to the Fitzgerald report, out of the 18,900 households in the City Council

administrative area, 8,000 are constructed as social housing. The majority of private housing

has been constructed in the Limerick County Council, which has distorted the demographic

profile of the City. (O Sullivan, 2010, p31).

The late 1920s the social geography of Limerick city was very different to what is seen today.

The affluent upper and middle classes of society lived in the limerick suburbs while the

poorer middle-income working classes remained closer to the city centre in neighbourhoods

near factories and centres of industry. Poor local service provision led to the creation of slum-

like conditions that drew attention from international and national commentators. Following

the foundation of the State early attempts at slum clearance were made by local authorities,

with the construction of estates such as Ballinacurra Weston and St Marys Park (Hourigan,

2011). This was the result of the innovative ‘million pound scheme’ were, funding was

provided to local authority house building (Norris, 2004). (Hourigan, 2011, pp45-47).

However the modernisation of Irish industry resulted in migration of the cities poorer

residents to the older social housing areas. As the number of people employed in agriculture

began to decline, and there was widespread in migration toward Limerick City from County

Limerick, and neighbouring counties such as Clare and Tipperary there was increasing

demand for further publically rented accommodation to be provided as older estates began to

become overcrowded and unfit for purpose (Norris, 2004, p174). Successive government

pressurised Limerick Cooperation to address this problem by constructing up to 1,000 houses

to meet the cities requirements through the introduction of the Housing Act 1966, which

enabled housing authorities to deal with unfit dwellings and districts in their operational areas

by requiring them the access housing need every five years (ibid).

As a result of these pressures, two major housing initiatives were undertaken by Limerick

Cooperation. The development of Southill which began in 1967, and the development of

Moyross which began in the early 1970s (Hourigan, 2011, p47).

Due to the intensity of the housing crisis, local authorities had very little time or resources to

provide other forms of community infrastructure. Urban design was stripped down to the bare

minimum in order to save costs. In Southill many houses were built in the 1960s from Mass

Concrete, with very little insulation. In Southill in particular the construction of houses based

on economies of scale could be considered to have been a solution to the escalating housing

crises invoking tenements within the city centre in the 1960s and the houses in South were

‘built in a hurry to resolve these issues. In contrast to Southill the estate of Moyross ‘were of

an immensely better build . However houses were built on large scales without any social

infrastructure such as schools, churches, community centres etc. (Hourigan, 2011, p12)

However despite the lack of resources the local authority estates were populated by both

middle income workers as well as families who were moved in from the tenements from the

city. This was a deliberate move by planning authorities to mix the ‘better families’ with the

other families in the hope that they would set the social standards for the community.

Despite the infrastructural issues within many local authority estates, areas there was a deep

sense of community within areas such as Moyross and Southill. Community organisations

were set up by many residents in order to provide for social activities for young and old.

These organisations campaign for Garda Stations, Churches and community centres and

schools to be set up in the area to help resolve the issues with social infrastructure (Power,

Barnes, cited in Hourigan, 2011).

The move toward market orientated housing strategy.

Fahy notes that as affluence grew among the middle classes, many began to turn to owner

occupied housing as an alternative to social housing. The Irish economic climate during the

1980s meant that investment in social housing declined , as a result of this the output of social

housing fell sharply for 5,984 units constructed in 1980 to only 768 units in 1989 (Considine,

Dukelow, 2009, p349).

The better off segments of the social housing providers began to turn toward other forms of

housing tenure either through purchasing their homes in local authority estates or leaving the

estates in favour of privately developed housing (Fahy, 2000). The polices pursues by local

authorities unintentionally resulted in the role of social housing shifting toward social

housing becoming the physical receptors of many social problems in the 1980s, including

homelessness, long-term unemployment (Considine, Dukelow, 2009, p348).

Also the introduction of the National tenant surrender scheme was another policy aimed at

making the most out of the housing stock. Its aims were to allow the tenants an incentive to

leave their local authority house area and purchase their own dwelling in the private market.

This scheme was in operation from 1984 to 1987, it provided a grant of £5000 to local

authority tenants to give up the local authority accommodation in order to purchase a private

dwelling. (Fahy, 1999, pp40-41).

