Insights into diplomatic communications: an investigation

into leaked US Embassy cables encompassing purpose,

ideologies and reader positioning

Keywords: Critical Discourse Analysis; appraisal; purpose;

ideology; reader positioning; diplomatic communication

Matthew Stubbs

British Council Ukraine

matthew.stubbs@britishcouncil.org.ua; matthewthomasstubbs@googlemail.com Tel: +380 50 225 8487

c/o British Council Ukraine, 4/12 Hriyhoriya Skovorody Street,

Kyiv 04070, Ukraine

6846 words excluding Appendix, Title Page and Abstract

Insights into diplomatic communications: an investigation

into leaked US Embassy cables encompassing purpose,

ideologies and reader positioning

The release of US Diplomatic Cables starting on 28 November

2010 laid bare the nature and machinations of international

diplomacy as evidenced by the United States’ Government.

The release of such data offers linguists an opportunity to

analyse internal Diplomatic communications, raising the

possibility of positive interventions in aiding international

relations, and in the training of the Diplomatic Corps. It

provides key insights into the perceptions of policy makers

and the ideological positions adopted by western powers.

The research drew on a range of linguistic frameworks and

methods, analysing texts in terms of Systemic Functional

Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis (focusing

particularly on representations, and Appraisal Frameworks.

Despite the small scale of the research, it offers clear

conclusions highlighting 4 potential areas for future

intervention: (a)use of actor and goal roles, and agency,

in creating representations (b) use of FORCE and FOCUS as

a graduating tool in evaluation (c) use of JUDGEMENT and

APPRECIATION in diplomatic communiqués (d) use of both

implicit and explicit evaluation in reader positioning

Matthew Stubbs (M.Ed (Applied Linguistics)) works for the

British Council in Kyiv, Ukraine. He is primarily a teacher

of English as a Foreign Language, but is keenly engaged with

ongoing issues in Applied Linguistics and Educational

Research.

1. Introduction

Historically, in analyses of the impact of public opinion on foreign

policy, commentators and academics have placed little emphasis on

the validity of public opinion affecting foreign policy decisions

(Holsti, 1992:439). Increasingly however, the importance of public

opinion in foreign policy is being recognised (Graham, 1989 in

Powlick, 1995) (Baum, 2003), exacerbated by the constant

availability of news, opinion pieces and commentary available in the

modern ‘information’ age. This has been illustrated clearly

through recent events in International relations, particularly

concerning foreign policy decisions in Syria, Libya and Egypt.

Despite this, media outlets are often viewed as being subservient to

government interests, either by failing to provide critical analysis

of decisions (Mermin 1997) or by allowing government officials “to

keep the information available to the public within such narrow

ideological boundaries that democratic deliberation and influence

are all but impossible” (Entman, 2004:4).

2: Background

The release of US Diplomatic Cables on an unprecedented scale

starting on 28 November 2010, has given the world access to vast

amounts of previously classified material, which has laid bare the

nature and machinations of international diplomacy as evidenced by

the United States’ Government, challenging the perceived ‘hegemony’

of information available to the public via traditional media

channels. Contained within the data are numerous communiqués

concerning the nature of nation states’ interactions with each

other, and how one in particular (the United States) views members

and constituents of other nation states, and events which occur

within these states. The prime status of the U.S. as a dominant

force in global politics and diplomacy adds importance to this

event.

Whilst the information contained within the leaked documents may

have caused only minor controversy in diplomatic circles, and may

not have revealed startling new evidence to International Relations

experts, the dissemination of information to the wider public has

provided an opportunity to thoroughly review the diplomatic

activities of governments. As Lloveras Soler (2011:15) notes:

“The massive leak of US diplomatic cables by Wikileaks in

November 2010, which is still spreading ripples around,

presents new challenges to diplomacy that will take time to

evaluate and digest. It underlines the tension between

diplomatic discretion and secrecy on the on hand and public

accountability on the other”

The release of such data offers linguists an opportunity to analyse

internal Diplomatic communications, raising the possibility of

positive interventions in aiding international relations, and in the

training of the Diplomatic Corps. It also allows us to measure and

gain insights into common citizens’ reactions to the workings of

diplomacy, comparing a linguist’s analysis with a member of the

publics’ responses - providing an opportunity to further investigate

Widdowson’s critique of CDA, yet in a novel area, where neither the

linguist nor the public participant can be assumed to have been

influenced by prior exposure to similar topic material. These

opportunities have formed the basis of the three research questions

stated below:

(1) To what extent do the Diplomatic Cables demonstrate US

attitudes towards different nations and events, and what

insights can we draw from them?

