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Tourism Geographies
Vol. 9, No. 2, 191217, May 2007
Geographical Representations Embeddedwithin Souvenirs in Niagara: The Case ofGeographically Displaced Authenticity
ATSUKO HASHIMOTO & DAVID J. TELFERDepartment of Tourism and Environment, Brock University, Canada
ABSTRACT Although souvenirs take on many forms, functions and representations, they areoften formally associated with a specific geographical place. Niagara Falls, Canada is one ofthe most visited tourist attractions in the world. International tourists often only visit Niagara
Falls and one or two other major destinations such as Vancouver or Toronto while in Canada.Recognizing this, souvenir shops sell a range of souvenirs representing locations or attractionsfrom across Canada. This raises the question as to what is an authentic geographical souvenirof Niagara Falls and what are tourists buying. This paper examines the concepts of geograph-ical scale and geographically displaced authenticity associated with souvenirs in Niagara
Falls, Canada. Inventories were completed in eight souvenir shops. One hundred unobtrusiveobservations of souvenir purchases by visitors in souvenir shops are presented according toa souvenir classification as to whether they represent souvenirs from Niagara, other areas ofCanada or unrelated souvenirs.A Niagara Falls souvenirstypology is proposed which explores
the image of the souvenir products purchased from local representations (Niagara Falls) tonational representations of Canada.
KEYWORDS: Souvenirs, authenticity, Niagara Falls, geographical representation
Introduction
Niagara Falls, Canada is home to one the most visited tourist attractions in the world,
drawing tourists from far and wide. It has recently gone through a revival, with the
addition of new casinos and new hotel construction (Healy 2006). With it being
such a major attraction, souvenir shops abound, offering a wide range of products.
Gordon (1986) suggested that a souvenirs physical presence helps locate, define and
freeze in time a fleeting, transitory experience. Given the geographical distances in
Canada, international tourists often only visit Niagara Falls in association with oneor two other major destinations, such as Toronto or Vancouver. Recognizing this,
Correspondence Address: Atsuko Hashimoto, Department of Tourism and Environment, Brock University,
St Catharines, Ontario Canada L2S 3A1. Fax: (905) 984-4843; Tel: (905) 688-5550 Ext. 4367; Email:
ISSN 1461-6688 Print/1470-1340 Online /07/02/0019127 C 2007 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/14616680701278547
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192 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer
the souvenir shops in Niagara Falls sell a range of souvenirs representing locations
or attractions from across Canada. This raises the question as to what represents an
authentic geographical souvenir from Niagara Falls. What is interesting in the con-
text of this study is what is local. Tourists can find souvenirs in Niagara Falls from
attractions such as Anne of Green Gables in Prince Edward Island (Eastern Canada)
or British Columbian Smoked Salmon (Western Canada). These products are there
in an attempt to cater to visitors who may not have a chance to travel to these desti-
nations or for those who have been there and may want an additional souvenir. This
paper examines the concepts of geographical scale of souvenirs and introduces the
term geographically displaced authenticity associated with souvenirs. The paper
investigates what types of souvenirs are being sold and bought in Niagara Falls and
what are the geographical scales (local, regional, national) of the images present inthe souvenirs. Souvenir shop inventories were completed through observations and
informal consultations with shop staff as well as detailed inventories in eight specific
shops to determine what types of items were being sold. One hundred unobtrusive
observations of souvenir purchasing by visitors in souvenir shops are presented ac-
cording to the souvenir classification outlined by Gordon (1986) as to whether they
represent souvenirs from Niagara, other areas of Canada or unrelated souvenirs. The
paper proposes a Niagara Falls souvenirs typology that explores the image of the sou-
venir products from local representations (Niagara Falls) to national representations
of Canada. The focus of this article is on the geographical representations both phys-
ically and symbolically within the souvenirs purchased in Niagara Falls. It should be
noted that the primary focus of this study is on the souvenirs themselves and not the
tourists or the vendors perceptions of the souvenirs, as the primary methodology
selected is unobtrusive observations. Before turning to the results from Niagara Falls
the background for the paper is presented in terms of tourist shopping, souvenirs,
authenticity and geographical representation.
Shopping
Shopping as Timothy (2005: 184) suggested, is a complex phenomenon that is laden
with sociocultural, political, economic and spatial meaning. It has been identified
as a preferred tourist activity and the desire and necessity for shopping can motivate
a person to travel (Timothy and Butler 1995). Cohen (1995) argued that there are
two main areas of study in terms of shopping; these are highlighted briefly below
with examples, before focusing on souvenirs. The two main areas include (1) the
location, distribution and structure of tourist (and leisure) shopping facilities and (2)studies of tourist shopping behaviour, including spatial aspects. Focusing on location,
distribution and structure, a number of studies have examined specific tourist sites
or destinations and the resulting shopping that occurs. Timothy (1995) highlighted
cross-border shopping in terms of border-related tourist attractions. Niagara is lo-
cated on the CanadaUSA border and, hence, Niagara Falls, Ontario receives a large
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Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 193
number of American visitors. Niagara can be identified at a tourist district and with
it are shopping opportunities. A number of models, such as the Recreation Business
District (Stansfield and Rickert 1970) and the Tourism Business District (Getz 1993),
include shopping as a major component. The spatial development of shopping has
been explored in both developing and developed country contexts. Studies range from
ribbon development in Thailand in the form of the craft-related industry (Cohen 1995)
to complex tourist districts in Paris (Pearce 1998). Others have examined shopping
and its impact with respect to specific types of tourism or shopping facilities such
as mega-multi-malls (Finn and Erdem 1995), gift shops at superstar museums (Frey
1998), airports (Jarach 2001) and shopping associated with sports tourism (Gibson
et al. 2003). The second area in the study of shopping, according to Cohen (1995),
is tourists shopping behaviour. Relationship modelling has been applied to tourismshopping using expenditure information in the case of Hong Kong (Law and Au 2000)
and Snepengeret al. (2003) noted the importance of studying both the tourist and the
resident use of shopping space within tourist areas. Shopping satisfaction has been
examined in the case of international tourists in Hong Kong (Wongand Law 2003) and
for domestic tourists at the Gold Coast in Australia (Turner and Reisinger 2001). Var-
ious authors have developed shopping and shopper typologies related to motivations,
products purchased, activities undertaken and locations of retail (Timothy 2005). Carr
(1990) developed a functional-leisure shopping continuum ranging from routine pur-
chases of essential items to recreational shopping. Smith and Olsen (2001) developed
a three-phased model that demonstrates how tourist shopping becomes more sophis-
ticated over time. In the first phase tourists are new to the destination and partake in
familiar forms of consumptions, such as the purchase of cheap souvenirs that are com-
mercially symbolic of the destination. In stage two, they are more familiar with the
destination and seek more authentic art forms and can be contemptuous of tourists
who buy traditional souvenirs. In stage three, the tourist is more experienced with the
destination and their purchasing behaviours are more indistinguishable from locals.
