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Chapter – II

Ethnography of the Pitarar

1. Area of study

The present study has been carried out in and around Madayi Kavu, which is

situated in Madayi Panchayat of Kannur district of North Kerala. Madayi is of 20 km

away from Kannur town. It is 150 m above the main sea level. More than four ponds

are there in this area though no rivers and streams are found. The name of the village

is Madayi, while Vengara, Puthiyangadi and Madayi form the three Desams. Ezhom

and Cherukkunnu in the east; Mattool village and Arabian Sea in the south; Ramantali

and Palakkod river in the west, Cheruthazham village and Ramapuram river in the

north form the boundaries of Madayi. Total population constitutes 34979. There are

16320 males and 18659 females constituting a sex ratio of 100 males: 114 females.

There are 5563 families, out of which 2403 families falls under below poverty line.

The Scheduled caste population consists of 3214, of which 1602 are males and 1612

are females.

Madayi has an important place in the history of North Kerala. Several Kings

conquered and ruled here. It was assumed that in the banks of Payangadi river

Vallabhan II1 of Mushika Vamsa founded the town. The ruler of Ezhimala,

Eliperumal is believed to have built the three Madayi Kotta. After the reign of

Mushika Vamsa, the power fell into the hands of the Kolathiri rulers. Kerala Varma

70

ruled over the place in the middle of the Fourth century. It is believed that goddess

kali is the family goddess of the Kolathiri Kings.

A Masjid, named Madayi Palli, is located in Payangadi, which is just a

kilometer away from Madayikavu. Malik Ibin Dinar from Arabia built Madayi-Palli

in AD 1124 with the collaboration with the Kolathiri Raja. This Masjid is unique in

South India, which shows very much resemblance with the temple architecture. The

major bulk of the population of Payangadi is Ahamediya Muslims, and they are

attached to this Masjid. A nilavilakku, a type of sacred lamp is lighted here, as per the

Hindu customs. It is believed that it is lightened as a token of respect to the Kolathiri

Raja. In a way Madayi Palli is related with Madayi Kavu, as the sacred sword of

goddess kali is worshipped here.

Madayi kavu is situated in a forest-like area with lush vegetation. Even though

settlements are on a rocky area, there is thick vegetation around the temple premises.

The name ‘Madayi’ is derived from a Malayalam words mad means land and ayi

means formed, together known as Madayi. i.e., formed land. Another name of Madayi

kavu is ‘Thiruvarkkattu kavu’ which means kavu formed by sacred throw. There is a

myth related to this, that a Brahmin priest in the Rajarajeswara temple of Taliparamba

threw a conch invoking goddess kali to the sea. That part of the sea where the conch

shell had fallen on moved away and converted into land. Later on the kavu was

formed in this land. The flora of madayi para is well known. The valley of the nearest

ezhimalla hills with attractive geography and wild flowers is very nice to see. The

71

rocky area-madayi para is a treasure of native wild diversity of plants.

The Pitarar serve as religious specialists in the sakteya kavu where the goddess

kali is worshipped. According to Romila Thapar (2002) “… the Sakta sects which

were in many ways antithetical to early Brahminism. The essentials Saktism are

sometimes traced back to Harappan times and some of these elements probably went

in to the making of popular religion from the earliest historical period. Recognised

sects gradually crystalised from the first millennium A.D when they come to be

referred to in the literature period. The centrality of worshipping the goddess was

initially new to the upper caste religion. Some of these sects deliberately broke the

essential taboos of Brahmanism relating to separate caste functions, commensality,

rules of food and drink and sexual taboos. That some of the beliefs of the sakta sects

were later accepted by some Brahmana sects although the legitimacy of Vedic

religion was sometimes sought to be bestowed on the new sects by them. Such

religious compromises were not unconnected with the Brahmanical need to retain

social ascendancy. However, some Brahmanical sects remained orthodox”. The

primary occupation of the Pitarar is priesthood. The Pitarar is a colloquial term for

putavar or pudavar. People do not have a clear-cut idea about their origin. Some

believe that they have migrated from Bengal where kali worship was foremost. This

belief has got its root because the Nambuthiri Brahmins in Kerala strictly abstain from

the consumption of non-vegetarian diet. This is a peculiarity in which they find

similarity of themselves with the Bengali Brahmins.

72

Table 2.1

Demographic Profile-Pitaran

Age Group Male Percentage Female Percentage Total Percentage

0-4 9 8.3 7 6.6 16 7.4

5-9 6 5.5 7 6.6 13 6

10-14 13 11.9 11 10.4 24 11.2

15-19 10 9.2 12 11.3 22 10.2

20-24 12 11 6 5.7 18 8.4

25-29 10 9.2 6 5.7 16 7.4

30-34 4 3.7 10 9.4 14 6.5

35-39 4 3.7 13 12.3 17 7.9

40-44 10 9.2 6 5.7 16 7.4

45-49 10 9.2 10 9.4 20 9.30

50-54 4 3.7 4 3.7 8 3.7

55-59 8 7.3 2 1.9 10 4.65

60-64 4 3.7 2 1.9 6 2.8

65-69 2 1.8 4 3.7 6 2.8

70 & above 3 2.8 6 5.7 9 4.18

109 100 106 100 215 100

73

Demographic Profile -Pitaran

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

0-4Y

ears

5-9 Yea

rs

10-1

4 Yea

rs

15-1

9Yea

rs

20-2

4Yea

rs

25-2

9Yea

rs

30-3

4Yea

rs

35-3

9Yea

rs

40-4

4Yea

rs

45-4

9Yea

rs

50-5

4Yea

rs

55-5

9Yea

rs

60-6

4Yea

rs

65-6

9Yea

rs

70 &

abo

veYea

rs

Age group

Ma

le/F

em

ale

Female

Male

Fig-2.1

The total number of Pitarar families in the settlement is 41. The population of

the settlement is 215. There is 106 males and 109 females. The population of the

Pitarar is comparatively highest in the age group 15-19. The average family size is 5.

The population of the Pitarar is not included in the caste list.

A particular pattern of social hierarchy is found in every part of India. The

Indian tradition has prescribed four Varnas i.e., Brahmin, Kshethriya, Vaisya and

Sudra. The inevitable social stratification which is found in one or another form of

hierarchial division in every society of the world is based on the factors like wealth,

gender, race, etc. Social scientists refer to this stratum in a society as class and caste.

It was Plato who has first suggested that the earliest systematic division of

society is on the basis of faculties and function. According to him, an ideal society

consists of three strata- statesmen, soldiers, and workers. A social class is formed by a

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group of people with similar socio-economic status living in accordance with

economic and cultural interaction.

The traditional caste hierarchy in Hindu society is called as Varna. The Varna

system ultimately led to the rigid jati system. Apart from the four fold stratification,

the Varna are further divided into several castes and sub castes. In this caste

hierarchy, Brahmins formed the upper strata; they formed the priestly class acting as

the custodians of vedic spiritual wisdom. In due course, to concede right they

authorized to supervise yajnas and other religious rituals. Kshethriyas were powerful

as they belong to the class of rulers for carrying out battles and for protecting wealth

and people. Trade and exchange came under the control of vaisyas. The manual

labour required for all activities was reserved for sudras. In the purusasukta of

rigveda the earliest reference to Varna system can be found. Accordingly the

Brahmins originated from the face of the purusa (Primordial being), kshethriyas from

his Arms, vaisyas from thighs and sudras from the feet of purusha. In principle the

Varna system implicate that it does not directly aims at superior-inferior division

rather it seems to be an occupational arrangement which ultimately aimed at

achieving social order and stability and also the decentralization of social activities.

The inhabitants near Madayi kavu are Pitarar and Ambalavasi who are inter-

dependent and inter-related. The Ambalavasis are considered lower to the Pitarar in

the caste hierarchy. The Pitarar and Ambalavasi are socially, culturally, religiously

and occupationally inter-dependent and inter-related. In the past, the religious,

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political and economic authorization was not distinguished from one another. In the

sphere of political activity the religion played a direct role. But with the coming in of

the new ethic regarding equality of man, the religious ideas of monarchy has paved

the way to secular constitutionalism. The state authority should look after ‘this

worldly affairs’ and religious deals with the other ‘worldly affairs’ As a result many

of the functions earlier performed by the family and priesthood are being taken by the

government.

The illom or illam is the word used to denote a Pitarar household; while veedu

is the word used to identify an Ambalavasi household. Apart from the illam and veedu

no other households of the different caste group can be seen in the settlement. The

Ambalavasi act as helpers in the Pitarar households and they also did the manual

labour required in temple.

There are four illams- Naduvil illam, Thazhath illam, Aryamvalli illam and

Ettummal illam. Among these illams Naduvil illam is considered topmost. It is

followed by Thazhath illam, Aryamvalli illam and Ettummal illam respectively. Main

veedu are Pappini veedu, Kannan veedu and Paingan veedu. Of these the Pappini

veedu acquires the top most position. Incest taboo is observed by maintaining illam

exogamy. The descendants of the same illam consider themselves as the offspring of

the same ancestor and hence they believe that they are brothers and sisters. They

would not marry each other. Such types of marriages between the incest categories are

strictly prohibited.

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The incest taboo comes under the prohibitory rules and the marriage between

the siblings, father and the daughter, mother and the son, etc., are prohibited. Cross-

cousin marriage is encouraged while the parallel cousin marriage is prohibited in the

Pitaran society.

All societies prohibit sexual relations and marriage between close relatives, in

anthropology this prohibition between certain kinds of relatives are usually termed as

incest taboos. Sexual relations between the members of the same immediate family

seriously weaken the family structure (Cook 1984, 20). The rules of exogamy,

endogamy alliance theory are all put forward by the social scientists. Endogamy is

especially associated with the caste system (Beattie 1964).

Settlement

The climate in Madayi is generally peaceful, pleasant and warm. The coastal

area and the forest surround Madayi. The cool breeze from the Ezhimala constantly

blows in the area. Like all over Kerala, April and May are the hottest of the months.

While in December and February the weather is less warm. The rainy season begins

from the mid-June and continues to August. The winds in winters are light and

variable in nature, while it’s much stronger in summer. The nearest Payangadi railway

station is closer to Madayi. The relatives of the Pitarar from Nileswar, to Kozhikode

can easily approach the place. The railway line acts as an important facility for

transportation. Electricity is available since 1937.

77

A PWD rest house is situated near the settlement. For the outsiders or those

who come for pilgrimage, the accommodation is given in a lodge near the temple.

Government banks are located in Payangadi. Sub-Treasury, Office of the Assistant

Education Officer, Primary Health Care Center is also situated in Madayi. Lower

primary, upper primary, higher secondary schools, colleges etc., are also situated

there. The main ponds in the settlement are kshethrakulam, aryamvalikulam,

parakulam, jutakulam, yakshikulam and vadukunda thadakam.

Flora and Fauna: - kavu in Kerala means a place of worship, which was

usually surrounded by a sacred grove, and a semi-forest area. The Madayi Kavu is

situated amidst rocky area in the east. Wild species of different plants and animals

occupy the place. Cultivation includes paddy, cashew nut, coconut, arecanut, jack,

pepper, plantain, spinaches, vegetables, mango tree, caltrops, teak, anona, ficus,

achyranthus, euputorium, anthurium, orchids, tulsi, coleus, crotalaria, ixora, croton,

crossandra, dalia, duranta, leucas, elephant yam, solanum, papaya, pineapple,

plumeria, tagethu, emblica, acalycpha, eclipta alba, macaranga, tamarind, lawsomia,

amaranthus, adenanthera pavonia, aerva lanata, mimosa, cock’s comb, gomphrema,

lilly, rose,ginger, vinca, lady’s finger, mucun, casia, glyricida, aegle marmelos, curry

leaf, turmeric etc.

Apart from Madayai kavu and the separate kottams, the Pitarar go to

vadukunda temple, the ponnuvakkumthara, chavittadi para, darikan kota, yaga

bhoomi etc. for worship.

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A peepal tree is found in front of the Madayai kavu. One can enter the temple

complex through the main entrance and it is the first entrance or the purathe

mandapam. Purathe mandapam leads to the namskara mandapam. Namaskara

mandapam is a raised platform. Woodcarvings are done on the ceiling of the

namaskara mandapam. The wood carvings indicate the famous epic story of shumba

and nishumba. The carvings also depict the fight between devi and asura. After

killing asura she cuts the head of the asura. These wooden carvings are painted by

using naturally available pigment.

The power of the kali is indicated by the anger of the kali, here Madayi

kavilamma, the idol is made of Kadumsarkarayogam.

House

The shelter is one of the primary and basic needs of every human being. In the

olden days the Pitarar lived in joint families and in the nalukkettu there was enough

room for recreation and relaxation. All the houses were made with same pattern but

today modernity motivates the people. The traditional Kerala architecture finds a

special place in the Indian tradition. The lengthy verandas, wooden columns, sloping

roofs and Dormas, wooden rafters, and the floors were plastered with earthly patterns.

From the very beginning, starting from the foundation of the house several

rituals has been observed. Firstly, it is the astrologer who prescribes the time and date

of the starting ceremony by checking the horoscope and panjangam. A well-

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experienced senior carpenter is invited for the ceremony for selecting and directing

the right position for the construction of the house. After checking the place he selects

a place and fixes a wooden log in the earth. This rite is called kuttiyadi. In front of the

lightened traditional oil lamp - (nilavilakku), a coconut is broken. In order to

propitiate god ganapathi, flattened rice, tender coconut, jaggery, sugar candy, banana,

betel leaves, areca nut etc., are placed in a plantain leaf. The melasari- (the senior

carpenter) after taking some tulsi in his hands offer prayers and after wards blesses the

place by showering rice. It was told by the people that, in bygone days, for the

construction of houses, the cows were allowed to graze in the forest like place, in an

area with some fodder. After grazing, the cows rest in a place. This place was

considered as the most ideal and peaceful place for the construction of the building.

Nowadays, the land is reduced in its size and hence this method is not practicable.

Kuttiyadi is followed by muhurthakallu vekkal, tharakkettal, kattilavekkal, etc.

Apart from this, the digging of well is also very much important for the construction

of a house. After digging the well the construction of house is started. Deep well is a

common feature in the Pitarar settlement. The well-digging experts from outside the

community do the work. When the water in the well is seen first, they distribute

water. Small onion and sugar is put into the water.

After kuttiyadi, the soil is dug. The services of the masons are rendered and as

foundation, they dig the place to erect stone basement under the earth. The male head

in the family lays the foundation stone usually. After kuttiyadi, the wall of the house

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is built, and the doors and frames of windows are fixed in the walls. When the Masons

job is over, then it is the turn of the carpenters. The carpenter starts his work by

lighting the traditional oil lamp and in front of this lamp he breaks the coconut. A

small heap of rice is kept on the plantain leaf to propitiate the Lord ganesh. In the spot

of main door frame a piece of gold is kept inside a tulsi leaf. The carpenter or the

melasari is respected when his carpentry work is over by distributing rice, clothes and

certain amount. He is rewarded both cash and in kind.

After the wall is erected, the roof frames are made, the finishing of the house

is done. After all the work has been done, in ancient days the carpenters do the ritual

known as asurakriya to propitiate the gods.

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House warming

The name kudiyil koodal indicates the house warming. After consulting an

astrologer the house owner decides an auspicious date for fixing the house warming

ceremony. The chief carpenter, the masons and all the workers who rendered their

services for the construction of the house is invited and respected. All the carpenters,

masons and the workers are presented with mundu the traditional male attire of

Kerala, a long cloth. They are given both cash and kind. They in turn bless the house.

The Pitarar light the traditional oil lamp in their puja room. Firstly the priest to

propitiate lord ganapathi, the god of obstacles, conducts a ganapathy homam. Then

punhayam is also sprinkled in the house to purify the place.

Boiling of the milk or the palukachal is the main ritual related with the house

warming. The milk is boiled in the new house’s hearth for the first time. The fire pan

is first used for boiling the milk. Senior carpenter like the melasari does this. Banana,

sugar candy etc. are also added in the milk. The traditional big vessel uruli is used for

this purpose. The carpenter also predicts about the house by checking the boiling

process of the milk. The boiled milk is distributed by him to all those who gathered

there. Those who presented there put coin in a big vessel. These coins are gifted to the

carpenter.

An elaborate feast marks the end of the house warming ceremony.

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Old Houses / Traditional Illam

Some houses were made of mud and others of stone while some others with

bricks. By looking the house types, one can easily judge the socio-economic status of

the people. In some of the illom the roofs were of concrete, thatched etc. The

traditional houses included kottilakam, padinhitta, adukkala and a veranda namely

kolayi. The kottilakam is the room next to padinhitta, with two doors. kottilakam is

also called as irayakam. While the padinhita is constructed without windows, a small

hole is made in the place of window. The padinhitta serves as the puja room for

worship. Unlike the puja room in the local caste group nearby, the pujaroom is

decorated with lots of pictures of Gods and Goddesses, but no idols are kept in the

room. Apart from pictures, traditional hanging oil lamps, kindi, (snouted goglet) uruli-

bronze vessel, and avanipalaka (wooden plank) are also kept in the room. As they

worship Madayi Kavilamma they believe that other than the Madayi Kavilamma no

idol is required for worship. All the illams are built in same manner. The ground

storey and the upper storey are built in similar pattern. Separate bathrooms and

latrines are built near the illam. More than one wooden staircase was also seen in the

illam. Apart from staircases, middle ceiling are also built of wood. More than one

staircase was built to provide accommodation to pilgrims at night who used to visit

Madayi kavu from far away places. The settlements were made eco-friendly in olden

days, as natural to the ecology under which they live. In ancient days there were huge

granaries. The traditional houses are now done periodical maintenance. The house had

its own fence and courtyard. The illam is the place where they can perform various

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observances. The well is very much related with their purity and pollution concept.

The well had main role inconnection with the ritualistic observances linked with life

cycle rituals.

The illam is a dwelling place that consists of a veranda, courtyard, irayakkam,

nhali, padinhittakam, kottilalkam, adukkala, chayippu, idakkottil, veppumuri,

Kitchen, kinattupura, attam, Staircase, bathroom, latrine etc.

Like the Nayars and Nambuthiris, the Pitarar also stayed in the nalukkettu. The

nalukkettu was big enough to afford joint family, the nalukkettu having elaborate

courtyard. Apart from the front courtyard there is also a central courtyard for every

nalukkettu, varanda, thekkemuri, naleedu; kizhakkimuri etc. are seen in a nalukkettu.

Like the people around the settlement, the Pitarar and Ambalavasi are building

modern houses. The breaking of joint family into nuclear ones and social cultural

changes led the Pitarar to build houses convenient for the satisfaction of the needs of a

small family. The modern houses are concrete houses consisting of a small courtyard,

varanda, Central hall, Office room, bed rooms, latrines and bath rooms inside the

house, pujaroom, store room, dining room, kitchen, concrete staircases and out areas

equipped with modern facilities.

