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Tourism Geographies

Vol. 9, No. 2, 191217, May 2007

Geographical Representations Embeddedwithin Souvenirs in Niagara: The Case ofGeographically Displaced Authenticity

ATSUKO HASHIMOTO & DAVID J. TELFERDepartment of Tourism and Environment, Brock University, Canada

ABSTRACT Although souvenirs take on many forms, functions and representations, they areoften formally associated with a specific geographical place. Niagara Falls, Canada is one ofthe most visited tourist attractions in the world. International tourists often only visit Niagara

Falls and one or two other major destinations such as Vancouver or Toronto while in Canada.Recognizing this, souvenir shops sell a range of souvenirs representing locations or attractionsfrom across Canada. This raises the question as to what is an authentic geographical souvenirof Niagara Falls and what are tourists buying. This paper examines the concepts of geograph-ical scale and geographically displaced authenticity associated with souvenirs in Niagara

Falls, Canada. Inventories were completed in eight souvenir shops. One hundred unobtrusiveobservations of souvenir purchases by visitors in souvenir shops are presented according toa souvenir classification as to whether they represent souvenirs from Niagara, other areas ofCanada or unrelated souvenirs.A Niagara Falls souvenirstypology is proposed which explores

the image of the souvenir products purchased from local representations (Niagara Falls) tonational representations of Canada.

KEYWORDS: Souvenirs, authenticity, Niagara Falls, geographical representation

Introduction

Niagara Falls, Canada is home to one the most visited tourist attractions in the world,

drawing tourists from far and wide. It has recently gone through a revival, with the

addition of new casinos and new hotel construction (Healy 2006). With it being

such a major attraction, souvenir shops abound, offering a wide range of products.

Gordon (1986) suggested that a souvenirs physical presence helps locate, define and

freeze in time a fleeting, transitory experience. Given the geographical distances in

Canada, international tourists often only visit Niagara Falls in association with oneor two other major destinations, such as Toronto or Vancouver. Recognizing this,

Correspondence Address: Atsuko Hashimoto, Department of Tourism and Environment, Brock University,

St Catharines, Ontario Canada L2S 3A1. Fax: (905) 984-4843; Tel: (905) 688-5550 Ext. 4367; Email:

[email protected]

ISSN 1461-6688 Print/1470-1340 Online /07/02/0019127 C 2007 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/14616680701278547



192 A. Hashimoto & D. J. Telfer

the souvenir shops in Niagara Falls sell a range of souvenirs representing locations

or attractions from across Canada. This raises the question as to what represents an

authentic geographical souvenir from Niagara Falls. What is interesting in the con-

text of this study is what is local. Tourists can find souvenirs in Niagara Falls from

attractions such as Anne of Green Gables in Prince Edward Island (Eastern Canada)

or British Columbian Smoked Salmon (Western Canada). These products are there

in an attempt to cater to visitors who may not have a chance to travel to these desti-

nations or for those who have been there and may want an additional souvenir. This

paper examines the concepts of geographical scale of souvenirs and introduces the

term geographically displaced authenticity associated with souvenirs. The paper

investigates what types of souvenirs are being sold and bought in Niagara Falls and

what are the geographical scales (local, regional, national) of the images present inthe souvenirs. Souvenir shop inventories were completed through observations and

informal consultations with shop staff as well as detailed inventories in eight specific

shops to determine what types of items were being sold. One hundred unobtrusive

observations of souvenir purchasing by visitors in souvenir shops are presented ac-

cording to the souvenir classification outlined by Gordon (1986) as to whether they

represent souvenirs from Niagara, other areas of Canada or unrelated souvenirs. The

paper proposes a Niagara Falls souvenirs typology that explores the image of the sou-

venir products from local representations (Niagara Falls) to national representations

of Canada. The focus of this article is on the geographical representations both phys-

ically and symbolically within the souvenirs purchased in Niagara Falls. It should be

noted that the primary focus of this study is on the souvenirs themselves and not the

tourists or the vendors perceptions of the souvenirs, as the primary methodology

selected is unobtrusive observations. Before turning to the results from Niagara Falls

the background for the paper is presented in terms of tourist shopping, souvenirs,

authenticity and geographical representation.

Shopping

Shopping as Timothy (2005: 184) suggested, is a complex phenomenon that is laden

with sociocultural, political, economic and spatial meaning. It has been identified

as a preferred tourist activity and the desire and necessity for shopping can motivate

a person to travel (Timothy and Butler 1995). Cohen (1995) argued that there are

two main areas of study in terms of shopping; these are highlighted briefly below

with examples, before focusing on souvenirs. The two main areas include (1) the

location, distribution and structure of tourist (and leisure) shopping facilities and (2)studies of tourist shopping behaviour, including spatial aspects. Focusing on location,

distribution and structure, a number of studies have examined specific tourist sites

or destinations and the resulting shopping that occurs. Timothy (1995) highlighted

cross-border shopping in terms of border-related tourist attractions. Niagara is lo-

cated on the CanadaUSA border and, hence, Niagara Falls, Ontario receives a large



Geographical Representations Embedded within Souvenirs in Niagara 193

number of American visitors. Niagara can be identified at a tourist district and with

it are shopping opportunities. A number of models, such as the Recreation Business

District (Stansfield and Rickert 1970) and the Tourism Business District (Getz 1993),

include shopping as a major component. The spatial development of shopping has

been explored in both developing and developed country contexts. Studies range from

ribbon development in Thailand in the form of the craft-related industry (Cohen 1995)

to complex tourist districts in Paris (Pearce 1998). Others have examined shopping

and its impact with respect to specific types of tourism or shopping facilities such

as mega-multi-malls (Finn and Erdem 1995), gift shops at superstar museums (Frey

1998), airports (Jarach 2001) and shopping associated with sports tourism (Gibson

et al. 2003). The second area in the study of shopping, according to Cohen (1995),

is tourists shopping behaviour. Relationship modelling has been applied to tourismshopping using expenditure information in the case of Hong Kong (Law and Au 2000)

and Snepengeret al. (2003) noted the importance of studying both the tourist and the

resident use of shopping space within tourist areas. Shopping satisfaction has been

examined in the case of international tourists in Hong Kong (Wongand Law 2003) and

for domestic tourists at the Gold Coast in Australia (Turner and Reisinger 2001). Var-

ious authors have developed shopping and shopper typologies related to motivations,

products purchased, activities undertaken and locations of retail (Timothy 2005). Carr

(1990) developed a functional-leisure shopping continuum ranging from routine pur-

chases of essential items to recreational shopping. Smith and Olsen (2001) developed

a three-phased model that demonstrates how tourist shopping becomes more sophis-

ticated over time. In the first phase tourists are new to the destination and partake in

familiar forms of consumptions, such as the purchase of cheap souvenirs that are com-

mercially symbolic of the destination. In stage two, they are more familiar with the

destination and seek more authentic art forms and can be contemptuous of tourists

who buy traditional souvenirs. In stage three, the tourist is more experienced with the

destination and their purchasing behaviours are more indistinguishable from locals.