The model reflects upon the level of tourist experience and what they purchase.
Souvenirs
Souvenirs have become a major component of the tourism retailing system, employ-
ing a significant number of people throughout the world in the production, distribution
and sales, as well contributing significantly to the economies of destinations (Timothy
2005). Souvenirs have been defined as a tangible symbol and reminder of an expe-
rience that differs from daily routine (Anderson and Littrell 1995). Cohen (1988)referred to souvenirs as the commercialized replication of local customs. From a util-
itarian perspective, tourists merchandize ranges from grocery items at one end of
the spectrum to clothing and toys at the other (Timothy 2005). Souvenirs themselves
range from primitive handicrafts to mass-manufactured items made in other coun-
tries far from the destination where they are sold (Timothy 2005). Within souvenir
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194 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer
research, Kim and Littrell (2001) suggested there have been two major research paths
and there is some overlap with those suggested by Cohen (1995) above for shop-
ping. The first focuses on the artisan producers of souvenirs and the second focuses
on tourist consumers of souvenirs. In terms of the producers, work has been done
on the impact of those involved in selling the products to the tourists (Swain 1993;
Cukier and Wall 1994) and the impacts on local culture and traditions (Graburn 1982).
Hitchcock and Teague (2000) raised an important point in that it is wrong to assume
that all goods made for tourists are shoddy when, in fact, many are made by skilled
craftsmen and women who have adapted old products to suit new markets. In terms
of the consumers, Anderson and Littrell (1996) examined group profiles of women
as tourists and their purchases of souvenirs. They found that there were distinctive
group profiles based on trip-planning and souvenir-purchasing styles and they rec-ommended that marketers should design advertising themes and new products for
each profile. Anderson and Littrell (1995: 347) made the point that retailers should
be mindful that tourists frequently desire to purchase products, especially from other
areas and cultures, that reflect their shopping experiences such as observations of
artisans, interactions with shopkeepers, symbols of their culture; and being on first
trips. Interestingly Swanson and Horridge (2004) found that the travel activities of
tourists had positive correlations with the consumption of souvenir products, while
the demographics of tourists had no correlation. As mentioned above, Smith and
Olsen (2001) developed a model that suggests a tourists shopping becomes more
sophisticated over time. This is similar to the work of Love and Sheldon (1998), who
suggest that more experienced travellers have a greater tendency to assign souvenir
meanings that focus on relationships, people and events, while less experienced trav-
ellers assign meanings that tend to be more representative of their destinations. An
example would include Hawaiian shirts from Hawaii (Love and Sheldon 1998). Gift
giving is also an important aspect of souvenir purchases and Kim and Littrell (2001)
examined the intention of buying souvenirs for self versus others. Within the Niagara
Region, Hashimoto and Telfer (1999) explored culture-specific souvenir shopping
and the importance of gift giving. They examined how icewine is marketed as an
authentic local souvenir product to the Japanese tourists. Gift giving is a significant
element of Japanese society and the value of the gift given is often considered to be a
reflection of the value one places on the relationship with another person. Icewine is
a high-end product produced in the Niagara region from grapes harvested after they
are frozen on the vines. With its high value and the fact that it is a rare local product,
it makes a high-end unique gift.
In order to get a better understanding of the nature of souvenirs, Gordon (1986)developed a classification of souvenirs. The first is the Markerand includes things
such as inscribed T-shirts. The second is Pictoral, and includes images such as those
found on postcards.Symbolic Shorthand is a manufactured item such as a minia-
ture monument. Piece of the Rock is a natural item such as driftwood. The final
classification isLocal Productsand includes indigenous food products or traditional
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196 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer
the consumers expectations and reveals the artists perceptions of what the tourists
want. This similarly raises the issue of not only what is an authentic representation
of culture and of a particular location but also what roles different agencies play in
the authenticity process.
In the context of New Zealand, for example, it has been noted that the difficulty
for indigenous peoples is that their handicrafts are often not marketed primarily as
representations of their culture, but as authentic souvenirs of a country (Asplet and
Cooper 2000; Blundell 1993). Shenhav-Keller (1993: 182) explored the deeper mean-
ings associated with souvenirs in Israel by focusing on the souvenir as a symbolic
unit and a medium in the tourist art system that can be read as a text. She argued
that the souvenir is not only an important cultural artefact, it is also an analytical
tool for understanding complex processes by reading the souvenir as a social andpolitical text. The symbolic meaning of a particular type of souvenir has also been
examined, as illustrated in the work of Littrell (1990) on textiles. While broadly
examining African art and authenticity, Kasfir (1992) very interestingly explored
tourist art and authenticity. Kasfir (1992: 47) noted the attitudes of high-end art col-
lectors towards tourist art and their attempts to dismiss the authenticity of tourist
art:
of all the varieties of African art that trigger the distaste of connoisseurs and
subvert the issue of authenticity, surely the so-called tourist art is the worst
case scenario. In the biological model of stylistic development it exemplifies
decay or even death; in discussions of quality it is dismissed as crude, mass
produced and crassly commercial; in metaphors of symbolic anthropology it isimpure, polluted; in the salvage anthropology paradigm it is already lost.
Kasfir (1992) noted that tourist art is a richly layered example of how the West
has invented meaning, thereby denying authenticity in African art. In reflecting on
why Western connoisseurs view tourist art as inauthentic, Kasfir (1992: 52) suggested
that until recently, authenticity has been intimately associated with that lost world
of order and control but not with any of the cultural renegotiations following that
loss.
If high-end art collectors are at one end of the spectrum, it is, however, important
to note that the vast majority of tourists do not demand total authenticity and even
experiential tourists are prepared to accept a cultural product as authentic insofar as
traits which they consider to be diacritical, are judged by them to be authentic (Cohen
1988: 378). If tourist art is part of the process of cultural renegotiation, there are keyissues that need to be discussed in terms of how the production of the souvenirs affects
not only the local culture but also the broader socio-economic dynamics of the host
society. Both sides of the issue come to light. On the one hand the economic impact
of the souvenir industry can lead to the monetarization of a native economy, with
irreversible enmeshment in the world economic system. These economic rewards
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Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 197
can speed the destruction of traditional roles and values (Graburn 1982). On the other
hand there can be positive consequences where it can demonstrate to a minority group
that they have something distinctive enough to be sold to the world and it may lead to
the preservation of tradition (Graburn 1982), although perhaps in a slightly different
form.