Telephone, cell phone, computer, internet facility, pump sets, tanks to store

water, pipe facilities, Television, Radio, VCD’s DVD’s etc. are found with them. In

the floors, floor tiles, marbles, granite, etc. are used by the people in the settlement.

Sofa-sets, beautiful chairs, tables etc. adorn the modern house. Flowering plants are

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grown in the courtyard, apart from trees. In the veranda of the house chairs are kept,

while in central hall apart from sofa-sets and chairs, Television, Computer, and in the

office, telephone and chairs are kept, bedroom are adorned with wooden cots and all

the rooms are provided with air and sun light by the windows. In the puja room of the

modern houses, the pictures of gods and goddesses, the traditional oil lamps, goglet,

etc., are kept. In the storeroom the essential articles are kept and stored. The dining

room is built near the kitchen; the family members take their food from the dining

room. In the kitchen, fire pans are made to cook food. Nowadays gas stove and

cylinders are common in almost every house. Grinder, Mixer etc., is also kept in the

kitchen. The modern staircases are not made of wood but concrete. Work area is the

place outside the kitchen. Apart from work area bathrooms are situated near the well

and the water from the well is drawn to the bathroom through the wells. In the joint

families when its members increase, additional rooms are built to accommodate more

members.

Ambalavasis go abroad for job purpose. They are also acquiring financially

higher status. Kavu plays an important role in the life of the Pitarar so they love to

live their life around the Kavu. As the priestly class they are devoted to follow their

tradition.

Birth and death are part of the life. The pula, (Pollution) is observed without

touching the well. In order to purify their illam from birth and death pollution,

sprinkling of the illam with punyaham is performed. Purification of the mother is

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done after 90 days of the birth of her child, until then she is considered under valayma

– Pollution. Only after valayma she is allowed to enter the puja room.

The dead body is taken to the cremation ground only after dead body is bathed

and kept in a plantain leaf. It’s on the tenth day of demise, rituals are observed by the

priests by drawing different figure indicating both male and female in the kitchen by

using the raw paddy. A major ceremony, pulapindam related to the death ceremony is

performed in kitchen by lighting the traditional oil lamp.

Family

At the turn of the twentieth century, Pitarar society had undergone

considerable changes. The modern family is deeply informed by the small family

norm. The socio-economic transformation in the 20th

century has prominently

presented a whole range of progress throughout the society of Kerala. The joint family

was disintegrated and small family norms were accepted as desirable. Along with the

radical land reforms in Kerala history, a major development has taken place in the

social, economic and political scenario. It was a major landmark in the history of

Kerala. The Pitarar, as agriculturalists, depended upon agriculture for their day-to-day

consumption. The agricultural society demanded more members; in fact it facilitated

the joint family structure. But, with the decline of agriculture in the whole Kerala, the

joint family was also disintegrating gradually. In the long run the joint family paved

the way for the nuclear family, which in its structure was the simplest form in the

social organization.

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The family, as an environment for human growth, development and education,

has got its own natural structure in human society. While considering the historical

perspective, family, as a social organization, endured its diversified role both in

biological and cultural scenario of the people all over the world.

Gradual weakening of the joint family is noticeable. During the early phases

partition of the joint family was unknown. The members of the illam, younger

brothers, constituting the segment of the lowest order of differentiation helped and co-

operated with one another, during the ceremonies associated with birth, death and

marriage. As the aphans marry outside the caste group the illam and the joint property

was under the control of the elder brother and his wife, in the ritual, political and jural

terms the agnatic lineage emerged as the important grouping at the level of inter-

group relationships. Today the system has undergone changes. Like the elder sons,

younger sons are also allowed to marry within the community. The joint ownership of

the property was lost from a single person.

The joint family system prevailed in the Pitaran society. Sometimes, more

than four generations lived in the same house, with shared property and a common

head for the entire household looking after the daily activities. The over

generalization of the Indian families as joint or extended families has not been agreed

upon by anthropologists.

According to Leonetti (2007, 862) “the role of culture in establishing mating

guidelines and resource allocation has been critical in creating kinship ecologies

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within which support for reproduction is channeled. Measures to control marital

choice and stability are evident in some cultures. Investments to secure good marriage

for off spring, such as dowry and bride price, and inheritances by the successor child

work to put resources where reproduction success can be best achieved”. The tarawad

among the Nayars consists of the descendents of the common ancestress. The

advantages of the joint family are many. The primary is the genial society it affords,

the closest association of the kinship from young to old, the abundant opportunity for

recreation and instruction. In the process of production the concerted labor are

secured with honesty and remarkable savings in the consumption. Apart from this,

the Nayar, women enjoyed freedom and independence, they were free from the

conventional restrictions such as child marriage, enforced widowhood, and other

customs which exercised so baneful influence in the Hindu society else where. This

system might have worked very smoothly in the past, but later on it paved the way for

selfishness subjected to the growing needs of its members especially the karanvan and

this may have led to the disintegration of the system leading to the splitting of the

tarawads to tavazhis and it consisted of a mother, her brothers and children. Even

though the ancestry is traced through the female line it is the karanvan who is the

supreme authority of the tarawad and he is the decision maker. The father is not the

legal guardian of his children (Iyer 1981).

The traditional perspective of the joint families in the Pitarar society has

undergone considerable changes. Gender issues are also under transition. The nuclear

family with father, mother and children is considered to be the most ideal form in the

88

modern Pitaran society. “A collective view of familial obligations is the very basis of

survival. From such a perspective, marriage and parenthood are not merely love

relationships, but partnerships governed by family, economic and social needs”

(Hareven 1993, 48). Such partnership decides the division of labour.

According to Rao “The joint family is said to enhance, reinforce and strengthen

familism among its members while the nuclear family strengthens individualism. In

India, where the joint family is considered as an ideal household, it emphasizes the

continuity and solidarity of role obligations among its members” (Rao 1985, 152).

Individuals with their desire to adhere to the ideals of sharing residence with their

family members, sharing financial earnings with them, considering the needs of their

parents as more important than theirs, and remain unmarried until their elder brothers

and sisters are married.

There are 36 Ambalavasis households in the settlement. Among them,

considerable changes have taken place. In the matters of property, the karanavar lost

his power. Earlier, during the patrilineal descent, which was followed among the

Pitarar, the rights on the property matters were vested under the control of the elder

brother and he handed over his rights to the younger brother when he grows older and

weak. All the children were given father’s property and the rights were made equal.

Even the Ambalavasi wives and their children born out from the Pitarar were also

given equal share in the property. But the right over santhi (priesthood) that was

divided among Pitarar male and female children has not been divided among the

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Ambalavasis.

Family, as a germinal cell in the long course of man’s social evolution, is the

most basic and stable institution. In different social institutions, various forms of

relationships with certain specific functions have been raised and established. By

providing shelter and security for its members and new borns, the family gratifies the

satisfaction of the primary fundamental needs of human beings at some or the other

stages. Through the satisfaction of the fundamental needs society has taken up the

institution of marriage and family, which gradually progressed as a supporting

association for the society.

The indispensable needs of the primary functional group- the family- are food,

shelter, nourishment of young ones, sexual gratification, etc. Apart from this, family

ensures the nomenclature of descent, economic aspects which include division of

labour, care for the children, and emotional attachment within the members,

enculturation and socialization of the children, common household and property

inheritance. The family as the earliest and most universal social relation has not only

laid the basis for biological and emotional aspects but also dominates in the economic

and cultural sphere of the human being. In fact, the health of the society from the

psychological point of view indicates the stability of the family system.

The family is the center of discipline and culture. Family acts as the mother

cell in the Pitaran society. It is the primary functional group. The Pitaran household

does not commonly live in segregation in a village. In most cases its natal members

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have patrilineal and matrilineal kins living with them in the same village. The agnates

form the members of a household. The agnates in the illam includes a man, his wife,

his sons, son’s wives, grandsons, grand daughters (unmarried) and sometimes his

unmarried daughters. Today only the agnates reside in an illam. But earlier this was

not the case, as the sambandham relationship existed between the Pitarar and

Ambalavasi. The younger sons were not allowed to marry within their caste group. In

the sambandham case the children of the younger brothers or aphans belonged to the

matrilineal household of the Ambalavasi. The Ambalavasi practised matrilineal

system, the children of Ambalavasi followed the avanculocal residence, i.e., they

lived in the veedu and whole responsibility of these children were on the shoulders of

the Ambalavasi kinsmen (senior female’s brother), mother’s brother - karanavan.

Under the guidance of the karanavan who was the senior male member and the head

of the tarawad- the matriarchal residential complex - a man lived with his mother,

sisters and their children. He looked after the basic affairs of the veedu. While his

wife and children did not belong to his tarawad but to her mother’s lineage.

In the patrilineal joint family of the Pitarar, the illam residence ship was

verilocal. The elder brother is allowed to have veli within the Pitarar community. He

and his wife had the sole responsibility of the illam. The basic affairs of the illam

were looked after by the elder son and his wife.

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Lineage and Descent

The social rights and obligations of individuals in a family are based on

theories of biological inheritance (Uberoi 2005). In the Indian society, the socially

acknowledged placement of an individual in the society combined with the rights of

inheritance and succession depended on the descent group.

A Pitaran’s attachment to his illam is profound. It is in the illam he gets food,

shelter, emotional security. It is in the illam where he was born and brought up where

he performs various ritual ceremonies. The important unforgettable events in his life

like birth, initiation, marriage, death, etc., take place there. It is at the illam that he

grows up and entertains his kith and kin. The male head of the family in an illam is

called illakaran. Only the elder son has got the right to stay with his wife in the illam.

Even though the younger sons are married, but as their wives belong to the

Ambalavasi caste group they are not considered as the members of the particular

illam. The illakaran, along with his wife, younger brothers, sons, unmarried daughter,

grand children (agnatic) form the illam members. But today the elder as well as

younger sons marry within the same Pitaran caste group and become the members of

the same Pitaran illam.

In patrilineal societies, verilocal residence is usually practised. Since a Pitaran

woman resides after her veli in the illam of her husband, her attachment to the illam is

not as strong as that of her husband to his ancestral illam. She has also no right in the

ownership or inheritance in her father’s illam. With the passage of time develops a

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strong attachment to the illam of her husband in which she spends the lion share of

her life. She becomes a wife, a mother, and thus finds satisfaction of her life. As in

her illam she takes care of the well being of the affinal members in her husband’s

illam.

Traditional Joint Family of the Pitaran

Traditional Pitaran Joint Family

In the above figure only the deceased a,b and their sons c, e,f, g along with the

elder son’s wife h, and their children m and n are counted as the illam members. The

other member d is daughter and she is married, and thus she and her children become

members of her husband’s illam. While the appans or younger brothers e, f, g even

though they are the members of the illam, are married to the Ambalavasi females.

Their wives and children are the members of the wives’ illam and their sole

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responsibility is in the hands of the matrilineal kinsmen. c is head of the family and

the title illakaran goes to him. The illam of the joint family is breaking into the

nuclear families. The partitions of the property within the brothers are common. The

Pitaran who earlier practiced agriculture needed more members. Due to the decline of

agriculture and the urbanization, the nuclear families increased. An illam usually

consists of agnates with the patrilineal descent group consisting of the descendants

through the male line. By observing the exogamy and illam obligations the illam

members retain names of their illams as their surnames. The usual practice for a girl is

to leave her husband’s natal illam. This is an event of great and crucial significance in

her life as per her ritual, jural and emotional statuses are considered. A change in her

life from that of a daughter to a wife is indeed an initiation into ritual adulthood, a

new status in the right of inheritance. In fact a daughter’s birth and marriage have

much significance different from a son’s birth and marriage.

Ambalavasi Joint Family in the Past

94

Here in the traditional Ambalavasi joint family, the woman is the head of the

family, and the sole power is vested on the shoulders of the karanavan, the oldest

male member, the brother of senior lady, and he is the supreme head and the authority

of the veedu. The veedu, the traditional matrilineal Ambalavasi joint family comprises

karanavan, his sisters, their sons and daughters and the latter’s children. The father

does not belong to the family unit called tarawad. Tarawad is a joint undivided

matrilineal family where the members claim or trace descent from the common

ancestor. He in turn becomes part of another family unit with his sisters and their

children. Property is inherited from the mother through the female line. The

Ambalavasi girls entered into sambandham relationship with the Pitaran males. The

matrilineal system in Kerala – the marumakathayam, and the patrilineal system

(makkathayam) of the Pitaran is sustained in a balanced way. The Pitaran husbands

acted as the visiting husband in their wives veedu. Sambandham with the Ambalavasi

women freed the Pitarar from dividing their property, as the Ambalavasi followed

matriliny. The Ambalavasi descent is traced solely through the female line, at birth;

children of both the sexes belong to mother’s descent group, but later only the females

acquire succession and inheritance. Therefore, daughters carry the tradition, from

generation to generation.

Markedly, sambandham sanctioned hypergamy with the Pitarar. Among the

Pitarar, who were mostly patrilineal, only the eldest son was permitted veli (marital

alliance) within his caste group. Younger sons in Pitarar families were expected to

establish sambandham with Ambalavasi women.

95

Today, the Ambalavasi are well educated, and due to the effort of modern and

progressive Ambalavasis, the situation has changed a lot. Now the Ambalavasis marry

within their caste group. Joint families of the Ambalavasis are breaking up into

nuclear households. Some of them have constructed houses within the settlement

according to their status, while the poor modified a portion of the veedu and stay there

as per their economic and financial status.

96

Table 2.2

Demographic Profile-Ambalavasi

Age group Male Female Total

0-4 1 1 2

5- 9 8 8 16

10-14 8 2 10

15-19 11 14 25

20-24 7 8 15

25-29 1 4 5

30-34 4 6 10

35-39 11 14 25

40-44 10 11 25

45-49 8 10 18

50-54 6 3 9

55-59 4 3 7

60-64 2 3 5

65-69 1 8 9

70-74 2 2 4

75-79 1 2 3

80-84 1 0 1

85-89 3 0 3

90-& above 89 99 188

97

Fig-2.2

Sex Ratio-Ambalavasi

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

0-4

5..9

10..1

4

15-1

9

20-2

4

25-2

9

30-3

4

35-3

9

40-4

4

45-4

9

50-5

4

55-5

9

60-6

4

65-6

9

70-7

4

75-7

9

80-8

4

85-8

9

Age group

To

tal P

opu

lati

on

Female

Male

There are 36 Ambalavasi households in the settlement. The total population of

the Ambalavasis in the settlement is 188 of which 88 are males and 99 are females.

Ambalavasi

In the seventh month of the pregnancy the pregnant woman along with her

relatives visits the kavu. This ceremony is called as pongal. After ceremonial visit, a

large feast is distributed to all the members of the four illam and veedu. After the birth

of the child, on the 28th

day a white cord is worn in the waist of the child, a

panchaloham ring (made of five metals i.e. gold, silver, iron, copper and tin) is also

put in the chord. This chord is removed next day, and a black thread is worn by the

98

child. The father gives milk to the child. Then the father’s kin do the same and after

their turn, turn of the mother’s relatives begins. In the child’s ear the father first calls

the name of the child and then mother calls the name of the child. The child is worn

red silk cloth and trimadhura (three sweets) is given to the child. A grant feast marks

the end of this ceremony. For the girls, ear boring ceremony is done after 28th

day.

The father buys the earring. A kathila (the earring) is worn to the child by the child’s

FZ or FM. Puberty ceremony is celebrated in a grant manner. Thirandukuli kalyanam

(puberty ceremony) is treated as the primary marriage. As soon as the blood is seen,

all the members are given unakkillarichoru (boiled rice) mixed with coconut. From

the first day onwards the girl is secluded and this seclusion continues for three days.

On the first day, raw rice and paddy grains are placed in a wooden article and a

blanket is covered on it and the girl sleeps on it. On the third day a Vannathi comes

and places a mattu (Purified cloth) in a wooden stool. The children come and take the

mattu. On the third day night green gram and toddy is given to all. In the fourth day

the girl is accompanied by the ladies in the veedu holding vilakku and talika (plate), to

the pond. She sinks and bathes. Until the fourth day nobody touches her. After her

bathe, she is dressed in annapudava (cloth). After her arrival in the veedu all are

distributed chakkarapayasam (sweet pudding) and perrakku (made by cutting nicely

sliced Cucumber). Water mixed with thulasi leaves and rice is kept in a big vessel

namely uruli. She is blessed by showering this water on her head by the elders.

The Ambalavasi boys are attributed the rights in the temple after he crosses his

19th

Birthday. On the day of his birthday (Usually the birthday is celebrated on the

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day of birthstar) the Ambalavasi boy offers his prayer to the madayikavilamma and he

joins in the group of the Ambalavasi for the service in the kavu, and this ceremony is

called as sangathil cherkkal. Then onwards his right over the kavu is established.

On the 13th

day of the demise adiyanthiram (certain rituals associated with

death) is performed among the Ambalavasi. All members in the settlement are given

feast. On the fourth day of the funeral the charred bones are taken and kept in the pot.

They have a common cemetery in the settlement. Like the Pitaran, they also pray in

the Thirunelli kavu which is nearer to the settlement. Pula (pollution observed during

the birth, death, puberty etc.) is observed until the 12th

day of the demise. There is no

dowry system for marriage among the Ambalavasi.

Social Interaction

To live the life of a householder and to seek salvation through the

householder’s life is the wish of every Pitarar. According to the Pitarans notion of

garhasthya, the householder’s stage is bhakti (devotion) towards the goddess madayi

kavilamma. As a priest he does daily pujas in the temple and interacts with different

communities within the Hindu religion. Their agonies and anxieties are a part of his

life also, and as a remedial action he does pujas in order to propitiate the respective

gods. The Hindus, who believe in the role of planets in governing their past, present

and future deeds come to the kavu when the bad time comes and offer puja. The inter

community interaction is smooth, as several rights (service relationship) exist among

the Pitaran and other caste groups. The temple festivals serve as a link between the

different caste groups around the settlement.

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Familial Interaction

Mother and Child

The mother is most affectionate person in the child’s life. She is the first

teacher. Descent is reckoned through the male line and the children acquire their

father’s illam affiliations. The mother take care of her children, nourishes them; she

becomes a part of the illam. The children in turn is obedient to her instructions, get

involved in the day-to-day routines of their mother. The greatest wish for the Pitaran

woman is to become a mother. The distance between a mother and her child is more

intimate than that of a father and a child. After initiation the child is given an equal

status with its elders. For in future he has to follow the tradition of the priest by doing

daily pujas and rituals.