(2) Can we identify Diplomatic communication’s primary

purposes as being the communication of information as stated

by Neuman (2008), or as attempting to influence policies

through ideologies?

(3) Do the interpretations and findings of a Critical

Linguist’s analysis of the cables correspond to the reactions

and meanings made by the wider public?

3. Problem investigation: Methods

To provide a means for assessing the research questions, the scope

of the investigation was narrowed geographically to the Middle East

region, with a focus on three countries which have featured heavily

in U.S. diplomacy in recent years; Egypt, Syria and Libya.

The linguistic data is comprised of 8 diplomatic cables: 3

originating from the Secret Section Cairo, Egypt; 3 originating from

Damascus, Syria; and 2 originating from Tripoli, Libya. The cables

have a range of authors, and vary in date, allowing for a diachronic

analysis considering connections to prior, concurrent and subsequent

discourses (Fairclough and Wodak, 1997). The texts are titled as

follows:

· Scenesetter: President Mubarak’s Visit to Washington

· FBI Director Mueller’s Visit to Egypt

· Scenesetter for General Schwartz

· Syrian-Iranian show of solidarity masks tensions

· V/FM Miqdad denies supplying Ballistic Missiles to Hizballah,

directs U.S. Demarche to Israel

· Syrian Intelligence chief attends CT dialogue with S/CT

Benjamin

· Scenesetter for Secretary Rice’s visit to Libya

· Libyans seek renewed commitment from U.S. in return for

progress on HEU shipment

In addition to the 9 diplomatic cables, a corpus of U.S diplomatic

cables was composed to provide comparative data. The corpus was

comprised of 75 texts, with a greater range of authors, topics and

recipients than the primary data. Care was taken to ensure they

were representative of the projects’ targeted focus (Francis,

1982)1.

1 All diplomatic cables used in this investigation were sourced from the following website, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/series/us-embassy-cables-the-documents where the

cables were initially published for public consumption by The Guardian, a publication of

Guardian News and Media Group.

To compare and contrast a linguist’s judgements and reader responses

for the final research questions it was necessary to garner further

insights into the dynamic positioning of unintended readers

(Widdowson 2000, 2004) (Coffin & O’Halloran, 2005). This was

achieved through the use of post-reading questionnaires.

Contextual concepts and theoretical frameworks

A range of concepts and frameworks within Systemic Functional

Linguistics were drawn upon during data analysis. These are

outlined below.

Registers (Ideational, Interpersonal, Textual)

A Systemic Functional approach to linguistic analysis requires an

understanding of three semiotic systems, Field (Ideational), Tenor

(Interpersonal) and Mode (Textual) (Halliday, 1978 in Martin, 2008).

Viewing language use as lexico-grammatical choices affected by

context, Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) interprets language

use from both a syntagmatic and a paradigmatic perspective. This

can be viewed in light of two influential notions: the context of

situation, and the context of culture. The three register variables

represent the three main aspects of context of situation (Coffin et

al., 2009:208):

(1) The social activity or topic in represented by Field

(Ideational meaning)

(2) Social Roles and Status represented by Tenor

(Interpersonal Meaning)

(3) The Channel of Communication represented by Mode (Textual

meaning)

Critical Discourse Analysis

Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is concerned with representations

of the world, social relations between people, and people’s social

and personal identities (Fairclough 1992a). A central tenet of CDA,

as with all Systemic Functional approaches is the influence of

context over discourse. Within this, it is necessary to also

consider any connection to prior, concurrent or subsequent

discourses (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997) thus a diachronic, rather than

synchronic method formed the basis of this part of the research. In

the case of Diplomatic Cables, which consist of sequences of texts,

this is a key consideration which was taken into account during the

investigation.