Littrellet al. (1993) suggested that souvenir authenticity can be examined in the
context of uniqueness and originality; workmanship; aesthetics; function and use;
cultural and historic integrity; craftsperson and materials; shopping experience; and
genuineness. The importance of the authentic souvenir for consumers has been ex-
amined by Asplet and Cooper (2000). They identified that there is an important niche
market in the production of designer textiles and clothing that incorporate authentic
local New Zealand cultural motifs, which can be sold to tourists. The findings oftheir study indicate tourists would be more inclined to purchase New Zealand-made
clothing if the authenticity of the design was vouched for on the label.
Geographical Representations in Souvenirs and Authenticity
What is interesting about much of the previous work on souvenirs is that while
there has been work on authenticity in terms of production, product, experience
and consumption patterns of tourists, there has not been any extensive work found
to date that examines the concepts of geographical scale associated with souvenir
authenticity. Souvenirs that are linked either formally or informally to the culture
and history of the area have an association with a location. There are different levels
of geographical representations embedded within a souvenir and therefore there can
be a number of different levels of authenticity associated with the souvenir. The
souvenir may represent a country, a region, a city or a specific attraction or potentially
a combination of several of these geographical scales. As authenticity tends to be
relative to individual travellers, one aspect of geographical scale inherent within the
souvenir may be more important for one person compared to another. For one tourist,
the symbolism of the attraction may be more important within the souvenir, while,
for others, the country of purchase may hold more meaning for the souvenir. Does the
purchase of a coffee mug with a picture of Mickey Mouse on it from Disneyland hold
more meaning as being from Disneyland or does it hold more meaning as being from
America, Paris, Hong Kong or Japan? The cup has elements of multiple geographical
scales embedded within it. Souvenirs themselves, depending on the item, design
and packaging may also reinforce one or more elements of geographical scale. The
differentimages and representationsof scale in souvenirs arereflected in the argumentthat scale is socially constructed (Marston 2000). While there have been debates on
the nature of scale (see Brenner 2001; Marston 2000; Marston and Smith 2001), an
interesting dimension is the rescaling debate. Within research on globalization and
neoliberalism, the argument has been made that there has been a marked turn away
from the national as a relevant scale and that the nation is being rescaled to local,
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198 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer
regional and global scales (Mansfield 2005). However, Mansfield (2005) argued that
the nation is still a vital element in relation to scale and it should be considered as
one dimension of political economic (and other) practices. For souvenirs, it is clear
that there are different geographical messages and, depending on the item, one scalar
representation may stand above the others and so the local attraction or region may
stand above the nation. For other souvenirs, the expression of multiple scales may
be more obvious. The design and packaging elements illustrate, in part, the political
and power issues mentioned by Wall and Xie (2005) and Hughes (1995: 781) about
the political influences embedded in the presentation of culture to tourists. It is
important to distinguish in terms of authenticity what the makers are producing and
what the tourists are looking for as authentic. Mata and Stanley (1997), for example,
found that there was a market for Parks Canada-branded souvenirs and gifts. Evensouvenirs not associated with the culture of the destination (for example sunglasses
with no formal reference to location) have an inherent geographical element to them
by default, as they are purchased away from home and therefore may bring back
memories of a particular place.
It also raises the issue that souvenirs can be appropriated from the local or regional
level or from a specific group to take on a national significance. For example, in
countries such as Canada and New Zealand, souvenirs with an aboriginal theme have
come to represent the country. For the 2010 Winter Olympics in Vancouver-Whistler
in British Columbia, Canada, the emblem for the games is an inukshuk (stone figure
made by the Inuit, meaning likeness of a person; The Canadian Encyclopedia 2006)
namedIlanaaq (Inuit for friend). Inukshuks are found only in the Arctic regions
of Canada, yet the symbol has already started appearing on souvenirs representing
different geographical scales, including the Inuit Arctic culture, the Canadian host of
the games and the world Olympic movement. Within the discussion of geographical
representation it is also important to note that tourists will have different levels of
geographical knowledge compared to locals. For example, if one travels to China and
stays in Beijing in the north and purchases tea from Fujian Province in the south, it
is Chinese tea and may represent an authentic souvenir from China for the tourist; it
does not represent the immediate area in which the tourist is travelling.
In the literature there is a recurring reference of geographical association with au-
thenticity and that tends to be associated with the culture of the region or country
visited; however, geographical scale has not been explicitly incorporated. For ex-
ample, in the study by Littrell et al. (1993) tourists identified cultural and historic
integrity as one element to defining authenticity. Similarly and as noted earlier
Sharpley (1994) suggested that something generally is considered to be authenticif it is made, produced or enacted by local people according to customs or tradition
(Sharpley 1994: 130). Culture here is then linked with a local people and a place or
the culture of a nation. Local may be perceived as being from the immediate area or
at a larger scale; however, place has not been explicitly linked to geographical scale
in the literature.
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Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 199
Souvenirs for Sale and Geographically Displaced Authenticity
Before investigating the souvenir purchasing patterns of the tourists in Niagara Falls,
Ontario, Canada, the paper will focus on the products being sold and the term geo-
graphically displaced authenticity is presented as a framework for the paper. Hitch-
cock and Teague (2000) pointed outthat makersof souvenirs strive to meet thepopular
expectations of tourists. Not only the makers but also the vendors try and identify
what the tourists want to buy and then sell those products. There is, of course, demand,
generated by the makers or vendors themselves through elements such as packaging,
store layout, marketing, media and information provided to the tourists; however, this
lies beyond the focus of this study. The focus here is on the souvenirs themselves and
the geographical images associated with the souvenirs. In order to begin the study,
five major streets within the tourist district near the actual waterfalls of Niagara Falls
were selected. Land-use mapping was completed for each street to determine the
location of the various types of tourist establishments. Table 1 contains the inventory
of five streets that surround the Clifton Hill area (see Figure 1: Clifton Hill, Falls
Avenue, Niagara Parkway, Victoria Avenue and Centre Street). Clifton Hill is often
marketed as a family fun area and has small attractions as well as souvenir shops. It is
not unlike a main tourist street in a seaside resort area in the UK. The street (Clifton
Hill) runs perpendicular to the Niagara Parkway, which faces the waterfalls. The main
viewing point for Niagara Falls is the Table Rock Falls Viewing complex located on
the Niagara Parkway, a short walk from the Clifton Hill area. As illustrated in Table 1,
the area is clearly a tourist zone, with a significant number of gift or souvenir shops in
the area. The names of some of the souvenir stores in the tourist region highlight the
research questions being examined in this paper. The store names range, in part, basedon geographical coverage: Niagara Souvenirs, Niagara Clifton Gifts, North Country
Gifts, Canadian Memories and Canadian Scene.
