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Southern African Linguistics and Applied LanguageStudies

ISSN: 1607-3614 (Print) 1727-9461 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rall20

Vowel length (in)sensitivity in Luyiamorphophonology

Kristopher J Ebarb & Michael R Marlo

To cite this article: Kristopher J Ebarb & Michael R Marlo (2015) Vowel length (in)sensitivity inLuyia morphophonology, Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies, 33:3,373-390, DOI: 10.2989/16073614.2015.1108772

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/16073614.2015.1108772

Published online: 21 Dec 2015.

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SOUTHERN AFRICAN LINGUISTICS AND APPLIED LANGUAGE STUDIES

ISSN 1607-3614 EISSN 1727-9461http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/16073614.2015.1108772

Vowel length (in)sensitivity in Luyia morphophonology

Kristopher J Ebarb and Michael R Marlo*Department of English, University of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri, USA

*Corresponding author email: marlom@missouri.edu

Abstract: This paper provides an original description and analysis of processes in the morphophonology of several Luyia languages of western Kenya, focusing on the differential behaviour of long vowels across and within languages. We discuss patterns of allomorphy of the perfective suffix which are either sensitive or insensitive to the contrast between short vs long vowels, depending on the number of syllables in the base to which the suffix attaches. We also discuss tonal patterns which differ from one another in their sensitivity to vowel length differences. We show that some tonal rules operate solely in terms of moras, while others require reference to whole syllables, irrespective of whether the syllable has a long or short vowel. Others still are sensitive to vowel length differences in some syllables but not others.

IntroductionIn this paper, we investigate aspects of the morphophonology of Luyia (aka ‘Luhya’, [luy]), a cluster of closely related Bantu languages spoken in western Kenya and eastern Uganda. The investigation is based primarily on original data. Our goals in this paper are principally descriptive and micro-comparative. We seek to document patterns of imbrication and verbal tone in closely related languages to determine the core similarities among the languages and the parameters that account for their differences.

We look at two kinds of phenomena: (i) a segmental phenomenon known as ‘imbrication’ in the Bantuist literature (e.g. Bastin 1983; Hyman 1995) in which the perfective suffix *idɛ takes different forms depending on prosodic properties of the base to which it attaches, and (ii) a number of tonal processes affecting verbs. We are interested in these phenomena because of the diverse ways they treat vowel length distinctions. In brief, the processes are sometimes sensitive to vowel length differences and sometimes not. In the case of imbrication, the perfective always takes one allomorph of the perfective with monosyllabic bases that end in a consonant, irrespective of the length of the vowel of the base, i.e. the perfective is -ile with CVC or CVVC bases. However, bases that have two or more syllabic nuclei take different perfective allomorphs, depending on the length of the final vowel of the base, i.e. the perfective is -ile if the base ends in CVVC, but -e if the base ends in CVC (and the final vowel of the base is lengthened). As we see below, the precise details are different for each language (there are different forms of the perfective suffix, and in some languages there is an additional perfective allomorph with CV bases), but this general pattern holds across Luyia.

In the case of tone, we find that some tonal processes within Luyia are strictly mora-counting. For example, a common pattern places an inflectional H tone on the second mora of the verb stem. Thus, the H is found within the first syllable if it contains a long vowel, but on the second syllable if the first syllable has a short vowel. Other tonal processes in Luyia—sometimes within the same language, sometimes in other languages—are syllable-counting. For instance, one pattern places an inflectional H tone on the second syllable of the verb stem, skipping over the first syllable whether it is short or long. Yet other tonal processes are both syllable-counting and mora-counting: one pattern places an inflectional H on the second mora after the first syllable, i.e. it is insensitive to the length of the vowel in the first syllable, but sensitive to the length of the vowel in the second syllable.

In analysing the data below, we follow standard assumptions of Moraic Theory (see e.g. Hayes 1989). For instance, we assume that short vowels have one mora and long vowels have two

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moras. We also maintain standard assumptions of tonal analysis, e.g. the tone-bearing unit is either the mora or the syllable (Yip 2002: 74). Our framework is rule-based autosegmental phonology, and we are heavily influenced by the tradition of work in this area on Bantu languages (see van Spaandonck 1967, 1971; Odden 1995; Kisseberth and Odden 2003; Downing 2011; Marlo 2013; Marlo and Odden (forthcoming) for overviews).

The data we consider below involve simple syllable structures with no tone-bearing consonants. As a result, most, if not all, of our generalisations have alternative statements that count different prosodic units. For example, our ‘mora’-counting processes could be restated as counting vowels, provided that a long vowel is representationally equivalent to two short vowels. Similarly, onset consonants are not tone-bearing and have no influence on tone, so reference to the ‘syllable’ could be restated with respect to the nucleus or rime. The goal of this paper is not to arbitrate between different views of prosodic structure (see Odden 2011 for an overview), so we do not attempt further translation between approaches below.

Perfective allomorphyAcross all known varieties of Luyia, the realisation of the perfective suffix depends on prosodic properties of the verb, in particular the number of syllables in the stem and the length of the vowel in the final syllable of the base that the perfective attaches to. In this section, we describe patterns of perfective allomorphy with data from four varieties of Luyia: Marama [JE32c1, lrm], Marachi [JE342, lri], Tiriki [JE413, ida], and Idakho [JE411, ida].

MaramaIn Marama, the perfective suffix -ile is realised fully when combined with most, but not all, possible base shapes. When the verb base is CVVC (1a) or CVC (1b), the perfective suffix is -ile. Unlike in some other Luyia languages (e.g. Marachi, see below), the first vowel of the perfective suffix does not undergo height harmony with CV(V)C and longer bases.2

(1) -ile with CV(V)C bases MaramaPerfect Infinitive

a. a[reer-ile] ‘he has brought’ o-xu[ré↓ér-a] ‘to bring’a[loond-ile] ‘he has followed’ o-xú[loond-a] ‘to follow’a[xaaβ-ile] ‘he has sought’ o-xu[xá↓áβ-a] ‘to seek’

b. a[βetʃ-ile] ‘he has shaved’ o-xú[βé↓k-a] ‘to shave’a[loβ-íle] ‘he has refused’ o-xú[loβ-a] ‘to refuse’a[rum-ile] ‘he has sent’ o-xu[ru↓m-a] ‘to send’

CV roots also take the -ile allomorph, though unlike in longer stems, the perfective suffix surfaces with an initial long vowel, which is either high -iile (2a) or mid -eele (2b) due to the interaction of the suffix with the underlying vowel of the root.

(2) -iile / -eele with CV bases Maramaa. a[r-iile] ‘he has feared’ o-xu[rj-a] ‘to fear’

a[kw-ííle] ‘he has fallen’ o-xu[kw-a] ‘to fall’b. a[ɲw-eele] ‘he has drunk’ o-xú[ɲw-a] ‘to drink’

a[xw-eele] ‘he has paid the dowry’ o-xu[xw-a] ‘to pay dowry’a[sy-ééle] ‘he has ground’ o-xu[sj-a] ‘to grind’

We assume that the underlying vowels of CV roots in Marama are the same as those in (3), which de Blois (1975) posits for Bukusu [JE31c, bxk]. As in longer roots, the initial vowel of CV roots may be any one of the five vowels of the language, high (3a), mid (3b), or low (3c).