The model reflects upon the level of tourist experience and what they purchase.

Souvenirs

Souvenirs have become a major component of the tourism retailing system, employ-

ing a significant number of people throughout the world in the production, distribution

and sales, as well contributing significantly to the economies of destinations (Timothy

2005). Souvenirs have been defined as a tangible symbol and reminder of an expe-

rience that differs from daily routine (Anderson and Littrell 1995). Cohen (1988)referred to souvenirs as the commercialized replication of local customs. From a util-

itarian perspective, tourists merchandize ranges from grocery items at one end of

the spectrum to clothing and toys at the other (Timothy 2005). Souvenirs themselves

range from primitive handicrafts to mass-manufactured items made in other coun-

tries far from the destination where they are sold (Timothy 2005). Within souvenir




research, Kim and Littrell (2001) suggested there have been two major research paths

and there is some overlap with those suggested by Cohen (1995) above for shop-

ping. The first focuses on the artisan producers of souvenirs and the second focuses

on tourist consumers of souvenirs. In terms of the producers, work has been done

on the impact of those involved in selling the products to the tourists (Swain 1993;

Cukier and Wall 1994) and the impacts on local culture and traditions (Graburn 1982).

Hitchcock and Teague (2000) raised an important point in that it is wrong to assume

that all goods made for tourists are shoddy when, in fact, many are made by skilled

craftsmen and women who have adapted old products to suit new markets. In terms

of the consumers, Anderson and Littrell (1996) examined group profiles of women

as tourists and their purchases of souvenirs. They found that there were distinctive

group profiles based on trip-planning and souvenir-purchasing styles and they rec-ommended that marketers should design advertising themes and new products for

each profile. Anderson and Littrell (1995: 347) made the point that retailers should

be mindful that tourists frequently desire to purchase products, especially from other

areas and cultures, that reflect their shopping experiences such as observations of

artisans, interactions with shopkeepers, symbols of their culture; and being on first

trips. Interestingly Swanson and Horridge (2004) found that the travel activities of

tourists had positive correlations with the consumption of souvenir products, while

the demographics of tourists had no correlation. As mentioned above, Smith and

Olsen (2001) developed a model that suggests a tourists shopping becomes more

sophisticated over time. This is similar to the work of Love and Sheldon (1998), who

suggest that more experienced travellers have a greater tendency to assign souvenir

meanings that focus on relationships, people and events, while less experienced trav-

ellers assign meanings that tend to be more representative of their destinations. An

example would include Hawaiian shirts from Hawaii (Love and Sheldon 1998). Gift

giving is also an important aspect of souvenir purchases and Kim and Littrell (2001)

examined the intention of buying souvenirs for self versus others. Within the Niagara

Region, Hashimoto and Telfer (1999) explored culture-specific souvenir shopping

and the importance of gift giving. They examined how icewine is marketed as an

authentic local souvenir product to the Japanese tourists. Gift giving is a significant

element of Japanese society and the value of the gift given is often considered to be a

reflection of the value one places on the relationship with another person. Icewine is

a high-end product produced in the Niagara region from grapes harvested after they

are frozen on the vines. With its high value and the fact that it is a rare local product,

it makes a high-end unique gift.

In order to get a better understanding of the nature of souvenirs, Gordon (1986)developed a classification of souvenirs. The first is the Markerand includes things

such as inscribed T-shirts. The second is Pictoral, and includes images such as those

found on postcards.Symbolic Shorthand is a manufactured item such as a minia-

ture monument. Piece of the Rock is a natural item such as driftwood. The final

classification isLocal Productsand includes indigenous food products or traditional




the consumers expectations and reveals the artists perceptions of what the tourists

want. This similarly raises the issue of not only what is an authentic representation

of culture and of a particular location but also what roles different agencies play in

the authenticity process.

In the context of New Zealand, for example, it has been noted that the difficulty

for indigenous peoples is that their handicrafts are often not marketed primarily as

representations of their culture, but as authentic souvenirs of a country (Asplet and

Cooper 2000; Blundell 1993). Shenhav-Keller (1993: 182) explored the deeper mean-

ings associated with souvenirs in Israel by focusing on the souvenir as a symbolic

unit and a medium in the tourist art system that can be read as a text. She argued

that the souvenir is not only an important cultural artefact, it is also an analytical

tool for understanding complex processes by reading the souvenir as a social andpolitical text. The symbolic meaning of a particular type of souvenir has also been

examined, as illustrated in the work of Littrell (1990) on textiles. While broadly

examining African art and authenticity, Kasfir (1992) very interestingly explored

tourist art and authenticity. Kasfir (1992: 47) noted the attitudes of high-end art col-

lectors towards tourist art and their attempts to dismiss the authenticity of tourist

art:

of all the varieties of African art that trigger the distaste of connoisseurs and

subvert the issue of authenticity, surely the so-called tourist art is the worst

case scenario. In the biological model of stylistic development it exemplifies

decay or even death; in discussions of quality it is dismissed as crude, mass

produced and crassly commercial; in metaphors of symbolic anthropology it isimpure, polluted; in the salvage anthropology paradigm it is already lost.

Kasfir (1992) noted that tourist art is a richly layered example of how the West

has invented meaning, thereby denying authenticity in African art. In reflecting on

why Western connoisseurs view tourist art as inauthentic, Kasfir (1992: 52) suggested

that until recently, authenticity has been intimately associated with that lost world

of order and control but not with any of the cultural renegotiations following that

loss.

If high-end art collectors are at one end of the spectrum, it is, however, important

to note that the vast majority of tourists do not demand total authenticity and even

experiential tourists are prepared to accept a cultural product as authentic insofar as

traits which they consider to be diacritical, are judged by them to be authentic (Cohen

1988: 378). If tourist art is part of the process of cultural renegotiation, there are keyissues that need to be discussed in terms of how the production of the souvenirs affects

not only the local culture but also the broader socio-economic dynamics of the host

society. Both sides of the issue come to light. On the one hand the economic impact

of the souvenir industry can lead to the monetarization of a native economy, with

irreversible enmeshment in the world economic system. These economic rewards




can speed the destruction of traditional roles and values (Graburn 1982). On the other

hand there can be positive consequences where it can demonstrate to a minority group

that they have something distinctive enough to be sold to the world and it may lead to

the preservation of tradition (Graburn 1982), although perhaps in a slightly different

form.