Also in attempts to diversify housing tenure, the surrender grant was eventually replaced with

tenant purchase schemes allowed some of the higher income tenants who did not wish to

leave the public authority houses to purchase their homes from the local authority. (Fahy,

2004, p2-4). The scheme allowed tenants to purchase their homes at cost efficient prices

without having to secure a mortgage. Tenants were able to purchase their homes from the

local authorities (O Connell, cited in O Dea, 2012).

However, these schemes were mostly accessible to higher income and employed

householders. The result of this scheme was the movement of persons not just between tenure

categories but between housing area types which resulted in the social destabilisation of

estates (McCafferty, 2009). In the Southill area in particular, the surrender grant had a

negative impact on the O Malley Park and Keyes Park which affected the levels of

community activity which declined significantly and resulted in the creation of a vacuum

from which the estates never fully recovered’, (McCafferty, Canny 2005, p93).

Issues within Limerick local authority estates.

As stated previously, Irish housing policies such as the surrender grant have resulted in the

unintended segregation of many of its resident particular in Limerick City. This section will

examine how this segregation has impacted upon resident’s daily lives prior to regeneration

commencing in Limerick City.

Anti-social behaviour and criminality

Following the implementation of the surrender grant O Malley Park in Southill experienced a

69% decrease in population from 1985 to 2006. Power and Barnes note that this has

contributed significantly to the ‘problems experienced in the area and the failure of the City’s

housing programme (Power, Barnes, 2011, p7).

The people who had left the estates had asserted law and order in the communities, and

created the conditions for community organisations and who had campaigned for Garda

substations the populations of these estates who remained behind had a higher proportion of

unemployment and single parent households. Levels of educational attainment dropped

significantly.

Due to the high proportion of unemployed and educated, some young people began to engage

in anti-social behaviour which gradually evolved into more serious criminal activities. This

anti-social behaviour has hence had a profound impact on many ordinary residents who

consequently feel vulnerable to random attacks and those who experience extreme anxiety as

a result. (Hourigan, 2011, cited in Power and Barnes, 2012, piii).

Because of their addresses, many residents experienced stigmatisation from the ‘outer

Limerick society’. Many found difficulty when applying for jobs and because of patterns of

early school leaving, many young people did not progress through the education system.

Because of this many felt excluded from mainstream society and were unable to achieve a

status in society. Because of this they began to go about creating their own status reminiscent

of being a ‘hard man’ who has the capacity for violence and represents toughness. Within

their communities they are deeply feared by the many decent people in the community. As a

result the image of toughness is being passed down to the younger generation who feel the

image of toughness is something to live up to and attempt to replicate it (Hourigan, 2011,

p73).

Through intimidation and acts of violence, residents note that many people in the community

are unable to raise their voice on issues concerning their estate. Some people have tried to

stand up to criminals have been intimidated and attacked out of their homes. Also to the rest

of Ireland, Limerick began to be perceived as a violent, rough city, as portrayed by the label

‘Stab City’ by the media, which for many people living in the city is not the truth (O Sullivan,

2008, p31).

Design and living conditions in estates.

In Limerick, the design of large social housing estates are located at the edge of the city.

Access to the areas is limited with some estates such as Moyross being cut off from the rest

of the cities transport and road infrastructure. Moyross in particular has been termed ‘the

biggest cul de sac in Limerick’.

Figure 1.2 Moyross (Reproduced from Limerick Regeneration Website)

Also the majority of the Moyross estate is served by just one road of the Knockalisheen

Road. This not only creates a limited access condition with implications for crime and safety,

but makes access to the facilities and opportunities of the city by walking or public transport

difficult (Limerick Regeneration, 2008, p80).

(Figure 1.3) St Marys Park (Reproduced from Limerick Regeneration Website)

St Marys Park in particular suffers from isolation due to its location on the ‘island’ in

Limerick City. The only way to access St. Mary Park is through the Island Road roundabout

and three other access roads that converge at that roundabout. In effect like Moyross, this

gives a cul de sac effect resulting in limited accessibility. This single point of access/egress

has contributed greatly to the isolation of the estate and its resulting social problems

(Limerick Regeneration, p172).

(Figure 1.4) Southill (Reproduced from Limerick Regeneration Website)

Similarly the Southill area is marked by the large Roxboro Roundabout. To the south of this

Roundabout, lie the estates of O Malley Park, Keyes Park, and Carew Park. Despite a

distance of 1.5km towards Limerick City Centre, the estate is cut off from the city due to lack

of accessibility for major roads and railway (Limerick Regeneration 2008, p117).