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(3) Underlying representations of CV roots (de Blois 1975) Bukusua. /rí/ ‘fear’ /ku/ ‘fall’

/lí/ ‘eat’ /fu/ ‘die’/tʃì/ ‘go’/jí/ ‘burn’

b. /se/ ‘grind’ /xo/ ‘pay dowry’/ne/ ‘defecate’ /ɲo/ ‘drink’

c. /(w)á/ ‘give’ /wà/ ‘get finished’/rá/ ‘place, put’ /βa/ ‘be’

When the root vowel is high or mid, the root vowel undergoes Glide Formation before a non-identical vowel, as in the infinitive forms o-xú[kw-a] ‘to fall’ from /o-xu[ku-a]/ and o-xu[ɲw-a] ‘todrink’(from/o-xu[ɲo-a]/),whichhaveafollowinglowvowel.Rootswithanunderlyinghighvowel,e.g. /ku/ ‘fall’, take perfective -iile (a[kw-ííle] ‘he has fallen’), while roots with an underlying mid vowel,e.g./ɲo/‘drink’,takeperfective-eele (a[ɲw-eele] ‘he has drunk’). Combinations of identical vowels maintain the underlying quality and length of the input vowels, so input /a[rí-ile]/ is realised as a[r-iile] ‘he has feared’, with long [ii] and no glide. See Marlo (2006) for discussion of other patterns of suffix allomorphy triggered by CV roots in Luyia languages.

As shown in (4), longer verbs with two or more syllables in the base also take perfective -ile when the base-final syllable has a long vowel.

(4) -ile with …CVVC-final bases MaramaPerfect Infinitivea[xoŋoond-ile] ‘he has knocked’ o-xú[xo↓ŋoond-a] ‘to knock’a[séénaseen-ile] ‘he has stepped’ o-xu[séénáséén-a] ‘to repeatedly step’a[lexuul-ile] ‘he has released’ o-xu[léxuul-a] ‘to release’a[tʃiiŋɡuul-ile] ‘he has lifted’ o-xú[tʃííŋɡúúl-a] ‘to lift’

However, as shown in (5), bases with two or more syllables and a final short vowel have ‘imbrication’: the perfective suffix is realised as -e, and the vowel of the base-final syllable is lengthened.

(5) Imbrication with other bases MaramaPerfect Infinitivea[kulííʃ-e] ‘he has named’ o-xu[kulíx-a] ‘to name’a[sééβuul-e] ‘he has said bye’ o-xú[sééβúl-a] ‘to say bye’a[teeʃeel-e] ‘he has cooked for’ o-xu[téé↓ʃél-a] ‘to cook for’a[kalúʃiil-e] ‘he has repeated’ o-xú[kálúʃíl-a] ‘to repeat’

In our analysis of these facts, the -e allomorph of the perfective, which comes linked with a rule that lengthens the stem-final vowel, left-subcategorises for a base with at least two syllables and whose final syllable has a short vowel. The -ile allomorph of the perfective is found elsewhere.

MarachiMarachi (Marlo 2007) has a pattern of imbrication that is very close to that of Marama. The main difference is that the perfective suffix participates in vowel height harmony. As shown in (6), high and mid vowel variants are also found with CVC and CVVC bases, the choice between -ire and -ere depends on the quality of the preceding vowel: -ire appears after bases ending in high and low vowels (6a), and -ere appears after bases ending in a mid vowel (6b).

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(6) -ire / -ere with CV(V)C bases MarachiHest. Perfective Infinitive

a. y-aa[xin-íré] ‘he danced’ o-xu[xí↓n-á] ‘to dance’β-aa[lím-íre] ‘they dug’ o-xu[lím-á] ‘to dig’β-aa[máɲ-íre] ‘they knew’ o-xú[máɲ-á] ‘to know’

b. y-aa[xol-ére] ‘he worked’ o-xu[xo↓l-á] ‘to work’y-aa[loor-éré] ‘he dreamed’ o-xu[loor-á] ‘to dream’y-aa[βetʃ-éré] ‘he shaved’ o-xu[βé↓k-á] ‘to shave’y-aa[deex-éré] ‘he cooked’ o-xu[déex-á] ‘to cook’

As shown in (7), CV roots with an underlying high vowel take -iire (7a) in the Hesternal Perfective, while those with an underlying mid vowel take -eere (7b).

(7) -iile / -eele with CV bases Marachia. y-aa[l-iiré] ‘he ate’ o-xu[lj-á] ‘to eat’

β-aa[kw-ííre] ‘they fell’ o-xu[kw-á] ‘to fall’β-aa[ts-ííre] ‘they went’ o-xu[tsj-á] ‘to go’

b. y-aa[ɲw-eeré] ‘he drank’ o-xu[ɲw-á] ‘to drink’β-aa[sj-éére] ‘they ground’ o-xu[sj-á] ‘to grind’β-aa[nj-éére] ‘they defecated’ o-xu[nj-á] ‘to defecate’

Longer stems with a long base-final vowel also show alternations between -ire (8a) and -ere (8b) depending on the height of the preceding vowel.

(8) -ire / -ere with …CVVC-final bases MarachiHest. Perfective Infinitive

a. y-aa[karááŋɡ-ire] ‘he fried’ o-xu[ká↓rááŋɡ-á] ‘to fry’y-aa[saakuul-ire] ‘he destroyed’ o-xu[sáá↓kuul-á] ‘to destroy a house’

b. y-aa[xoomoor-ere] ‘he made a face’ o-xu[xoo↓mool-á] ‘to make a face’

As in Marama, imbrication is observed in Marachi perfectives when the base-final syllable has a short vowel: the vowel of the final syllable lengthens and the perfective is realised as -e regardless of the quality of the preceding vowel.

(9) Imbrication with other bases MarachiHest. Perfective Infinitiveβ-aa[tsííririir-e] ‘they continued’ o-xu[tsíírírír-á] ‘to continue’y-aa[fuundííx-e] ‘he knotted’ o-xu[fuu↓ndíx-á] ‘to knot’y-aa[βukúúl-e] ‘he took’ o-xu[βú↓kul-á] ‘to take’β-aa[lomáloom-e] ‘they talked’ o-xú[lomálom-á] ‘to talk’β-aa[soolaan-e] ‘they quarreled’ o-xú[soolán-á] ‘to quarrel’

These facts succumb to the same overall analysis as Marama, except that the perfective suffix in Marachi is subject to a height harmony rule that the perfective is not subject to in Marama.

TirikiIn two eastern varieties of Luyia, Idakho and Tiriki, imbrication is observed in the same contexts as in the central varieties Marama and Marachi: in long verbs with underlyingly short base-final syllables. However, the two pairs of languages differ with respect to other aspects of perfective allomorphy, including the form of the perfective suffix with CV(V)C bases and those with a final long syllable. As shown in the Tiriki forms in (10), the perfective suffix is realised in its long forms -iire / -eere with CV roots. This is the only context in Tiriki and Idakho with the disyllabic form of the perfective.