Littrellet al. (1993) suggested that souvenir authenticity can be examined in the

context of uniqueness and originality; workmanship; aesthetics; function and use;

cultural and historic integrity; craftsperson and materials; shopping experience; and

genuineness. The importance of the authentic souvenir for consumers has been ex-

amined by Asplet and Cooper (2000). They identified that there is an important niche

market in the production of designer textiles and clothing that incorporate authentic

local New Zealand cultural motifs, which can be sold to tourists. The findings oftheir study indicate tourists would be more inclined to purchase New Zealand-made

clothing if the authenticity of the design was vouched for on the label.

Geographical Representations in Souvenirs and Authenticity

What is interesting about much of the previous work on souvenirs is that while

there has been work on authenticity in terms of production, product, experience

and consumption patterns of tourists, there has not been any extensive work found

to date that examines the concepts of geographical scale associated with souvenir

authenticity. Souvenirs that are linked either formally or informally to the culture

and history of the area have an association with a location. There are different levels

of geographical representations embedded within a souvenir and therefore there can

be a number of different levels of authenticity associated with the souvenir. The

souvenir may represent a country, a region, a city or a specific attraction or potentially

a combination of several of these geographical scales. As authenticity tends to be

relative to individual travellers, one aspect of geographical scale inherent within the

souvenir may be more important for one person compared to another. For one tourist,

the symbolism of the attraction may be more important within the souvenir, while,

for others, the country of purchase may hold more meaning for the souvenir. Does the

purchase of a coffee mug with a picture of Mickey Mouse on it from Disneyland hold

more meaning as being from Disneyland or does it hold more meaning as being from

America, Paris, Hong Kong or Japan? The cup has elements of multiple geographical

scales embedded within it. Souvenirs themselves, depending on the item, design

and packaging may also reinforce one or more elements of geographical scale. The

differentimages and representationsof scale in souvenirs arereflected in the argumentthat scale is socially constructed (Marston 2000). While there have been debates on

the nature of scale (see Brenner 2001; Marston 2000; Marston and Smith 2001), an

interesting dimension is the rescaling debate. Within research on globalization and

neoliberalism, the argument has been made that there has been a marked turn away

from the national as a relevant scale and that the nation is being rescaled to local,




regional and global scales (Mansfield 2005). However, Mansfield (2005) argued that

the nation is still a vital element in relation to scale and it should be considered as

one dimension of political economic (and other) practices. For souvenirs, it is clear

that there are different geographical messages and, depending on the item, one scalar

representation may stand above the others and so the local attraction or region may

stand above the nation. For other souvenirs, the expression of multiple scales may

be more obvious. The design and packaging elements illustrate, in part, the political

and power issues mentioned by Wall and Xie (2005) and Hughes (1995: 781) about

the political influences embedded in the presentation of culture to tourists. It is

important to distinguish in terms of authenticity what the makers are producing and

what the tourists are looking for as authentic. Mata and Stanley (1997), for example,

found that there was a market for Parks Canada-branded souvenirs and gifts. Evensouvenirs not associated with the culture of the destination (for example sunglasses

with no formal reference to location) have an inherent geographical element to them

by default, as they are purchased away from home and therefore may bring back

memories of a particular place.

It also raises the issue that souvenirs can be appropriated from the local or regional

level or from a specific group to take on a national significance. For example, in

countries such as Canada and New Zealand, souvenirs with an aboriginal theme have

come to represent the country. For the 2010 Winter Olympics in Vancouver-Whistler

in British Columbia, Canada, the emblem for the games is an inukshuk (stone figure

made by the Inuit, meaning likeness of a person; The Canadian Encyclopedia 2006)

namedIlanaaq (Inuit for friend). Inukshuks are found only in the Arctic regions

of Canada, yet the symbol has already started appearing on souvenirs representing

different geographical scales, including the Inuit Arctic culture, the Canadian host of

the games and the world Olympic movement. Within the discussion of geographical

representation it is also important to note that tourists will have different levels of

geographical knowledge compared to locals. For example, if one travels to China and

stays in Beijing in the north and purchases tea from Fujian Province in the south, it

is Chinese tea and may represent an authentic souvenir from China for the tourist; it

does not represent the immediate area in which the tourist is travelling.

In the literature there is a recurring reference of geographical association with au-

thenticity and that tends to be associated with the culture of the region or country

visited; however, geographical scale has not been explicitly incorporated. For ex-

ample, in the study by Littrell et al. (1993) tourists identified cultural and historic

integrity as one element to defining authenticity. Similarly and as noted earlier

Sharpley (1994) suggested that something generally is considered to be authenticif it is made, produced or enacted by local people according to customs or tradition

(Sharpley 1994: 130). Culture here is then linked with a local people and a place or

the culture of a nation. Local may be perceived as being from the immediate area or

at a larger scale; however, place has not been explicitly linked to geographical scale

in the literature.




Souvenirs for Sale and Geographically Displaced Authenticity

Before investigating the souvenir purchasing patterns of the tourists in Niagara Falls,

Ontario, Canada, the paper will focus on the products being sold and the term geo-

graphically displaced authenticity is presented as a framework for the paper. Hitch-

cock and Teague (2000) pointed outthat makersof souvenirs strive to meet thepopular

expectations of tourists. Not only the makers but also the vendors try and identify

what the tourists want to buy and then sell those products. There is, of course, demand,

generated by the makers or vendors themselves through elements such as packaging,

store layout, marketing, media and information provided to the tourists; however, this

lies beyond the focus of this study. The focus here is on the souvenirs themselves and

the geographical images associated with the souvenirs. In order to begin the study,

five major streets within the tourist district near the actual waterfalls of Niagara Falls

were selected. Land-use mapping was completed for each street to determine the

location of the various types of tourist establishments. Table 1 contains the inventory

of five streets that surround the Clifton Hill area (see Figure 1: Clifton Hill, Falls

Avenue, Niagara Parkway, Victoria Avenue and Centre Street). Clifton Hill is often

marketed as a family fun area and has small attractions as well as souvenir shops. It is

not unlike a main tourist street in a seaside resort area in the UK. The street (Clifton

Hill) runs perpendicular to the Niagara Parkway, which faces the waterfalls. The main

viewing point for Niagara Falls is the Table Rock Falls Viewing complex located on

the Niagara Parkway, a short walk from the Clifton Hill area. As illustrated in Table 1,

the area is clearly a tourist zone, with a significant number of gift or souvenir shops in

the area. The names of some of the souvenir stores in the tourist region highlight the

research questions being examined in this paper. The store names range, in part, basedon geographical coverage: Niagara Souvenirs, Niagara Clifton Gifts, North Country

Gifts, Canadian Memories and Canadian Scene.