Figure 1.4 Ballinacurra Weston (Reproduced from Limerick City Regeneration Website)

Ballinacurra Weston is located between Hyde Avenue and Prospect Hill, with access to the

estate from Hyde Avenue only. Also the internal structure of the estate is based on a system

of cul de sacs with no continuous routes or connections. The nearest retail centre is located at

Punches Cross, but is difficult to reach because of the poor design of cul-de-sacs (Limerick

City Regeneration, 2008, p120).

Size of Estates

Another issue that Hall addresses is that the size of housing estates can be seen to be a major

causal factor in the creation of social problems within the estates. Many housing estates were

located on the periphery of cities because it was possible to assemble green field sites for

industrialised housing projects to be built using economies of scale. Size contributes to

management difficulties for the local authorities who are responsible for the estates, which

hence contributes to the segregation of residents living there (Hall, 1997, p886).

In Moyross, there were 1,600 houses built in the area that were divided into 12 parks. Also in

Southside of the city comprised of 1,360 houses in various estates. The area of Ballinacurra

Weston consists of 200 houses. In 2008 these areas had a combined population of, 10,000

people (Limerick Regeneration, 2008, p31).

Poor economic opportunities

Also there are few employment opportunities in Moyross aside from the Galvone Industrial

Estate in Southill, a retail development at Watch House Cross and fuel depot in Moyross.

However because of security problems many of the retailers in these areas left (Limerick

Regeneration, 2008 p26). The closure of many factories in Limerick such as Dell, Krups, and

Ferenka had a terrible impact in the area as these factories were the main source of income

for many residents (McCafferty, cited in Hourigan, 2011).

Living conditions

There is highly visible degradation of housing stock in all four housing areas. Many houses of

the estates have been built of poor quality due to being built in economies of scale; they were

constructed of mass concrete, with little to insulation (Fitzgearld report, 2007).

Conclusion

The chapter has examined how changing Irish housing policies have affected some local

authority estates in Limerick. From examine the history of social housing in Limerick; we

can see that local authority estates such as Moyross and St Marys Park were constructed in

the 1960s in order to relive social problems within the slums and tenements within the city

centre. While this plan was somewhat successful, the design of housing estates was poor,

many houses were of poor quality, and lacked social amenities. ‘You got houses…; full stop

(Councillor X)

Government policies of the 1980s unintentionally undermined the social mix of the

communities through policies such as the surrender grant. Because of this those in the estate

who had access to social capital and where also the community leaders of the estate left the

areas. Following this, rates of unemployment and dependency on the state rose, and the areas

faced growing problems with anti-social behaviour and more serious crime occurring within

the areas. This resulted in the stigmatisation of the areas and the segregation from mainstream

Limerick society. These areas became essentially ‘no-go” areas for local authorities who led

to the rapid decline of housing in these areas and also a lack of social capital in the areas.

The next chapter will discuss the work of the Limerick regeneration agencies to date and how

it has affected the social and infrastructural situation within the estates. We will also make

reference to the findings of the qualitative research undertaken to see how the areas have

changed.

The introduction of regeneration policies in Limerick local authority housing estates

The issues of housing, crime and social exclusion came to national attention in September

2006, following the firebombing of a car in Moyross which contained two young children.

This incident caused a national outcry.

In November 2006, John Fitzgerald former Dublin City Manager was requested to conduct a

review of the social exclusion, crime and disorder issues in Limerick City. On the 3 April

2007 Mr Fitzgerald presented his report Addressing Issues of Social Exclusion in Moyross

and Other Disadvantaged Areas of Limerick City: report to the cabinet committee on social

inclusion, commonly known as the Fitzgerald report (Limerick Regeneration, 2008).

Mr Fitzgerald worked with representatives from community organisations and the public

sector from Limerick City and County to identify actions which could address problems

within the Moyross and other areas of disadvantage.

Several issues were identified that needed to be addressed including low-level crime and

disorder and the intimidation of residents and public sector staff, preventing both from going

about their daily lives and work. In addition there were very limited opportunities for local

employment for those living in the areas, poor infrastructure has essentially cut off the areas

from the rest of the city (Fitzgerald, 2007, pp4-5).

Mr Fitzgerald recommended a multi-faceted approach to address the social issues in Moyross

and Southill, including putting intensive policing arrangements in place, including a highly

visible Garda presence in the areas involving the addition of 100 extra Gardaí to the areas.