Among the brothers even today the joint family ties are intact. It is seen that

the younger brother obey the elder brother’s decision. The mother stays along with

her sons in her husband’s illam as it is the norm among them, and pre-pubertal as well

as pre marital sex is strictly prohibited. After the upanayanam initiation the duties

attributed to the neophyte includes the daily recitation of gayathri, gayathri japa.

After the initiation he should observe pollution from birth to death, funeral rites, keep

physical distance with the females etc. If the father dies the son should fulfill his

father’s role which includes guidance of his younger brothers, marriage of the sisters

etc. In patrilineal and patrilocal systems, after marriage, the women and her children

are taken care of by the husband and agnates.

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Husband-Wife

A wife should be obedient towards her husband and his family, socializes her

children, show respect to her in-laws, and discipline her children. As the parental care

and protection towards children are provided, they are strictly monogamous. The

family, being the smallest unit, a man can marry second time, if the first wife does not

bear children. Arranged marriages are the most common type of marriage. Divorce is

not permitted. The women are more educated, and are now interested in earning. The

marital adjustment is done between the spouses. The spouses usually share the similar

socio-cultural background. The post-marital situation is also an important factor in

developing the marital adjustment. If the socio-cultural backgrounds of spouses are

very much different it also leads to maladjustment. Sexual status and employment are

also important factors in marital relationship. The male supremacy in the Pitarar

context is very well seen within the marital relationship.

The division of labour is based on sex. Men are considered to be the

breadwinners and the women the bread makers. The task of cooking which has been

universally assigned to the house wives has been considered as her main duty. The

mothers in almost all cases keep the boys aloof from cooking and impart the real and

practical training of cooking to the girls. The men engage in the pujas. In every

society the marital adjustment relied upon the adjustment with the spouses, their

family and according to the social standard. As far as the division of labour is

considered, even though the women share the lion’s share of her life in the household,

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at the time of feast and festivities, it is the men who cook the food.

The women take keen interest in bringing up the children and as a wife and

mother she is motivated by her role, which also includes the task to look after the

aged members of the family. The husband is superior to her. In various aspects the

sub-ordinate position given to the woman is gradually changing in the Pitaran society

also. The husband – wife relationship is an interaction between two different

personalities, the important elements in the personality like values, similar tastes,

interests, accepting the things as they are, temperament all determines the adjustment

and harmony within the marital relationship. Like every society in India, the Pitaran

society is also changing fast. We can well apply Fonesca’s (1980, 7) words on the

Indian family life in comparison to the Pitaran society “Many problems of Indian

family life which we find today originated in the traditional way of life. Patterns

which were once well adapted to the type of society known in the past have changed

so as to have become more urbanized. For instance, the family of procreation and the

family of orientation tend to differ. The nature and outlook of the external forces are

also due to the new social status and economic independence which women now

enjoy. The tasks which she engages herself cannot be ignored, and we perforce have

to envisage the role of the ‘economic woman’ which has acquired a new dimension.

The reorientation of a woman’s role, her aspirations and outlook has led inevitably to

changing ideas about marriage and family”. Even though Pitarar woman has not

attained the role of ‘economic woman’ I can foresee the urge to attain such a role

among the youngsters.

103

The interaction with the Ambalavasi is bound on the hierarchical division of

labour. The manual labour required for all activities were reserved for the

Ambalavasis, the females kept the illam and its surroundings clean and tidy. They

served as helping hands in the respective husband’s illam. They cleaned the dishes

and articles. Without the Ambalavasis the festival in the temple is incomplete. Apart

from serving in the temple they acted as helping hands in the illam, where they had

the right to hold certain ritualistic rites, which were to be observed. Dried rice is

supplied during the time of festivals, perhaps in the older days the Pitarar might have

supplied the Ambalavasis with dried rice and this system may be continuing at the

time of festivals like meenopooram, kalathilari, perumkaliyatam etc. The harmonious

association between the Pitarar and Ambalavasi can be well seen during the occasion

of their festivals. At the time of life-cycle rituals the Ambalavasi female comes over

to the illam and helps them in grinding coconuts, cooking, chopping vegetables etc.,

while the Pitarar males usually do catering.

From birth to death ritualistic interaction between these two communities is

very well visible. The feast and festivities may be big or small and they celebrate

according to their financial capacities. The socio-religious status also determines the

festivities. The naming ceremony, the first rice giving ceremony, ear boring

ceremony, initiation, puberty ceremony, marriage, death etc., are performed along

with various rituals. The hierarchical order is very well visible in the feast and

festivities. The manner in which the food is first served, determines the order. In the

feast the food is first served for males and that too for the muthapitaran, elayapitaran,

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illakkar and after their turn the women - muthapitaran’s wife, elayapitaran’s wife and

Pitarar women - are served the food, and they call it as munpanthi.

Role of women

The women helped men in the agricultural activities in the past. They were not

allowed to do jobs outside the household. The women themselves did all the kitchen

labour in their own household. The females of vannathan caste group did the washing

of the clothes. The intensive labour required for activities other than kitchen-work

was also reserved for the people of the other caste groups.

The women did cooking and looked after the children. She is also supposed to

be the last member to eat after serving the food to her husband and children. The

females in their teens are compulsorily made to do the household jobs.

The females sometimes reared cows, goat, hen etc., and sell milk, egg, butter

and ghee, and thus generated income. The domestic animals were also sold for the

milk and meat.

The Pitaran females are on the path of change. The Kudumbasree unit was put

forward by the government to eradicate poverty in all over Kerala. Kudumbasree acts

as an institution offering many part-time employment opportunities, especially for

women. Kudumbasree members are engaged in the cultivation, preparation and

supply of snacks, information technology, Waste management etc. The unit in Madayi

is named as Aiswarya Kudumbasree. The Pitarar women along with the Ambalavasi

105

woman are members in this unit. The labour is divided among its members. Equal

number of members engages in pounding and preparing the items. They make snacks

like appam, pickles etc. and they sell this along with the other home made items from

the front side of the temple. Apart from co-operating with the kudumbasree units, the

women are now doing jobs in various posts. Four women were seen working in the

government sector, two in the private sector and two in the co-operative sector.

The women are unquestionably subordinate to men. She is dependent upon her

father during her childhood, after her veli upon her husband, and in her old age upon

her sons. After marriage, she looks after her children and the aged in her family. A

different status and a definite hierarchy can be seen regarding the duties of a wife; she

is expected to serve the family, to be obedient to her husband and to his very needs.

She is expected not to question her husband and her in – law.

Religion

Most of the cultural traits are a form of teamed behaviour. In this era of

globalization scientific advancements bring the nations parallel to each other. But the

basic values and attitudes remain the same. At times the passage of time brings

inevitable changes affecting values, attitudes, human relationships and behavioural

patterns. Tylor (1871) in his book Primitive Culture remarks the evolution of religion

from animism to monotheism, through Polytheism. The unseen subtle invisible matter

inside each living body, which activities the individual was believed to as soul

(anima) by all primitive groups. It is only when matter leaves the body, all activities

106

of life are stopped and body becomes still. This soul concept was the root of animism.

Religion is necessary for morality. Great religious movements have occurred

bringing about vast changes in human history like the founding of religions of

Buddha, the Christ and the Prophet and later religious movement like bhakti

movement in India and the reformation in Europe. Myths are indeed by product of

religion. The incredible and fabulous are the daily bread of religion which creates

mythologies full of supernormal phenomena. Myths have influenced human life much

more than rationalities (Sreedharan 2000).

At all levels of civilization, and stages of human activity, religion empowered

links between the different structures and types of social life. Some time’s blood

sacrifices are done to recharge the potency of the earth. For Muslims, pilgrimage to

Mecca is more significant sacrificial rites. From time immemorial, man bows down to

unknown forces, which make his life. The Aztecs of Mexico held their priests

responsible for the maintenance and renewal of the entire universe. By performing

annual rituals, priests could obtain the blessing of the Aztec gods, ensure the well

being of Aztec people, and guard the world against collapse into chaos and darkness.

In a spirit of surrender, he tries to appease the gods who have power over these

calamities and disasters. Over the years customs and traditions were born out of this

fear that man might loose total control (Harris 1987).

Puranic Hinduism, apart from the assimilation of innumerable cults and

deities, also shaped strong sectarian tendencies focusing on particular schools of

107

thought. These two trends seem to be contradictory. But this contradiction is

reconciled by the attempted formal organization of belief systems and philosophies

through the sects. These teachings were closely related to the historical founders of

sects, such as Shankaracharya, Ramanuja, Madhva and Basavanna and sometimes to

be believed succession of teachers, suggesting historicity (Romila Thapar 2002).

Rituals

In rural society certain customs are followed during the harvest season. The

first yield is offered to the mother earth signifying the concept of the fertility. At times

animals are sacrificed and the blood is let upon the ground and the flesh is buried to

fertilize and recharge the potency of the earth. Muslims, on the last day of the annual

pilgrimage to Mecca, sacrifice animals. For them, their visit to the sacred city is more

important than any sacrificial rite. While the women in most cultures observes the

several custom from the time of confinement up to the time of the birth of a child, she

and her new born are under many of the restrictions. In India, Ten or twelve days

(sometimes even more days) after the birth of a child are regarded as unclean. The

mother and the child are allowed inside the house only after certain purificatory rites.

Many of the tribes and certain communities in India, woman at the time of delivery is

isolated and sent to a separate hut in the village. (Nandagopal 1998, 7).

Marriage is regarded as the one of the earliest rites. The innumerable customs

observed at the time of wedding make the marriage a long religious ceremony. While

the disposal of the dead from the primitive to the present, the belief of serving the

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dead has influenced the thought process and expression of the emotions symbolically

through the customs in all religions. Burial is the most common way of disposing the

dead in Christian, Jewish, Muslim and many South Asian societies. Burial emerged

with a belief that the dead rise again. Some groups of aboriginal in Australia leave the

bodies on trees. Parsis to special enclosure namely the tower of silence, where they

leave the body to devoured by birds. The Parsis believe that the earth and fire are

sacred and must not be polluted by burying or burning the body. Tibetans sink the

bodies in water. The Jains, Budhists and certain other communities in north India

cremate the dead. The local custom established in the society is over powering. For

instance the Muhammadan and Christian women in most parts do not wear the

mangalasutra, black beads and bindi. Married woman of the western coast of India

irrespective of their religion wear this as the symbol of their marital status (ibid).

Religion has great influence in every society. Religion includes not only a

code of ethical rules for its followers to accept, it might also prescribes rituals,

observance, ceremonies and also mode of worship which are regarded as integral

parts. The Pitarar are followers of rigveda2. As they serve as priests in the Madayi

kavu, religion and rituals play a vital role in the cultural tradition of the people. Their

way of life is regulated and intermixed with chief deity and they firmly believe that

Pitarar is her children and she would very well look after them during their trials and

tribulations in life. Prayers for health, wealth, and progeny never go unanswered for

the Pitarar.

109

Besides goddess kali, they worship siva, sasthavu, kshethrapalan and

saptamatrukkal, The person who does puja in the temple is usually referred as santhi.

All the Pitarar has got their turn in the temple, in accordance with the respective illam.

As the number of members in each illam is high, they divide their turn to do santhi in

the temple. Festivals are celebrated with great pomp and show in the Madayikavu.

Their festivals include pooram, vishu, onam, sivarathri, navarathri, perumkaliyattam,

karthika, nira, etc. Relatives from everywhere attend the festivals. The temple is the

center of art, culture, education and the religious worship of the community since so

many years.

Religious authorities

The system of belief, practice, doctrines and behaviour were passed through

generation to generation in the Pitarar community. They ate fish and meat and

consumed alcohol that was strictly forbidden to the Nambuthiri Brahmins in Kerala.

The Pitarar worshipped Kali. As they were saivaites they worshipped Siva and his

consorts. They performed saktheya puja by offering blood to the goddess Kali. Cocks

are sacrificed and the meat is usually cooked from the nearby illam. The cooked meal

was distributed as naivedyam. Even though the Gowda Saraswath Brahmins in Kerala

consumed fish, it was not included in the offering of the Gods (Sona 2002). The meat

and Alcohol was strictly forbidden to them.

Of the four illams Thazhath, Naduvil, Aryamvalli, Ettummal, the authority

over Madayi Kavu comes under muthapitarar, elayapitarar and santhi, respectively.

110

The right for main puja during the auspicious occasion is vested on the muthapitarar.

The eIayapitarar helps him. Each illam member or santhi has got the right to do daily

puja. According to this division santhi is divided for each illam per month.

The necessary qualification of the muthapitarar is that he should have

thorough knowledge of veda and mantra but the main and compulsory qualification is

to pass ucha puja. The religious authority muthapitarar enjoys many rights. The

rights include eating first in every feast in which he is followed by elayapitarar and

illakkaran. The elaya pitarar carries the thidambu (the deity of goddess) on his head

during the festivals. The elayapitarar performs payattu during puram festival.

Representing the four illams the illakkar is four in number. During the life

cycle rituals of the Pitarar the illakkaran’s wife has the right to take vilakku (sacred

lamp) and thalika (plate). The last religious authority is the santhi and the priesthood

is divided among them in the ritual rank in the following order: Naduvile illam are

given more chances to do puja, then the chances are given to the Thazhath illam and

Aryamvalli illam and the least number of days allotted for the Ettummal illam.

Females are also distributed santhi as dowry even though she can’t perform santhi she

can hand over santhi to her nearest kin and this right to perform over santhi is

transmitted through generation to generation in Patriarchal line.

Gone are the days for the elder folks when the Chirakkal Raja selected

muthapitarar, elayapitarar and illakkar according to his wish. But now the people’s

wish is given prior importance.

111

Main Deities

The feminine power attributed to earth in the Indian society, and it is

considered as a sacred, living entity. The earth’s seasonal generation of food, the soil

with elements of dead, the forces in nature, this also produces new life that renders the

earth (Caldwell 2004, 104). The main deities in the Madayi Kavu are Devi or

Thiruvanrkkattu Bhagavati. Madayi kavilamma is another name, which has been

commonly used by the people to denote the goddess and which means mother

goddess of Madayi Kavu. Beside’s Madayi Kavilamma or Bhagavathi the other

deities worshipped here are Siva, Sasthavu, Kshethrapalan, Saptamatrukkal, Ganesha

and Veerabhadra.

In the vicinity of the eastern entrance of the kavu in the eastern end there is a

big Banyan tree shadowing the front side. In the north, south and west, thick forest is

seen and all these make meaning to the word kavu. The temple is situated facing east.

The one who enters inside will first see the Siva’s sanctorium, which is in rectangular

shape. A sivalinga with two silver eyes and crescent is installed in the sanctorium.

Siva was worshipped by the early Dravidians and they considered Siva as pre-

Aryan and non-Aryan Deity. The admission of this deity must have taken place in

Hindu religion during the period of Aryan Dravidian fusion (Sreedhara Menon 1979,

187).

The sanctum sanctorium of the Devi is situated in the southern side of Siva’s

sanctorium. Goddess Madayi kavilamma is seen in a sitting posture with sacred

weapons in her eight hands; adorned with crown, garland, red silk attire, golden

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ornaments. The idol of the goddess Madayi kavilamma is adorned with pattu,

kasukoya, kalchilambu, pathakkam, chandrakkala, pirivalla, kundalam, swarnatali,

simhatoda etc.

The posture of goddess is in terrific, fearful and wild form with a posture of

hitting Darikasura. The killing and hitting type of idol comes under thamasabhava,

while the satwika idol is usually in a posture of meditation. The rajasa idol is wearing

varieties of ornaments and usually is in a position of blessing. Devi’s idol as

mentioned here comes under the group of thamasa.

There are two types of idols sthira vigraha and chala vigraha. Of these sthira

vigraha or moola bimbam, made of kadum sarkarayogam is the idol, which is

installed permanently and cannot be removed. But the chala vigraha is not fixed in a

place. During the festival occasions the priest can easily carry it. In Madayi Kavu the

idol of Devi comes under the sthira vigraha while tidambu or siveli bhimbam is being

carried out by the muthapitarar comes under the chala vigraha. A diagrammatic

depiction of Devi namely Sree chakra with the symbol features of 43 interlocking

triangles with a dot at its centre is also worshipped.

Apart from Bhadrakali, Sapthamathrukkal, Veerabhadra, Ganapathi, Shastavu

and Kshethrapalan are worshipped here. In east-west side in front of the Bhadrakali’s

idol in the rectangular structure the idols of the Saptamathrukkal (seven mothers) are

seen. The idols of Veerabhadra and Ganapathi’ are also seen nearby. It is believed that

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the Sapthamathrukkal took birth from the body of Brahma and Vishnu. The

Sapthamathrukkal includes Indrani (Indra), Varahi (Varaha), Vaishnavi (Vishnu),

Kaumari (Kumaran), Maheswari (Maheswaran), Brahmani (Brahma) and Chamundi

(Chamundan). There are separate lineage deities for each illam.

The Worship of Bhagavati is only next in importance to Vaishnavism and

Saivism. In the pre-Aryan and pre-Vedic religion she was worshipped as war goddess

by the hill tribes and predatory classes. Her worship came to be associated with the

worship of siva. The idea that the siva and sakti in the role of Purusha and prakriti

represent the primeval forces of creation is embodied in the early Manipravalam

works. The northern ballads also testify to the predominant position occupied by sakti

among the deities of the kalari or the military gymnasium. In Kerala almost every

village has a shrine for the bhagavathi. For eg., as Bahdrakali, Tampurati, Chamundi,

Annpurneswari, Durga, Paremeswari, etc. Almost all the royal dynasties of Kerala

had a Bhagavati as their family deity. The Travancore royal family had Attingal

Bhgavati, the Cochin rulers the Pazhayannur Bhagavati, the Valluvanad Rajas the

Lokanar kavilamma, the Kottayam Rajas, the Sri Porkaleswari and the Chirakkal

Rajas the Madayil Bahgavati. Apart from this the famous Bhagavati temples are

Kodungallur, Chottanikkara, Kumaranallur, Shertalai, etc (Sreedhara Menon 1979,

189).

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Each illam has separate kottams for worshipping their deities, they are as

follows.

Kuttichathan Kottam - Naduvile illam

Ambalakandam - Thazhath illam

Chalil Kavu Bagavati Kottam - Aryamvalli illam

The southern portion of Madayi kavu - Aryamvalli illam

Kuttichathan Kottam - Eastern portion of Madayi Kavu

Chalil Bagavathi - Near the temple pond.

In the eastern portion of Madayi Kavu, vadakkum vathil or vadakke bhagam is

seen. The vadakke bhagam is the door facing towards south. In the past the blood

sacrifices were done here. The idols of Rakteswari, Uchitta, Bhairavan, Guru and

Kuttichathan’s are erected here. Thidappally is the place where the holy food of gods

and goddesses are prepared as naivedyam (Offering).