The second step was to identify the types of souvenirs sold. A preliminary inven-
tory list was compiled from observations and consultations with staff in a variety
of souvenir shops, including speciality shops and attraction-based souvenir shops
throughout the Niagara Falls tourist area. The preliminary list was then compared to
the souvenir products sold in eight specific stores in order to confirm the accuracy of
Table 1. Land use in the Clifton Hill area
Land use Number
Food 49Gifts/Souvenirs 40Attractions 24Accommodation 10Services 9Clothing 6
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200 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer
Figure 1. Niagara Falls study site.Source: authors.
what types of products are being sold and to subsequently create a checklist for the
unobtrusive observations. The shops were purposely selected in an attempt to cover
different types of souvenir shops selling a variety of products: government owned,
privately owned, with an emphasis on different geographical scales in their products.The results of the inventories help to set the basis of the term geographically dis-
placed authenticity and establish the framework for the paper. The purpose of the
inventories was not to count the number of items or variations on an item (e.g. all
different styles and colours of t-shirts were recorded as t-shirts) being sold, rather
they were to identify the types of souvenirs being sold and their geographical link. In
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Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 201
completing the inventories, the items were recorded in categories and whether they
had a geographical image (e.g. Niagara, Canada). However, given the detailed nature
of the inventories, neither the inventories nor the names of the shops inventoried are
identified. A few examples of the categories and subcategories used for the inventory
include clothing (t-shirt with image from Niagara, Ontario, Canada) and kitchen ac-
cessories (plate with image from Niagara, Ontario, Canada). It should be noted that
where the souvenir was made is not considered in this paper. For example a key chain
with a picture of Niagara Falls on it may be made in a different country; however, it
would still have a geographical association with Niagara Falls. This paper investigates
what types of souvenirs are being bought and sold in Niagara Falls and what are the
geographical scales (local, regional, national) of the images present both formally
and symbolically in the souvenirs. The paper is focused on the souvenirs themselvesrather than the vendors or the tourists perception of the souvenirs.
In the context of this paper, geographically displaced authenticity refers to a sou-
venir that represents a different geographical location from the one being visited.
Geographically displaced authenticity of souvenirs is based on scale and visiting any
site cuts across various geographical scales. When a tourist is visiting Niagara Falls
they are visiting a specific site, within the Niagara region in the province of Ontario,
in the country of Canada. Using a t-shirt as an example for these different scales,
they may purchase a product that symbolizes Niagara Falls (t-shirt with a picture of
Niagara Falls), the Niagara region (Niagara wine route t-shirt), Ontario (t-shirt with
the shield and emblems of the province of Ontario) or Canada (t-shirt with a picture
of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police). Based on scale, all of these t-shirts would
represent an authentic souvenir of the area they are visiting. The destination they are
visiting would be represented either physically or symbolically within the souvenir
t-shirt. However, if a tourist purchased a souvenir that is a representation from outside
the area they are visiting, it would be a case of geographically displaced authenticity.
In the context of this paper, the definition for displaced is to remove or shift from
the usual or proper place (Funk and Wagnals 1986: 384). An example of this found
in the inventory of the shops would be buying a souvenir in Niagara Falls such as a
doll from the Anne of Green Gables stories by Lucy Maud Montgomery; these are
based in the province of Prince Edward Island in eastern Canada. There is a major
tourist attraction in the province of Prince Edward Island where one can visit Green
Gables, the supposed house where the fictional character Anne Shirley lived. This
doll would be considered here as displaced geographically. Other examples would in-
clude purchasing British Columbia smoked salmon or Alberta ammolite (gemstone)
in Niagara Falls.Based on observations, informal consultations and inventories of eight shops, a
Niagara Falls souvenir typology is extrapolated in Figure 2, based on the geograph-
ical identity of various souvenirs. The figure is based primarily on the concept of
geographical image and its association with souvenirs. At the centre of the figure
are the core Niagara-related souvenirs, which are attraction based. The attraction
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202 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer
Figure2.
Souvenirsandgeog
raphicallydisplacedauthenticityatNiaga
raFalls.
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Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 203
example given is that of a model of the Maid of the Mist Boat. This is a boat tour
that has become famous and often a must see for tourists. The boat takes tourists
close to the base of Niagara Falls. People are supplied with plastic (biodegradable)
blue raincoats with the emblem of the boat on the front; however, most get very wet
from the spray of the Falls. The raincoats themselves, part of the price of admission,
become souvenirs. When the boat returns to the dock, passengers must walk through
a souvenir shop where many Maid of the Mist-related goods are available and cover
different aspects of Gordons (1986) categories of souvenirs. Various sizes of models
of the boat are available and would, in the case of Figure 2, represent a core Niagara
attraction-related souvenir. These models are also sold in many of the souvenir shops
throughout Niagara Falls, as was discovered in the inventory of souvenir shops in the
tourist area.The next level of the typology in Figure 2 is Niagara Falls-related. The examples
given are t-shirts with a picture of the words Niagara Falls or a wooden plaque with
the image and words of Niagara Falls. Some of these plaques have a more functional
usein that they have a thermometer or a clock on them. Another interesting product not
listed in the model aresmall bottles of coloured water that aresupposedto be authentic
bottles of water that have gone over Niagara Falls. They are coloured as Niagara Falls
are lit up at night by brightly coloured spot lights. The final Niagara-related level is
that of the region. Over time, the region of Niagara has become recognized as more of
a destination, which is not focused only on Niagara Falls. There have been efforts at
various levels of government to diversify the tourist product. One of these new tourist
products that has quickly become very popular is the Niagara Wine Route. There are
now over 60 wineries in the region and many tours of the area include a stop at, at
least, one of the wineries (see Telfer 2001a, 2001b). The Niagara region is also being
marketed as a growing culinary destination as regional grape, wine and food festivals
continue to grow in popularity (Telfer and Hashimoto 2003). While wine and other
alcoholic beverages cannot be sold legally at tourist souvenir shops, there is souvenir
clothing and accessories representing the wine region or a specific festival or there
are grape motif souvenirs. Some shops also sell Niagara food products, such as jams.
The Niagara region is one of the main fruit-producing regions of Canada, so fruit
jams are a popular Niagara food souvenir product.
The typology moves from the core Niagara-related to what has been identified as
being the periphery. In this case, the periphery is defined as souvenirs that represent
areas outside Niagara or at a much broader scale, such as the province or the entire
country. Asone moves from thecentre of Figure2, thestrengthof thegeographical link
of the souvenirs themselves to Niagara Falls weakens. At the level of the Province,shops sell t-shirts with provincial emblems or the provincial flower, the trillium.
Souvenirs with a solely provincial connection were more limited than those that were
linked to Niagara or Canada.