In conducting the Critical Discourse Analysis, this phase of the

project was comprised of three stages: Description (in the form of

register analyses), Interpretation (the drawing of conclusions) and

Explanation (Fairclough, 2001).

Appraisal Framework

A third framework is APPRAISAL (Martin and White, 2005). White

(2001:1) characterises it as being focused upon the linguistic

resources by which texts/speakers come to express, negotiate and

naturalise particular inter-subjective and ultimately ideological

positions. This cumulative dynamic buildup of meaning or

logogenesis (Halliday and Matthiessen, 1999) is crucially evaluated

not only within a single text (intra-textually), but also across a

series of texts (inter-textually). Within the context of diplomatic

communiqués, in which information is relayed and representations,

meanings and ideologies are expressed and developed over a series of

communicative events, intertextuality is a crucial feature. Not

only does it allow us to investigate how positions are cultivated

and evolved over a passage of time, but also how they are re-

calibrated and potentially altered.

Within the Appraisal framework three semantic subsystems are

considered, ATTITUDE, ENGAGEMENT and GRADUATION. These are:

· ATTITUDE: comprised of personal emotions and judgements and

opinions

· ENGAGEMENT: how a speaker or writer positions themselves in

relation to the attitudes of others

· GRADUATION: how language use can serve to regulate or

calibrate the Attitude and/or engagement of a speaker or

writer

(White, 2001)

Within the analysis of this investigation, the following resources

drawn from Appraisal theory proved most relevant:

· ATTITUDE: Judgement, Appreciation

· GRADUATION: Force, Focus

A brief description and example of each is provided below.

Table 1- Appraisal resources explainedAppraisal resource Description Example

Judgement the evaluation of human behaviour involving morality and social norms

The interference was malicious and self-motivated

Appraisal resource Description Example

Appreciation the evaluation of objects and products (rather thanhuman behaviour)

It is a well-formed planof action

Force the raising or lowering of the intensity of an utterance

It was a very bad decision

Focus the sharpening or blurring of the semantic meaning of an utterance, increasing clarity or vagueness

The minister effectivelyadmitted his guilt

4. Results

To what extent do the Diplomatic Cables demonstrate US attitudes

towards different nations and events, and what insights can we

draw from them?

Within the context of recent events in the Middle East (the Arab

Spring of 2011), the differing approach of the U.S. Government and

its foreign policies have been drawn into question, particularly

with regards to its intervention (alongside other NATO member-

nations) in Libya versus its laissez-faire attitude towards the

events in Egypt and in Syria. The texts provide clear evidence of

U.S. attitudes towards each country, and indeed other countries in

the region, allowing us to draw overarching insights into American

foreign policy vis-a-vis the Middle East. For the sake of clarity I

will deal with each nation separately.

Egypt

During the Egyptian ‘Revolution’ centred on Tahrir Square and the

overthrowing of Hosni Mubarak’s government, the U.S. administration

was initially reticent to call for Mubarak’s removal from power,

urging reconciliation and dialogue between protesters and the

regime. Of key interest is the use of actor and goal roles in the

texts.

Within the 3 diplomatic cables which were analysed during this

investigation, Egypt is portrayed as a key ally of the United States

Government, as an effective actor in regional disputes and politics

through negotiation and troop deployments and as maintaining

positive relationships with Israel, while holding negative views of

Iran:

Table 2 - Egypt: key US allyActor Process Goal

Our strong military relationship

has supported peace

The Egyptians have traditionally served

as an intermediary

Our strong military relationship

has ensured critical Suez Canal and overflight access for U.S. military relationships

Participant Process Value

Egypt remains a key U.S. ally

Table 3 - Egypt as effective regional actorActor Process Goal

The GOE is using development assistance to increase unity

Egypt has worked to cement an Israeli-Hamas ceasefire

Egypt has deployed peacekeeping troops

Table 4 - Egypt, Israel & IranParticipant Process Attribute

Egypt remains at peace with Israel

Egypt is increasingly active on countering Iran

Actor Process Goal

Iran’s Arab surrogates continue to unsettle Egypt

Finally, several members of the Egyptian government are portrayed in

a positive light, as opposed to a potential rival for power, the

Muslim Brotherhood. The positive regard which the U.S. holds for

President Mubarak is made clear through this analysis, with his

association with positive processes and goals.