Myths

The origin of the temple is steeped in the legends of the hoary past. Myths are

not unchanging time honoured tales, fully authentic and untouched by foreign hands.

Myths reflect social changes, political influences, individual goals and sometimes

history (Van Beek 1992, 214). Except from the legends handed down from generation

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to generation by word of mouth, there are no other records to shed light on the origin

of the temple.

There are several myths on the origin of the temple, one that goes like this:

Once there lived three sisters namely Urvadi, Veerachamundi and

Cherukunnilamma. They were proceeding to a place named Ayiramthengu, while the

Cherukkunnilamma expressed her desire to settle Cherukkunnu and she stepped down

there, the remaining two decided to continue their journey to Ayiramthengu. When

they were having rest after a long journey under a coconut tree, without their

knowledge, there was a toddy tapper who was tapping toddy. Suddenly two drops of

toddy fell on the breast of Urvadi. This was considered as pollution. She was forced to

cut her left breast as the toddy tapper belonged to Thiyya, an untouchable caste.

Leaving Urvadi, Veerachamundi proceeded to Kunhimangalam and the Urvadi

remained there and later she was worshipped as goddess.

Daily rituals

Morning Puja - Early in the morning at 5 ‘o’ clock the sanctum sanctorium

opens. This puja is done in order to clear the shrine by picking up the flowers,

sandalwood paste, thulasi leaves etc of the previous day. Firstly, the bimba (idol) of

the goddess is washed and cleaned by pouring water. Puffed rice, sugar candy,

banana, thrimadhura (a mixture of sugar, ghee and molasses) is offered to the god.

The devotees are allowed to see the vigraha and the door is opened for twenty

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minutes. Sometimes it will be opened up to 6 ‘o’ clock.

Between 6 a.m. to 6.45 a.m. the goddess is offered rice, sweet pudding etc.

Flowers are offered by chanting sacred spells. This puja ends with music. The musical

instruments are played by males belonging to the caste Marar. The musical

instruments include uruttu chenda B-chenda, kuzhal, elathalam etc. (Different forms

of drums and flute). Between 6.45 a.m. to 11 a.m. the devotees are allowed to pray.

The morning offering include - pushparchana, rakthapushparchana, and sweet

pudding. For pushparchana, sacred ash and flowers are given. For

rakthapushparchana, sandalwood paste is included.

Pantheeradi puja-appam offering, akapuja (sakthi puja), beaten paddy

offering, (boiled rice) etc., are offered. The offerings of akapuja include flower,

sacred ash, nirmalyam (green gram, sweet pudding and chicken meat). The offerings

are distributed for those who had taken receipt. This puja continues up to 2 p.m.

After 5 p.m. the sanctum sanctorium is opened and the wicks are lighted. The

devotees come and pray. At 5.20 p.m. in the evening-noon puja or uchapuja3 is

conducted. From 5.30 p.m. to 6.30 p.m. deparadhana is performed. The goddess is

offered vasthu (toddy), tharam (arrack) and chicken meat. While offering these items

mudra (symbols) are shown by using fingers, Each finger symbolizes the

panchabhoota (the five elements), the thumb indicates sky, second finger air, middle

finger fire, ring finger water and little finger earth.

At 7.30 p.m. the above mentioned vasthu and tharam are offered and at 7.45

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p.m. The sanctum sanatorium is closed. Then onwards entry is not allowed into the

temple.

In the month of vrischikam the sanctum sanctorium opens at 2.30 a.m and at 3

‘o’ clock for abhishekam. Pantheeradi puja and uchapuja are done as usual at

7.30p.m.

Valiya puja-It is one of the main puja and this puja is done for one person per

day. For valliya puja 121/4 ser rice, Rs 2000/, cock, green gram, sugar candy, coconut

oil etc., are required. The valiya puja ends at 6.30 p.m.

Niramala-As the name indicates for niramala garlands are required. The Musical

instruments like thayamabaka and vadyam are played. 18 ser rice, Rs 6,000/ beaten

paddy, appam, sweet pudding, green gram and oil are necessary. Oil is used to lighten

the lamps.

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Festivals

The festivals play an important role in the life of the people all over the world

where the visual appearance of life is changing fast. It binds the people and refreshes

the already existing relationship with the family, kinsman, friends, neighbors, etc. As

a binding force that emphasizes the existing structure the feast and festivity are parts

of every Pitaran’s life. It ensures social solidarity. In the month of Medam

(Malayalam month begins from Medam) i.e., April to May - vishuvilakku is

celebrated, Edavam- May June - kalasham, Mithunam- June July prathishta and in

Karkkidakam nira. In Chingam puthari, thiruvonam, atham, chathurthi puja and in

the month of Kanni; koothu and navarathri are performed. For Thulam kalathilari is

famous, mandalapuja and karthika is celebrated in the month of Vrishchikam,

pandalkal puja in Dhanu, kalathilari in Makaram, and sivarathri in Kumbham. The

Madayi Kavu is famous for its pooram festival and it is celebrated in the month of

Meenam.

Pooram festival is an important festival celebrated by the Pitarar in the

Madayi Kavu. Pooram festival is also known as meenopooram. The ritualistic

ablution of the idol is done on that day. The people from Chaliya community perform

poorakali in the temple courtyard. In the month of kanni, koothu is performed from

the namaskaramandapam of the temple. Kalathilari is celebrated in the month of

Thulam. Erecting the pandal and decorating the courtyard by drawing kalam with

coloured powder and ash decorate the temple. The naturally available pigment is also

used to draw kalam for getting fine colours. In Madayi nira is celebrated in the month

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of Karkidakam. Pothiveppu is the festival followed by nira and it is celebrated in the

month of Vrishchikam. In the month of Medam, decorating the courtyard with flowers

for nine days refer to the ceremony called poovidal. Geographic conditions like

topography, vegetation and the presence of back waters molded aesthetic expression

together with a complex social structure replete with rituals, religious ceremonies and

festivals which are part of their lives.

Vishuvilakku

As the people in Kerala, the Pitarar also celebrates Vishu. On the day of

Medam when the Vishu celebration starts, the muthapitarar showers blessings on

those who are present before the sreekovil of the goddess. The gathering also includes

Chirakkal Raja; the first blessing is received by the Raja and then to anjooru

nayanmar (five hundred Nayars) from the place called Aduthila, which is nearby

Madayi. After the blessing, the theertham (holy water) is distributed to every one

gathered there. When the northern Kerala celebrates this festival by full of crackers,

the Pitarans wont use the crackers as they believe that Madayi kavilamma is in furious

form and the crackers would annoy her.

Kalasham and meenamruthu

On the day of kalasham which is celebrated in the month of Edavam, a person

from the Thiyya caste comes and offers his prayers to the goddess and fills toddy in

an earthen pot. This pot is given to him from the kavu. The other members of the

Thiyya caste group provide him toddy. As he has got a right to do this ritual he is

called by the name meenothiyyan. In the northern side of the kavu the above-

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mentioned pot with toddy is kept. This pot is called as noorukalasham. The rods

stringed with fishes are kept beside the noorukalasham. The muthapitarar makes his

acceptance by sprinkling water along with rice, sandal wood paste, flower etc., and by

chanting mantras. The Chaliyar, who resides in Madayi, catches fish from the nearby

Chembelikundu river. This ritual is known as kappadikkal. The meenothiyyan has the

right over this offered fish.

During this function a cock and a goat are sacrificed. The Pitarar chants

mantras and two drops of blood are sprinkled before the idols of Bhairavan and

Bhairavi. After sacrifices the goddess is offered naivedyam and later on the

muthapitarar distributes this to the other Pitarar.

Kaliyatam, a festival on theyyam, is performed on the same day.

Vilakku and talika

It is customary and specific right for each illam to take vilakku and talika at

the time of life-cycle rituals. For example, for a function in aryamvalli illam, thazhath

and naduvil have the customary right to take vilakku and talika. The ettummal illam

has got the right to take vilakku and talika if pula (pollution) related to birth and death

happens in other illams.

At every main rite of passage in every illam in the settlement, the other illams

have certain special rights and obligations, as for example, of taking vilakku and

talika, in a particular illam only married females (except widows) are privileged to

take vilakku and talika (lamp and copper plate).

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Material culture

Creamy white is the colour, which dominates the people of Pitarar community.

The white colour is the colour code in Kerala against its backdrop of lush green

vegetation and beckoning backwaters. The very fine quality of cloth, which is closely

woven, is the appropriate colour for the steamy heat.

The traditional clothes include mundu, on special occasions thattumundu is

worn by the Pitarar male. Mundu or dhothi is very common among the Malayalis in

Kerala and it is a favourite dress of the Pitarar. Caldwell (2004, 246) remarks

“Exposure of the upper body was traditionally considered as sign of respect. Even

today men must remove their shirts before entering certain Hindu temples in Kerala.

Today, this traditional practice survives only in temples and villages. Western dress

patterns, in which the upper body must be covered by both males and females as a

sign of modesty, have prevailed in public life. Village men may walk bare - chested in

their house compound. But wear shirts to ride the bus, go to the bank, or attend the

public functions”. The female attire includes onnara, neriyathu, mundu, which they

traditionally used to wear inside their illam. Now maxis, churidar, etc., have taken its

place. Even though saris are used while they go outside the illam, for the Pitarar

woman while they visit the temple after the marriage it is compulsory to wear onnara

and mundu. Today, youngsters use pants and shirts when they go out. Inside the house

the males usually cover the lower part by wearing thorthu- a loosely knit cotton towel.

The women themselves take a great pride in their ornaments. The married

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women wear earrings, chains, necklaces, bangles, bracelets, silver or golden anklets

and wedlock. The wedlock is designed in a special manner, which is very much

different from the Ambalavasi’s wedlock or tali. The tali of the Ambalavasi is in the

shape of a banyan tree leaf. Widows are not allowed to wear tali.

The married women put kumkum on their forehead. The women love long hair.

The girls take great care for their beautiful hair. By using hibiscus leaves and flowers

mixed with water they make natural shampoo named thāli. Several kinds of thāli are

made to clean the hair. Kerala is a land of coconut and coconut oil is used in plenty.

The unmarried females are not allowed to use turmeric or to apply kumkum in the

crown of their forehead.

The Pitarar generally gives an impression of cleanliness. The young men who

perform the puja are indeed very careful about their personal hygiene and keep

themselves scrupulously tidy. It is a must to take bath before every auspicious

functions and rituals.

Body decoration

Modern dress styles are adopted by Pitarar. The media also influences in

adopting the modern dress styles. They use perfumes, cosmetics, shampoo both

traditional and modern. The modern hairstyle is different. Usually the female and

male members follow modern hair style. The girls visit beauty parlors.

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Modern trends

Culture and the pattern of society tend to change with the passage of time. The

simple technology develops into a more complex one. Dress, ornaments, technology,

life style etc are changing. The old people are not adapted to the new environments.

Like the youths all over the world, the youths in the Pitaran society also like to have

change in their dress patterns, life style and tradition. Youths are after new trends.

North Indian costumes are trend among most of the Hindu brides. Keeping aside the

traditional settumundu and saris, most of the brides today opt for elegant and queenly

attire for the wedding. The golden brocaded boarders and kasavu pallav have not lost

glamour. Mystic magenta, purple and deep sea blue colours along with crazy red and

traditional and elegant maroon rein the selections of wedding saris. Among flowers

Jasmines are preferred to adorn the hair.

Role of media

Media plays an important role in the life of the Pitarar. Like any other section

of the Kerala society, the news in and around the world is keenly observed by the

Pitarar society through newspaper, television, etc. Till recently they mainly depended

on radio, but now television is one of the important media. Through television they

watch mainly cinema, daily serials, sports and games. The children watch their

favourite cartoon channels.

Dress of the children includes shirts and half trousers among males and frocks,

midis, etc among girls.

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Tools used in rituals

Anthropology suggests that the art had its origin in rituals. A more civilized

society in the modern world depends upon more complicated tools for all-purposes.

The ritual and tools used in rituals are in one way or other symbolic. Customs,

Traditions and beliefs have directly or indirectly influenced the people in using

innumerable objects which are specially made for the purpose. They have received

special attention from the craftsperson who have transformed them into artistic

creations (Nandagopal 1998)

By tradition the Pitarar are priests and they use different tools while they

perform rituals. Thiruvayudham, a sword, which is made of gold, is taken in

procession during pooram festival. This sword is believed to be the sword of the Devi

of Madayi kavu. At the time of pooram festival the Pitarar go for hunting which is

symbolic in nature. A spear known as kundam is taken from the sacred grove, they

hunt porcupine with the kundam and it is offered to the deity. Another weapon known

as sulam, made of iron, is held by Madayikavilamma.

Domestic tools

The vessels and kitchen tools show a degree of craft specialization. Mud pot

(mankalam), copper pot-(chembukalam), bronze pot (odekalam) - etc., are the pots

used for cooking rice and curries. Knives and sickles are used for cutting and

chopping vegetables and fish. Ponders made on wood, winnowers made for

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winnowing husks with nicely knitted palm leaves, etc., are used by them. For grinding

they used grinding stone in the past, but now mixer, electronic grinder etc. are used

for this purpose. For cooking, manchatty (mud pan), kalchatty (stone pan),

mannukudukka (mud pot), etc., are used. Talika (bronze plate), chembu chattukam

(copper idle), kooja (made of mud for drinking water), spoons, plates made of steel

etc., are used.

Political organization

For the Pitarar, politics is a continuous matter of discussion, a great deal of

political news is watched in television. The writings in newspapers, magazines, and

books about the past, present and future of the politics is read and discussed by them.

It was the Chirakkal Raja who ruled Madayi and important decisions on the

community affairs were taken only under the guidance of Raja. He was the supreme

leader and the lord of the people. He has got the power to reward his people and at the

same time to punish them if found guilty. Under him anjooru nayanmar ruled Madayi

as it was recited during the eulogy of theyyam, when disputes arouse they solved the

disputes from the nattukuttam or a group of villagers under the raised platform of a

banyan tree, in front of the temple. Of these Nayars, Unniyarakurup and Chattoth

Kurup were famous and thus the place was under the power and control of the

Anjooru Nayanmar. Chief of the Army titled padathalavan while the gurukkal was

the teacher of the army.

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The traditional occupation of the Pitarar was priesthood. Along with the

Ambalavasi and with the prior permission of the Raja the Pitarar worshipped Madayi

Kavilamma. The income received from the people through offerings and pujas were

the main sources of earnings of the priests. Apart from priesthood agriculture was

their secondary occupation.

“Power, in order to be legitimate, must be sanctioned by authority, and

authority in its turn must be validated by priesthood, which provides the channel to

the divine or transcendent source of authority” (Heesterman 1985). The divine and the

transcendent source of authority are filled by power and priesthood i.e. in the Indian

tradition it is filled by king and Brahmin. This pair stands for the temporal power and

spiritual authority.

In the temple matters hierarchy has been found still today from the Chirrakkal

Raja up to the illakkaran i.e Chirrakkal Raja – muthapitaran – elayapitaran – pitaran

– illakkaran.

After the Raja the religious authority is vested in the hands of muthapitaran.

The muthapitaran enjoyed the status and role of the religious head and the Raja

selected these personalities. Certain major criteria for the selection of the religious

head were that he must not have any illness both physically and mentally such as

blindness, lame, etc., Secondly, he must be an older person who has got more

experience and can guide the community members in the settlement. He must have

knowledge on vedas and lastly he should have done the uchapuja. The Pitarar select

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the illakkaran. On every occasion whether it is related to the kavu or with the life

cycle rituals, the muthapitaran has got a major role and status. He is respected as a

religious head and has the right to take important decisions on the religious and socio-

political matters.

The power enjoyed by the muthapitarar during the festivals includes taking

the idol of Devi. In the major procession during the pooram celebrations he has the

right to carry Devi’s idol. The muthapitarar performs santhi in the Malayalam month

of Tulam, Vrischikam and Makaram. The elayapitarar enjoys the right to take the

sacred sword of the Devi, nandakam during the pooram festival. It was the king who

conducted the festival in the past. The elayapitarar has got the right of purification in

temple. During life cycle rituals also he does this ritual. In the past religion played an

important role in the socio-religious – political scenario.

All the four illams (lineage groups) do santhi in the kavu; while the

Ambalavasis assist the Pitarar in the kavu. The priesthood is equally divided among

the four illams.

Religious head-The law and order of the community was once in the hands of

the religious heads. In every year the Pitarar in the month of Midhunam 13th

hands

over their right as the priest in the Madayi Kavu to the Brahmin priest. It is the duty of

the Nambuthiri priest to do puja on that day. The Madayi Kavu enjoys the service

from all the caste groups of the nearby settlement.

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Power and role of religious leaders

During the life cycle rituals from birth to death the religious leaders had a

unanimous position in the community. The primary and most important role is

ascribed to the muthapitarar and he enjoys the highest position in the community. In

the upanayanam ceremony, he is the chief of the ritual. Apart from him, the four

illakkar have also got certain status in the rituals. It is also compulsory for the four

illakkars to attend, jathakarmam.

At the time of Marriage, the muthapitarar hands over the wedlock to the

groom and he has got a special status and role through out the marriage ceremony.

The elayapitarar has the privilege to do purification rite in all the life cycle ritual

ranged from birth to death. Not only the muthapitarar but also his wife and the

elayapitarar’s wife enjoy special status. In the feast, it is only after serving the

muthapitarar, elayapitarar, and their wives in the onnam panthi, the other guests are

served food in the randam panthi.

Religious teacher

Vadhyar is the religious teacher. He must be well versed in vedas, Sanskrit

and religious texts, especially the ritual texts. He teaches the children; from them he

receives dakshina (as an amount and cloth) for teaching the religious rituals. He

teaches special kriyas of a Brahmin which should be observed after upanayana the

customs, rituals and observances a Pitarar should strictly observe. During the

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marriage ritual, the vadhyar recites manthras for the couple’s better prospects.

According to the religious text a true grihasthashrami should lead a life of a

householder, by satisfying, dharma, artha, kama and ultimately to moksha i.e., by

observing ones own duty through achieving wealth and desire which leads him to the

path of ultimate salvation.

Illam rights

The right to perform puja or santhi was divided among the Pitarar equally. But

certain illam enjoyed more rights. The Naduvil illam enjoyed more days in

performing santhi followed by Thazhathillam, Aryamvalliillam and Ettummal illam.

Thus this division led the illam which has got large number of santhi in a financially

well-off position.