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(10) -iile / -eele with CV bases TirikiHod. Perfective Infinitive

a. a[r-iire] ‘he feared’ xu[rj-a] ‘to fear’a[l-iire] ‘he ate’ xu[lj-a] ‘to eat’a[kw-iíre] ‘he fell’ xu[kw-a] ‘to fall’a[ts-iíre] ‘he went’ xu[tsj-a] ‘to go’

b. a[ŋw-eere] ‘he drank’ xú[ŋw-a] ‘to drink’a[sj-eére] ‘he ground’ xu[sj-a] ‘to grind’

The perfective suffix is realised invariantly as -i with CVC (10a) and CVVC (10b) bases, and the bases surface without alternation, i.e. there is no lengthening.

(11) -i with CV(V)C bases Tirikia. a[lum-i] ‘he bit’ xu[lum-a] ‘to bite’

a[kon-i] ‘he slept’ xu[kon-a] ‘to sleep’b. a[teex-i] ‘he cooked’ xu[téex-a] ‘to cook’

a[loond-i] ‘he followed’ xu[loond-a] ‘to follow’

As in Marama and Marachi, longer verb bases that end in a long vowel take the same allomorph of the perfective suffix (-i) as CVC and CVVC stems in Tiriki.

(12) -i with …CVVC-final bases TirikiHod. Perfective Infinitivea[kalaaŋg-i] ‘he fried’ xu[kálaaŋɡ-a] ‘to fry’a[homool-i] ‘he massaged’ xu[homool-a] ‘to massage’a[laxuul-i] ‘he released’ xu[laxuul-a] ‘to release’

When the base ends in a short vowel, there is imbrication in Tiriki, just as there is in Marama and Marachi: the suffix is -e, and the final vowel of the base becomes long.

(13) Imbrication with other bases TirikiHod. Perf. Infinitivea[valííts-e] ‘he counted’ xu[valits-a] ‘to count’a[vukuul-e] ‘he took’ xu[vukul-a] ‘to take’a[moloom-e] ‘he talked’ xu[molom-a] ‘to talk’a[kaluxaan-e] ‘he turned around’ xu[kaluxan-a] ‘to turn around’a[ruungaam-e] ‘he stood on his head’ xu[rúúŋɡam-a] ‘to stand on one’s head’

Our analysis of the Tiriki forms is similar to Marama and Marachi, except that there are three listed allomorphs: (i) -ire, which left-subcategorises for a base ending in a vowel, (ii) -e, which comes with a lengthening rule and which left-subcategorises for a disyllabic or longer base whose final syllable has a short vowel, and (iii) -i, which is found elsewhere.

IdakhoAllomorphy of the perfective is nearly the same in Idakho (Ebarb 2014) as it is in Tiriki, except that Idakho has an additional process of vowel harmony that Tiriki lacks. As shown in (14), the full form of the perfective is realised only with CV bases in Idakho, as in Tiriki. There are two forms of the suffix in this context: -ɪɪlɪ appears with roots with an underlying high vowel (14a), and -ɛɛlɛ appears with roots with an underlying mid vowel (14b) and with roots with an underlying low vowel (14c).

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(14) -ɪɪlɪ / -ɛɛlɛ with CV bases IdakhoPerfect Infinitive

a. a-a[ts-ɪɪlɪ] ‘he has gone’ xu[tsj-a] ‘to go’a-a[l-ɪɪlɪ] ‘he has eaten’ xu[lj-a] ‘to eat’a-a[kw-ɪɪlɪ] ‘he has fallen’ xu[kw-a] ‘to fall’

b. a-a[xw-ɛɛlɛ] ‘he has paid’ xu[xw-a] ‘to pay dowry’c. a-a[r-ɛɛlɛ] ‘he has placed’ xu[r-a] ‘to place, bury’

As in Tiriki, the perfective suffix is -i with CVC (15a) and CVVC (15b) bases in Idakho.

(15) -i with CV(V)C bases IdakhoPerfect Infinitive

a. a-a[lum-i] ‘he has bit’ xu[lum-a] ‘to bite’a-a[βétʃ-i] ‘he has shaved’ xu[βék-a] ‘to shave’

b. a-a[téeʃ-i] ‘he has cooked’ xu[téex-a] ‘to cook’a-a[loond-i] ‘he has followed’ xu[loond-a] ‘to follow’

The perfective suffix is also -i in longer bases with a final long syllable, as shown by the examples in (16).

(16) -i with …CVVC-final bases Idakhoa-a[kálaaɲdʒ-i] ‘he has fried’ xu[kálaaŋɡ-a] ‘to fry’a-a[homool-i] ‘he has massaged’ xu[homool-a] ‘to massage’a-a[xoŋoond-i] ‘he has knocked’ xu[xoŋoond-a] ‘to knock’

As in other Luyia varieties, there is imbrication with disyllabic and longer bases that have a final short vowel. In such forms, we find lengthening of the final vowel of the base, and the final suffix alternates between -ɪ after high vowels (17a) and -ɛ elsewhere (17b).

(17) Imbrication with other bases IdakhoPerfect Infinitive

a. a-a[βooliits-ɪ] ‘he has seduced’ xu[βoolits-a] ‘to seduce’a-a[seeβuul-ɪ] ‘he has said bye’ xu[seeβul-a] ‘to say bye’

b. a-a[βoholool-ɛ] ‘he has untied’ xu[βoholol-a] ‘to untie’a-a[xálaatʃ-ɛ] ‘he has cut’ xu[xálak-a] ‘to cut’

Our analysis of these forms is essentially the same as Tiriki, except that vowel harmony works differently. The long allomorph for Idakho, which left-subcategorises for a base ending in a vowel, is -ɛlɛ. This suffix raises to -ɪlɪ after roots that have an underlying high vowel. The -ɛ allomorph comes with a lengthening rule and which left-subcategorises for a disyllabic or longer base whose final syllable has a short vowel. This suffix also undergoes raising after high vowels. Like Tiriki, the -i allomorph is found elsewhere and does not alternate as a result of harmony.

Suffix combinationsAn interesting complication on the patterns of perfective realization concerns the interaction of the perfective with other suffixes that may appear in the verb. As shown by the Marachi forms in (18), when suffixes like the reciprocal -an- (18a), the applicative -ir-/-er- (18b), and the reciprocal and the applicative (18c) are present, each suffix extends the verb base by a syllable. As these suffixes immediately preceding the perfective have a short vowel, they trigger imbrication: the verb ends in final -e, and the penultimate vowel of the verb is lengthened.

