education and educational leadership development in jamaica
TRANSCRIPT
A Short History of Education in Jamaica with a Focus on Educating for Leadership
(Dr. Desiree E. Bernard)
Education and Educational Leadership Development in Jamaica:
I think any examination of educational leadership in Jamaica will suggest that the
very models of leadership inherited from colonial times have had considerable influence
on the educational system. The consistent use of variant forms of the Westminster Model
of government within the Jamaican political sphere, specifically, appears to have some
impact on how leadership is viewed and developed within the educational hierarchy. I
think it is a good idea, therefore, to review very briefly the history of education in
Jamaica, in order to understand efforts at educating students for leadership.
The Development of Education in Jamaica:
A formal education system did not begin in Jamaica until after slavery ended.
During slavery, the colonial powers did not provide any kind of literacy for their chattels.
The plantation system, the prevailing social, political and economic structure in Jamaica,
naturally influenced the development of, and attitudes toward the type of educational
system (formal and informal), which evolved during the pre, and post-slavery period. The
slaves were thought of as merely possessions, uneducable, without the right to exercise
free will in the pursuit of a satisfying life; an economically significant part of the sum of
the estate owners’ investment in an exploitative, plantation system. As McBean-Hartley,
(1978) stated “…the development of an education system for the slaves would have been
inconsistent with the institution of plantation economy that had as its major focus
exploitation of the land and its natural resources” (p. 21). The desire of the plantocracy,
therefore, was to keep the slaves dependent and ignorant in order to justify and maintain
their paternalistic control and to use these slaves to fulfill their economic purpose of
cheaply producing sugar as a means of enriching themselves. Literacy or education for
that matter was not necessary in such a situation because the British Government was not
committed to any kind of settlement or development of the island but shared only an
exploitative relationship with it. The applicability of the following quote by Gintis cited
in Holtz, Marcus, Dougherty, Michaels, & Peduzzi, (1989), discussing Education,
Personal Development and Human Dignity, cannot be denied:
The …mission of education in a slave society…dictate that the slave be inured with a world view consonant with his or her condition as subordinate to the will of his or her master. In a parallel manner, the conservative mission of education would suggest that those youth destined to join the ranks of the masters be infused with the skills, the attitudes, and the moral values allowing them to control effectively the lives of their subjects. Since the master/slave relationship is by its nature…of dominance and subordinance, the joint satisfaction of the conservative and egalitarian functions of education would be quite impossible (Holtz et al, 1989, p. 51). The planters therefore had no reason to desire the provision of an educational system
because most of them were absentee owners, preferring to enjoy the wealth they had
attained, in the more developed British Isles where they could school their children in
relative ease. Change came however, with the arrival of the missionaries. The Moravians,
Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians whose intent it was to Christianize the slave were
soon teaching them to read and write with the use of the Bible or the catechism. Some of
the literate slaves even became local church leaders (Allen, 2001; McBean-Hartley,
1978). The motives of the missionaries, however, had less to do with the economic,
social, political, or intellectual welfare of the black slave population, and more to do with
what they saw as the moral improvement of the Negro, an attitude that in itself implied
the acceptance of the moral inferiority of the black race and which coincided with the
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prevailing belief of the Negro as sub-human. In any event, a few schools were built,
funded from money left by persons who stipulated that education be provided for white
and colored children. This reality displayed elements of classism and racism, which were
already parts of the social, political, and economic status quo of the plantation system.
The majority black population made up the lowest social class and was obviously
powerless to access a provision meant for white and colored children.
The end of slavery did not usher in a new order for the newly freed African
population. Hurwitz and Hurwitz (1971) summed up the situation in the following way:
…Jamaican soil had never nurtured mutual respect between the races , and the ingredients for its growth were not there in significant quantities…Although on August 1, 1833, the old order was officially and legally dead, its values and attitudes would remain very much alive (p. 119-120).
The 1833 Emancipation Act, therefore, made a very small provision for the introduction
of formal education into the society’s social structure, mainly because the former slave
owners did not see much economic advantage in this. This provision came by way of a
small monetary grant and so the British Government, for their part, contributed in a small
way to the development of a fledgling educational system in the island by providing the
Negro Education Grant for the primary level education of the ex-slaves. There was,
however, no specific plan or strategy to educate the masses since this was not perceived
as of vital importance and the Legislatures wanted to keep the ex-slaves in a position of
inferiority. Whyte (1977) stated, “…no attempt was made to set up any general
controlling authority” (p. 76). Primary education provided for the ex-slaves was industrial
(agricultural education). It was mainly used to control the large number of destitute ex-
slave children. This was not a successful system. By comparison the schools that
benefited from bequests had a tightly controlled system run by the Vestries or trustees put
there by the parish or clergy electorates (Whyte, 1977).