Figure 2 also illustrates the concept of geographically displaced authenticity. At
the centre are core Niagara-related souvenirs. If a tourist buys a souvenir that does
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204 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer
not represent the area they are visiting then it would be identified as a case of geo-
graphically displaced authenticity. The diagonal lines reaching up from the attraction
circle on the diagram are symbolic dividing lines of where a souvenir product could
be identified with the concept of geographically displaced authenticity. Geographi-
cally displaced authenticity would fall beyond the boundaries of these lines, while
geographically authentic souvenirs would fall within these boundaries. The diagram
is based on geographical boundaries and it is interesting to consider how certain types
of images and, hence, souvenirs become associated with a given geographical entity.
Over time, some types of souvenirs become elevated to a representation of what is
Canadian. This is a reflection of what Cohen (1988) identified as emergent authentic-
ity. At the national level, examples include maple syrup or the image of the beaver or
the moose or the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) in their red uniforms. Thetoy moose in Figure 2 is one example of the many stuffed animals (moose, beaver,
wolf, bear, etc.) sold that are associated with Canadas wilderness image.
The issue of what is an authentic souvenir at the scale of Canada is further compli-
cated when one looks at First Nations (indigenous people in Canada) art. Native art
covers a range of products at various price points that are associated with Canadas
First Nations Peoples. These products include soap stone carvings, moccasins, dream
catchers and dolls representing First Nations people. First Nation-related artefacts
sold in the Niagara Falls area cover different First Nations bands from across the
country. Unless the tourists hold special interests, the majority of them will not be
able to distinguish the crafts made by the Ojibwa who are native to the Niagara
region from the crafts made by other Six Nations in other parts of Ontario or the
Haida Nation, native to the western province of British Columbia. Similarly, a soap-
stone carving by a well-known Inuit artist who lives in the remote Arctic north and
sold in Niagara may certainly come from a specific geographical location. However,
has this piece of artwork transcended its region of origin to now represent the entire
nation? The other element in this discussion of First Nations art is that some sou-
venirs are fashioned after a generic or stereotyped image of First Nations people and
not a specific band or individual group. For example, picture frames are sold with
images of people dressed in moccasins and deer skin clothing with a headdress. How-
ever, it is not possible to determine which group of First Nations people the images
represent.
The twoitems at thefurthest perimeter of Figure 2 areproducts from other countries
and products of no explicit geographical link. An example of the former would be
the purchase of Cuban cigars. Cuban cigars are sold widely in Niagara Falls as the
destination borders the USA and Americans have had restrictions on them fromtravelling to Cuba. In this case, the cigars are representative of another country and
would therefore represent a caseof geographically displacedauthenticity. These cigars
would be geographically authentic if purchasedin Cuba. Another interestingspeciality
souvenir shop towards the top end of Clifton Hill sells items with an Egyptian theme
and most of the entire inventory would fit under the term geographically displaced
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Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 205
authenticity. Products of no geographical link, such as utilitarian purchases like sun
glasses, are not explicitly linked to the destination in the same way as a marker,
pictoral, symbolic shorthand or local product would be and, hence, the souvenir itself
(although not perhaps in the tourists image of thesouvenir) arebeyond the boundaries
of a geographically authentic souvenir.
Souvenirs Purchased and Geographically Displaced Authenticity
Having identified the geographical representations of the souvenir items for sale,
the paper turns to exploring what the tourists are buying. This section of the paper
focuses on consumer behaviour through the results of 100 unobtrusive observations
of souvenir purchasing by visitors in souvenir shops. Unobtrusive observations weremade in the afternoons and evenings on various days of the week from late June
to early September 2000. A target of 100 observations was set, with the first 80
observations being made in five shops, while the remaining 20 observations were
made in other nearby shops to reach the set target within the time frame for the study.
The observation cases were randomly selected in order to minimize the sampling bias.
The researcher would enter the shop, make the observations and then leave the shop
to review the notes. Once the review of notes was completed, the researcher would
re-enter the shop and observe the next person making a purchase. The unobtrusive
observations of souvenir purchases are presented within the context of the souvenir
classification developed by Gordon (1986) and whether they represent souvenirs from
Niagara, other areas of Canadaor unrelatedsouvenirs.As mentionedabove, there were
a limited number of souvenirs for sale that explicitly focus on the province of Ontario
and none wase observed being purchased, so the focus of this part of the study is on
Niagara or Canada.
Table 2 includes the sex and approximate age by appearance, as the method used
was unobtrusive observation. Observations were made at random in order to hopefully
include various types of tourists. As people approached the cashier to make their pur-
chases they were recorded as male, female, couple and family and their approximate
age by groups (e.g. in their 20s, or 30s, etc.) by appearance. It may be attributable
to the design or space of the cashier area or due to family practices, but only a small
number of couples or family groups approached the cashier together. Interestingly,
Table 2. Gender and approximate age by appearance of purchaser
Male Female Couple
Teens & 20s 12 14 230s & 40s 16 28 250s & 60s 5 15 1Sub-total 33 57 5Unknown (family groups) 5
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206 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer
57 percent of the purchases were made by females, though it does not necessarily
mean that those females have selected the merchandize. It is also noteworthy that up
to their 30s, both male and female are equally active at making a purchase; however,
once over 30, the purchasers become predominantly females (43 females vs. 21 males
observed). Caution must be taken, however, when using age by appearance as it can
be very difficult to tell a persons age.
The results of the 100 unobtrusive observations are presented in Tables 3, 4 and 5
according to Gordons (1986) souvenir classifications. The numbers in the table refer
to how many times theitemsor categories of items that were purchased. Subcategories,
such as clothing, accessories and jewellery, were created to help analyse the findings
within each table. Table 3 focuses on Niagara-related souvenirs, Table 4 focuses on
Canadian-related souvenirs andTable5 focuses on souvenirsthat do notrelate to eitherNiagara Falls or Canada. The purpose of dividing the results into the three tables is
to investigate what types of geographical images are represented by the souvenirs
purchased. Are tourists purchasing items that represent different geographical scales
and are there any observed purchasing of souvenirs that would fall within the category
of geographically displaced authenticity, as outlined in Figure 2? There were 186
items or categories of items purchased, listed across Tables 3, 4 and 5. Most people
purchased at least two items. Of the items or categories of items purchased, 57 percent
were Niagara themed, 25.3 percent were Canadian themed and 17.7 percent had no
explicitconnection to eitherNiagara or Canadaexcept forthe fact they were purchased
in the destination of Niagara. Some of these items could be linked to more generic
shopping rather than a core Niagara souvenir.