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(18) Hesternal Perfective + reciprocal -an- and/or applicative -ir- MarachiHesternal Perfective Base

a. β-aa[βek-áán-e] ‘they shaved each other’ βek-an-b. y-aa-mu[lí↓m-íír-e] ‘he dug for him’ lim-ir-

y-aa-mu[déé↓x-éér-e] ‘he cooked for him’ deex-ir-y-aa-mu[ká↓rááŋɡ-iir-e] ‘he fried for him’ karaaŋg-ir-

c. β-aa[fulúk-án-iir-e] ‘they stirred for each other’ fuluk-an-ir-β-aa[βukúl-án-iir-e] ‘they took for each other’ βukul-an-ir-β-aa[karááŋɡ-an-iir-e] ‘they fried for each other’ karaaŋɡ-an-ir-

The imperfective suffix -Vŋɡ- has different behaviour from the reciprocal and applicative. While the reciprocal and applicative are crucially involved in the determination of the perfective allomorph, i.e they are part of the base, imperfective -Vŋɡ- is ignored in the calculation of the perfective allomorph. As shown in (19), imperfective -Vŋg- is realised before the final vowel of the verb, and its underlyingly unspecified vowel assimilates to following [e]. The vowel of the imperfective marker is predictably long before its NC sequence.

(19) Hesternal Perfective + imperfective -Vŋɡ- in the perfective Marachiw/ imperfective w/o imperfective

a. y-aa[deex-ér-ééŋɡ-e] ‘… continuously’ y-aa[deex-éré] ‘he cooked’b. y-aa[karááŋɡ-ir-eeŋɡ-e] ‘… continuously’ y-aa[karááŋɡ-ire] ‘he fried’c. y-aa[bukúúl-eeŋɡ-e] ‘… continulously’ y-aa[bukuul-e] ‘he took’

y-aa[βyaakáál-eeŋɡ-e] ‘… continuously’ y-aa[βyaakáál-e] ‘he sharpened’y-aa[fulúúk-eeŋɡ-e] ‘… continuously’ y-aa[fuluuk-e] ‘he stirred’

Interestingly, when imperfective -Vŋg- is present, the form of the perfective is the same as when -Vŋg- is not present. With CV(V)C bases (19a) and longer bases that end in a long vowel (19b), the perfective allomorph is -ire / -ere. With long bases ending in a short vowel, the final vowel of the base is lengthened, and the perfective suffix is -e, just as in forms lacking the imperfective. We analyse the imperfective as an infix, which finds its surface position after the allomorph of the perfective has been determined. The base that determines the allomorph of the perfective does not include the imperfective.

ToneOur main interest in this section is the role that vowel length plays in verbal tonal processes in Luyia. There are a number of tone rules in which the syllable plays no role; in such processes, the mora is the only relevant unit. However, other processes seem to be stated best in terms of syllables; as differences in vowel length make no difference in the surface tone patterns. Yet other tonal phenomena crucially require reference to both syllables and moras.

Throughout the Luyia languages, the tone-bearing unit is the mora, i.e. tones are autosegmentally linked to moras. Evidence for the mora as TBU comes from various sources. For example, in some languages, such as Idakho, there are contrasts between level H, fall, and rise on long vowels; falls and rises are not found in short vowels. Virtually all tonal processes involve reference to H tones only, and we assume a fundamental privative contrast between H and Ø (see Hyman 2001).3 These contrasts can be represented only by linking Hs to moras. In addition, most, if not all languages, have mora-counting tonal rules, which are possible only if the TBU is the mora. While mora-counting tone rules are common, individual tonal rules vary widely across and within languages in whether they specify moras only or a combination of moras and syllables.

As in other Bantu languages (Kisseberth and Odden 2003; Marlo 2013; Odden and Bickmore 2014; Marlo and Odden forthcoming), tone plays a significant role in marking tense-aspect-mood-polarity distinctions in Luyia verbs (Ebarb et al. 2014). In different tense forms, verbs are inflected with ‘melodic’ H tones which are assigned by rule to different positions of the verb stem or

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macrostem. Most of the tonal processes we deal with here involve tone melodies found in a limited number of verbal constructions.

Mora-based tonal processesIn some Bantu languages, melodic Hs target specific moras within the verb stem. Kuria [JE43, kuj] is an extreme example in which melodic Hs target the first, second, third, or fourth moras of the stem (Mwita 2008; Marlo et al. 2014, 2015). One tonal melody that is common within south-eastern Luyia (and many other Bantu languages, see Odden and Bickmore 2014; Marlo and Odden forthcoming) targets the second stem mora. In Idakho, for example, a melodic H tone is found on the second stem mora of underlyingly toneless (/Ø/) verb roots (cf. infinitival forms like xu[loond-a] ‘to follow’ which are not inflected with a melodic H) in the Hodiernal Perfective (Ebarb 2014). The examples in (20) show that the melodic H surfaces on the second syllable if the initial syllable is short (20a), but on the second half of a long stem-initial syllable (20b–c). The melodic H spreads to the right onto pre-penultimate moras (20c).

(20) Hodiernal Perfective (/Ø/ verbs) Idakhoa. a[leʃ-í] ‘he left’ a[laxuul-i] ‘he released’

a[kulíiʃ-ɪ] ‘he named’ a[kalúʃíits-ɪ] ‘he returned’b. a[kw-ɪɪlɪ] ‘he fell’ a[loond-i] ‘he followed’c. a[seéβúul-ɪ] ‘he said bye’ a[hoombéliits-ɪ] ‘he comforted’

/H/ verbs (e.g. xu[téex-a] ‘to cook’) are provided in (21). These forms surface entirely L. The melodic H fails to surface here because the rule of Melodic H Assignment is subject to an OCP effect which blocks Melodic H Assignment following the root /H/. The lexical H of the root also fails to surface because in verb forms inflected with a melodic H, the initial H of the macrostem—which in this case is the root H—is lowered, a common phenomenon in Luyia and other Lacustrine languages (Marlo and Odden forthcoming).

(21) Hodiernal Perfective (/H/ verbs) Idakhoa[r-ɛɛlɛ] ‘he buried’ a[ŋw-ɛɛlɛ] ‘he drank’a[lum-i] ‘he bit’ a[teeʃ-i] ‘he cooked’a[xalaatʃ-ɛ] ‘he cut’ a[kalaaɲdʒ-i] ‘he fried’a[saandiits-ɪ] ‘he thanked’ a[xoŋoond-i] ‘he knocked’a[βoholool-ɛ] ‘he untied’ a[ŋoŋooliits-ɪ] ‘he teased’

Ebarb (2014) analyses the tonal patterns of the Hodiernal Perfective as resulting from two tonal rules in (22): a rule of Melodic H Assignment which links the melodic H to the second stem mora (MHA-μ2)andaruleofInitialLoweringwhichlowersmacrosteminitialHs.MHA-μ2 is responsible for thepresenceandlocationofthemelodicHin/Ø/verbs.TheformulationofMHA-μ2 specifies that the target of the rule—the second mora—must be preceded by a toneless mora. This feature of the rule accounts for the fact that the melodic H does not surface in /H/ verbs.