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Education for the Blacks, already low on the planters’ list of priorities, fell even lower
with the decline in sugar. The Negro Education Grant was originally intended to be
administered for five years, but by 1845 it was cut off with the expectation that other
sources of funding be found within the Jamaican economy itself. At this time it is ironic
that, with the provision of inadequate primary education a hallmark of the system, both
the missionaries and the legislatures initiated the development of secondary schools, not
based upon the needs of the blacks, but for two other reasons. One of the reasons was that
the negative economic effects of the decline in sugar had resulted in the planters growing
increasingly unable to fund their own children’s British based education any longer. As a
result they were now resorting to keeping them on the island and finding alternative
schooling for them. The second reason was that with the steady decline of outside
financial support the churches had been finding it difficult to fund education. With the
planters now looking for local answers, the churches saw that secondary education could
now become a viable investment. In addition, the growing numbers of coloreds
themselves were another resource from which the churches could draw to make up their
secondary school population. At this time, therefore, a secondary education system
evolved from the economic disaster caused by the withdrawal of preferential treatment of
West Indian sugar. These secondary schools were an imitation of the British grammar
school model and served the white and colored classes, not the black masses most in
need. The Legislatures now began to take a closer interest in education and even
established a Code of Regulations.
The Colonial Legislatures soon took over responsibility, prioritizing industrial
education, and a grant by the House of Assembly opened up the door for industrial
secondary education to be made available. As with the provision of primary education,
secondary education for the blacks was a system evolved for specific economic gain by
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the landed class and not undertaken to awaken the thought processes that would result in
leadership development for the blacks. McBean-Hartley (1978) observed:
It was clearly not in the interest of the planters to educate pupils who would later aspire to clerical positions (most of which were held by Europeans), but rather to “educate” them in a manner such that the market for their particular skills would be under the direct control of the propertied class (p. 26).
The system of education that was developed for the ex-slaves now displayed an
established pattern of learning without the empowerment; literacy without enlightenment.
Other structural changes were taking place in the evolution of the somewhat ad hoc
educational system. There was ongoing conflict between the missionaries and the
Legislatures because each sought to educate the ex-slaves for different reasons. The
churches wanted to improve the moral state of the newly freed people, while the
propertied class wanted well-trained field hands and skilled workers who would
contribute to the efficient running of the estates. Because the churches were the ones that
controlled the primary schools up to the middle of the 20th century, they had great
influence over educational policy. The secondary schools that were established using the
English grammar school pattern had to use an English-based-and-controlled type of
examination, the Cambridge Local Examinations (minimally used in Jamaica today),
English textbooks, and teachers recruited from the mother country. According to Whyte
(1977), this “marked the beginning of years of imitation of English patterns and thought
in education without any consideration of their relevance to the country’s needs” (p. 48).
Although, in recent times progress has been made in tailoring the secondary educational
strategies to the needs of Jamaica, many of the structures still remain, including the
grammar school structure and now limited use of such terminal examinations as the
Cambridge and London General Certificate of Education (GCE) at the ordinary and
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advanced levels. They continue to hold some significance place beside the fairly new
Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) examinations.
Early higher education in Jamaica was made possible by contributions from the
British government and the denominations for the development of normal schools and
emphasized agricultural education to fill the needs of the primary and secondary schools.
There was no effort made to develop the leadership potential of students. The oldest such
normal school established by the Mico Charity in 1836 became the Mico Teachers’
College and very recently the Mico University College.
Prior to 1948, higher education at the university level was impeded by the lack of
students with sufficient matriculation requirements. Nonetheless, a number of colleges of
higher education were established, which failed as a result of the lack of sufficiently
qualified entrants as well as the fact that the curricula were too far removed from the
needs of the society. The establishment of Jamaica High School which later became
Jamaica College produced one “M.A. Degree, four B.A. Matriculation, and several
Intermediate Examination” (Whyte, 1977, p. 73). By 1901 it had stopped teaching. The
roots of the University of the West Indies were planted in the 1926 West India
Conference, but finance and communication problems were to hinder the efforts until the
1943 Irvine Report, which recommended the need for a higher educational institution in
the British Caribbean. This resulted in the establishment of the University of the West
Indies in 1948. The structural make-up of the university’s system is inherently British,
with a few variations.