The second step was to identify the types of souvenirs sold. A preliminary inven-

tory list was compiled from observations and consultations with staff in a variety

of souvenir shops, including speciality shops and attraction-based souvenir shops

throughout the Niagara Falls tourist area. The preliminary list was then compared to

the souvenir products sold in eight specific stores in order to confirm the accuracy of

Table 1. Land use in the Clifton Hill area

Land use Number

Food 49Gifts/Souvenirs 40Attractions 24Accommodation 10Services 9Clothing 6




Figure 1. Niagara Falls study site.Source: authors.

what types of products are being sold and to subsequently create a checklist for the

unobtrusive observations. The shops were purposely selected in an attempt to cover

different types of souvenir shops selling a variety of products: government owned,

privately owned, with an emphasis on different geographical scales in their products.The results of the inventories help to set the basis of the term geographically dis-

placed authenticity and establish the framework for the paper. The purpose of the

inventories was not to count the number of items or variations on an item (e.g. all

different styles and colours of t-shirts were recorded as t-shirts) being sold, rather

they were to identify the types of souvenirs being sold and their geographical link. In




completing the inventories, the items were recorded in categories and whether they

had a geographical image (e.g. Niagara, Canada). However, given the detailed nature

of the inventories, neither the inventories nor the names of the shops inventoried are

identified. A few examples of the categories and subcategories used for the inventory

include clothing (t-shirt with image from Niagara, Ontario, Canada) and kitchen ac-

cessories (plate with image from Niagara, Ontario, Canada). It should be noted that

where the souvenir was made is not considered in this paper. For example a key chain

with a picture of Niagara Falls on it may be made in a different country; however, it

would still have a geographical association with Niagara Falls. This paper investigates

what types of souvenirs are being bought and sold in Niagara Falls and what are the

geographical scales (local, regional, national) of the images present both formally

and symbolically in the souvenirs. The paper is focused on the souvenirs themselvesrather than the vendors or the tourists perception of the souvenirs.

In the context of this paper, geographically displaced authenticity refers to a sou-

venir that represents a different geographical location from the one being visited.

Geographically displaced authenticity of souvenirs is based on scale and visiting any

site cuts across various geographical scales. When a tourist is visiting Niagara Falls

they are visiting a specific site, within the Niagara region in the province of Ontario,

in the country of Canada. Using a t-shirt as an example for these different scales,

they may purchase a product that symbolizes Niagara Falls (t-shirt with a picture of

Niagara Falls), the Niagara region (Niagara wine route t-shirt), Ontario (t-shirt with

the shield and emblems of the province of Ontario) or Canada (t-shirt with a picture

of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police). Based on scale, all of these t-shirts would

represent an authentic souvenir of the area they are visiting. The destination they are

visiting would be represented either physically or symbolically within the souvenir

t-shirt. However, if a tourist purchased a souvenir that is a representation from outside

the area they are visiting, it would be a case of geographically displaced authenticity.

In the context of this paper, the definition for displaced is to remove or shift from

the usual or proper place (Funk and Wagnals 1986: 384). An example of this found

in the inventory of the shops would be buying a souvenir in Niagara Falls such as a

doll from the Anne of Green Gables stories by Lucy Maud Montgomery; these are

based in the province of Prince Edward Island in eastern Canada. There is a major

tourist attraction in the province of Prince Edward Island where one can visit Green

Gables, the supposed house where the fictional character Anne Shirley lived. This

doll would be considered here as displaced geographically. Other examples would in-

clude purchasing British Columbia smoked salmon or Alberta ammolite (gemstone)

in Niagara Falls.Based on observations, informal consultations and inventories of eight shops, a

Niagara Falls souvenir typology is extrapolated in Figure 2, based on the geograph-

ical identity of various souvenirs. The figure is based primarily on the concept of

geographical image and its association with souvenirs. At the centre of the figure

are the core Niagara-related souvenirs, which are attraction based. The attraction




Figure2.

Souvenirsandgeog

raphicallydisplacedauthenticityatNiaga

raFalls.




example given is that of a model of the Maid of the Mist Boat. This is a boat tour

that has become famous and often a must see for tourists. The boat takes tourists

close to the base of Niagara Falls. People are supplied with plastic (biodegradable)

blue raincoats with the emblem of the boat on the front; however, most get very wet

from the spray of the Falls. The raincoats themselves, part of the price of admission,

become souvenirs. When the boat returns to the dock, passengers must walk through

a souvenir shop where many Maid of the Mist-related goods are available and cover

different aspects of Gordons (1986) categories of souvenirs. Various sizes of models

of the boat are available and would, in the case of Figure 2, represent a core Niagara

attraction-related souvenir. These models are also sold in many of the souvenir shops

throughout Niagara Falls, as was discovered in the inventory of souvenir shops in the

tourist area.The next level of the typology in Figure 2 is Niagara Falls-related. The examples

given are t-shirts with a picture of the words Niagara Falls or a wooden plaque with

the image and words of Niagara Falls. Some of these plaques have a more functional

usein that they have a thermometer or a clock on them. Another interesting product not

listed in the model aresmall bottles of coloured water that aresupposedto be authentic

bottles of water that have gone over Niagara Falls. They are coloured as Niagara Falls

are lit up at night by brightly coloured spot lights. The final Niagara-related level is

that of the region. Over time, the region of Niagara has become recognized as more of

a destination, which is not focused only on Niagara Falls. There have been efforts at

various levels of government to diversify the tourist product. One of these new tourist

products that has quickly become very popular is the Niagara Wine Route. There are

now over 60 wineries in the region and many tours of the area include a stop at, at

least, one of the wineries (see Telfer 2001a, 2001b). The Niagara region is also being

marketed as a growing culinary destination as regional grape, wine and food festivals

continue to grow in popularity (Telfer and Hashimoto 2003). While wine and other

alcoholic beverages cannot be sold legally at tourist souvenir shops, there is souvenir

clothing and accessories representing the wine region or a specific festival or there

are grape motif souvenirs. Some shops also sell Niagara food products, such as jams.

The Niagara region is one of the main fruit-producing regions of Canada, so fruit

jams are a popular Niagara food souvenir product.

The typology moves from the core Niagara-related to what has been identified as

being the periphery. In this case, the periphery is defined as souvenirs that represent

areas outside Niagara or at a much broader scale, such as the province or the entire

country. Asone moves from thecentre of Figure2, thestrengthof thegeographical link

of the souvenirs themselves to Niagara Falls weakens. At the level of the Province,shops sell t-shirts with provincial emblems or the provincial flower, the trillium.

Souvenirs with a solely provincial connection were more limited than those that were

linked to Niagara or Canada.

Figure 2 also illustrates the concept of geographically displaced authenticity. At

the centre are core Niagara-related souvenirs. If a tourist buys a souvenir that does




not represent the area they are visiting then it would be identified as a case of geo-

graphically displaced authenticity. The diagonal lines reaching up from the attraction

circle on the diagram are symbolic dividing lines of where a souvenir product could

be identified with the concept of geographically displaced authenticity. Geographi-

cally displaced authenticity would fall beyond the boundaries of these lines, while

geographically authentic souvenirs would fall within these boundaries. The diagram

is based on geographical boundaries and it is interesting to consider how certain types

of images and, hence, souvenirs become associated with a given geographical entity.