Table 3 contains a list of the souvenirs that were purchased related to the Niagara
area. The two most popular categories were Markers and Pictoral souvenirs. There
were 65 observed purchases of Markers and 30 observed purchases of Pictoral sou-
venirs. Together, these two categories represent 89.6 percent of all of the Niagara
souvenirs purchased under the Marker category; t-shirts, coffee mugs and key chains
were the most popular items. Under the subcategory of kitchen/dinning accessories,
placemats and shot glasses were also popular. Under Pictorial, postcards and books
were the most popular items. Other popular Pictoral items included wall plaques and
playing cards. The fact that the Markers and Pictoral were more popular reflects that
tourists want a souvenir with the words or images of Niagara Falls. Going to a major
attraction such as Niagara Falls necessitates a purchase with the name or a picture to
reinforce that the tourist was there. There were five observed purchases of magnets in
the shape of Niagara Falls, placing them in the Symbolic Shorthand category. Under
the Piece of the Rock category, one butterfly paperweight was purchased. NiagaraParks Commission has opened a large butterfly conservatory in the city of Niagara
Falls and hence the butterfly has become an associated image with many souvenirs.
Items sold in shops under the Piece of the Rock category could be processed items
found in nature. There is controversy around the world about tourists picking up and
taking home souvenirs of nature from sites as it diminishes the actual product being
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Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 207
Table3.Niagara
theme(basedon100observations)
Marker
(65)
Access
ories&
Books&
Kitch
en/dining
Clothing
Jewellery
Stationery
accessories
Ornaments
T-shirts(14)
ChildrensT-shirts
Grandmabib
Babybib
Hat
Keychain(9)
Moneypou
ch/purse(2)
Shoppingb
ag
Ruler
Pencilcase
Pencils
Phonebook
Mousepad
Naturetape
Coffeem
ugs/mugs(9)
Placemats(6)
Shotglasses/mugs(5)
Spoonholders
Spooncollectibles
Coasters
Salt&P
eppershaker
Ovenmitt
Tray
Plate
Bell
Piggybank
Pictoral(30)
Books&Sta
tionery
Ornam
ents
Postcards(9)
BooksonNiagaraFalls(6)
Playingcards(4)
VideoonNiagaraFalls(2)
Calendars(2)
Daredevilbook
PhotowithN.F.backdrop
Wallp
laque(4)
Therm
ometerplaque
Symbolic
shorthand
(7)
Kitchen/diningaccessories
Ornaments
Magnets(5)
Butterflyfigurines
MaidofMistsnowball
Pieceofthe
rock
(1)
Naturalartefact
Butterflypaperweight
Localproduc
t(3)
Food
Saltwatertaffy(3)
Totalpurchase
observations=
106
ThesecategoriesareafterGordon(1986).
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208 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer
Table 4. Canadian theme (based on 100 purchasing observations)
Marker (22) Accessories & Kitchen/dining Books &
Clothing Jewellery accessories Ornaments Stationery
T-shirts (5)
Childrens
T-shirts (2)
Childrens
shorts (2)
Socks
Racoon hat
Key chain (3) Sho t glasses/mug s
(2)
Bottle opener
Seal plate Pencils (2)
Pens
Maple pencil
sharpener
Symbolic
shorthand
(15)
Native Accessories Kitchen/dining Stuffed
Indian Artefact & Jewellery accessories Ornaments animals
Hiawatha
figurines
Indian deerskin
necklace
Indian drum
Maple leaf earrings (2)
Maple leaf pins
Maple leaf charms
Jade maple leaf
earrings & broach
Canadian Geese
magnets
Magnets
Squirrels
(sculpture)
Bear
Beaver
Wolf
RCMP
moose
Local
product
(10)
FoodMaple syrup (5)
Animal
droppings
candy (2)
Maple candy
Maple leaf cookies
Cashews
Total purchase observations = 47.These categories are after Gordon (1986).These Native Indian Artefacts are unidentified of the band or tribes.
viewed. Finally, there were three observed purchases of salt-water taffy which could
be identified as a local product.Table 4 contains a list of the souvenirs that were purchased related to Canada.
In terms of Canadian-related souvenirs, the dominant major categories were Marker
Table 5. No Geographic theme (based on 100 purchasing observations)
Accessories & Kitchen/diningOrnaments Jewellery accessories Food
Friendship candles (4)CandlesCircle of friendsPlate stand
Haematite rings (2)Name hairbrushName braceletSunglasses
Shot mugsChina tea service
Candy (2)
Pottery (rabbit)
Pottery (whales)Amethyst & pewterfigurines
Water-ball with fishAnimal figurines (2)Figurines
ClothingStuffed animals
& toys OthersGolf shirts Toys (4)
Walking lizardCamera films (3)Disposable camera
Total purchase observations = 33.
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Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 209
and Symbolic Shorthand. These two categories represent 78.7 percent of all of the
Canadian-themed souvenirsobserved beingpurchased. As in Table 3, clothing was the
most purchased item under the Marker category related to the image of Canada. There
were more Symbolic Shorthand-type souvenirs purchased representing Canada than
there were purchased representing Niagara. What is interesting about the Canadian
Symbolic Shorthand items purchased is that many correspond to traditional images
of Canada. It also present the question as to what represents the image of Canada.
Artefacts related to First Nations people were popular, as well as souvenirs con-
nected to the maple leaf which is on the Canadian flag. The use of First Nations
souvenirs representing the country is a phenomena found in other countries, such as
in New Zealand (see Blundell 1993; Asplet and Cooper 2000). Within Canada there
are many different groups of First Nations people and so it raises the question asto which group is profiled in the souvenirs. The use of totem poles, for example, in
Canada was mainly in the area of present-day British Columbia rather than in south-
ern Ontario where Niagara Falls is located, and totem poles are sold in Niagara Falls.
Other Symbolic Shorthand souvenirs purchased relate to nature, including stuffed toy
animals such as the beaver, the bear, moose and the wolf, which are often portrayed
in association with Canada. The Canadian Tourism Commission has used marketing
material emphasizing Canadas wilderness and wildlife so it is not surprising that
the stuffed animals would appear as purchased items. Maple syrup-related products
(syrup, candies, cookies) are another example from the Local Products category that
has been linked to the image of Canada. This does relate back to the question raised
by Wall and Xie (2005) as to the importance of the question who authenticates.
The maple leaf and the maple products from the maple tree have become a recog-
nizable symbol of Canada and maple syrup is often found in departure lounges of
Canadian airports. What is interesting from a geographical perspective is that the
maple tree is found only in certain parts of the country. Unlike the results of Table
3, there were no items seen to be purchased that would fall under the category of
Pictoral.
Finally, Table 5 lists the purchased souvenirs that are unrelated to either the geo-
graphicalimage of Niagara or Canada. This table hadthe fewest items purchased, with
only 33 items or 17.7 percent of the total number of observations. While these items
have no explicit geographical link to Niagara or Canada there is still an associated
geographical link by location of purchase. Some of these items fall more broadly into
utilitarian tourist shopping, such as cameras or a hairbrush. Others are more souvenir
orientated, such as sunglasses or figurines, and would fall more towards the expressive
or recreational shopping categories from Carrs (1990) functional-leisure shoppingcontinuum; however, there is no explicit geographical image in the souvenir itself.