Table 5 - Positive portrayal of President MubarakActor Process Goal

He maintained peace with Israel

Mubarak seeks to avoid conflict

Mubarak seeks to spare his people from violence

Mubarak has successfully shepherded

Sadat’s peace with Israel into the 21st century

Mubarak has managed this strategic dichotomy

Concordance searches used to reveal the dynamic reader positioning

regarding Egypt and Mubarak re-inforce the largely positive

portrayal through the high frequency of positive co-text,

correlating to Lemke’s notion that “evaluations propagate or ramify

through a text” (Lemke, 1998 in Coffin & O’Halloran (2005).

Appraisal analysis of the texts concerning Egypt further enforce

these views, emphasising the primacy of Egypt’s standing within the

region, and its continued importance as a U.S. strategic interest.

The authors’ use of GRADUATION is of particular interest; through

strong use of FORCE and deft use of FOCUS they create a logogenesis

(Halliday and Matthiessen, 1999) in which Egypt becomes “an

indispensible Arab ally”, with Mubarak appearing as a necessary and

experienced cog in the machinations of Middle East policy. This is

then reinforced by the attitudinal effects of JUDGMENT and

APPRECIATION present in the texts.

Table 6 - Egypt: Force and FocusEgypt: Use of FORCE and FOCUS

FORCE Egypt remains America’s “indispensible Arab ally”He weathered two wars in IraqPeace with Israel has cemented Egypt’s moderate roleMubarak has managed this strategic dichotomy most effectivelyhis staff enjoy strong working relationsour strong military relationshipcritical Suez Canal and overflight access

Egypt: Use of FORCE and FOCUS

FOCUS Egypt remains America’s “indispensible Arab ally”Egypt remains a key U.S. allyHe is a tried and true realistinformation-sharing between allied governments wasnow an absolute necessityDirector Mueller thanked Egypt for its consistently constructive role

Table 7 - Egypt: Judgement and AppreciationEgypt: Use of JUDGEMENT and APPRECIATION

JUDGEMENT the nebulous nature of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood....Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood as a “dangerous” and duplicitous movement

APPRECIATION U.S.-Egypt military relationship is strongOur strong military relationshipFBI Director Robert Mueller held a series of cordial and productive meetingsMubarak counseled a measured and cautious approachMubarak nonetheless advised a pragmatic approachEgypt’s efforts to press Hamas to adopt realistic and responsible positionsDirector Mueller thanked Egypt for its consistently constructive role

Syria

Initial U.S. Government responses to uprisings in Syria were for

President Bashar Al-Assad to be given time to execute reforms. This

then graduated to calls for a democratic transmission of power,

before on the 19th August 2011 President Obama began calling for

President Assad to resign with immediate effect. Despite alleged

human rights offences against his own civilians, Assad has not been

threatened with similar military intevention as occurred in Libya.

Insights into this policy, and the slow graduation of pressure

against Bashar Al-Assad, can be found in the cables. Much of it may

be attributable to a U.S policy of engagement towards Syria, in

contrast to ‘rogue’ states such as Iran and Libya (Litwak, 2000), a

theory supported by the analysis of representations constructed

across the texts.

Within the targeted texts Syria is portrayed as a potential future

ally in U.S. foreign policy. Indeed, the U.S.-Syrian relationship

is discussed in terms of Iran, with Syria being viewed as a positive

force or counterweight with regards to Iran:

Table 8 - Syria: potential US allyActor Goal Process

the U.S. and Syria needed to work towards peace

The meeting did not signal the commencement of security and intelligence co-operation

The 2 countries [Syria and the U.S.]

should still work to cooperate on threats

Improved U.S-Syrian bilateral relations

should facilitate counter-terrorism cooperation

Participant Process Attribute

the discussion could be a starting point

Table 9 - Syrian - Iranian relationshipActor Process Goal

They may mask deepening rifts [with Iran]

Asad reportedly resisted Iranian arguments

Actor Process Goal

Syria’s relations with the U.S.

had made Iran jealous

Vahidi was clearly trying to drive

a wedge between

discrete U.S.-Syria cooperation

could add further stress to these [Syrian-Iranian] fault lines

increased Washington interest in Syria

would increase Tehran’s anxiety level

However, it is also clear that there is continued skepticism of

Syria’s motives and regional loyalties, especially regarding Iran

and Israel.