Over time, some types of souvenirs become elevated to a representation of what is

Canadian. This is a reflection of what Cohen (1988) identified as emergent authentic-

ity. At the national level, examples include maple syrup or the image of the beaver or

the moose or the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) in their red uniforms. Thetoy moose in Figure 2 is one example of the many stuffed animals (moose, beaver,

wolf, bear, etc.) sold that are associated with Canadas wilderness image.

The issue of what is an authentic souvenir at the scale of Canada is further compli-

cated when one looks at First Nations (indigenous people in Canada) art. Native art

covers a range of products at various price points that are associated with Canadas

First Nations Peoples. These products include soap stone carvings, moccasins, dream

catchers and dolls representing First Nations people. First Nation-related artefacts

sold in the Niagara Falls area cover different First Nations bands from across the

country. Unless the tourists hold special interests, the majority of them will not be

able to distinguish the crafts made by the Ojibwa who are native to the Niagara

region from the crafts made by other Six Nations in other parts of Ontario or the

Haida Nation, native to the western province of British Columbia. Similarly, a soap-

stone carving by a well-known Inuit artist who lives in the remote Arctic north and

sold in Niagara may certainly come from a specific geographical location. However,

has this piece of artwork transcended its region of origin to now represent the entire

nation? The other element in this discussion of First Nations art is that some sou-

venirs are fashioned after a generic or stereotyped image of First Nations people and

not a specific band or individual group. For example, picture frames are sold with

images of people dressed in moccasins and deer skin clothing with a headdress. How-

ever, it is not possible to determine which group of First Nations people the images

represent.

The twoitems at thefurthest perimeter of Figure 2 areproducts from other countries

and products of no explicit geographical link. An example of the former would be

the purchase of Cuban cigars. Cuban cigars are sold widely in Niagara Falls as the

destination borders the USA and Americans have had restrictions on them fromtravelling to Cuba. In this case, the cigars are representative of another country and

would therefore represent a caseof geographically displacedauthenticity. These cigars

would be geographically authentic if purchasedin Cuba. Another interestingspeciality

souvenir shop towards the top end of Clifton Hill sells items with an Egyptian theme

and most of the entire inventory would fit under the term geographically displaced




authenticity. Products of no geographical link, such as utilitarian purchases like sun

glasses, are not explicitly linked to the destination in the same way as a marker,

pictoral, symbolic shorthand or local product would be and, hence, the souvenir itself

(although not perhaps in the tourists image of thesouvenir) arebeyond the boundaries

of a geographically authentic souvenir.

Souvenirs Purchased and Geographically Displaced Authenticity

Having identified the geographical representations of the souvenir items for sale,

the paper turns to exploring what the tourists are buying. This section of the paper

focuses on consumer behaviour through the results of 100 unobtrusive observations

of souvenir purchasing by visitors in souvenir shops. Unobtrusive observations weremade in the afternoons and evenings on various days of the week from late June

to early September 2000. A target of 100 observations was set, with the first 80

observations being made in five shops, while the remaining 20 observations were

made in other nearby shops to reach the set target within the time frame for the study.

The observation cases were randomly selected in order to minimize the sampling bias.

The researcher would enter the shop, make the observations and then leave the shop

to review the notes. Once the review of notes was completed, the researcher would

re-enter the shop and observe the next person making a purchase. The unobtrusive

observations of souvenir purchases are presented within the context of the souvenir

classification developed by Gordon (1986) and whether they represent souvenirs from

Niagara, other areas of Canadaor unrelatedsouvenirs.As mentionedabove, there were

a limited number of souvenirs for sale that explicitly focus on the province of Ontario

and none wase observed being purchased, so the focus of this part of the study is on

Niagara or Canada.

Table 2 includes the sex and approximate age by appearance, as the method used

was unobtrusive observation. Observations were made at random in order to hopefully

include various types of tourists. As people approached the cashier to make their pur-

chases they were recorded as male, female, couple and family and their approximate

age by groups (e.g. in their 20s, or 30s, etc.) by appearance. It may be attributable

to the design or space of the cashier area or due to family practices, but only a small

number of couples or family groups approached the cashier together. Interestingly,

Table 2. Gender and approximate age by appearance of purchaser

Male Female Couple

Teens & 20s 12 14 230s & 40s 16 28 250s & 60s 5 15 1Sub-total 33 57 5Unknown (family groups) 5




57 percent of the purchases were made by females, though it does not necessarily

mean that those females have selected the merchandize. It is also noteworthy that up

to their 30s, both male and female are equally active at making a purchase; however,

once over 30, the purchasers become predominantly females (43 females vs. 21 males

observed). Caution must be taken, however, when using age by appearance as it can

be very difficult to tell a persons age.

The results of the 100 unobtrusive observations are presented in Tables 3, 4 and 5

according to Gordons (1986) souvenir classifications. The numbers in the table refer

to how many times theitemsor categories of items that were purchased. Subcategories,

such as clothing, accessories and jewellery, were created to help analyse the findings

within each table. Table 3 focuses on Niagara-related souvenirs, Table 4 focuses on

Canadian-related souvenirs andTable5 focuses on souvenirsthat do notrelate to eitherNiagara Falls or Canada. The purpose of dividing the results into the three tables is

to investigate what types of geographical images are represented by the souvenirs

purchased. Are tourists purchasing items that represent different geographical scales

and are there any observed purchasing of souvenirs that would fall within the category

of geographically displaced authenticity, as outlined in Figure 2? There were 186

items or categories of items purchased, listed across Tables 3, 4 and 5. Most people

purchased at least two items. Of the items or categories of items purchased, 57 percent

were Niagara themed, 25.3 percent were Canadian themed and 17.7 percent had no

explicitconnection to eitherNiagara or Canadaexcept forthe fact they were purchased

in the destination of Niagara. Some of these items could be linked to more generic

shopping rather than a core Niagara souvenir.

Table 3 contains a list of the souvenirs that were purchased related to the Niagara

area. The two most popular categories were Markers and Pictoral souvenirs. There

were 65 observed purchases of Markers and 30 observed purchases of Pictoral sou-

venirs. Together, these two categories represent 89.6 percent of all of the Niagara

souvenirs purchased under the Marker category; t-shirts, coffee mugs and key chains

were the most popular items. Under the subcategory of kitchen/dinning accessories,

placemats and shot glasses were also popular. Under Pictorial, postcards and books

were the most popular items. Other popular Pictoral items included wall plaques and

playing cards. The fact that the Markers and Pictoral were more popular reflects that

tourists want a souvenir with the words or images of Niagara Falls. Going to a major

attraction such as Niagara Falls necessitates a purchase with the name or a picture to

reinforce that the tourist was there. There were five observed purchases of magnets in

the shape of Niagara Falls, placing them in the Symbolic Shorthand category. Under

the Piece of the Rock category, one butterfly paperweight was purchased. NiagaraParks Commission has opened a large butterfly conservatory in the city of Niagara

Falls and hence the butterfly has become an associated image with many souvenirs.