Educating for Leadership at the Higher Education Level:
Very little research seems to be available on educational leadership in general and
educational leadership in higher education, specifically, in Jamaica. So far, I have not
been able to ascertain if any kind of foundational philosophy exists that articulates the
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understanding of the need for the structured development of leadership in education in
Jamaica. As the quick outline above about the history of education in Jamaica
demonstrates, the provision of education for the majority of Jamaicans does not seem to
be based upon any kind of philosophy such as John Dewey’s, as in the case of the
American educational system. Nonetheless, some effort at exposing students to
leadership experiences within the educational context has been made. This is evident in
the many clubs and societies, which students at the high school and college levels have
had the opportunity in which to participate. Most recently, beginning in 1993, the
University of the West Indies has begun to focus on the development of students in
leadership programs and has instituted an Office of Student Services, which caters to
some extent to the needs of students in leadership. I have been able, however, to identify
only one study (completed in 2003) that looks at the development of student leadership
within the university context in Jamaica. This study suggested a model upon which
student services in Jamaican higher educational institutions may be built. This would
incorporate the institutional mission with a focus on “affective learning” (Reynolds, p.9,
2003), which would strategically gear goals and objectives to the promotion of student
development. The strategies to do this would include graduate programs in higher
education, careful staff recruitment, and the establishment of strong divisions within
student services. Also included would be aggressive staff development and the situation
where faculty and students serve as partners. This partnership would include policy
decisions and student services actions. At least one aspect of student leadership
development was observed in this model, i.e. the faculty/student partnership, but the
development of leadership still bears traces of top-heaviness in the concentration on the
development of staff and faculty in comparison with students.
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A short paper published in the text Higher education in the Caribbean: Past, present
and future directions edited by Howe (2000) outlined a vision of leadership for the
University of the West Indies as “one which has as its objective the engaging and
transformation of the malaise and lack of effectiveness and excellence found in many of
our schools and educational institutions” (p. 167). It was obvious, however, that the
above vision was not yet a part of the psyche of the leaders at the University of the West
Indies. Howe (2000) added that the observation had been made that because leadership in
the West Indian context had been defined “as the capacity to take charge and get things
done, we have overlooked the importance of teamwork and comprehensive
improvement” (p.167). Based upon this observation, Howe contended that
transformational leadership was something greatly to be desired and highly imperative
and appropriate “if schools and universities such as the UWI are to respond effectively to
the multiple problems, challenges and opportunities with which they and the region are
currently faced” (p. 169). It seemed, therefore, that the reason for seeking a new way of
leadership within the educational context was to promote the growth and survival of the
university system in an attempt to meet the needs of stakeholders and the fulfillment of
its aims and goals.
In articulating the vision of transformational leadership for the University of the West
Indies, Howe (2000) gave lip to the idea of empowerment but this has been restricted to
the staff and faculty and those he described as “stakeholders”. He mentioned the
demoralizing and frustrating effects of the university’s bureaucracy upon the staff, which
had resulted in the impersonal treatment of students. The suggestion was that to remedy
this, the university would have to value and support the individual. This would, in turn,
lead to the development of a more congenial atmosphere. This congenial atmosphere
would lead to a more student friendly learning environment with the display of higher
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expectations of student performance. In order for all of this to occur, Howe (2000)
showed that the emphasis would have to be placed on strong, direct and indirect
instructional leadership and further training of leaders within the university. While all of
this is commendable, it was of note that there was no inclusion at any point of leadership
training or empowerment for students. The implied perception of students, despite the
talk of transformational leadership, was that they were a part of the problem that needed
fixing and not part of the solution. They were not seen as a viable group to whom
leadership training should be given. Instead actions were to be taken on their behalf so
that the environment would be more conducive to learning.
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REFERENCES
Allen, B. M. (2001). Jamaica, a junior history. Kingston, Jamaica: Carlong
Holtz, H., Marcus, I., Dougherty, J., Michaels, J., & Peduzzi, R. (1989). Education
& the American dream: Conservatives, liberals & radicals debate the future
of education. Granby, MA: Bergin & Garvey.
Howe, G. (2000). Higher education in the Caribbean: Past, present and future
directions. Kingston, Jamaica: The University of the West Indies Press.
Hurwitz, S., & Hurwitz E. (1971). Jamaica – A historical portrait. New York: Praeger.
Factors affecting female participation in education in seven developing countries – Education Research Paper No. 09, 1993: The case of Jamaica. Retrieved June 17, 2004 from: http://www.dfid.gov.uk/education/research/Library/contents/dep09e/begin.htm
McBean-Hartley, D. (1978). The Jamaican educational system and the maintenanceof existing class boundaries. unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of the West Indies, Jamaica, W.I.
Reynolds, T. (2003). The delivery of Student Services in Jamaican tertiary level Institutions: A model for the 21st century. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica.
Whyte, M. (1977). A short history of education in Jamaica. Suffolk, Great Britain: Hodder & Stroughton.
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