Based on uchapuja the priest is attributed to a position called melsanthi. The

numbers of melsanthi priests differ in different illams. The Thazhath illam had seven

priests, four priests for Aryamvalli, three priests for Ettummal, while the Ottapura

illam had two melsanthis. The maximum number of people was from Thazhath illam,

while the Ettummal illam had minimum number of people. The four illam had their

own deities and separate places of worship for their lineage gods and goddesses.

Punishment and Kavumpadi.

It has already been mentioned that the Chirrakkal Raja ruled the place. He was

the supreme authority of the kavu. Under him the muthapitarar did the administration

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of the community. The Raja punished the offenders for crimes, telling lies, stealing

etc. The punishment was given to the offenders. Disputes were settled by the Raja.

The complaints were received from the front side of the kavu, which is known as

kavumpadi. The punishment also included offerings to the kavu, penalty both in cash

and kind, social ostracism etc. The punishment was displayed on the notice board on

the front side of the temple, which also displayed the final date of the investment of

the penalty either in cash or kind. Thus the front place of the temple (kavumpadi) had

an important place in the socio-cultural history of Pitarar community.

Illam superiority

The Pitarar serve as priests in Pisharikkavu in Koyilandy, Sriporkalli kavu in

Vadakkara, Kalarivathukkal at Valapattanam, Mamanam at Irikkur and

Mannampurathu kavu at Nileshwaram. In all these kavu they do saktheya puja. In the

Nileswaram temple only the Pitaran are allowed to enter inside the temple. The

Pitaran females were allowed to enter inside the temple without wearing the upper

cloth, instead they worn a sheet to cover the upper part. Vattolli illam in Kozhikode is

given special privilege among the Pitarar community. They were attributed a special

position equivalent to the Nambuthiris. The priests of the Vattolli illam in north

Kerala is known as vattoli moosad. The Vattolli illam enjoys a higher status in the

Pitarar caste hierarchy. The privilege to consume food first in any of the feast is

attributed to the Vattoli Moosad. The supreme status goes to Vattoli Moosad, and then

comes muthapitarar of Valapattanam, thirdly muthapitarar of Madayi, fourthly the

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muthapitarar of Nileswaram and Fifthly the muthapitarar of Vadakara. The presence

of the muthapitarar, elayapitarar and pitarar in the funeral function of the Vattoli

Moosad is inevitable.

Modern political system

According to Ramachandran, “Attributes of good governance must be

determined by the nation’s vision of the larger social and economic goal(s) and the

value system it wants to promote” (Ramachandran, 2005, 935) he commented this on

the Governance and people’s participation: Vision 2020.

Devaswam

In the past, apart from santhi, agriculture was the primary source of livelihood

of the Pitarar. The king Kolathiri Raja ruled over North Kerala, the Malabar region. It

was during his reign under him the Chirakal Raja ruled the Pazhayandi. As

agriculturalists and landowners, the Pitarar gave their lands to tenants for cultivation.

Until the second half of the 19th

century the Pitarar were the owners of large area of

land. When the land tenant act was passed in 1957, the lands owned by the Pitarar had

to be given away to the tenants. The land lords from the upper caste divided their

thousands of acres of land among the tenants and this was a major event in the history

of Kerala.

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Panchayat

Disparities between the social and physical infrastructure of the urban and

rural areas are common to all countries. In India, they are a continuing source of

concern and will become further aggravated unless innovative strategies are evolved

to accelerate the development of rural infrastructure (Gupta 2004, 99). Panchayats

have the institutional framework for decentralization of the rural infrastructure. The

Panchayat consists of persons elected directly from the territorial constituencies; all

members of the Panchayat have the right to vote, and elect their candidate. They

govern a fixed tenure of five years. State Election and finance commission review the

finances of the Panchayats. The primary roles of Panchayat include the area of

development, planning and implementation of programmes of economic development,

planning programmes and social justice.

Madayi Panchayat consists of nineteen wards of which six of them are

reserved for women candidates. Members are elected directly by the villagers and the

President is elected directly by the ward members. Now the computer networking

system is established in the Panchayat. A community hall is built in the first floor in

which around four hundred persons can sit. In the first floor Krishibhavan, V.E.O

Office, Kudumbashree office and Office of the Employment Guarantee Scheme are

situated.

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Political parties

After India’s freedom and till today the Muslim League along with Congress

Party is the ruling political party in Madayi. Other than the Congress, CPI (M),

IUML, BJP, INL etc. are the other political parties in Madayi. From 1940 to 2011 the

Congress and UDF are the main political parties in Madayi. CPI (M) is gaining

support from the people. The ward member of Madayi is from CPI (M), and there are

two more ward members from CPI (M). Now there are 21 polling stations. At the time

of the three tier Panchayat elections held in 2010 the Madayi Panchayat was divided

in to 20 wards. Out of which the Congress along with Muslim league gained 17 seats

and CPI (M) gained 3 seats.

Apart from Hindus, the Muslim population dominates the region. The Muslim

males are largely working in the Gulf countries, while their wives and children are in

Kerala. Gulf migration is a major feature of the Malabar region.

“All political power in democracy stems from people” (Ramachandran 2005,

935). The people-centered development in India is in the process of demographic

transition. Women also engage in politics today. Politics is an area where the women

have not taken much role all over the world. A woman’s lion share of time is spent for

domestic labour. But the progressive youth is giving much importance to education

and job. They utilize the employment opportunities. The employment for the women

brings status and power compared to the unemployed one. In the past the Pitatrar

community never allowed the women to seek job outside the community. The

employment for women was looked down upon by the traditional Pitarar society. But

the whole village in Kerala is on the path of change. As the most literate state in the

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country, the women are provided with education. Opportunities for job and education

are not at all denied. The women are well aware of the happenings in the political

scenario.

Committees

The temple committee is called kshethra committee, the pujas and all other

daily rituals inside the temple run according to the guidance of the religious heads

while the kshethra committee includes the members, President, Vice-President,

Secretary and Joint secretary. The kshethra committee comprises of both the

Executive committee and General body. The General body meeting is conducted

every year. In both committees, the Pitarar and the Ambalavasi are members. The

duty of the executive committee includes fixing of the programmes and festivals.

Now the kavu runs under the Thiruvarkkattu Devaswam Board. The Chirrakkal Raja

doesn’t hold any power to appoint the members. The Devaswam decides the general

body meetings and other functions. The festivals are conducted by utsava committee

or the festival committee. The committee members are changed every year and the

committee conducts the festivals like Meenopuram, Sivarathri etc. The festivals are

conducted by distributing lucky coupons to all the people within and the nearby

settlements. The members from all caste groups are included in the utsava committee.

Apart from ritual ablution, theyyam, koothu, and other programmes like drama,

dances etc., are organized and conducted by utsava committee. The committee meets

the whole expenses. Recently a new committee namely kshethra naveekarana

committee has also been formed.

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Economic organization

In anthropology, economic anthropology deals with the field that has a number

of diverse foci of interest including the ethnographic description of specific economic

systems (Smith 1986, 87). The primary needs of man are food, shelter and clothing. In

the long run of civilization the increasing needs of man has led him from Barter

system to credit cards. The economic organization as a social institution functions for

the fulfillment of material needs of the people. Traditionally Pitarar owned large lands

and participated in the agricultural activities. Education, Urbanization,

Industrialization and Globalization have paved the way for changes in their economic

life.

For their own consumption they depended on agriculture. As already

mentioned they had distributed large agricultural wetlands to tenants and this practice

is known as varam. The Chirakkal Raja also owned large agricultural land. After the

land reform acts the king not only lost his power on land but also his authority.

In olden days the wages were given in kind. Sometimes one bundle was given

from the agricultural field for those who made six bundles of paddy straws. Apart

from this, free lunch was also provided. Thazhath illam and Naduvil illam possessed

more lands compared to the other illam. With the introduction of Land Reform Acts

the Pitarar landowners lost a large percentage of land held by them. The planting and

harvesting were known as mooruka and naduka.

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The Devaswam lands were transacted by means of a system of contract in

which the second party again gave the land to the third person for agriculture known

as marupatam. For the cultivation of curcubita (kakkiri) they practiced this system of

cultivation. By fixing a reasonable amount, the authority for plucking coconuts for

one year is given as pattam to another person by its owner. Santhi, the primary

occupation and the income from the temple, was divided between the Ambalavasi’s

and Marar. Gradually, when they found that Santhi would not fulfill their day-to-day

needs and when the agricultural land was lost, they turned to other jobs.

The desire for modern education and the urge to accumulate wealth for

producing a surplus is not at all a wonder in the modern world. Nevertheless, this did

not necessarily exhaust in the male Pitarar world. Still today the main interest of the

youth lies in santhi.

With the advent of this era, a considerable debate has been going on in India

on economic activities. The statistics shows some significant decline in poverty in the

pre-reform period, the head count ratio’s in both rural and urban areas fell

continuously and consistently from 1973-74 – national head count ratio 54 percent to

1987-88 head count 37 percent and after a slight rise then fell to about 35 percent in

1990. In 1991-92 after the liberalization policies of poverty in rural areas rose against

around 44 percent. A slight rise in urban areas can be seen. But as 80 percent of the

poor lives in rural areas, liberalization and reform process had no significant impact in

reducing poverty. In fact it suggests quite the reverse (Pilla 2002). Traditionally they

followed agriculture. In order to fulfill their basic needs cultivation was done. As the

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area was rocky, they did agriculture in the nearby place, which were owned by them.

The agricultural wetlands were distributed for tenants. The Chirakkal Raja was the

ruler and the whole area was under his control. Till the land reform acts were

introduced the ownership of the land was under Pitarar’s control. But after the acts

were passed the tenants got their own share. The lands were distributed in an

asymmetrical order among the illams. Marupattam a type of agriculture pattern

existed among them in which a temporary owner reserved the land from the tenant.

The wage was received in kind. The seeds were sown in the month of Medam (April-

May). The harvesting of the seeds was done in Kanni (Sept-Oct).

In addition to the agricultural lands, they also owned the Devaswam lands,

which belonged to the temple. The Chirrakkal Raja who controlled the Devaswam

lands allowed them to do so.

Apart from the agriculture, the income generated through santhi was their

main source of livelihood. Born as dwijas, (twice born) their primary occupation was

santhi. Payments for the santhi were received in the form of paddy and dakshina

(offerings). Next to the Pitarar, the payments were also distributed among the

Amabalavasi, Marar etc. and they also received a share from the temple. The achan

(father) in a family was the supreme head and the chief decision maker. In the past,

the father looked after the welfare of the family, the supreme head of the joint family

was the male head of the family and he looked after the property and the financial

affairs. The right of the father automatically goes to the elder son and if he doesn’t

have any male issue his brother took over his right.

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The relationship of the appans with the Ambalavasi females suggests that it

was unlikely that there were specific legal or moral sanctions on the acquirement of

the property for their Ambalavasi wives and children even though the conjugal and

paternal ties were so strong and everlasting.

Gift exchange

The exchange refers to the panhuman pattern of giving and receiving valuable

objects and services. The human beings are the only member in the animal kingdom

that cannot live without exchanging their labour or the product of labour.

The relatives and friends contribute cash and gifts at the time of birth, naming

ceremony, housewarming, weddings, etc. Usually the gifts are given on the donor’s

economic conditions. Close relatives present golden ornaments for both the male and

female on wedding. However, apart from ornaments, cash, etc., are also gifted. The

girls usually receive a large number of saris from their relatives, neighbors and friends

as gift. When a child is born in a family, it is presented with ornaments made of gold

and dresses. On the day of house warming several household items are presented.

Gifts in the form of dresses and other items are bestowed on the girls at the time of

puberty ceremony, and the boys are also presented with gifts at the time of

upanayanam and marriage. When the affinal and conjugal relatives visit their natal or

relative’s household, sweets are given. The ceremonial exchange of the gifts takes

place when the donor performs a function. He receives gifts from the recipient.

According to Cheal (1988) gift giving is as much a part of the struggle for

existence in the modern world for studying on gift behaviour acts as ‘Window

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through which people of the other culture can see their lives and themselves that

which moves modern man and women’. He defines on a moral economy by which he

means a system of transaction which are defined as socially desirable (i.e., moral)

because through them societies are recognized and balanced, social relationship are

maintained through social support. How that moral economy works, and the social

processes that separate it from the political economy of capitalism, is also shown to

add to our understanding of interpersonal relationship in general and of family

relationships in particular.

By understanding the Pitarar moral economy, how it works through the social

processes that relate it with political economy, globalization has shown to add our

understanding of interpersonal relationship in general and of family relationship’s in

particular.

Traditional houses

In olden days the Pitarar stayed in thatched houses, the roofs were thatched

with vaikkol (dried paddy straw). Later on the people began to use tiles for their roofs.

Now concrete houses are built. The settlement of the Pitarar occupies the front side of

the Madayi Kavu. The extended households are not common today. The extended

family is disappearing and nuclear families are sprouting.

The carpenter identifies the auspicious place and locates suitable place for the

construction of the houses. People who are economically well off build good houses

by giving importance to strength, attraction, durability, etc.

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Expenditure

The traditional marriage expenditure included dowry, ornaments and two

silver bangles for the bride. Dowry system is very much prevalent among them. The

Amabalavasis are given dakshina for providing help in the marriage. The vadhayar

who conducts the marriage are also paid an amount. The males who had undergone

upanayana are given an amount in the marriage function. All the marriage

expenditure including dowry is still spent by the bride’s family. The expenditure

includes ornaments, dowry, dresses, modification of the household, feast, etc.

At the time of birth, the midwife, a woman who belongs to the Malaya caste is

provided with rice, money, dhoti, etc., as reward. At the time of jatakarmam also after

the feast she receives coconut oil, coconut, rice etc. On the day of first feeding,

(chorunnu) conducted when the baby is six months old, a grant feast is given to the

people in the settlement.

Modern economic system and occupation

Economics is a subject that deals with production, distribution and

consumption of wealth. The earliest form of economic activities found in all societies

implicates nothing but the supply of food for the survival. Although santhi is the main

source of income for them, nowadays they also concentrate on other types of

occupation. As the population is increasing, they are compelled to divide santhi

among more people.

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Education

Education does not merely mean becoming literate. Every society enculturate

the young ones in one-way or other for their survival by the lessons they learned

through their experiences. The formal education imparts knowledge in every society

through educational institutions and this consists of the method of learning, which

begins from childhood. In India traditional teachers taught their students in

gurukulam, where knowledge was poured to the student - the knowledge for good

livelihood. Caldwell (2004,195) observes “Kerala’s remarkable progress in literary

development, health care, and land reform have made it a model for the rest of India,

with these sweeping reforms naturally have come an increase in the standard of living

for women. Longer life span, access to education and good medical care has made a

real difference in women’s well being. But, along side these standards of modesty,

restricted social interactions, and delayed marriage have imposed new constraint on

women’s lives, which are in some ways just as difficult to bear as the trials of

illiteracy and inadequate health care which previously plagued them”. In the Pitarar

society in the olden period the informal education involved the process of learning

right from the birth of the child as a process of socialization, which was constant up to

the end of life. Socialization of a child through education was mainly inside the

family and the family members teach the values, morality, traditional culture and

social ways of a Pitaran life and all these enculturise and socialize the child to the

Pitarar’s group. “A common assumption is that in the women who are education-

professionals are given opportunities to succeed and grow while there have been

individual women who have achieved fame and distinction as educators, however

women in education have been discriminated” (see Belok, Michaeil, and Ralph Shoub

1980, 294).

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Table 2.3

EDUCATIONAL STATUS OF PITARAN

Class Illiterate

Pre-

Primary

Primary Secondary

High

school

College Profession

Total

%

M F M F M F M F M F M F M F

0-5 9 5 1 5 1 - - - - - - - - - 21 9.7

6-9 - - - - 3 2 - - - - - - - - 5 2.3

10-12 - - - - 2 - 6 6 - - - - - - 14 6.5

13-15 - - - - - - 2 3 5 7 - - - - 17 7.9

16-25 2 - - - - - - - 11 6 9 11 1 1 41 19.1

26-35 - - - - - - - 3 6 15 5 2 - - 31 14.4

36-45 - - - - - - 2 2 13 13 1 1 - - 32 14.9

46-55 - - - - 1 1 4 4 12 5 2 1 - - 30 14

56-65 - 1 - - - 2 1 2 5 1 - - - - 12 5.6

66-75 - 1 - - - 3 1 - 2 2 - - - - 9 4.2

76 & above 1 - - - - - - - 1 1 - - - - 3 1.4

Total 12 7 1 5 7 8 16 20 55 50 17 15 1 1 215 100

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16 males and 20 Females are having Secondary School education. While 55 males

and 50 females are having High School education, 17 males and 15 females have

completed their College education. Those who completed Professional education are

very rare. One male and one female had completed professional education.

Non-formal education

Rigveda, the earliest of Vedas, which contain mantric rituals, is taught to every

Pitarar male after the upanayanam. Upanayana for a Pitarar male is the true birth. So

after onyam or upanayana the child is called dwija or twice born. This initiation ritual

is done for the boys who come under the age group of 9 to 13.

It is only through enculturation process the personality of a child is grown and

developed through socialization. The interaction that begins from family becomes

full-fledged through socialization.

Games

Youth is a resource all over the world; they are the wealth of a nation.

Bringing up children is a hard process. Through games they are socialized. The

primary lessons of the social life are gained through games by children. Some games

played by them are as follows:

Kuttiyum kolum kali

Kutti means a small wooden stick and kol also means long stick in this game.

A small pit is made in the ground and the kutti is placed in the pit. One boy comes

forward with the kol and kutti is driven in the air and the other children who stand in

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the back tries to catch it. If some one catches kutti, then the child who played should

go out from the game. If nobody catches the kutti, he can play again. The distance

between the kutti and pit is measured by using the kol and the winner is the one who

gets more points.

Ezunnallath kali

The tradition and festivals around them usually influence Children. This game

is very much associated with the festival. One child acts as mootha pitaran who

carries the tidambu of the goddess Madayi Kavilamma, in the festival. While the other

one as the elayapitaran and just like the elayapitaran he carries nandakam, the sacred

sword of the Devi. The other’s act as the santhi’s in the temple, and accompanies the

tidambu and nandakam.

At the time of upanayana the head of the male child is decorated using

kuvalathila and chembarathipoovu (shoe flower). He also uses methiyadi (wooden

sandals), holds an umbrella made of palm leaf in his hand. His eyes are also decorated

with eyelashes.

Formal education

In the modern world formal education has got importance and school is the

place where this type of education is delivered. Now the Pitarar send children to

school, apart from this the religious education is also given to them.

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Mass media

The mass media bears its footprints in the Pitarar society like any other

Malayali society. The impact of mass media upon the children is greater. Through

Television they watch cartoons, cinemas, songs, music, etc. The television serials also

had impact on women. They usually watch serials. The youngsters read magazines,

newspapers, etc.