Also Mr Fitzgerald noted that the efforts of the statutory and voluntary agencies needs to be

better focused in a long term strategy to address the problems through the ‘wholesale

regeneration of Moyross and Southill areas of the city (ibid, pp7-8). Mr Fitzgearld also

recommended a proposal for a limited extension of the City Councils boundary up to the

Limerick County Council boundary in the northern part of the city. This would bring the

social housing estates of Pineview Gardens and Delmeage Park under Limerick City Council,

, thus facilitating the regeneration process.

On the 15th

of June, 2007 Ministerial Orders S.I275/276 established the Limerick

Regeneration Agencies, Southside and Northside. Both Agencies were given the task

designing a programme of regeneration to be implemented in the areas of Moyross on the

Northside, and Southill and Ballinacurra Weston on the Southside and have a lifespan of five

years.

In March 2008, the estate of St. Marys Park was added to the remit of the Regeneration

Project (Limerick Regeneration, 2008, p7). Former Assistant Dublin City Manager Brendan

Kenny was appointed the Chief Executive of the Agencies and John Fitzgerald Chairman for

the Board of Directors for both agencies. A board for each agency was appointed by the

Minister of Environment.

The work of the Limerick Regeneration to date

Limerick Regeneration Agencies focused on establishing long term community structures to

assist in the management of regeneration in Limerick. This was done by forming

Regeneration Committees consisting of residents, community groups, gardaí and officials

from Limerick City Council who worked with the Regeneration Agencies to formulate a

programme of regeneration in these areas (Limerick Regeneration, 2008).

From 2008 to 2012 Limerick Regeneration agencies for the Southside and the Northside have

developed comprehensive measures to combat social exclusion and disadvantage and drive

forward regeneration under three pillars, as previously mentioned in Chapter 3, social

regeneration, physical regeneration and economic regeneration. Regeneration CEO Brendan

Kenny, in his speech ‘Education as a Catalyst for Regeneration’ noted that the state had set

out a budget of €24 billion of regeneration, half to be supplied from the private sector, half

from the public sector. He also noted that social regeneration can be considered to be the

most important aspect of regeneration as the most important and difficult to do. This is

because physical regeneration on its own will not be sufficient to promote social inclusion

without addressing the social problems in the areas first.

Boundary Extension

One of the major issues first faced was the issue of the northwest boundary of the city, where

many estates, including a significant portion of the regeneration estate of Moyross was

located outside the boundary of Limerick City, and in the Clare County council. This created

several issues of neglect and a lack of services and political representation for an area of

roughly 300 houses.

On recommendation of the Fitzgeards report, a boundary committee was established resulting

in a recommendation that the City Councils northern boundary be extended to facilitate

intensive development and regeneration. This boundary alteration took effect on the 1st of

March 2008 and the housing estates of Pineview Gardens and Delmeage Park and also the

areas in north Limerick were added to the remit of the City Council. (Dr Mattew Potter, City

Boundary has had the edges knocked down for centries 2009 Limerick Leader the granary)

Physical regeneration

There was also major controversy regarding the plans for the physical regeneration of the

areas as they placed emphasis on rebuilding the physical housing of the estate through public-

private partnerships which highlighted concerns that residents views on the regeneration

process would be ignored and the local communities would be relegated in favour of strategic

political interests in freeing up public land for ‘development’(Hourigan, 2011 p150, Bissett,

2008, p xxv).Also external events of the global economic downturn had a major impact on

the Irish economy pushing it into a deep recession that it has yet to emerge from and created a

crisis in the construction industry. The diminished the potential for the use of public private

partnership to fund the regeneration programme. As a response to these difficulties, the

Limerick Regeneration Agencies reoriented their programme toward social regeneration

particularly in the areas of education and providing healthcare (Hourigan, 2011, pp150-151).

Also in order to facilitate the building process many residents were moved out to the

regeneration estates to other areas in the City and Limerick County. It is hoped that by

moving ‘disadvantaged’ residents that their life conditions would improve in new areas.

While construction began on the first block of new apartment in 2011 the majority of the

work that has been completed in the estate predominantly involves the demolition of houses.

While this policy has benefitied some areas it has also resulted in the rapid degradation other

areas. In order to improve access to the estates there has been a proposed Northern Distrubter

Road linking the bac of Moyross to the rest of Limerick City. This road is currently in the

planning stages of construction.