Interestingly 14 of the 33 items purchased were figurines or ornaments. Although
the tourist will remember where they purchased the souvenir items without inscrip-
tions, nevertheless, purchasing items in this category poses the questions of inherent
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210 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer
Table 6. Summary of themes of purchased items by apparent age group (% by row)
Canadian theme Niagara Falls themes No geographical links Total
Teens & 20s 20 68 12 10030s & 40s 26 54 20 10050s & 60s+ 32 54 14 100Family 18 46 36 100
geographical authenticity and the meaning of the souvenir, as well as the meaning of
general shopping in tourist destinations.
What is interesting in terms of Tables 3, 4 and 5 was that there was evidence
from the limited number of observations that tourists purchased any of the items
for sale that would fall under the category of geographically displaced authenticity.
The purchases rather seemed to be dominated by the local and the national images
and, as noted above, no purchases were made that could represent the provincial
image.
A summary of the themes of purchased items by apparent age group shows an
interesting tendency that the younger tourists and the oldest tourists tend to buy
more souvenirs with a Niagara Falls theme, i.e. the souvenir is linked directly to
the place they are visiting (see Table 6). In a more detailed breakdown, 75 percent
of the items purchased by Teens and 65 percent of the items purchased by tourists
in their 20s were Niagara Falls-themed items, while 48 percent of those in their
40s and 46 percent in their 50s purchased Niagara Falls-themed items. This number
rises to 73 percent when looking at the Niagara Falls-themed items purchased by the
tourists in their 60s. The older tourists also ended to purchase more items of a Cana-dian theme than the other age groups. Items of no geographical links are purchased
more often by Family groups (mostly candies and toys) and the group in their 30s
and 40s. This could be attributed to the family structure of these groups, requiring
something for the accompanying children, which does not necessarily have to be of
geographical souvenir value. Most of the items purchased with no geographical
link were candles, candy, figurines and toys. Items such as t-shirts with a Toronto
inscription, Inuit art or Anne of Green Gables dolls were not purchased among these
100 observations.
Conclusions
Niagara Falls, Ontario, Canada is one of the most visited tourist attractions in theworld. It is often one of the highlights on itineraries and retailers not only sell sou-
venirs of Niagara but they also sell souvenirs representing other areas of Canada and
Canadaas whole. Through inventories and observations this study investigated the ge-
ographical imagespresent in thesouvenirs being sold andpurchased in Niagara. It also
introduced the term geographically displaced authenticity as purchasing a souvenir
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Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 211
from an area other than the destination being visited. While this study did not find
any purchases of souvenirs that could be fit within the term geographically displaced
authenticity, they were certainly found in the inventory portion of the study. There is
ongoing negotiation between what the tourists are buying and how the retailers are
adapting to their demands. Retailers also have the role of guiding or manipulating
tourists into purchasing souvenirs that they may often wonder when they get home
what to do with, or why they ever bought it in the first place. From the results of this
limited study, the majority of tourists purchase more than one souvenir and the most
popular relate to Markers and Pictoral souvenirs of the core destination (Niagara) and
Markers and Symbolic Shorthand at the national level. Retailers should continue to
recognize the value of what some may refer to as commercially symbolic souvenirs
of the destination.Some authors, such as Smith and Olsen (2001), have developed models demon-
strating how tourist shopping becomes more sophisticated over time. In the first phase
of Smith and Olsens (2001) model, tourists purchase cheap souvenirs that are com-
mercially symbolic of the destination and, as they become more experienced, their
purchases becomes more sophisticated. Pearce and Moscardo (1985) suggested that
tourists increase their preference and concern for authenticity as they become more
experienced travellers. In this study a larger number of tourists were observed pur-
chasing items that could be identified as commercially symbolic of the destination,
possibly indicating that a high number of inexperienced travellers were observed.
Some tourists purchased only geographically themed souvenirs, while others bought
only non-geographically themed souvenirs, while others bought a combination of
both. Only 17.7 percent of the items or categories of items did not have a geographi-
cal theme. With the combination of purchased types, experienced travellers may have
been observed; however, this may have been their first time to Niagara and so they
too were drawn to purchase a marker or pictorial souvenir. Based on the methodol-
ogy used, it will never be known if these people consider themselves as experienced
travellers or not. It does raise the interesting question that even if a person is an ex-
perienced traveller and has been to many destinations, if this is their first time to the
site or if they are visiting a very well known or must see site, then they too may
purchase souvenirs that are more commercially symbolic of the destination. If this
is the case, one could move forwards and backwards on the souvenir sophistication
purchasing scale. More research would have to be done to investigate this possibility.
This study has provided some interesting findings, as well as presenting a number
of further areas of research. What is not considered in this paper is what are the indi-
vidual tourists or vendors perceptions of what are authentic geographical souvenirsof a given destination. As highlighted in the literature review, what is authentic is
often relative to the individual. What is authentic and to what degree authenticity is
important will vary from one tourist to another. The focus here has been on the phys-
ical and symbolic geographical image of the souvenir itself. For example, it would be
interesting to ask tourists what they see as the images of Canada and how this relates
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212 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer
to the types of souvenirs that they buy. Are the images of maple syrup, wilderness,
the RCMP and First Nations peoples accurate images of Canada? How does an image
become representative of a nation or a destination and can these images represent
a specific geographical area, attraction or peoples as well as the nation? As Massey
(2000: 68) suggested, all boundaries whether they be national borders on a world at-
las or the lines marking property and parish on a local map, are socially constructed.
She went on to argue that boundaries inevitably cut across other social relations that
construct social space. The places they enclose are not pure. They gain, and have
gained, their character by links with elsewhere (Massey 2000: 68). The tourist and
the souvenir vendor have a role in the socially constructed image of a destination.
As Baerenholdt et al. (2004: 2) suggested, tourist places are not bound to specific
environments or place images. Rather it is the corporeal and social performancesoftourists that make places touristic. Canada, as a tourist destination, is geograph-
ically vast and rich, with cultural and regional diversity. Most of the one-week or
two-week package tours can hardly cover the various attractions across the country.
The tourists knowledge of Canada and the places they visit in this case Niagara
Falls definitely affects the selection of souvenir. International tourists may have an
inaccurate sense of distance between tourist attractions in Canada. For instance, the
researchers have encountered international tourists who believe that Prince Edward
Island is driving distance from Niagara Falls or that they can visit Whitehorse in the
Yukon Territories to see the aurora borealis and return to Niagara Falls within a day.
With such inaccurate spatial orientation of the destination country, it is not surprising
that international tourists have relatively poor identification of an authentic geograph-
ical souvenir item from various regions. Given the size of Canada, this may also apply
to domestic tourists as well. Unless the tourists have specific products from a given
area in mind, for example, a bottle of icewine from a specific winery in the Niagara
peninsula, or a piece of woodcraft by a known First Nation artist from the Niagara
region, it may be a case of geographically displaced authenticity in terms of this study
but not in the mind of the tourist.