Food

Food is life. Food gives biological survival and growth to the human world.

Right from the beginning, the culture starts from the search of food. The concept of

food, food types, food processing and preparation differs from society to society. In

the Pitarar society also there are different concepts of food like food taboos, food

ways, food behaviour, food related with health and hygiene, food consumed on the

festive and religious occasion, etc.

Through the consumption of diet various division and categories are

differentiated in a society. The every day life of the priests is always interrelated with

rituals and customs. The offerings in the kavu or the sacred grove include rice,

banana, green gram, coconut, beaten paddy, and ghee and the non-vegetarian items

like shark, mutton and chicken.

Rice and rice products are used in plenty in the temple. As offering, beaten

paddy, raw rice, and rice for pudding or payasam in the temple is made in the temple.

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For big puja like valiyeratti puja raw rice are used for making nivedya choru and later

distributed to the illam.

During community feast, the Pitarar men prepare vegetarian food. The life

cycle rituals and ceremonies usually follow the feasts.

Apart from cereals, fruits, pulses, vegetables, the Pitarar consume non-

vegetarian food which also include meat, fish, egg etc.

Vegetables are sometimes cultivated. Consumption of vegetable forms an

important diet. They consume vegetables like drumstick, spinach, tomato, brinjal,

potato pumpkin, coconut, cucumber, bitter guard, onion, beans, carrot, beetroot,

cauliflower etc. Sweet potato, yam, tapioca, colocesia etc. also forms a part of their

diet. They also consume fruits like banana, apple, orange, grapes, papaya, jackfruit,

melon, dates, pineapple etc.

They cultivated cereals in the past. They buy rice, ragi, wheat etc from the

near by market. Earlier rice was their staple food, but now they also consume wheat.

The Pitarar consume non-vegetarian food. The meat includes chicken and

mutton. Like all Hindus, they avoid consumption of beef. The goddess Madayi

kavilamma is offered meat as prasadam and later it is distributed. The cocks and goats

are sacrificed in the temple. For the sacrificial purpose, cocks are reared in the illam

itself. Government of kerala has strictly banned animal sacrifices.

Kerala is a land of spices. But unlike the local caste group, apart from pepper,

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the other spices are not used in large number. Meat is prepared in a different manner

without adding much spice. Coconut, cashewnut, groundnut etc. are used by the

Pitarar. The daily food pattern of the Pitarar goes like the following

Breakfast items include dosa, chutney, tea or coffee, kozhakkatta, curry, idly,

vadai, sambar, porotta baji, puttu, pappadam, banana, vellayappam, chamanthi,

tomato curry, puri.

Lunch items include rice, sambar, bitter gourd, varavu, fish fry, punlincurry,

pickle, fish moleshyam, oalan, perakku, cucumber molishyam, cam curry, pappadam,

sambar, tomato pachadi, thuvara puzhukku, dry fish fry, curd, publin curry, bitter

gourd varavu and chilly kondattam.

Evening items are tea and snackes, and for dinner, choru, sambar, kadu-

manga, dosa, chicken curry, olan, erisseri, morukalan, perakku, fried fish, chutney,

pulin curry and moru curry.

The sudhi is a special dish made by the Pitarar. Sudhi is offered to the

goddess. The items in the sudhi include raw banana, chicken pieces, yam, black

pepper powder, salt turmeric powder, red chilly powder, scraped coconut and cumin.

Alcohol

Alcohol forms a part of naivedyam in the temple. It is used liberally as a

ritualistic item in the functions and for worshipping the goddess. There are no

restrictions for the male youth to use alcohol. The females also consume alcohol at the

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time of puberty ritual. Green gram and liquor are distributed to the invitees. Toddy is

the naivedyam offered to the Devi. The offering of the goddess at the time of

deeparadhana is called vasthu (toddy), tharam (arrack), apart from this chicken meat

is also offered. Toddy is produced from the fermented sap of the coconut palm.

Caldwell (2004, 104) has explained the making of Toddy in her book ‘Oh! Terrifying

Mother’, “Toddy is produced from the fermented sap of the coconut palm. Bud is tied

tightly with a thread or sinew and the tip is sliced off. The taper uses an animal thigh

bone to gently tap the sides of the bud up and down to heat it up, by drawing the sap

of the coconut flower up to the tip of the bud. A clay pot is placed mouth down and at

an angle, so as to collect the dripping sap. Every few days the sap is collected and

drunk as an alcoholic beverage. This beverage favourished by village men is said to

be invigorating and refreshing. Its taste is must and sweet. Left to ferment it turns to

vinegar”. They consume tea in a large manner. Tea is given to the guests. Apart from

tea, horlicks, coffee, they also make bru, tender coconut water. Milk and milk

products are also used.

In the traditional houses, cooking is done in the traditional hearths, while in

the modern house gas stove is used. By lighting the fire the main operation of cooking

is done. Boiling and steaming food is also done. The food is fried in a pan, boiled in a

vessel, roasted in the pan; baked or steamed otherwise it is drilled or stewed. Fried

methods include for frying the chicken in various occasions. Rice is prepared by

boiling, neyappam a snack fried in oil. Fried fish is eaten along with cooked rice. This

food is accompanied by curries.

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Food is usually cooked in coconut oil. Apart from coconut oil, dalda, ghee,

gingili oil etc. are also used. Vegetables are roasted in oil. Using steaming method,

noolputtu, puttu, kozhakkata, iddly, ada etc are prepared. Vada is prepared by frying

in coconut oil. Tapioca, banana, gram etc., are also prepared by boiling method.

Seating arrangement and serving

Seating arrangement for the males and females during the ceremonial occasion

follows a specific pattern. As already mentioned seating arrangements for the

religious heads are done first and those who serve food do not wear their upper

clothes. The food is served in banana leaves. Curries are served first from left side

then fried vegetables (varavu, kootukari) etc. are served. Sambar is served on the

cooked rice. A side snack is also placed in the banana leaf.

Purity pollution and prohibitions

The main emphasis of the ritual criteria is on pollution rather than on purity.

Becoming polluted bars a person from ready relations with man and god. He must

keep his distance from people who are not as polluted as he is, lest his defect disable

them also; he may not perform acts of worship because, in his defective state, he is

repugnant to the deities. Any serious pollution entails avoidance and isolation.

‘On ritual criteria: personal pollution and purity.’ Mandelbaum (1984)

discusses on the notions of pollution and purity. The sources of pollution are many;

the most potent of them are contacts with death and with bodily emissions such as

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blood and excreta. Every person is impaired by these defilements both regularly and

sporadically when a person defecates or urinates, he is thereby unclean. He must

avoid ordinary relations with humans and approach the supernatural until he has

cleaned himself, if not only by a token wash and perhaps a token prayer.

The concept of purity and pollution can be very well seen in the Pitarar society

when compared to the other caste group interrelated to them. Especially with the

Ambalavasi they perform service duties to the kavu. They get a share of nivedya

choru (offering) which is offered to the deity. The Ambalavasi males and females

partake in the preparation of the feast for all the activities in the life cycle rituals, feast

and festivity. In the wedding ceremonies, their service is required in chopping

vegetables, washing vessels, utensils, erecting the wedding platform, decorating the

mandap, etc. In turn, the Pitarar never attend any of the functions related to the

Ambalavasi in their household and avoid consuming food from the Ambalavasi

veedu.

Life cycle rituals

Rituals invade every domain of life. Even today, in many modern societies,

ritual codifies and simplifies behaviour; in utmost conditions it invades every realm of

life as a grand substratum of all belief. At all stages of civilization in the world the

ritual influenced the social behaviour through customs, traditions, sayings, arts,

culinary habits, crafts, hospitality, life cycle rituals in connection with birth to death,

offerings to God, music, drama, dance forms, etc.

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The prehistoric art suggests that the art had its origin in ritual. Before the

actual hunting is performed a rehearsal ritual by drawing and killing the targeted

animal was a feature of the latter part of the Old Stone Age.

The passage of time brings inevitable changes affecting values, attitudes,

human relationships and behaviour patterns. Still the older generation urges to keep

the younger generation their tradition intact. Right from the birth up to death the

Pitarar society is engaged with different rituals and rites. From pregnancy onwards the

women are given utter care and the prayers of the whole family accompany her. In the

sixth month of the pregnancy the pregnant woman along with her relatives visits the

kavu. This ritual visit completes after she attends the daily ucha puja, which is carried

out in her presence. Two coconuts are offered in the temple and these are broken on

the altar in the middle of sasthavu and kshethrapalan. They can also take away with

them the broken coconut halves. After ceremonial visit, a large feast is distributed to

all the members of the four illam. Apart from the Pitarar, the Ambalavasis are also

invited for the feast. A small portion of all items called naivedyam is kept in the

pujaroom, and then onwards the food is distributed among the munpanthi. Munpanthi

is the group that includes the muthapitarar, elayapitarar, and the four illakkar. After

this the food is served to all the guests. Usually across Kerala, among the Malayalis,

banana leaves are used as plate for the feast.

After this ceremonial visit of the kavu and the feast, the pregnant woman visits

only after two months (i.e., on the sixtieth day) of the delivery of a baby boy. If she

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had given birth to a baby girl, then she had to wait until the 90th day. i.e., three

months after the delivery. The pregnant woman is not allowed to go outside, as they

fear that the evil spirits destroy her and her child.

In olden days, the Mali or Malaya caste female attended the delivery and she

was paid for her services in cash and kind, rice, coconut oil, clothes sometimes one

ana was also given to her. Nowadays, delivery is strictly conducted in the hospitals

under the supervision of doctors. In earlier period, a woman from their own caste

group breastfed the child in the first two or three months. She is called as

amminhamma. But today this system is also not followed.

After the first four days, the mother had an elaborate bathe in the pond and the

Ambalavasi females accompany her. This continues up to the 28th day of the

delivery. Ambalavasi woman bathe her all these days. They accept rice as well as

coconut for their services. In order to ward away pollution, water is sprinkled to all

the members of the illam and to the illam itself in the eleventh day. The punyaham

(holy water) is also poured in the well to purify it.

A dark room is selected for the mother and the child. The mother and the child

are not allowed to go outside the house, but in case of treatment and for the

consultation they can go to hospital or in a doctor’s clinic. The infant’s mother is

allowed only limited talk. Other than the relatives, nobody is allowed to sit in the cot

of the infant.

When the baby is 28 days old, an elaborate feast is performed in the respective

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illam. The mother’s relatives invite the baby’s father and his relatives. On this

Occasion the baby is presented with the gifts by both mother’s and father’s relatives.

The gifts include baby clothes, golden rings, chains, anklets, etc., the ear boring and

tying of the cord on the waist of the baby is performed on the same day. It is in the

puja room that all the rituals are performed. The ritual begins with the religious

authority of the community. Firstly the child is kept on the father’s lap. The

muthapitarar blesses the child by showering some rice on the navel of the child. The

baby whose eyelids are decorated for the first time after its birth is fed with milk by

using the leaf of a peepal tree, then by using the leaf of a jack tree. Certain order is

observed in this feeding ceremony, the father is the first person to feed the child, and

then it is the turn of the mother, muthapitarar and other relatives. The golden chain is

worn to the child, in the past black thread with copper ring and iron, panjaloham, etc.,

were worn on the waist of the baby. Babies are not laid in the cradle, as they fear that

Devi does not like it.

In bygone days ear piercing ceremony was done for all the male and female

ones on the 8th day. Goldsmith pierced the ears. The guests are feasted after this

function.

The mother is given special traditional medicines. Great care is taken in her

health and only after third or the fourth month of delivery, after taking proper rest and

care she comes back to her husband’s illam to accompany her in - laws. In Kerala

among the Hindus the first rice feeding ceremony is called choroonu. when the child

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is six months old, the baby starts taking solid food. It is the astrologer who fixes the

date and time for this ceremony. The name giving ceremony is also celebrated on the

same day. On the day of chorunnu the relatives present the child with golden

ornaments.

The child lies on the father’s lap, the father who sits facing east feeds the child

with trimadhuram, (a mixture of sugar, honey and ghee) which also includes the dried

grapes and then he feds the child with cooked rice. Then the usual sequences of

blessing is observed; first the mother comes showering raw rice, then muthapitarar

blesses the child by showering raw rice on its head. A lighted lamp with the five

wicks is placed before the father and son, a portion of naivedyam is kept on the

banana leaf. Presentations are given to the child usually in the form of gold. Firstly

father and his relatives present the child with gold. Then the mother’s relatives present

their gifts to the child.

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Name giving ceremony

Children

Male

Female

The father sits on the ground and then after taking the child in his arms he

secretly whispers the name of the child in his ears. The name is repeated thrice. The

muthapitarar and the elayapitarar followed by the father do the same. In olden days,

the name for a male child was given its grandfather’s name i.e., father’s father’s

name, for the second child mothers father’s name, third male child was given its

father’s name. If it’s a female child, the first female child was given its father’s

mother’s name, second mother’s mother’s name and for the third child’s mother’s

name.

The naivedyam is distributed to all the invitees. The other invitees like the

Ambalavasi present the child with cash and gifts. All the guests are provided with an

elaborate feast. A Pitarar child whether male or female had to pass through all the

rituals to go for the kavu or to be named, the presence of the father is a must.

Onyam or upanayanam

The upanayanam is the initiation ceremony conducted among the Brahmins in

India. It is believed that the mutual desire of the parents has given the physical birth

1 2 3

FF MF F

FM MM M

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of a child. The initiation by the gayathri diksha is the true birth that is unaging and

immortal for every Pitarar male who seeks sacred knowledge. After upanayanam or

onyam the child is called dwija or twice born, through which he is born into a nobler

spiritual realm. Though Brahmin is believed to be a born priest, his ordination and

initiation are necessary, especially because of the importance of the formulas and their

correct recitation in Hindu ritual.

Initiation is called onyam; it may be a colloquial form of the term

upanayanam. Onyam is done for the males at the age of 9 to 13. Usually this

ceremony is conducted at the age of odd numbers 9, 10, 11, 13 etc. The onyam is a

sanction to study Vedas (sacred texts). It is also a sanction to do the puja in the

temple. Group initiation is also seen among the Pitarar. After onyam, the male Pitarar

can wear the sacred thread, the white cotton cord, with three strands hung from the

left shoulder and it falls on the right hip.

The astrologer fixes the date, and time of the onyam according to the

horoscope. If the boy doesn’t have the right time in his horoscope then the onyam is

delayed. After fixing the date and time, the boy’s father and the relatives invite the

Pitarar and the Ambalavasis in the settlement. Nowadays, the friends from other

communities are also invited for the feast. The major role in the ceremony next to the

boy is muthapitarar, elayapitarar and the vadhyar. The muthapitarar, elayapitarar,

vadhyar, the four representatives of the four illam, etc., should be present in the

onyam ritual.

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The boy should observe fast and abstain from eating non-vegetarian food. It is

the right of the elayapitarar to perform punyaham in the first day. A lamp is lit with

five wicks. The persons mentioned above sit in a semicircle. All of them sprinkle

punyaham to the boy by dipping the dharba (the sacred grass) in water with their right

hand. In order to avoid pollution by the touch of the barber, he goes to a nearby pond

and takes bath. The child’s father presents the barber with cash, rice, etc,. A swasthi

design is drawn by using turmeric powder, powdered rice and lime. Facing east the

boy with his father sits4 in front of the swasthi,. The swasthi design is a tantric design

usually drawn in the Bhagavathi temple, and it represents the Bhagavathi’s power.

The child applies sacred ash on his body. After drawing the swasthi pathmam, rice

grains are kept in the right and in the left of the side of swasthi. They pay reverence to

lord Ganapathi. The water is sprinkled on the swasthi design. The boy sprinkles the

remaining water on his head. He also applies sandal paste. The flowers are put on his

head and his eye lids are penciled.

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Agnimukham

After sprinkling sand the word ‘Ram’ is written on the floor. The wooden

pieces of the jackfruit tree are kept one by one and the fire is lightened. When the fire

sparks, the boy and his father salute the fire with folded hands to show their

reverence. Mantras are chanted. Along with the vadhyar the father helps the child in

doing the rituals and to dress him in the loincloth. The boy’s father and the vadhyar

assist him to wear the thattumundu. After wearing the thattumundu, the child stands in

the western direction of the fire and utters the mantra. On the hip of the child the

leaves of a medicinal plant called mekhale are worn. The skin of the black buck-

krishnanjanam is put on the top of the invested cord. The vadhyar who is in charge of

the rituals asks the father to whisper the mantra secretly in the ear’s of his son.

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Nithyakarma

The daily rituals that a Brahmin should observe are taught to the child. The

nithyakarma that is performed in the twilight period is also known as sandhyavandan

(at dawn/before dusk) at dawn, the ritual is called okku. This time is considered to be

the most ideal time for the ritual. Nithyakarma is done after purifying the body by

bathing in the pond. In the mid noon this ritual is called upasthanam. The training for

nithyakarma to the child is prearranged from the illam itself during the onyam ritual.

The boy after sprinkling water on his eyes, nostrils, head and mouth from a

snouted brass vessel chants the pranava mantra - the monosyllable Om. This mantra

in olden times chanted for 108 times. The secret Gayathri mantra is taught to the

child.

“Om bhur bhuvah svah

Om tat savitur varenyam bhargo

Devasya dhimahi

Dhiyo yonah prachodayat Om”

(Oh, creator of the universe, we meditate upon the supreme splendor,

May the radiant power illuminate our intellects, destroy our sins and guide us in the

right direction!)

This mantra is chanted by looking at the sun. After some purification rites the

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child is advised by the father the importance of brahmacharya and apart from the

daily rituals he should observe certain other important things that should be strictly

observed and always remember. A brahmachari should do the sandhya vandanam,

not supposed to sleep during the day time, always carry the stick in his hand, should

observe diksha, day and night; the vessel in which water is carried should be kept in

his hand, vedas should be studied. Then he goes to his mother for alms.

After collecting the plate from his father, he goes to his mother and keeps the

plate nearby her and then receives the blessings of his mother by touching her feet.

The mother blesses him by touching his head. He takes the plate in his hand and asks

the mother “bhavathi bhiksham dehi” “Lady give me the alms”. The mother gives the

rice three times. Then he goes to his father and tells about the alms “bhikshamidam”

(here are the alms). Then his father replies “subhiksham” (Alms in plenty). The whole

four days the rice is cooked and given to the neophyte. His father or mother eats the

remaining cooked rice. After the feast in the noon the rituals begin in the evening at

the time of desk, twilight period (sandhya). The okku (the rehearsal evening ritual) is

done by the boy.