Table 10 - Syrian motives and loyalties-2Actor Process Goal

Syria could pocket openings offered by Washington

[Syria] could simply use our gestures to play rivals off one another

The following are contained in projected clauses reportedly said by

Syrian officials:

Table 11 - Syrian motives and loyalties-1Actor Process Goal

Hizballah was responding to Israeli threats

Israel was issuing provocative threats

Iran provides us diplomatic cover

We’re providing Iran support

Concordance searches used to reveal the dynamic reader positioning

regarding Syria further demonstrate the nature of the U.S.-Syrian

relationship, whilst also drawing focus on the importance of the

Syrian-Iranian relationship.

Appraisal analysis of the three texts provides data for two prime

constituents of the representation which is created of Syria: its

relationship with the United States, and its relationship with Iran.

The use of JUDGEMENT and APPRECIATION aids the portrayal of Syria as

a potential ally for the United States, highlighting Syrian

enthusiasm for cooperation, and U.S. focus on Syria as a target for

diplomatic engagement. Both nations, however, show reticence to

fully commit to the relationship.

Table 12 - Syria: Use of Force and FocusSyria: Use of FORCE and FOCUS

FORCE Flatly denying any Syrian role in the supply of weapons to HizballahIsrael violated Lebanese sovereigntyVahidi’s remarks...drew sharp criticism from Syrian officialsBenjamin commended Mamlouk

FOCUS President Ahmedinejad openly criticized the Secretary’s congressional testimony

Table 13 - Syria: Use of Judgement and AppreciationSyria: Use of JUDGEMENT and APPRECIATION

JUDGEMENT the abject denial of any Syrian role in supplying arms to Hizballah

Syria: Use of JUDGEMENT and APPRECIATION

APPRECIATION a seasoned diplomat like Miqdada concerted reaffirmation by both countries of their strong security tiesMamloud, Miqdad.... were attentive....and reacted positivelya positive meeting between Asad and U/S Burns

Libya

In contrast with the policy approach taken in light of the Egyptian

and Syrian uprisings, following threats of military action against

rebel Libyan civilians in Benghazi, the United States has been a

major force in the orchestrated NATO intervention in Libya,

authorised under United Nations Resolutions 1973, following non-

binding US Senate Resolution S.RES.85. Political commentators have

found discussion of the merits of this intervention divisive.

Analysis of the two texts reveals an intriguing divergence in the

representation of Libya, and the ideologies revealed within the

texts. This may be attributable to the change in leadership of the

United States following the election of President Barack Obama, as

there appears to be no diachronic evolution of position, and indeed

little ideological overlap between the two texts.

In the earlier of the two texts (‘Scenesetter for Secretary Rice’s

visit to Libya’) the Libyan Government is frequently positioned as

an Actor in material processes with positive Goals. (frequently

associated with counter-terrorism activities). Despite this,

analysis also reveals concerns over some of the GOL’s actions,

alongside their commitment to the U.S.-Libyan relationship:

Table 14 - GOL as positive actorActor Process Goal

The GOL has aggressively pursued operations to disrupt foreign fighter flows

Libya cooperates with neighbouring statesin the Sahara and Sahel regions to stem foreign fighter flows and travelof trans-national terrorists

Libya also cooperates closely with Syria, particularlyon foreign fighter flows

The GOL has facilitated humanitarian relief....to Darfur

Al-Qadhafi recently disparaged publicly

Iran’s nuclear aspirations

Table 15 - Concern over GOL actionsActor Process Goal

Libya has balanced re-engagement with the west by actively pursuing closer ties with Russia

Sayer Process Verbiage

A recent editorial squarely blamed the U.S. for past contretemps

Participant Process Attribute

Al-Qadhafi’s plan could represent his most radical experiment in government

These theses are compounded when the use of ATTITUDE and GRADUATION

are considered, emphasising not only the importance of Libya as a

partner in counter-terrorism, but also underlining U.S. concerns

about the Libyan administration.