Items sold in shops under the Piece of the Rock category could be processed items

found in nature. There is controversy around the world about tourists picking up and

taking home souvenirs of nature from sites as it diminishes the actual product being




Table3.Niagara

theme(basedon100observations)

Marker

(65)

Access

ories&

Books&

Kitch

en/dining

Clothing

Jewellery

Stationery

accessories

Ornaments

T-shirts(14)

ChildrensT-shirts

Grandmabib

Babybib

Hat

Keychain(9)

Moneypou

ch/purse(2)

Shoppingb

ag

Ruler

Pencilcase

Pencils

Phonebook

Mousepad

Naturetape

Coffeem

ugs/mugs(9)

Placemats(6)

Shotglasses/mugs(5)

Spoonholders

Spooncollectibles

Coasters

Salt&P

eppershaker

Ovenmitt

Tray

Plate

Bell

Piggybank

Pictoral(30)

Books&Sta

tionery

Ornam

ents

Postcards(9)

BooksonNiagaraFalls(6)

Playingcards(4)

VideoonNiagaraFalls(2)

Calendars(2)

Daredevilbook

PhotowithN.F.backdrop

Wallp

laque(4)

Therm

ometerplaque

Symbolic

shorthand

(7)

Kitchen/diningaccessories

Ornaments

Magnets(5)

Butterflyfigurines

MaidofMistsnowball

Pieceofthe

rock

(1)

Naturalartefact

Butterflypaperweight

Localproduc

t(3)

Food

Saltwatertaffy(3)

Totalpurchase

observations=

106

ThesecategoriesareafterGordon(1986).




Table 4. Canadian theme (based on 100 purchasing observations)

Marker (22) Accessories & Kitchen/dining Books &

Clothing Jewellery accessories Ornaments Stationery

T-shirts (5)

Childrens

T-shirts (2)

Childrens

shorts (2)

Socks

Racoon hat

Key chain (3) Sho t glasses/mug s

(2)

Bottle opener

Seal plate Pencils (2)

Pens

Maple pencil

sharpener

Symbolic

shorthand

(15)

Native Accessories Kitchen/dining Stuffed

Indian Artefact & Jewellery accessories Ornaments animals

Hiawatha

figurines

Indian deerskin

necklace

Indian drum

Maple leaf earrings (2)

Maple leaf pins

Maple leaf charms

Jade maple leaf

earrings & broach

Canadian Geese

magnets

Magnets

Squirrels

(sculpture)

Bear

Beaver

Wolf

RCMP

moose

Local

product

(10)

FoodMaple syrup (5)

Animal

droppings

candy (2)

Maple candy

Maple leaf cookies

Cashews

Total purchase observations = 47.These categories are after Gordon (1986).These Native Indian Artefacts are unidentified of the band or tribes.

viewed. Finally, there were three observed purchases of salt-water taffy which could

be identified as a local product.Table 4 contains a list of the souvenirs that were purchased related to Canada.

In terms of Canadian-related souvenirs, the dominant major categories were Marker

Table 5. No Geographic theme (based on 100 purchasing observations)

Accessories & Kitchen/diningOrnaments Jewellery accessories Food

Friendship candles (4)CandlesCircle of friendsPlate stand

Haematite rings (2)Name hairbrushName braceletSunglasses

Shot mugsChina tea service

Candy (2)

Pottery (rabbit)

Pottery (whales)Amethyst & pewterfigurines

Water-ball with fishAnimal figurines (2)Figurines

ClothingStuffed animals

& toys OthersGolf shirts Toys (4)

Walking lizardCamera films (3)Disposable camera

Total purchase observations = 33.




and Symbolic Shorthand. These two categories represent 78.7 percent of all of the

Canadian-themed souvenirsobserved beingpurchased. As in Table 3, clothing was the

most purchased item under the Marker category related to the image of Canada. There

were more Symbolic Shorthand-type souvenirs purchased representing Canada than

there were purchased representing Niagara. What is interesting about the Canadian

Symbolic Shorthand items purchased is that many correspond to traditional images

of Canada. It also present the question as to what represents the image of Canada.

Artefacts related to First Nations people were popular, as well as souvenirs con-

nected to the maple leaf which is on the Canadian flag. The use of First Nations

souvenirs representing the country is a phenomena found in other countries, such as

in New Zealand (see Blundell 1993; Asplet and Cooper 2000). Within Canada there

are many different groups of First Nations people and so it raises the question asto which group is profiled in the souvenirs. The use of totem poles, for example, in

Canada was mainly in the area of present-day British Columbia rather than in south-

ern Ontario where Niagara Falls is located, and totem poles are sold in Niagara Falls.

Other Symbolic Shorthand souvenirs purchased relate to nature, including stuffed toy

animals such as the beaver, the bear, moose and the wolf, which are often portrayed

in association with Canada. The Canadian Tourism Commission has used marketing

material emphasizing Canadas wilderness and wildlife so it is not surprising that

the stuffed animals would appear as purchased items. Maple syrup-related products

(syrup, candies, cookies) are another example from the Local Products category that

has been linked to the image of Canada. This does relate back to the question raised

by Wall and Xie (2005) as to the importance of the question who authenticates.

The maple leaf and the maple products from the maple tree have become a recog-

nizable symbol of Canada and maple syrup is often found in departure lounges of

Canadian airports. What is interesting from a geographical perspective is that the

maple tree is found only in certain parts of the country. Unlike the results of Table

3, there were no items seen to be purchased that would fall under the category of

Pictoral.

Finally, Table 5 lists the purchased souvenirs that are unrelated to either the geo-

graphicalimage of Niagara or Canada. This table hadthe fewest items purchased, with

only 33 items or 17.7 percent of the total number of observations. While these items

have no explicit geographical link to Niagara or Canada there is still an associated

geographical link by location of purchase. Some of these items fall more broadly into

utilitarian tourist shopping, such as cameras or a hairbrush. Others are more souvenir

orientated, such as sunglasses or figurines, and would fall more towards the expressive

or recreational shopping categories from Carrs (1990) functional-leisure shoppingcontinuum; however, there is no explicit geographical image in the souvenir itself.