Chamatha

The main homam or the sacrificial rite that the boy taught here is the chamatha

homam. The leaves and wood of Butea frondosa is lighted by using fire on a specially

set place. With the snouted bronze vessel the river ganga is prayed and the water is

sprinkled on the eight sides of homakundam (sacred fire pit). Homa is done after

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applying the sandal paste, taking the four pieces of Butea frondosa in one hand and

flowers in the other.

The mantras are chanted again. On the eight sides of the homakundam

flowers, sandal paste, etc., are distributed. Then by taking four flowers in the hand

mantras are chanted from the eastern side. After that the burned chamatha is taken

and its black lashes are applied on the head, forehead, chest, right hand, left hand, and

front part of the neck, backside of the neck. Then he pays reverence by prostrating

before the homakundam. All these four days the child does the rituals by strictly

wearing the thattumundu, uthareeyam (horizontally rolled cloth), etc.

Rehearsals and recitation of daily rituals are practiced in the second day of the

onyam ceremony. During the twilight period and in the noon the nithyakarma is

performed. Generally the Brahmins are taught both the tantric and mantric rituals.

The mantric rituals constitute sacred spells and mystical formulas while the tantric

ritual combines the sacred spells, mystical formulas, with hand gestures (mudras) and

magical diagrams. All these are taught to the neo- phyte.

Samavarthanam - Items

1 stem of Crataeva religiousa - 1

Bananas (for Ganapathi) - 2

Leaves of Butea frondosa - 1 piece

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(To make garland)

Butea Frondosa - 3

The grass Poa cynosuraides - 16

The grass Poa cynosuraides - 12

Butea frondosa - 18 (1 bunch)

Butea frondosa - 5

Kurcham - 1

Tender grass - 2 bunches

Pavithram - 2

Eyelashes (powdered) - a pinch

Mixture of sandal wood camphor - a pinch (to apply on

Forehead)

Danthukuru - 1 (neck)

Dantakuru - 2 sets (Earrings)

Bamboo stick - 1Water bowl,

Sari (Annapudava) - 4 mundu

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The upper cloth (utharreyam) - 4 mundu

Havissu, ghee, 3 hollow bronze plates, wood of jackfruit tree, flowers, etc.,

wooden sandals, umbrellas, mirror, and white blanket to spread are added.

Fourth day (Samavarthanam).

All the male members who are gathered there and who had undergone upnayanam

ritual are given an amount as dakshina (gift) by the nuptial. The Barber, who cuts the

hair during the ritual, is given an amount and paddy. Adiyanthiram function related

with death is also conducted by spending a large amount for the feast. In the twilight

period after looking the star in the sky, the child wears mundu and he is then accepted

as a man.

The expenditure sometimes exceeds Rs 25,000/. The initiation ritual is

observed as a social control system, a generalised medium of social interaction and a

way of linking the individual to the community through the symbolic mobilization of

shared life meanings (Bindu 2003)

Puberty ceremony

Thirandukuli kalyanam which is the term usually used to denote the puberty

ceremony by many caste groups in Kerala. Puberty ceremony is a common feature in

different society all over the world. This ritual is celebrated with utter importance. In

the Pitaran society the initiation rite at the time of menarche is treated as the primary

marriage of a girl child. The ceremony is observed for four days. For the first three

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days of the ceremony the girl is kept in seclusion in the kitchen. The kitchen is kept

clean and the lighted wicks are kept there. A black blanket is spread over the raw rice

and rows of paddy kept in a sequence. She is made to sit all these three days in a

wooden article. All these days nobody touches the girl or the objects in the room.

Food is provided in her room.

The loin clothes of the menarche is washed and cleaned by vannathi woman of

the washer man caste. She is paid for her service. The dried and purified cloth is

called mattu. The girl is not allowed to bathe for three days. She is seated in the

erected shed on the third day. In front of her the lighted wick, a wooden plank,

clothes, raw rice in a plate, paddy in the measuring vessel, etc., are kept. Then she is

led to the kitchen from the erected shed accompanied by the females of respective

illam. The females carry vilakku (lighted lamp) and talika (steel plate) in their hands.

The fourth day rituals begin after the washerwoman is given rice and paddy

for her services. The females in the illam accompany the girl for a ceremonial bath.

One of them carries vilakku and the other one talika. An Ambalavasi female baths the

menarche in the nearby pond, by using the water mixed hibiscus and athu. She

attributes prayer to the sun god facing east. She is adorned with new clothes and

golden ornaments. She is given an amount by the females of the respective illam as

gift.

The fourth day ritual continues after the girl enters the erected shed (pandal).

A pot of water, a lighted lamp with two wicks, a plate with rice and cloth, coconut

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pieces on the plantain leaf, measuring vessel, leaves of peepal tree and jack tree etc.,

are kept in the pandal. The novice is seated on a ritual plank. She is blessed by

showering rice by the females presented there. After all these rituals a grand feast is

arranged for all those who are gathered there.

A menarche thus underwent the above-mentioned puberty ceremony had to

wait until her marriage to enter inside the Madayi kavu and the other temple

associated with the Pitarar. Nowadays importance is not given to the puberty

ceremony.

Death

Birth and death are parts of the journey of life. The most inescapable fear of

death, which ruled over the human, brings from the most ancient times and which

took away him into the fantasies, the mystic experience of birth and death. From past

to present in humanity, there are several beliefs and practices that are associated with

death. The special ritual for the disposal of dead, the facts and fiction of magic related

to death is well revealed from graves stones, tombs and pyramids. From the later part

of the upper Paleolithic times, the people were buried in different postures, sitting,

lying, standing, and crouching, upside down to right side up, kneeling, etc. The

universal rite of death is a significance of the impulsion, which is an index to the

unacceptance of the reality, which are shrouded in mystery.

In the Pitaran society, the ultimate salvation of the soul in the cycle of birth

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and death is associated with various kinds of rituals. Death rites begin with the

preparation of the body for disposal such as washing, dressing and adorning. After the

death, the dead body is kept in the floor. Beside the dead body, near the head and the

leg coconut halves are kept, and inside the coconut halves coconut oil is poured and

the wicks are lit on all the coconut halves. The funeral customs include public

announcement of the death, preparation of the dead body by oiling, bathing and

dressing, rituals, procession, burning of the dead body and lastly the mourning.

After oiling, the whole body is washed and cleaned using soaps; the male

members keep the body in the courtyard of the illam. The body is kept facing the

south in a plantain leaf. The dead body is covered with a cotton sheet. For the

religious leader, muthapitarar, the important person in the Pitaran society, much

costly pattu or silk is used for covering the body. The illam members mourn. The

marital status of the woman also matters, for the married woman, after breaking a

piece of her tali; it is kept in the mouth of her husband. In olden days, for the

unmarried women, an unmarried male member from another illam ties tali around the

neck of the dead female member. Water, and toddy are poured in the mouth of the

corpse and tulsi leaves are also kept.

The corpse is cremated near the illam premises itself. Separate premises for

different illams are used. The funeral procession is another old tradition. For the

funerary rites a procession is led to the graveyard. The southern corner of the illam is

taken for cremation and the Ambalavasi male lighting the chengalavatta leads the

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procession, while the right to carry corpse is only for the Pitarar who leads the

procession. The male issues of the deceased carry the corpse to the funeral site. A

funeral pyre is made out of the coral tree. A plantain leaf is kept on the ladder and

upon it the corpse is kept. An open ceremonial stretcher is carried on the shoulders; in

the past it was the duty of the members of the Thiyya caste group to make funeral

arrangements. As the cremation is the common practice the practice of providing

necessary material for cremation such as wood is done by the Thiyya males who cut

mango tree to pieces and set the funeral site ready. The Marar males make the torch,

which kindles the funeral wood. The eldest son of the Pitaran had the main ritualistic

obligation. He kindles the funeral. Then onwards he carries a pot filled with water and

he circumbulates the funeral. A hole is made to the pot as he starts circumambulating

the grave from the head side. This continues thrice, and then without turning he

throws the pot in his backside, after throwing rice into the grave. The male relatives

also circumambulate the grave.

The Ambalavasis have their own community cemetery, while the Pitarar

cremated the dead in their own ancestral illam premises. Now they are also trying to

buy land for the cremation purposes of their community members. After the funeral

rites, all the members go to their own illam. The illam members and the near and dear

ones are served rice gruel from the deceased person’s illam. The lineage members of

the illam had to undergo the ritualistic pollution.

The Pitarar visualizes the soul as non-material and immortal to which the body

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is merely disposable raiment, and after the death it can be joyfully discarded in a

union with omnipresent. The post mortem treatment accommodates the cremation

ceremony associated with various rituals. In the fourth day, pithrubali or udakakriya

is conducted. The elder son of the deceased does this ritual ablution. This rite is

conducted from the nearby pond where the elder son performs the ritual by reciting

the birth star and name of the dead person. While he performs this rite, he holds

turmeric, raw rice and dharbha (holy grass) in his hand.

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Sanjayanam

After the funeral rites in the fourth day, the charred bones are collected by the

male relatives and kept in an urn that is covered with cloth. The urn is called

kalashakudukka. The bones include the head bone, hand bone, leg bone, etc., and

these are collected from the funeral pyre by the maternal uncle by using a stick. Some

soil is spread in the site. The kalashakudukka is kept under a jack fruit tree in the

illam. There it is kept up to the eleventh day.

After the fourth day sanjayanam, until the tenth day pithrubali is performed.

An earthen platform is constructed for this purpose on the southern portion of the

illam. On the earthen platform prepared havissu and tender coconuts are placed. In the

tenth day at this place using paddy and rice, male and female figurines are drawn. The

male sons of the Pitaran do tantric5 rituals. Showing certain symbols with hands the

tantric rituals are performed. The rituals are performed in the kitchen of the illam.

Once the ritual is performed, the earthen platform is broken. Soil, rice and paddy are

taken to the cremation ground. All these rituals are performed on the tenth day rites.

Up to the eleventh day, the members of the whole lineage observe death

pollution. The Pitaran abstain from celebrations and ritualistic function on these days.

On the eleventh day, the main priest does the ritual of the pulapindam. He keeps the

boiled rice in a plantain leaf. Pulapindam is a term that denotes one of the funeral

rituals in the local Malayalam (pula means pollution, while pindam the term is used

for boiled rice in the shape of a rice ball). The elder son observes the rites. He makes

the rice ball and places it on the dharbha grass that is spread on the soil. This rites

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implies that the soul when goes through the path of the heaven rests in order to have

food. By this pinda, it is believed by them, that the soul gets the food and thus the

soul is pleased. This ritual is followed by the ritual ablution. Then punyaham is

performed in the place, on the eleventh day. All the above-mentioned rituals are

performed in order to propitiate the lineage ancestors. At night, cooked rice is served

to all the members assembled there. The urn, (kalashakkudukka) is taken to

Tirunellikavu and the bones are immersed in the river.

Sradham

This ritual is done on the twelfth day. All the members of the settlement both

the Pitaran and Ambalavasi are invited. The bali was performed for the whole year in

the past, but now it is reduced to one-day ritual. The rituals are performed under the

leadership of the muthapitarar, who acts as the chief priest. Under his guidance, the

eldest son of the deceased does the rites. He offers cooked rice balls (pinda) to the

ancestors and while doing this he recalls the lineage ancestors. Ancestral worship is

done. Then the rice balls are offered to the crows. After the twelfth day ritual, the

whole lineage members are free from ritualistic pollution, and they can visit the kavu

and have their prasadam. At commemorative feasts like chamnipuja the three

generations of ancestors are called by name to offer food and to bless their

descendants.

The males are cremated instead of funeral if they had not under gone

upanayanam and the girls are cremated if they had not undergone

thirandukulikalyanam.

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Kinship

Kinship studies are the backbone to study familial, intra familial lineage and

all the relationship, which involve complex bonds. In one form or another in different

societies, all over the world, one or another kind of kinship bond exists.

Anthropologists have concentrated more in the kinship studies. Tylor, Morgon,

Fortes, White, and Rivers have concentrated in kinship studies and its basic structure.

Both affinal and consanguineous relationship can be easily traced out through such

studies. The traditional patriarchal inheritance of Pitaran, which followed joint family,

has been reduced to nuclear ones, consisting of husband, wife and their children.

Verilocal residence is the rule. The agnatic bond is seen much stronger in the

elementary Pitaran nuclear family. Lineage is traced through the male line; the illam

lineage, as already mentioned, runs through the male descendants. Without the male

issues the illam hierarchy would not sprout. Typically the wife becomes part of her

husband’s family, after marriage she would be absorbed into her husband’s family

and in the latter’s genealogy as the wife and mother of the children.

Genealogical analysis in the past reveals the marital relationship between the

Pitaran and Ambalavasi. They were inter-related and inter dependent in many ways.

Not only in the sense that they had frequent interactions in the kavu but also they had

undergone sambandham relationship in order to avoid the division of property. The

eldest son, his brother and his children formed the Patri-lineage. The children born out

of the Ambalavasi females never come under the genealogical chart of the Pitaran.

They came under the lineage of the mother.

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Table 2.4

Pitaran Kinship Terminology

O O

X

X

G 2

Valiachan /Achachan

FF

MF

Achamma /Ammama

FM

MM

G 1

Valiya

Moothachan

FeB

MezH

Moothamma

Mez

Cheriya

Appan

FyB

Myzh

Cheriyamma /

mema

Myz

FyBW

G 0

e Ettan

e

(MBS)

e (FZS)

Ettan

e (FBS)

e (MZS)

Chechi eZ

e (FBD)

e (MZD)

Chechi

e (MBD)

e (FZD)

y Aniyan

y

(MBS)

y (FZS)

Aniyan yB

y (FBS)

y (MZS)

Aniyathi yZ

y (FBD)

y (MZD)

Aniyathi

y (MBD)

y (FZD)

G -1

Makan

O Z’s

son

O B’s

son

Makan s

O BS

O ZS

Makal D Makal

O ZD

O BD

G -2

Kunhi

SS

DS

SD Kutti

DD

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One term is used to denote father and another for Mother. While similar yet

different terms are used to designate Mother, Mother’s Father’s Mother, MB etc.

Father’s elder brother’s wife, Mother’s younger sister, father’s brother’s wife,

Mother’s brother’s wife etc. are denoted with similar terms. Kinship terms are very

much similar to the other caste groups in the nearby settlement.

Kinship behaviour and obligation with each other show the attachment of the

members and the customary relations existing among them. The hierarchical order

and obligations between each member of the community is also governed by such

custom of kinship relationship. The pitaran has separate words for ‘daughter’ and

‘bride’ in Malayalam language. The rules of kinship behaviour also form codes of

conduct in the inter-familial interactions. The customary codes, conduct, rules of

avoidance and kinship behavioural practices etc forms the Pitaran code of conduct,

which may sometimes seem outdated for the new generation.

1) Taboos, rules of avoidance and behavioural pattern of the women.

The Pitarar strictly prohibit brother – sister, mother son, father, daughter, and

parallel cousins marital relationship. The children of two sisters as well as the children

of brothers are prohibited from establishing marital relationship even if the two sisters

belong to different illam. The rules of avoidance were followed strictly in the olden

days. In the hypergamous marriage, the identity of an Ambalavasi bride in the married

household was not equal to that of a Pitaran wife. She has to hold the title of appan’s

wife. Usually the individuals of different sex keep a distance in the interaction,

absolute avoidance even though not followed strictly in the sense but customary and

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ritualistic avoidance was carried out in some form or another.

The young bride in the Pitaran society keeps avoidance with her brother-in-

law, with her father-in-law. The labour force participation rates have changed, leading

to major swings in the livelihood of the women. The empowerment of women will be

visible in the forthcoming years.

According to Govind Khelkar to achieve gender equality and gender

mainstreaming, to overcome women’s marginalization, the mainstreaming requires a),

Incorporation of gender concerns in planning, policy and implementation to provide

effective rights and dignity to the disadvantaged; (b), Women inclusive social,

political and economic institutions; (c), Transformation of cultural structures of power

within the home and outside; (d), Ending domestic and public violence; and (e)

Recognition of women’s work (productive and reproductive) and contribution to

economy as well as their economic agency (Khelkhar 2005, 4696). To avoid contacts

and through the restriction of behavioural patterns, closeness to such brother in - law

relations is maintained. The woman certainly does not have much to say in matters of

policy; but raising the children, household matters, and problems related with family,

her husband consults her. She is not allowed to sit on the bed with her husband in the

presence of elders, opportunities for social participation are allowed even though in

the ritual participation her role is less. Not only a woman and her brother - in law,

avoidance is maintained but also a man with his sister-in-law. The boys and girls are

seggregated after a certain age, for girls after puberty and for the boys after the

initiation rites. In the schools there are mixed classes for both boys and girls and the

one portion is allotted for the boys while the other for the girls.

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Relationship Taboos

1) Father – in – law and daughter – in – law

2) Mother – in – law and son – in-law

3) A man and his brother’s wife

4) A women and her sister’s husband

5) A girl and her uncle.

Joking relations

The Joking relation between the members of the Pitarar community is allowed.

Both men and women are allowed to indulge in informal jokes with members of illam

and with cross cousins.

Thus joking relations are allowed particularly between the following.

(1) A man and his mother’s brother’s daughter

(2) A woman and her brother’s wives

(3) Children of parallel sister’s daughters.

(4) A woman and her sisters daughters

(5) A woman and husband’s brother’s wives

(6) Between grand parents and grand daughters/sons

Further, it is significant to note that the kin groups who are allowed to have

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joking relationship are not expected to address each other by proper names. Here age

matters, for the elder one is not allowed to address the younger by the name. Through

such kind of joking rules, respect and mutual co-operation is also expected. During

funeral rituals the kins salute the dead one if he is elder to him by touching the feet.

The duties of the Kin

The duties and obligations can be seen in the larger sense in the occasion of

the life-cycle rituals ranging from birth to death. The relatives have special ritualistic

obligations at the time of marriage, chorunnu, ear-piercing ceremony, the name giving

ceremony, funeral rituals. Some of the duties like lighting the funeral pyre,

contribution in the form of gift given at the time of birth, marriage initiation, etc.

At the time of marriage, the girl is presented with ornaments and dress not

only by the kin group but also by the neighbourhood. At the time of puberty also the

girls are gifted with dress. For initiation presentations are received. For first rice

giving ceremony chorunnu kalkandam (solid sugar) and gifts are also presented. It is a

must for a mother to give kanhikalam (vessel in that rice is boiled) clay pots,

traditional oil lamp and charuvam (brass vessel) and ladles as presentation during the

house warming ceremony of her daughter. For marriage, apart from dress and

ornaments in the wedding day, bride is given dresses, oils and soaps that can be used

for a year. At the time of marriage, the kith and kin sponsors rice, vegetables, golden

ornaments and cash. Gifts both cash and in kind are received. The gift exchange

strengthens and enhances kinship ties.