(22) MHA-μ2 Initial Lowering HM H→LHM Applies in the stem[μ’ μ’ Hodiernal Perfective macrostem{μ

Initial Lowering, a rule that applies in verb forms inflected with a melodic H, is responsible for the fact that the root H does not surface in the Hodiernal Perfective before the melodic H. Initial Lowering is defined in terms of the macrostem, due to properties of Hodiernal Perfective forms that include an object prefix, which are provided in (23). (The macrostem is the verbal constituent which includes the stem and any object prefixes.) The stem tone pattern of /Ø/ verbs is the same with or

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without an object prefix. As shown in (23a), the melodic H surfaces on the second stem mora in /Ø/ verbs, and the object prefix mu- surfaces L. The object prefix is underlyingly H—it surfaces H in forms that are not inflected with a melodic H, e.g. a-la{mú[laxuula]} ‘he will release him (Near Fut.)’—but its H is lowered by Initial Lowering.

(23) Hodiernal Perfective verbs with an object prefix Idakhoa. /Ø/ verbs

a{mu[leʃ-í]} ‘he left him’ a{mu[laxúul-i]} ‘he released him’a{mu[loond-i]} ‘he followed him’ a{mu[seéβúul-ɪ]} ‘he said bye to him’

b. /H/ verbsa{mu[βétʃ-i]} ‘he shaved him’ a{mu[xoŋoond-i]} ‘he knocked him’a{mu[léer-i]} ‘he brought him’ a{mu[βooliits-ɪ]} ‘he seduced him’

/H/ verbs alternate with an object prefix. As shown in (23b), the stem-initial mora is H. This is the lexical H, which surfaces because the H of the object prefix in macrostem-initial position is lowered by Initial Lowering.

Syllable-based tonal processesIn this section, we discuss three types of examples in Luyia tone that involve reference to whole syllables: (i) decontouring rules which level out potential contour tones, producing all H syllables, (ii) rules which link melodic H tones to target all moras of a specific syllable, and (iii) rules whose effect is that a melodic H fails to surface on a whole syllable.

One of the considerations in determining the tone-bearing unit for a language is the tonal contrasts found on bimoraic syllables. As Marlo and Odden (forthcoming) note, if languages do not contrastlevelH(μμ)vscontourtones(μμand/orμμ), the lack of contrast may be evidence for the syllable as TBU, since the whole syllable is either H or L. This consideration is relevant for Luyia languages because not all languages tolerate contour tones on long vowels as freely as Idakho does, though in each language there is independent evidence that tones are borne by moras.

In Kabarasi [JE32e, lkb], potential falling tones and potential rising tones are levelled out (Ebarb forthcoming). A construction which shows this decontouring is the Subjunctive Negative, which is marked with a melodic H on the second stem mora. The second-mora pattern is seen most clearly in verb forms whose first two syllables have short vowels, as in (24b). When first stem syllable has a short vowel, and the second syllable has a long vowel, as in (24c), the melodic H is realised as a level H on both moras of the second stem syllable. When the stem-initial syllable has a long vowel, as in (24d), the melodic H is realised as a level H on the stem-initial syllable. In verbs with a monosyllabic stem, the melodic H is realised on the sole stem syllable (24a).

(24) Subjunctive Negative (/Ø/ verbs) Kabarasia. a-xa[kw-á] ↓tá ‘let him not fall’

a-xa[sy-á] ↓tá ‘let him not grind’b. a-xa[lex-á] ↓tá ‘let him not leave (s.t.)’

a-xa[kulíx-a] tá ‘let him not name’a-xa[kalúʃil-a]tá ‘let him not repeat’

c. a-xa[lexuul-a] tá ‘let him not release’a-xa[tsuxuulul-a] tá ‘let him not pour slowly’

d. a-xa[rééβ-a]tá ‘let him not ask’a-xa[loond-a]tá ‘let him not follow’a-xa[sééβul-a]tá ‘let him not say bye’a-xa[tʃííŋɡuul-a]tá ‘let him not lift’

/H/ verbs in the Subjunctive Negative are provided in (25). Like analogous forms from the Hodiernal Perfective in Idakho, the verb stem is all L: neither the root H nor the melodic H surfaces.

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(25) Subjunctive Negative (/H/ verbs) Kabarasia-xa[r-a] tá ‘let him not place’a-xa[xw-a] tá ‘let him not pay dowry’a-xa[lum-a] tá ‘let him not bite’a-xa[βek-a]tá ‘let him not shave’a-xa[xalak-a] tá ‘let him not cut’a-xa[βukul-a]tá ‘let him not take’a-xa[karaaŋɡ-a]tá ‘let him not fry’a-xa[sitaak-a] tá ‘let him not accuse’a-xa[paaŋɡus-a]tá ‘let him not wipe’a-xa[saaandits-a] tá ‘let him not thank’a-xa[sokoɲola-a]tá ‘let him not squat’

We analyse the Subjunctive Negative in Kabarasi in essentially the same way as the Hodiernal Perfective of Idakho: a rule of Melodic H Assignment targets the second stem mora, and Initial Lowering lowersmacrostem initialHs. In (26),we slightly reformulateMHA-μ2 to account for /Ø/ verbs with monosyllabic stems, e.g. a-xa[kwá] ↓tá ‘let him not fall’. Parentheses are added around the first stem mora so that the melodic H is still assigned when there is only one mora in the stem. (In analogous forms of the Hodiernal Perfective in Idakho, monomoraic stems are not possible in the Hodiernal Perfective, due to the morphology of the construction.)

(26) MHA-μ2 HM

stem[(μ’)μ’ AppliesintheSubjunctiveNegative

In /Ø/ verbs with a short initial syllable and a long second syllable, the melodic H is first assigned to the second stem mora, and then Fall Decontouring eliminates the potential fall (a-xa[lexúula] tá → a-xa[lexúúla] tá ‘let him not release’). Rise Decontouring accounts for forms with an initial long vowel. The melodic H is first assigned to the second mora of the stem, which is levelled out by Rise Decontouring (a-xa[seeβula] ta → a-xa[seeβula] ta ‘let him not say bye’).

(27) Fall Decontouring Rise Decontouring H H μ μ μ μ σ σ

The melodic H fails to associate to the verb stem in /H/ verbs due to the requirement that the target ofMHA-μ2 be preceded by a toneless mora: the root H, which ultimately lowers by Initial Lowering,blockstheapplicationofMHA-μ2.

Certain rules of Melodic H Assignment also produce whole syllables which are either H or L. Tura4 has a so-called ‘predictable’ tone system (see Odden 1989 and Marlo 2013 for overviews), which lacks lexical tonal contrasts among verb roots: all roots are /Ø/, and the surface tonal patterns are the result of tonal inflection. The Present Negative is marked by a melodic H on all moras of the initial syllable of monosyllabic and disyllabic stems (28a) or on all moras of the second syllable of trisyllabic and longer stems (28b), whether the first or second syllable has a short vowel or a long vowel.

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(28) Present Negative Turaa. sí-βa[ly-á]tá ‘they are not eating’

sí-βa[nyw-á]tá ‘they are not drinking’sí-βa[tséx-a]tá ‘they are not laughing’sí-βa[tééx-a]tá ‘they are not cooking’

b. sí-βa[karááŋɡ-a]tá ‘they are not frying’sí-βa[karááŋɡ-aaŋɡ-a]tá ‘they are not frying’sí-βa[fuundíx-a]tá ‘they are not knotting’sí-βa[teex-án-ir-a]tá ‘they are not cooking for e.o.’