Interestingly 14 of the 33 items purchased were figurines or ornaments. Although

the tourist will remember where they purchased the souvenir items without inscrip-

tions, nevertheless, purchasing items in this category poses the questions of inherent




Table 6. Summary of themes of purchased items by apparent age group (% by row)

Canadian theme Niagara Falls themes No geographical links Total

Teens & 20s 20 68 12 10030s & 40s 26 54 20 10050s & 60s+ 32 54 14 100Family 18 46 36 100

geographical authenticity and the meaning of the souvenir, as well as the meaning of

general shopping in tourist destinations.

What is interesting in terms of Tables 3, 4 and 5 was that there was evidence

from the limited number of observations that tourists purchased any of the items

for sale that would fall under the category of geographically displaced authenticity.

The purchases rather seemed to be dominated by the local and the national images

and, as noted above, no purchases were made that could represent the provincial

image.

A summary of the themes of purchased items by apparent age group shows an

interesting tendency that the younger tourists and the oldest tourists tend to buy

more souvenirs with a Niagara Falls theme, i.e. the souvenir is linked directly to

the place they are visiting (see Table 6). In a more detailed breakdown, 75 percent

of the items purchased by Teens and 65 percent of the items purchased by tourists

in their 20s were Niagara Falls-themed items, while 48 percent of those in their

40s and 46 percent in their 50s purchased Niagara Falls-themed items. This number

rises to 73 percent when looking at the Niagara Falls-themed items purchased by the

tourists in their 60s. The older tourists also ended to purchase more items of a Cana-dian theme than the other age groups. Items of no geographical links are purchased

more often by Family groups (mostly candies and toys) and the group in their 30s

and 40s. This could be attributed to the family structure of these groups, requiring

something for the accompanying children, which does not necessarily have to be of

geographical souvenir value. Most of the items purchased with no geographical

link were candles, candy, figurines and toys. Items such as t-shirts with a Toronto

inscription, Inuit art or Anne of Green Gables dolls were not purchased among these

100 observations.

Conclusions

Niagara Falls, Ontario, Canada is one of the most visited tourist attractions in theworld. It is often one of the highlights on itineraries and retailers not only sell sou-

venirs of Niagara but they also sell souvenirs representing other areas of Canada and

Canadaas whole. Through inventories and observations this study investigated the ge-

ographical imagespresent in thesouvenirs being sold andpurchased in Niagara. It also

introduced the term geographically displaced authenticity as purchasing a souvenir




from an area other than the destination being visited. While this study did not find

any purchases of souvenirs that could be fit within the term geographically displaced

authenticity, they were certainly found in the inventory portion of the study. There is

ongoing negotiation between what the tourists are buying and how the retailers are

adapting to their demands. Retailers also have the role of guiding or manipulating

tourists into purchasing souvenirs that they may often wonder when they get home

what to do with, or why they ever bought it in the first place. From the results of this

limited study, the majority of tourists purchase more than one souvenir and the most

popular relate to Markers and Pictoral souvenirs of the core destination (Niagara) and

Markers and Symbolic Shorthand at the national level. Retailers should continue to

recognize the value of what some may refer to as commercially symbolic souvenirs

of the destination.Some authors, such as Smith and Olsen (2001), have developed models demon-

strating how tourist shopping becomes more sophisticated over time. In the first phase

of Smith and Olsens (2001) model, tourists purchase cheap souvenirs that are com-

mercially symbolic of the destination and, as they become more experienced, their

purchases becomes more sophisticated. Pearce and Moscardo (1985) suggested that

tourists increase their preference and concern for authenticity as they become more

experienced travellers. In this study a larger number of tourists were observed pur-

chasing items that could be identified as commercially symbolic of the destination,

possibly indicating that a high number of inexperienced travellers were observed.

Some tourists purchased only geographically themed souvenirs, while others bought

only non-geographically themed souvenirs, while others bought a combination of

both. Only 17.7 percent of the items or categories of items did not have a geographi-

cal theme. With the combination of purchased types, experienced travellers may have

been observed; however, this may have been their first time to Niagara and so they

too were drawn to purchase a marker or pictorial souvenir. Based on the methodol-

ogy used, it will never be known if these people consider themselves as experienced

travellers or not. It does raise the interesting question that even if a person is an ex-

perienced traveller and has been to many destinations, if this is their first time to the

site or if they are visiting a very well known or must see site, then they too may

purchase souvenirs that are more commercially symbolic of the destination. If this

is the case, one could move forwards and backwards on the souvenir sophistication

purchasing scale. More research would have to be done to investigate this possibility.

This study has provided some interesting findings, as well as presenting a number

of further areas of research. What is not considered in this paper is what are the indi-

vidual tourists or vendors perceptions of what are authentic geographical souvenirsof a given destination. As highlighted in the literature review, what is authentic is

often relative to the individual. What is authentic and to what degree authenticity is

important will vary from one tourist to another. The focus here has been on the phys-

ical and symbolic geographical image of the souvenir itself. For example, it would be

interesting to ask tourists what they see as the images of Canada and how this relates




to the types of souvenirs that they buy. Are the images of maple syrup, wilderness,

the RCMP and First Nations peoples accurate images of Canada? How does an image

become representative of a nation or a destination and can these images represent

a specific geographical area, attraction or peoples as well as the nation? As Massey

(2000: 68) suggested, all boundaries whether they be national borders on a world at-

las or the lines marking property and parish on a local map, are socially constructed.

She went on to argue that boundaries inevitably cut across other social relations that

construct social space. The places they enclose are not pure. They gain, and have

gained, their character by links with elsewhere (Massey 2000: 68). The tourist and

the souvenir vendor have a role in the socially constructed image of a destination.

As Baerenholdt et al. (2004: 2) suggested, tourist places are not bound to specific

environments or place images. Rather it is the corporeal and social performancesoftourists that make places touristic. Canada, as a tourist destination, is geograph-

ically vast and rich, with cultural and regional diversity. Most of the one-week or

two-week package tours can hardly cover the various attractions across the country.

The tourists knowledge of Canada and the places they visit in this case Niagara

Falls definitely affects the selection of souvenir. International tourists may have an

inaccurate sense of distance between tourist attractions in Canada. For instance, the

researchers have encountered international tourists who believe that Prince Edward

Island is driving distance from Niagara Falls or that they can visit Whitehorse in the

Yukon Territories to see the aurora borealis and return to Niagara Falls within a day.

With such inaccurate spatial orientation of the destination country, it is not surprising

that international tourists have relatively poor identification of an authentic geograph-

ical souvenir item from various regions. Given the size of Canada, this may also apply

to domestic tourists as well. Unless the tourists have specific products from a given

area in mind, for example, a bottle of icewine from a specific winery in the Niagara

peninsula, or a piece of woodcraft by a known First Nation artist from the Niagara

region, it may be a case of geographically displaced authenticity in terms of this study

but not in the mind of the tourist.