Another aspect that deserves further consideration is how the purpose and the use
of the souvenir might possibly influence the need of geographical authenticity. For
instance, if the souvenir is to be given to colleagues and neighbours for compensation
of ones absence from duties, it has an important function of soothing the human
relationship. In such cases, Markers or Pictoral types of souvenirs may be much more
likely to be chosen (e.g. a box of chocolate made in Switzerland with a picture of
Canada or Niagara Falls). The origin (chocolate from Switzerland) of the souvenir is
rather insignificant in comparison to the visual image. The value may be increasedandperhaps be more appreciated if it happened to be a local product with prestigious status
(e.g. Niagara icewine). As noted by Hashimoto and Telfer (1999), the significance of
icewine is marketed heavily to the Japanese market, many of which are purchasing
gifts for colleagues, friends and family. In terms of gift giving, Kim and Littrell
(2001) found that ease of portability was a more important predictor of purchasing
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Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 213
gifts for others than for the tourists themselves; however, overall, they suggested
that retailers probably do not need different strategies for attracting tourists to buy
gifts or buy for self. More research is needed on understanding cultural differences
of tourists in marketing souvenirs. In addition to cultural differences it would be
interesting to investigate the differences between individual tourists and those on
group tours. It is also beyond the scope of this study to determine the motivation
behind the purchases or what influenced the tourists to make the purchases, such
as the displays or the sales pitch. In this study unobtrusive observation was used
to get an understanding of what types of products tourists were purchasing and so
the method achieved the goal of the study. Further research with in-depth interviews
and/or surveys with questions, such as items purchased, motivation for purchase and
demographics, would generate valuable data. Other areas often tied to authenticity butnot investigated here are where the product was made, who made the product and how
it was made and/or the origin of the component parts of the final product. A further
research topic would be to explore these issues and ask tourists once they have made
their purchases if these questions are of importance to them in their purchases. In an
informal interview with a staff member of a souvenir shop in Niagara Falls, it was
revealed that if a product arrives at the store with a sticker indicating the product was
made in a country other than Canada, the sticker is removed before the merchandise
is put on display. This raises the issue of what the vendors believe to be an authentic
geographical souvenir of Niagara. One vendor the researchers spoke to indicated that
they sold only Niagara- or Canadian-themed souvenirs and nothing related to the
province.
Niagara Falls is a major tourist destination and Niagara Falls itself could be linked
to the national image of Canada. All types of souvenirs are purchased and sold and,
depending on motivations, tourists may in fact purchase an Anne of Green Gables
doll in Niagara. Many of those who visit Niagara are not able to travel to other parts
of Canada and, for retailers, this presents an opportunity to market souvenirs from
other areas of Canada. In time, these items may no longer be linked to geographical
displaced authenticity but may become elevated to the level of a national symbol.
Figure 2 represents a useful starting point for those conducting further research on
authenticity and geographical scale, as well for those in the industry seeking to sell
souvenirs to tourists.
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Notes on Contributors
Dr Atsuko Hashimotois an Associate Professor in the Department of Tourism and
Environment at Brock University. Her research focuses on Socio-cultural and human
aspects (especially women and children) of tourism development.
Dr David Telferis an Associate Professor in the Department of Tourism and Envi-
ronment at Brock University. His research interests include Links between tourism
and development theory, backward economic linkages of tourism, and tourism and
agriculture.
Resume: Les representations geographiques inscrites dans les souvenirs au
Niagara: le cas du deplacement geographique de lauthenticite
Bien que les souvenirs prennent des formes, des fonctions et des representations nombreuses, on lesassocie, en general, a des lieux geographiques specifiques. Les chutes du Niagara au Canada sontune des attractions qui recoivent le plus de touristes dans le monde. Les touristes internationauxne visitent souvent que les chutes du Niagara et une ou deux autres destinations majeures tellesque Vancouver ou Toronto pendant leur sejour au Canada. Le sachant, les boutiques de souvenirs
vendent unegamme dobjets quirepresentent deslieuxou desattractions de tout le Canada. On peutalors se demander ce que peut bien etre un souvenir authentique des chutes du Niagara et interrogerce que les touristes achetent. Cet article examine le concept dechelle geographique et le conceptque les souvenirs des chutes du Niagara au Canada representent un deplacement geographique delauthenticite. On a effectue un inventaire complet de huit boutiques de souvenirs. On a egalementclassifie une centaine dachats de souvenirs (a la suite dobservations discretes) dapres un schemade classification. Ce schema indique sil sagit de souvenirs du Niagara, de souvenirs dautres zonesdu Canada ou de souvenirs sans relation avec ces lieux. On propose une typologie de ces souvenirsqui explore si limage projetee par les souvenirs achetes represente la localite (chutes du Niagara)ou la nation (Canada).
Mots-cles:Souvenirs, authenticite, chutes du Niagara, representation geographique
Zusammenfassung: Einbettung geographische Darstellungen in den Niagara-
Andenken: Der Fall geographisch misplatzierter Authentizitat
Obgleich Andenken vielen Formen, Funktionen und Darstellungen annehmen, sind diese haufig for-mal mit einem spezifischen geographischen Ort verbunden. Das kanadische Niagara Falls ist einederweltweitmeistbesuchten touristischenAttraktionen. AuslandischeTouristen besuchenin Kanadahaufig nur Niagara Falls und ein oder zwei weitere Hauptattraktionen wie Vancouver oder Toronto.Dieses erkennend, verkaufen Andenkenladen eine Vielzahl an Souvenirprodukten, die Orte oderAttraktionen in Kanada darstellen. Dieses wirft die Frage auf, was ein geographisch authentisches
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Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 217
Andenkenvon NiagaraFalls ist und wasdie Touristenkaufen. Dieses Papier untersuchtdie Konzepteder geographischen Skala und der geographisch misplatzierten Authentizitat der Andenken in Ni-agara Falls. Dabei wurden Inventuren des Warenbestands von acht Andenkenladen durchgefuhrt.Einhundert sichnicht einmischendeBeobachtungen derAndenkenkaufendurchBesucher dieser An-denkenladen werden vorgestellt entsprechend der Andenkenklassifikation hinsichtlich der Qualitat,ob diese ein Souvenir von Niagara, anderen Gebieten von Kanada oder ganz ohne ortlichen Bezugdarstellen. Eine Typologie der verkauften Niagara Falls-Andenken wird vorgeschlagen, die das Im-age der Andenkenprodukte erforscht, die von den lokalen Darstellungen (Niagara Falls) bis hin zunationalen Darstellungen von Kanada reichen.
Stichworter:Andenken, Authenizitat, Niagara Falls, geographische Darstellung