Social regeneration

The second pillar of social regeneration has been identified as the keystone pillar for the

regeneration programme in Limerick.

Social regeneration in the areas were to be coordinated by not only Limerick Regeneration

but multiple state agencies including the department of education, the HSE, and the Gardaí to

promote interests in Education, Health, Youth and Family Support and also Neibhourhoods

and people(Limerick, Regeneration, 2008). There were also major recommendation to put in

place intensive policing arrangements.

Policing

Intensive policing arrangements in the regeneration areas with an emphasis on community

policing and the use of Community Gardaí have resulted in a stronger link between many

people in the community and their relationship with the Gardaí. Power and Barnes note in

addition to the Community and local policing in the areas, the continued work and presence

of National Garda Units has been effective in reducing criminal activity in the areas and

making them safer places to live. Crime has decreased 12% in the areas and has described it

as phenomenal (Power, Barnes, 2011, p11-12).

Education

Improving educational opportunities within regeneration areas was considered to be one of

the keystone of the regeneration programme in Limerick. The Limerick Regeneration

agencies funded and supported iniativiates to support educational disadvantage for children

both inside and outside of school. These services include assist special needs children, the

development of school infrastructure, Psychological and Counselling support schemes are

also available to provide to young people living in the estates. The Agencies also supported

many diversion projects put in place in regeneration areas, especially in supporting

community based partnerships. In particular the Southside of Limerick City the Regeneration

Agencies has continually supported the community, education and training programmes

provided by the Limerick Enterprise Development Partnership (LEDP). This organisation

provides funding of up to €300,000 per annum in support of education and community

projects in Limerick City and the surrounding area. LEDP provides educational support and

youth diversion facilities for the people of Southill and Ballinacurra Weston and Moyross

(Lee, Boland, 2011, pp1-2).

Economic Regeneration

The third and final pillar of economic regeneration created a plan to provide for the creation

of long term employment for the local people of the affected estates. The Masterplan notes

that the high levels of unemployment were running way above the national average, existing

in the regeneration areas and serve to exacerbate social exclusion (Limerick Regeneration,

2008, p9). The economic regeneration plan proposed that financial incentives be introduced

by Government for Limerick Regeneration Areas to attract private sector investment which

would assist in changing the social and economic problems within the areas. The plan also

noted that education and specialist training was to play a key role in the economic

regeneration process(Limerick Regeneration, 2008, p9). However the economic downturn

resulted in limited resources for economic regeneration and the programme was scaled back

significantly.

Community Perpestive on Regeneration

The communities of regeneration estates have severely criticised the regeneration process,

arguing that it has in fact made the situation worse than it was prior to the programme

commencing. Due to the economic downturn the construction of the physical regeneration

has never taken place. Despite the social aspect, there has been very little work done in the

area of physical regeneration. The Limerick Regeneration Watch note that during the life of

the regeneration agencies, over €120 million was spent on the programme without being of

any benefit to the areas. ‘In Many ways we are worse off than before the regeneration came

to town.’ They contend that 1,000 families have been ‘displaced’. The policy of boarding up

houses is attracting anti-social behaviour and encouraging residents to leave the areas.

Demolishing homes has resulted in major issues with collapsed sewage pipes, water mains

and gas leaks. Many residents argue that the continued policy of relocation of residents is

destabilising the estates (Limerick Leader, 2012, p12)

Following the end of the regeneration agencies.

In June 2012 the Limerick Regenerations agencies completed their 5 year mandate and were

disbanded and the housing scheme was transferred a Limerick Regeneration Office under the

Limerick City Council. Following the amalgamation of the City and County Council in 2014

the Regeneration Office will be under the new unitary authority. One of the main objectives

of this new regeneration office is to begin the construction phase of the Regeneration Process

(Limerick Leader, 2012, pp6-7).

In December 2012 contracts were signed for the first €5.3 million regeneration project on the

southside of the city. This will involve the construction of a retirement complex in Carew

Park and is expected to be completed next year (Limerick voice, 2012, p1). January 2013 saw

the €17million to the City regeneration budget. (Limerick Chronicle 2013, p32). Director for

regeneration Ollie O Loughlin has also announced intentions to improve communications

woth regeneration communities and attempt to provide employment to as many local people

as possible.