Marlo (2009) analyses this pattern in two steps. First, the melodic H is assigned to all moras of the initial stemsyllableviaa ruleofMelodicHAssignment (MHA-σ1). In trisyllabic and longer stems, the melodic H shifts to the second stem syllable by a rule of Melodic H Shift, which shifts the melodic H to all moras of the second syllable just in case there is another syllable in the stem.

(29) MHA-σ1 Melodic H Shift HM HM Domain: Stem μ (μ) Appliesinthe μ (μ) μ (μ) Appliesinthe Present Negative Present Negative stem[σ stem[σ σ σ

In light of melodic tonal patterns in Tura that treat whole syllables as H or L, it is somewhat surprising that the language has surface contrasts between level H, rise, and fall on long vowels in comparable contexts, e.g. mu[lííngeré] ‘watch him!’, alii[niiŋɡeer-a] ‘he will watch me (Rem. Fut.)’, alaa[niiŋɡeera] ‘he will watch me (Near Fut.)’, which points to the mora as TBU. It is for this reason that we assume that the melodic tone assignment and shifting rules operate over moras rather than syllables.

A common melodic tonal pattern in south-western Luyia varieties involves skipping over the entire stem-initial syllable, whether long or short. This is shown by the Indefinite Future forms from Nyala West [JE18, nle] in (30), which have an H from the second syllable of the stem through the final vowel on the disyllabic stems and longer stems of (30b). The melodic H is not realised on monosyllabic stems (30a).

(30) Indefinite Future Nyala Westa. a-ri[tʃi-a] ‘he will go’ a-ri[fu-a] ‘he will die’b. a-ri[kul-á] ‘he will buy’ a-ri[xin-á] ‘he will dance’

a-ri[xwees-á] ‘he will pull’ xu-ri[reeβ-á] ‘we will ask’a-ri[burux-á] ‘he will fly’ xu-ri[rexuul-á] ‘we will release’xu-ri[siindíx-á] ‘we will push’ xu-ri[laambáál-á] ‘we will spread out’βa-ri[βitʃíkál-á] ‘they will belch’ xu-ri[paaŋɡúlúl-á] ‘we will disarrange’xu-ri[karááŋɡírán-á] ‘we will fry for e.o.’

Like Tura, Nyala West has only one tonal class of verbs. Thus the ‘skipping over’ of the stem-initial syllable in the Nyala West Indefinite Future is purely a property of the tonal melody. We analyse this pattern as the result of three ordered rules. First, MHA-FV links the melodic H to the stem-final mora by MHA-FV (e.g. xu-ri[paaŋɡulul-a). Next, Unbounded Spread spreads the melodic H iteratively leftward through the verb stem (e.g. xu-ri[paaŋɡulul-a). Finally, Initial Delinking delinks the melodic H from all moras of the stem-initial syllable (e.g. xu-ri[paaŋɡulul-a).5

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(31) MHA-FV Unbounded Spread Initial Delinking HM H

Iterative H

Domain: stem

μ]stem Applies in the μ μ Appliesinthe μ μ Appliesinthe Indefinite Future Indefinite Future Indefinite

stem[σFuture

In this section, we have shown that, although the mora is the TBU in Luyia languages, the syllable plays an important role in Luyia tonology. In particular, restrictions against tonal contours within long syllables motivate decontouring rules (Wanga, Kabarasi). In addition, Melodic H Assignment rules may target all moras within a particular syllable, even in languages in which contour tones are generally tolerated (Tura). Finally, delinking rules can target all moras within a particular syllable as well (Nyala West).

Syllable-and-mora-based tonal processesThis last subsection provides examples of rules of Luyia tone where part of a rule is mora-counting and part of a rule is syllable-counting. One example is found in the Subjunctive in some eastern varieties of Luyia, such as Idakho. In this construction, the melodic H surfaces on the second mora after the initial syllable of the stem in both /H/ and /Ø/ verbs.6 The stem-initial syllable is skipped over in calculating the position of the melodic H, whether its vowel is short (32c) or long (32d). In stems that have only one (32a) or two (32b) syllables, the melodic H is realised on the final vowel.

(32) Subjunctive (/H/ verbs) Idakho/H/ Verbs /Ø/ Verbs

a. a[xw-í] ‘let him pay dowry’ a[kw-í] ‘let him fall’b. a[βetʃ-ɛ] ‘let him shave’ a[leʃ-ɛ] ‘let him leave (s.t.)’

a[teeʃ-ɛ] ‘let him cook’ a[reeβ-ɛ] ‘let him ask’c. a[xalatʃ-ɛ] ‘let him cut’ a[kuliʃ-ɪ] ‘let him name’

a[βoyoŋán-ɛ] ‘let him go around’ a[kaluʃíts-ɪ] ‘let him return’a[sitaátʃ-ɛ] ‘let him accuse’ a[laxuul-i] ‘let him release’a[ŋoŋoolits-ɪ] ‘let him tease’ a[seβulúxaɲː-i] ‘let him scatter’

d. a[saandits-ɪ] ‘let him thank’ a[seeβul-ɪ] ‘let him say bye’a[tsuunzuún-ɪ] ‘let him suck’ a[siiɲdʒilíts-ɪ] ‘let him make stand’

The melodic H is positioned in this construction by the rule of Melodic H Assignment in (33).

(33) MHA-μ2 after σ1 HM stem[⎧⎧μ(μ)⎫μ⎫ μ ⎪⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎩⎩σ ⎭ ⎭

The parenthesis-notation in (33) is invoked in order to account for the fact that the melodic H associates to the final mora of the stem in verbs that are too short for the fullest extension of the rule, e.g. with CVCV stems such as a[leʃ-ɛ] ‘let him leave (s.t.)’ and monosyllabic stems such as a[kw-í] ‘let him fall’. The failure of the root H to surface in /H/ verbs is attributable to Initial Lowering.

Syllable vs mora as parameter in tonal OCP effectsAnother case in Luyia tone where there is a parameterisation of tone rules in terms of whether they refer to the syllable or mora concerns OCP effects. Some rules of tonal shifting and spreading in Luyia languages are constrained by the OCP, but these rules differ in whether the OCP restrictions

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are defined in terms of the mora or the syllable. In this section, we discuss a rule of Minimal Spread in Khayo [JE341, lko] which avoids creating sequences of adjacent H-toned moras, and a rule of High Tone Anticipation in Kabarasi which avoids creating sequences of adjacent H-toned syllables.

In Khayo (Marlo 2009: 94–98), the Immediate Past has an H-toned tense prefix xá- and a melodic H that spans from the second stem syllable through the final vowel. This generalisation is easiest to see in verbs of at least three stem syllables which have an object prefix (34d–e). When the second syllable is long (34e), the melodic H span predictably begins as a rise. In monosyllabic stems (34a), the melodic H surfaces just on the final vowel, while in disyllabic stems (34b–c), the melodic H surfaces on the final two moras of the verb stem. In each of these forms the object prefix mu- surfaces L. The object prefix is underlyingly H-tone but is deleted after xá- by Meeussen’s Rule; see (36) below.