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Table 2.5

Distribution Pattern of Santhi

Sl No Malayalam/English

Month Festivals

Santhi associated with each

month

1. Medam(April– June) Vishuvillakku

15 days Naduvil + Aryam

Valli + Ettummal +

Thazhathillam

2. Medam (April – June) Kalasham All the four illam

3 Edavam (May-June) Prathishtta Naduvil + Thazhath

4 Karkkidakam (July –

August) Nira, Eswaraseva Naduvil + Thazhath

5 Chingam(August-

September)

Puthari,Thiruvonam,

Atham Chathurthi puja Naduvil illam

6 Kanni (September –

October) Koothu, Navarathri

22days Naduvil + 8 days

Aryamvalli

7 Thulam (October –

November) Kalathilari Ettummal

8 Vrischikm (November

–December)

Mandalapuja, Karhika,

Kalathilari All the four illams

9 Dhanu (December –

January) Pandalkalpuja Aryamvalli

10 Makaram (January-

February) Kalathilari Arryamvalli

11 Kumbham (February –

March) Shivarathri Thazhath illam

12 Menam (March- April) Puram Thazhath illam

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Table 2.6

OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OF PITARAN

Occupation Male Female Total

Priest (Santhi) 12 - 12

Daily Wage Worker 2 - 2

Govt.Employees 23 4 27

Private Sector

Employees 8 2 10

Co-operative Sector - 2 2

Pensioners 6 6

Business & Santhi 2 2

Others 6 1 7

Dependents- Non-

Productive Workers 11 60 71

Dependents- Students 33 32 65

Dependents- Children 6 5 11

All (100%) 109 106 215

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Fig-2.3

According to them, occupations are of two types- primary and secondary. Some

people do priesthood as primary occupation whereas some do it as secondary

occupation. Out of 109 males, for the 12 males in the Pitarar society, santhi is the

primary and the secondary occupation. While according to the table the others are

following various jobs apart from priest hood.

In the official website www. kerala_gov_in.mht denotes the Origin of Brahmins in

Kerala states as follows:

“The fourth and fifth centuries witnessed the decline and fall of the Western

Roman Empire. A shrivelling of the Roman sea trade followed, leading in its turn, to a

decline of the harbour towns like Tyndis and Muziris. Further, political incursions

from the north into Tamilakam took place. The traditions of Namboodiris (Kerala

Brahmins) recorded in the Keralolpatti chronicle refers to Mayurvarman, the

Occupational Status of Pitarar

6% 1%

13%

5%

1%

3%

1%

3%

32%

30%

5%

Priest (Santhi)

Daily Wage Worker

Govt.Employees

Private Sector

EmployeesCo-operative Sector

Pensioners

Business & Santhi

Others

Dependents

Dependents- Students

Dependents- Children

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Kadamba king, as their patron during the period after Parasurama. A Kadamba record

of the 5th century at the Edakkal cave in Wayanad bears testimony to the Kadamba

presence in Kerala.

The last phase of the Sangham age coincided with a silent revolution that was

brewing within the social system in Kerala. By about the 8th century, a chain of thirty

two Brahmin settlements had come up, which eventually paved the way for the social,

cultural and political separation of Kerala from the Tamil country, in due course.

These colonies were capable of producing a great philosopher, Sankaracharya.

Shri Sankara was born in the village of Kaladi in central Kerala. He was an

intellectual giant of the 9th century, who saved the Hindu orthodoxy through the

synthesis of cults and who can well be ranked with St. Thomas of Acquinas in clarity

of thought and understanding. He was a product of the post Sangham, new Aryan

settlements of Kerala, who were far removed from the cradle-land of the Indo-

Gangetic civilization.

The whole of Kerala came to be covered by a network of temple centered

Brahmin settlements. Under their control, these settlements had a large extend of land,

number of tenants and the entailing privileges. With more advanced techniques of

cultivation, socio-political organization and a strong sense of solidarity, the Brahmins

gradually formed the elite group of the society. They succeeded in raising a feudal

fighting class and ordered the caste system with numerous graduations of upper,

intermediate and lower classes. In due course, the consolidation of these settlements

and the establishments of their ascendancy gradually led to the evolution of a new

Malayalee language and a new Malayalee culture, the separate identity of Kerala was

in the making.”

181

Velluthat (2001), in the Nambuthiri Website Trust cites that

“The Brahmanans of Kerala are known as Nambuthiris. Historical evidences as

well as their own traditions suggest that they came from North India and settled down

in Kerala, migrating along the West Coast. It is clear that they constitute links in a

long chain of migration along the West Coast of India, carrying with them the

tradition that Parasuraman created their land and donated it to them. In fact, one sees

this tradition all along the West Coast from Sourashtra on; and the Brahmanical

traditions in the Canarese (Karnataka) and Malabar Coasts are nearly identical to one

another. According to that tradition, Parasuraman created the land between Gokarnam

and Kanyakumari and settled Brahmanans there in sixty-four Gramams or "villages".

As a result, the Brahmanans of Kerala share several common features with the

Brahmanans of the Canarese coast; this also distinguishes them from their

counterparts in the rest of South India. In the historical inquiry, this is extremely

important. What is necessary is not to look for the place of their origin or the identity

and date of Parasuraman but to ascertain the social function of such a tradition and

examine the extent of linkages between the two regions and their cultures. It is stated

that thirty two out of the sixty four gramams are in the Tulu-speaking region and the

remaining thirty two, in the Malayalam- speaking region in Kerala. Recent historical

research has identified these settlements on either side of the border. Those in Kerala

proper are listed in the Keralolpathi, the narrative of Kerala history. They are:

a) Between rivers Perumpuzha and Karumanpuzha:

1.Payyannur, 2.Perumchellur, 3.Alattiyur, 4.Karantola, 5.Cokiram, 6.Panniyur,

7.Karikkatu, 8.Isanamangalam, 9.Trissivaperur, 10.Peruvanam.

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b) Between rivers Karumanpuzha and Churni:

11.Chemmanda, 12.Iringalakkuda, 13.Avattiputtur, 14.Paravur, 15.Airanikkalam,

16.Muzhikkalam, 17.Kuzhavur, 18.Atavur, 19.Chenganatu, 20.Ilibhayam,

21.Uliyannur, 22.Kazhuthanatu.

c) Between river Churni and Kanyakumari:

23.Ettumanur, 24.Kumaraanallur, 25.Vennanad or Kadamuri, 26.Aranmula,

27.Tiruvalla, 28.Kitangur, 29.Chengannur, 30.Kaviyur, 31.Venmani, and

32.Nirmanna”.

Nambuthiri -Life cycle Rituals-

The Nambuthiris in the nearby settlement Aduthila observes 1.Pumsavanam

2.Neyyjapam 3.Seemantham 4.Vishnubali 5..Jathakarmama 6.Prasavalparam

7.Namakaranam 8.Vathil Purappad 9.Annaprasnam 10.Chowlam 11.Rithushudi

12.Upanayanam 13.Samavarthanam 14.Vivaham 15.Pindam 16.Shodasham

17.Sapindi 18.Shradh (Andubali).

The above mentioned Pumsavanam, ritual is done in the 3rd

month of

pregnancy. This ritual is observed in the day of pooyam star according to the calendar.

Sunday, Tuesday or Thursday is selected for the ritual. Neyyjapam is done in the 3rd

or 5th

month of the pregnancy. Seemantham is made in the fourth month of pregnancy.

Vishnubali is done in the 8th

month, Jathakarmam is done within 90 hrs after the birth

of the child. Prasavalparam is an apologizing ritual for those who did not perform

pumsavanam, seemanthoyanam etc.

Namakaranam is done after 11th

or 12th

day of the birth of child.

Vathilpurappadu (Nishkramasanam) is a ritual performed in the fourth month or at

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the time of chorunnu. Annaprasnam is the first rice feeding ceremony; Chowlam is

done at the age of 3, 5 or 7. Rithu shudhi is associated with puberty ceremony. This

ritual is observed in the fifth day of the first puberty.Upanayanam is done for the boys

of age eight and above. Samavarthanam is observed in the fourth year after

upanayanam. The most important is to study Veda, vedadyayanam. Veli is the term

used to denote marriage. Pindam is associated with the death ceremony and it is

observed in the 11th

day of the demise. Shodasham is performed in the 41st day of the

demise. Andubali is the ritual done for the ancestors every year.

Inter caste Interactions

In one-way or another, different community in each village is interrelated to

one another. This kind of service relationship is quite often termed as jajmani

relationship by different social anthropologists.

Maniyani:

The people of the Yadhava caste groups are known as Maniyani. The

Maniyani caste group offers theyyakolam for the bhagavathi of Madayikavu. The

theyyakolam is the term, used to denote the dress, and the decorations made of

coconut leaves. In the temple of Maniyani known as Kannangat, worships bhagvati by

offering theyyakkolam. In the Malayalam month of Kumbha Masam that usually

follows March a ritual named marayuttu is performed in this temple of Kunhikannat.

Kaliyattam is performed every year, but perunkaliyattam is performed once in sixty

years; for this perungaliyatam conch shell and necklace are brought in a procession

from Madayi to Kannangat.

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Thiyya

“Throughout Kerala the Tiyyars called Iravas in parts of Cochin and

Travancore ranked below the Nayar as a polluting caste and were share cropping

tenants” (Gough 1961). Their traditional occupation is toddy tapping. They are also

having service relationship with the Pitarar.

During the month, before kaliyattam, a ritual called meenamruth is performed.

After having a bath the people go to the river, which is nearby the temple, a fish is

caught (kappadikal) from the river. The fish caught is given to meenothiyan. The

kalasham (clay pot) filled with toddy is brought to Madayi Kavu by Thiyyas. Toddy

is symbolically considered as milk. As the Thiyyas carry toddy, they are also called as

havayakaran – havayam means toddy.

Vannan

The people who belong to Vannan caste are very much related to Pitarar in

several ways. Usually the people of Vannan caste group perform Theyam. The

Vannan is the washer man caste.

At the time of meenamruthu, it is the Vannan who inform the entry of

meenothiyan, at the entrance of northern side of kavu. Vannathi is the term to denote

the female of this caste group. It is the Vannathi who, at the time of puberty or on the

second day of the puberty ceremony gives mattu to the girl. Even today a member of

this caste group comes and collects thiruvada (clothes of Devi) and washes daily.

They are rewarded for their service.

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Chaliya

Chaliya caste group in Kannur district is related with weaving. They bring

clothes in the temple at the time of thiruvonam. They had the right to take off the leaf

after the feast. The wick used in the temple for lightning the lamp and other purpose is

supplied by the Chaliyas. The sacred thread worn by the Pitarar at the time of

upanayanam is also given to them by the Chaliyas.

Pulayan

In the Malayalam month of karkkidakam, which usually falls in July – August,

a theyyam named maritheyyam is performed by the Pulayar males. Three versions of

theyyam can be seen in the temple premises namely marikaliyan, marikalachi,

marikuliyan .In the sixteenth of the karkkidakam, maritheyam would set out from

Madayikavu, and visits every house and blesses the people for the prosperity and

health.

Theyyampadi kurup

The word meaning of theyyam padi itself is daivampadi or the songs (hymns)

that praise the gods.

The theyyampadi kurup are experts in handing the veena. The veena is a

musical instrument common in North Kerala. In the month of vrischikam 30th

, thulam

9th

, dhanu and makaram 14th they recite the veena from the temple premises. The

songs sung during vrischikam at the time of festivals are known as pattulsavam which

literally means song festival. It is their right to recite veena on that particular day.

Apart from the maritheyyam, guligan, they also perform chirappilan and

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neetumkara bhagavathi in karkkidakkam.

Varrier – Caste group provides garlands to the temple.

Kollan – The blacksmiths.They make the thiruvayudham (sword of the Devi)

during the kaliyattam festival. Apart from thiruvayudham, they also bring two knives,

needle etc. and in return they receive cooked rice.

Unniyara Kurup- The special right of the Unniyara Kurup is to hold special

sword during the kalathilari festival.

Kanisan

In the North Kerala usually Kanisan is the caste group who deals with

astrology. Usually the people from different caste group approach Kanisan at the time

of trials and tribulations in their life. After checking the horoscope, he suggests

solutions.

Life cycle rituals related from birth to death, house warming etc., the Kanisan

fixes the date and time. At the time of main rituals in the temple, the Pitarar invites

the Kanisan and then he fixes and announces the date of rituals. It is the Devaswam,

which pays for his service. Greater importance is given to the prediction of the

Kanisan and their opinion is regarded as final. On the matters of the re-construction of

the temple the Kanisan fixes the date and time to start the work. The opinion of

Kanisan is highly valid in all the religious functions related to kavu.

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Vaniyar

This caste group is related with oil making. They have special privileges over

the temple with regard to the use of oil. At the time of pooram festival they have the

right to pour oil in the lamp.

Chakyar

Koothu is performed in the month of Kanni. It is performed in the mandapa,

an erected platform in front of the shiva’s sreekovil. It is believed that Bhadrakali

comes to pay visit on koothu. Mani Chakyar’s family in Koyilandi has the right to

perform koothu. Ezhamankam of the Ramayana is performed in the kooothu (lord

Rama’s arrival at parnashala and up to Shoorpanaka’s breaking of the nose by

Lakshmana). Then anguliyangam (Hanuman’s visit to lanka with the ring) was later

added to this koothu. There are several stories behind this addition.

Malayar

The Malayan is the caste group famous for the theyyam performance. Near

Madayikavu theyyam is performed on a big fire in a place named Thikkolam. In the

nearby place another theyyam namely chammundi is performed. Before these

performances Peruvanan comes and receives some rice, flowers and blessings from

the Madayikavu. Thus the Malayar also have got certain rights in the kavu. The Mali,

the female of Malaya Caste, offers the service of a midwife during the birth of a child.

Theyyam

Theyyam is the ritualistic art that is well known in Kannur and Kasargod

districts. The word theyyam means daivom or god. As a ritualistic dance, the society

188

honours and respects theyyam with utter devotion; they also own special rights and

privileges. Sometimes the village head honors the theyyam performers by attributing

them with degrees. Theyyam is performed during the festival days, after the harvest by

wearing large head cap, colour on the face, bright coloured dress, and through

predictions adding colour to the nature they arrive in the villages.

By becoming one with the gods and goddesses, Yakshas, Gandharvas, the

brave forefathers, heroes, heroines etc theyattam is performed by the performers and

they are worshipped. With their ritualistic dresses, accompanied by mantric spells and

folk songs they visualize the supernatural entities. Days before this ritual the

performer and his assistant observe utter purification. In each place there are different

costumes for theyyam. The hair, attire and costumes are made by the artists

themselves. They bind themselves to the supernatural through the sacred spells, by

walking through the fire brands and attacking themselves with swords. Rest is added

by the people, when they through their more complicated devotional attachments

receive blessings, believe in the predictions and becoming alert before their warning

for future.

189

Table 2.7

Name and place wise distribution of Theyyam

Sl.no Name of Theyyam Village

1 Manjalamma Aduthila

2 Someshwari Chengal

3 Chuzhali Bhagavathi Chengal

4 Vetachekaum Vengara

5 Kshetrapalan Kovval

6 Kalarathri Tavam

7 Veerachamundi Kunjimangalam

8 Sarveswari Madayi

Mukhathezhuthu

The face of a theyyam performer is decorated by using rice paste, turmeric

powder and with the easily available materials like charcoal etc. The people from the

Vannan, Malayan, Cheruman, Velan, Munnoottan, Anjoottan, Pulayan, Paravar caste

groups perform theyyam. The thottam are the songs that signify the origin of the

theyyam. Karitheyam is performed by the Pulayar. Kaliyatam is the name used to

190

denote the performance of the theyyam in sacred groves and tharawad per year.

Perungaliyattam is performed after a prolonged year.

Kaliyattam

Kaliyattam is usually performed in the temple when the incarnations of Kali

are worshiped. Usually Kali is worshipped in kaliyattam. The main attraction of the

kaliyattam is the ritualistic art form that is executed on the basis of a number of

themes. The chivalrous hero in the past and their disappearance etc., attributing

divinity to these heroes is a system in the performance. So many local Heroes in the

past are thus worshipped. The main theyyam in the Madayi is related with the Siva

cult. Theyyam is performed outside the chuttambalam. Outside the temple fence a

special place is set up for theyyam performance.

There are mainly eight theyyam. They are Thiruvarkattu Bhagavathi,

Someswari, Kalariyil Bhagavathi, Chuzhali Bhagavathi, Padikutti, Veerachamundi,

Vetuvachekavar, and Kshethrapalan. Of these six theyyam are considered as

incarnations of the goddess. While the other two as the assistant warriors of the Devi.

All these theyyam belong to the nearby place Aduthila, Changal, Vengara, Kovval,

Tavam, Kunjimangalam, and Madayi respectively.

Like other theyyam, Thiruvarkkattu Bhagavathi’s eulogy is also recited. When

the theyyakolam of the Thiruvarkattu bhagavathi is costumed, the thottam known as

Thiruvarkkattu Gadyam is recited. The myth about the Devi is explained in this.

Thottam of the Devi after killing Darika is called as cheriyagadyam and

valiyagadyam. The first lines of the Thiruvarkattu gadyam are recited in the

Kalameezhuthu pattu.

191

Foot Notes

1. Among the rulers of Mushika vamsam five rajas were famous viz. Ramaghata

Mushikan, Sathasoman, Keralan, Valaban and Udayavarman. Of them Ramaghata

Mooshikan established the dynasty. Sathasoman built the Sree Raajaraajeswara

temple of Taliparamba, Keralan built the Sree Thiruvarkatukavu Kavu of Madayi, and

Valaban built the Cherukunnu sree Annapurneswari temple (Jayashanker. 1999.

Temples of Kannoor District. TVM: Directorate of Census Operations. Census Of

India – Special Studies,

2. Rigveda-begins by saluting the fire. The fire is praised as the priest, god, reason etc.

See Rigveda by Nityachaitanya Yathi. 2001. Rigvedam. Varkala: Narayana

Gurukulam.

3. Uchapuja-.The madayikavilamma is in the form of the Saraswathi in the morning,

Mahalakshmi by noon, and she becomes Kodiya kali in the after noon. The women

are said to be afraid of by seeing this ugra roopam. So in olden days the women were

not allowed to enter inside the kavu after uchapuja.

4. The child is dressed in a loincloth; the Sanskrit mantras are recited in the whole

process, the Sanskrit mantras are written in Malayalam.

5. Tantric ritual involved the ritual pertaking of the five Ms. Madya (alchohol),

matsya (fish), mamsa (flesh), mudra (gestures) and maithuna (coition). In the final

state of purification everything and everyone was equal. See Romila Thapar. 2002.

The History of Early India. New Delhi: Chaffman Offset Printers