Another aspect that deserves further consideration is how the purpose and the use

of the souvenir might possibly influence the need of geographical authenticity. For

instance, if the souvenir is to be given to colleagues and neighbours for compensation

of ones absence from duties, it has an important function of soothing the human

relationship. In such cases, Markers or Pictoral types of souvenirs may be much more

likely to be chosen (e.g. a box of chocolate made in Switzerland with a picture of

Canada or Niagara Falls). The origin (chocolate from Switzerland) of the souvenir is

rather insignificant in comparison to the visual image. The value may be increasedandperhaps be more appreciated if it happened to be a local product with prestigious status

(e.g. Niagara icewine). As noted by Hashimoto and Telfer (1999), the significance of

icewine is marketed heavily to the Japanese market, many of which are purchasing

gifts for colleagues, friends and family. In terms of gift giving, Kim and Littrell

(2001) found that ease of portability was a more important predictor of purchasing




gifts for others than for the tourists themselves; however, overall, they suggested

that retailers probably do not need different strategies for attracting tourists to buy

gifts or buy for self. More research is needed on understanding cultural differences

of tourists in marketing souvenirs. In addition to cultural differences it would be

interesting to investigate the differences between individual tourists and those on

group tours. It is also beyond the scope of this study to determine the motivation

behind the purchases or what influenced the tourists to make the purchases, such

as the displays or the sales pitch. In this study unobtrusive observation was used

to get an understanding of what types of products tourists were purchasing and so

the method achieved the goal of the study. Further research with in-depth interviews

and/or surveys with questions, such as items purchased, motivation for purchase and

demographics, would generate valuable data. Other areas often tied to authenticity butnot investigated here are where the product was made, who made the product and how

it was made and/or the origin of the component parts of the final product. A further

research topic would be to explore these issues and ask tourists once they have made

their purchases if these questions are of importance to them in their purchases. In an

informal interview with a staff member of a souvenir shop in Niagara Falls, it was

revealed that if a product arrives at the store with a sticker indicating the product was

made in a country other than Canada, the sticker is removed before the merchandise

is put on display. This raises the issue of what the vendors believe to be an authentic

geographical souvenir of Niagara. One vendor the researchers spoke to indicated that

they sold only Niagara- or Canadian-themed souvenirs and nothing related to the

province.

Niagara Falls is a major tourist destination and Niagara Falls itself could be linked

to the national image of Canada. All types of souvenirs are purchased and sold and,

depending on motivations, tourists may in fact purchase an Anne of Green Gables

doll in Niagara. Many of those who visit Niagara are not able to travel to other parts

of Canada and, for retailers, this presents an opportunity to market souvenirs from

other areas of Canada. In time, these items may no longer be linked to geographical

displaced authenticity but may become elevated to the level of a national symbol.

Figure 2 represents a useful starting point for those conducting further research on

authenticity and geographical scale, as well for those in the industry seeking to sell

souvenirs to tourists.

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Notes on Contributors

Dr Atsuko Hashimotois an Associate Professor in the Department of Tourism and

Environment at Brock University. Her research focuses on Socio-cultural and human

aspects (especially women and children) of tourism development.

Dr David Telferis an Associate Professor in the Department of Tourism and Envi-

ronment at Brock University. His research interests include Links between tourism

and development theory, backward economic linkages of tourism, and tourism and

agriculture.

Resume: Les representations geographiques inscrites dans les souvenirs au

Niagara: le cas du deplacement geographique de lauthenticite

Bien que les souvenirs prennent des formes, des fonctions et des representations nombreuses, on lesassocie, en general, a des lieux geographiques specifiques. Les chutes du Niagara au Canada sontune des attractions qui recoivent le plus de touristes dans le monde. Les touristes internationauxne visitent souvent que les chutes du Niagara et une ou deux autres destinations majeures tellesque Vancouver ou Toronto pendant leur sejour au Canada. Le sachant, les boutiques de souvenirs

vendent unegamme dobjets quirepresentent deslieuxou desattractions de tout le Canada. On peutalors se demander ce que peut bien etre un souvenir authentique des chutes du Niagara et interrogerce que les touristes achetent. Cet article examine le concept dechelle geographique et le conceptque les souvenirs des chutes du Niagara au Canada representent un deplacement geographique delauthenticite. On a effectue un inventaire complet de huit boutiques de souvenirs. On a egalementclassifie une centaine dachats de souvenirs (a la suite dobservations discretes) dapres un schemade classification. Ce schema indique sil sagit de souvenirs du Niagara, de souvenirs dautres zonesdu Canada ou de souvenirs sans relation avec ces lieux. On propose une typologie de ces souvenirsqui explore si limage projetee par les souvenirs achetes represente la localite (chutes du Niagara)ou la nation (Canada).

Mots-cles:Souvenirs, authenticite, chutes du Niagara, representation geographique

Zusammenfassung: Einbettung geographische Darstellungen in den Niagara-

Andenken: Der Fall geographisch misplatzierter Authentizitat

Obgleich Andenken vielen Formen, Funktionen und Darstellungen annehmen, sind diese haufig for-mal mit einem spezifischen geographischen Ort verbunden. Das kanadische Niagara Falls ist einederweltweitmeistbesuchten touristischenAttraktionen. AuslandischeTouristen besuchenin Kanadahaufig nur Niagara Falls und ein oder zwei weitere Hauptattraktionen wie Vancouver oder Toronto.Dieses erkennend, verkaufen Andenkenladen eine Vielzahl an Souvenirprodukten, die Orte oderAttraktionen in Kanada darstellen. Dieses wirft die Frage auf, was ein geographisch authentisches




Andenkenvon NiagaraFalls ist und wasdie Touristenkaufen. Dieses Papier untersuchtdie Konzepteder geographischen Skala und der geographisch misplatzierten Authentizitat der Andenken in Ni-agara Falls. Dabei wurden Inventuren des Warenbestands von acht Andenkenladen durchgefuhrt.Einhundert sichnicht einmischendeBeobachtungen derAndenkenkaufendurchBesucher dieser An-denkenladen werden vorgestellt entsprechend der Andenkenklassifikation hinsichtlich der Qualitat,ob diese ein Souvenir von Niagara, anderen Gebieten von Kanada oder ganz ohne ortlichen Bezugdarstellen. Eine Typologie der verkauften Niagara Falls-Andenken wird vorgeschlagen, die das Im-age der Andenkenprodukte erforscht, die von den lokalen Darstellungen (Niagara Falls) bis hin zunationalen Darstellungen von Kanada reichen.

Stichworter:Andenken, Authenizitat, Niagara Falls, geographische Darstellung

2007 - atsuko hashimoto - geographicalrepresentationsembeddedwithinsouvenirs[retrieved-2015!03!07]

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