(34) Immediate Past Khayoa. y-a-xá-mu[rj-á] ‘he just feared him’

y-a-xá-mu[xw-á] ‘he just paid her brideprice’b. y-a-xá-mu[βék-á] ‘he just shaved him’

y-a-xá-mu[rém-á] ‘he just chopped him’c. y-a-xá-mu[liínd-á] ‘he just waited for him’

y-a-xá-mu[reéβ-á] ‘he just asked him’d. y-a-xá-mu[βukúl-á] ‘he just took him’

y-a-xá-mu[deex-ér-á] ‘he just cooked for him’e. y-a-xá-mu[liiŋgaál-á] ‘he just watched him’

y-a-xá-mu[xalaáŋg-ír-á] ‘he just fried for him’

When the object prefix is not present, the H-toned tense prefix xá- immediately precedes the verb stem, which leads to tonal alternations in disyllabic verb stems. In CVCV stems, the melodic H surfaces only on the final vowel (35b), while in CVVCV stems, the entire stem-initial syllable is H (35c). In all other stem shapes, no tonal alternation is observed.

(35) Immediate Past Khayoa. y-a-xá[fw-á] ‘he just died’ y-a-xá[lj-á] ‘he just ate’b. y-a-xá[βek-á] ‘he just shaved’ y-a-xá[lim-á] ‘he just dug’c. y-a-xá[dééx-á] ‘he just cooked’ y-a-xá[rééβ-á] ‘he just asked’d. y-a-xá[βukúl-á] ‘he just took’ y-a-xá[fuundíx-á] ‘he just knotted’

y-a-xá[lomálom-á] ‘he just talked’ y-a-xá[lexuul-á] ‘he just released’

Marlo (2009) analyses the basic tonal pattern of long verbs with a combination of three rules which are formalised as in (36).

(36) MHA-FV Unbounded Spreading Rise Formation HM H H = μ]stem μ(μ)μμ Iterative μμμ σ σ

Melodic Hs are first assigned to the final vowel of the stem via MHA-FV (e.g. y-a-xá[lexuul-á]). They then spread iteratively leftward onto all non-initial syllables by Unbounded Spreading (e.g. y-a-xá[lexúúl-á]). A rule of Rise Formation then applies to create a rising tone in long vowels at the left edge of an H tone span (e.g. y-a-xá[lexuúl-á] ‘he just released’).

The tonal alternations observed in disyllabic stems (cf. y-a-xa-mu[βeka] ‘he just shaved him’ vs y-a-xa[βeka] ‘he just shaved’ and y-a-xa-mu[reeβa] ‘he just asked him’ vs y-a-xa[reeβa] ‘he just asked’) arise as a consequence of two additional rules: Minimal Spread and Plateau. Unbounded

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Spreading does not apply in disyllabic stems; it never targets the moras of the stem-initial syllable. When the melodic H surfaces on the penultimate mora, it does so because of Minimal Spread, which spreads the melodic H one mora to the left, provided the mora preceding the target is toneless (37).

(37) Minimal Spread H μ’1 μ2 μ3 μ2andμ3 are in the stem

Minimal Spread applies in y-a-xa-mu[βeka] ‘he just shaved him’ because the object prefix mu- intervenes between the penultimate mora and the tense prefix xá-. A toneless buffer mora is lacking in y-a-xa[βeka] ‘he just shaved’, so Minimal Spread does not apply.

In CVVCV stems, Minimal Spread applies whether an object prefix is present or not because the stem-initial mora acts as a buffer between the penultimate mora and any preceding H. In y-a-xá-mu[reeβa] ‘he just asked him’, the penultimate mora becomes H by Minimal Spread. When there is no object prefix, Minimal Spread produces intermediate y-a-xa[reeβa], and the surface form y-a-xa[reeβa] ‘he just asked’ is produced by the rule of Plateau in (38).

(38) Plateau H H μ μ μ σ σ

While Minimal Spread is blocked by an adjacent H at the moraic level in Khayo, spreading in Kabarasi has an OCP restriction against Hs in adjacent syllables (Ebarb forthcoming). In this language, the Near Future is a construction that is not inflected with a melodic H. Verbs that belong to the underlyingly toneless class (/Ø/ verbs) have an all L surface pattern (39a), while verbs that belong to the underlyingly H-toned class (/H/ verbs) have a level on the initial syllable of the stem (39b).

(39) Near Future Kabarasi/Ø/ verbs

a. a-la[kaluʃil-a] ‘he will repeat’ a-la[seeβul-a] ‘he will say bye’a-la[lexuul-a] ‘he will release’ a-la[tʃiiŋɡuul-a] ‘he will lift’/H/ verbs

b. a-la[βojoŋan-a] ‘he will go around’ a-la[sáándits-a] ‘he will thank’a-la[káraaŋɡ-a] ‘he will fry’ a-la[tsuunzuun-a] ‘he will suck’

When an object bearing a H, such as o-mu[sáatsa] ‘man’, follows the verb in the Near Future, it undergoes a process of H-Tone Anticipation, such that the H of the object spreads leftward onto the verb. In the toneless verb of (40a), the H spreads through the initial syllable of the preceding verb stem. As will be shown shortly, the noun’s augment o- behaves phonologically as though it were part of the verb stem, so we represent it as part of the verb.

(40) Near Future (/Ø/ verbs) + /H/ object Kabarasia-la[kálúʃíl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will defend the man’a-la[sééβúl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will say bye to the man’a-la[léxúúl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will release the man’a-la[tʃííŋɡúúl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will lift the man’

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In /H/ verbs, the H of the object extends only through the third syllable of the verb stem, leaving a buffer of one syllable between the root H and the anticipated H from the object.7 Verbs with a short second syllable are provided in (41a); verbs with a long second syllable are provided in (41b).

(41) Near Future (long /H/ verbs) + /H/ object Kabarasia. a-la[βojoŋán-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will go around the man’

a-la[sáándits-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will thank the man’a-la[xááβaxááβ-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will really seek the man’

b. a-la[sítaak-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will accuse the man’a-la[tsúúnzuun-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will suck the man’

In /H/ verbs with fewer than three syllables, it is not possible to spread onto the verb without creating a sequence of Hs on adjacent syllables. As shown in (42), spreading onto the verb does not take place in this case. Spreading onto the nominal prefix is also not observed, despite the fact that doing so would not violate the OCP in the case of disyllabic stems (42b).

(42) Near Future (short /H/ verbs) + /H/ object Kabarasia. a-la[r-o]mu[sáatsa] ‘he will bury the man’b. a-la[βék-o]mu[sáatsa] ‘he will shave the man’

a-la[réér-o] mu[sáatsa] ‘he will bring the man’

The fact that the H of the object does not spread onto the nominal prefix in (42b), but does in verbs with trisyllabic stems (e.g. a-la[sítaak-ó] mú[sáatsa] ‘he will accuse the man’) is the reason why we represent the noun’s augment within the verbal stem. The object H does not spread onto the nominal prefix unless spreading onto the verb stem is possible; if the augment were not treated by the tonology as though it were part of the verb stem, spreading onto the nominal prefix would not be expected with trisyllabic stems.

Forms with an object prefix also show a one syllable buffer between two Hs. The examples in (43) have a /Ø/ stem following the H-toned object prefix mú-. Here, the stem-initial syllable follows the H of the object prefix and acts as the buffer. The anticipated H of the object begins on the second stem syllable whether the initial syllable is short (43a) or long (43b), rather than the initial syllable (cf. a-la[léxúúl-ó] mú[sáatsa] ‘he will release the man’).

(43) Near Future (/Ø/ verbs) + OP + /H/ object Kabarasia. a-la-mú[leʃél-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will leave the man for him’

a-la-mú[kulíʃíl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will name him after the man’a-la-mú[lexúúlíl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will release the man for him’a-la-mú[kalúʃílíl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will defend the man for him’

b. a-la-mú[reeβél-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will ask the man for him’a-la-mú[seeβúlíl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will say goodbye to the man for him’a-la-mú[reeβárééβél-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will ask the man repeatedly for him’a-la-mú[tʃiiŋɡúúlíl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will raise up the man for him’

As shown in (44), the root H is lost in verb forms that include an object prefix. However, it still has an influence on the extent of leftward spreading of the object H, as the anticipated H begins on the third syllable of the stem, just as in forms lacking an object prefix.

(44) Near Future (/H/ verbs) + OP + /H/ object Kabarasia. a-la-mú[βetʃel-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will shave the man for him’

a-la-mú[reerer-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will bring the man for him’a-la-mú[βukulíl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will take the man for him’a-la-mú[saanditsíl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will thank the man for him’

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a-la-mú[xupaxúpíl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will beat the man repeatedly for him’a-la-mú[xaaβaxááβíl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will really look for the man for him’

b. a-la-mú[sitaatʃíl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will accuse the man for him’a-la-mú[tsuunzuuníl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will kiss the man for him’a-la-mú[βoyooŋáníl-o]mú[sáatsa] ‘he will go around the man for him’

We decompose H-Tone Anticipation into two distinct rules: Juncture Spread and Lexical Tone Anticipation. Both are subject to an OCP restriction against creating sequences of phonologically distinct Hs on adjacent syllables.

Juncture Spread, adapted from Hyman and Katamba’s (1993: 45) treatment of a similar rule in Ganda, spreads H from one word onto the final mora of the preceding word, along with any intervening moras. The moras of the preceding syllable must be toneless in order for the structural description of this rule to be met.8

(45) Juncture Spread H Wd[…μ’(μ’)(μ’) μ’][…μ…μ…]Wd

σ σ

Juncture Spread accounts for forms in which the object H spreads only onto the final vowel (e.g. a-la[sítaak-ó] mú[sáatsa] ‘he accused the man’). Spreading beyond the final vowel, as in a-la[léxúúl-ó] mú[sáatsa] ‘he will release the man’, is attributable to a second rule: Lexical Tone Anticipation. This rule spreads tones iteratively leftward within the verb stem through all toneless moras that are preceded by a toneless syllable.

(46) Lexical Tone Anticipation H μ’(μ’)μμ Iterative σ Domain:stem

Both rules together account for the all-or-nothing nature of H-Tone Anticipation. If an H on a postverbal noun cannot enter the verb via Juncture Spread, i.e. due to the OCP, H does not spread onto the noun class prefix of the noun since the noun class prefix is outside the stem—the domain of Lexical H Anticipation.

/H/ Near Future verbs with an object prefix, such as a-la-mú[reerer-ó] mú[sáatsa] ‘he will bring the man for him’ motivate an additional rule, Meeussen’s Rule. Meeussen’s Rule deletes the root H immediately following the H of the object prefix.

(47) Meeussen’s Rule H H→Ø Domain: word μ μ

Meeussen’s Rule crucially applies after Lexical Tone Anticipation. This ordering relationship guarantees that the lexical H, in combination with the OCP restriction against phonologically distinct Hs on adjacent syllables, causes spreading by Lexical Tone Anticipation to cease at the third stem syllable.

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Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 2015, 33(3): 373–390 389

ConclusionWe have seen a wide range of patterns in the morphophonology of Luyia languages in which vowel length has a variable role. Some patterns rely exclusively on moraic count (e.g. melodic H assignment to the second stem mora, the OCP restriction on Minimal Spread in Khayo), and some seem to rely primarily on whole syllables, irrespective of the length of the vowels in the syllable (e.g. melodic H assignment to the second stem syllable in Tura, the OCP restriction on spreading processes in Kabarasi and Tachoni). Other patterns involve both moras and syllables (e.g. imbrication occurs with a base with two or more syllables and a final short syllable, melodic H assignment to the second mora after the stem-initial syllable in Idakho). The documentation of these differences contributes to a better understanding of the role of prosody in segmental and tonal allomorphy in Bantu languages.

Notes1 Guthrie codes are from Maho (2009). ISO codes are from Lewis et al. (2015).2 We mark the stem boundary with brackets ([ ]). The macrostem (the stem plus any object prefixes)ismarkedwithbraces({}) inexampleswherethemacrostemisrelevant.Unattributeddata are from the authors’ field notes.

3 Some Luyia languages show a limited role for specified L tones in addition to Ø (see Ebarb et al. 2014), but this contrast does not affect the present discussion.

4 Tura is not recognised in Lewis et al. (2015) or Maho (2009) and thus does not have an ISO or Guthrie code.

5 Alterative analyses of these forms are possible. For example, the rules of Melodic H Assignment and Unbounded Spread could be adjusted to require a preceding syllable before the target. This would eliminate the need for Initial Delinking. An additional alternative would be to assign the melodic H to the second stem syllable and spread iteratively to the right. See Ebarb et al. (forthcoming) for further discussion.

6 As discussed in Ebarb (2014) and Ebarb et al. (2014), the proper domain of melodic H assignment in the Subjunctive in Idakho is the ‘macrostem’, the constituent which includes the stem and any object prefixes.

7 Similar effects are found in Tachoni [JE31e, lts] (Odden 2009: 312).8 We abstract away from some aspects of the rule that might require adjustment, including the

domain of the rule. Hyman and Katamba (1993) analyse the analogous rule of Ganda as applying across ‘prosodic words’ and within the ‘tonological phrase’. (See Hyman and Katamba (2010) for further, more recent discussion.) In addition, our data are limited in the specific words that trigger H Tone Anticipation (the noun omusáatsa ‘man’ and the clause-final negative marker tá). Further research into Kabarasi phrasal tonology is required.

Acknowledgements — We would like to thank our many language consultants who have provided the data we report here, and we thank Nancy Kula and two reviewers for their feedback and Mary Paster for discussion of the patterns of perfective allomorphy. We also acknowledge financial support from the Fulbright Program and the National Science Foundation. Any views, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the Fulbright Program or the National Science Foundation. Any errors are our own.

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