Table 16 - Libya: Use of Force and Focus – Text 1Use of FORCE and FOCUS

FORCEthe GOL will implement dramatic government restructuringthe GOL has aggressively pursued operationsLibya also cooperates closely with Syria, particularly on foreign fighter flowsAl-Qadhafi recently disparaged publicly Iran’s nuclear aspirationsa voracious consumer of newshe has been eagerly anticipating for several years the opportunity to share his views with you

FOCUS the GOL views your visit as a signature eventYour visit...is viewed as the key component of a “grandopening”Saif al-Islam al-Qadhafi described Russia as a key strategic partner

Table 17 - Libya: Use of Judgement and Appreciation – Text 1Use of JUDGEMENT and APPRECIATION

JUDGEMENT The GOL are looking forward to your historic eventthe September 1, 1969 military coup that brought Muammar al-Qadhafi to powerAl-Qadhafi’s plan could represent his most radical experimentthe tacit pact....that has underpinned the regimehis father’s regimeThe GOL has expressed tepid interestLibya has been a strong partner in the war against terrorism and cooperation in liaison channels is excellentMuammar al-Qadhafi is notoriously mercurial

APPRECIATION

The concerns are highlighted more thoroughly, and positioned more

prominently in the second text, through which the Libyan Government

is represented as incompetent, temperamental and politically

demanding. Furthermore, some of the views expressed appear to run

contradictory to those stated in the previous communication, as

outlined below.

Table 18 - Libya: Use of Force and Focus – Text 2Use of FORCE and FOCUS

FORCE Libya had halted the shipmentafter almost one week of stonewallingdisapproval of the shipment seemed to renege on those commitmentsLibya was jeopardising its relationship with the whole international communitySaif pledged to solve the HEU crisisHe said that all three issues... had humiliated the Libyan leaderMegrahi’s return had severely offended American sensitivitiesThe Libyan government had chosen a very dangerous issue

FOCUS the Ambassador underscored the gravity of the situationLibya was jeopardising its relationship with the whole international community

Table 19 - Libya: Use of Judgement and Appreciation – Text 2Use of JUDGEMENT and APPRECIATION

JUDGEMENT

the HEU shipment should in no way be held hostage

APPRECIATION Saif al-Islam.... wanted to develop a positive relationshipmany of the holdups...had been due to Libyan political missteps and bureaucratic bunglingthe negative history our countries sharedthe relationship had seen several advancements and several serious setbacksdelays in implementation were due to Libya’s opaque bureaucracy

Table 20 : Libyan contradictionsActor Process Goal

Libya had halted the final shipment

Libya sought a high-level reaffirmation of the United States’ commitment to the bilateral relationship

The HEU shipment should in no way be held hostage

Megrahi’s return had severely offended American sensitivities

Megrahi’s return had renewed tensions

Can we identify Diplomatic communication’s primary purposes as

being the communication of information as stated by Neuman

(2008), or as attempting to influence policies through

ideologies?

While it is apparent that all the texts analysed are intended to

convey information from the reader to the writer, performing

referential functions (Jakobson, 1960), it is also clear that they

influence the reader through the presentation of information,

particularly in terms of the speech reported. As White comments,

the relationship between quoted voices and personas, and the

author’s persona can prove complex, suggesting writers can

manipulate these relationships for “particular rhetorical ends”

(White 2004:237). The inclusion of evaluative and attitudinal

language attributed to sources other than the writer is a common

technique in attempting to maintain and portray a balanced text

whilst indirectly influencing readers - this appears frequently in

the diplomatic cables analysed. Of further importance is the

foregrounding or thematisation of sayers/experiences in relation to

the report, quote or phenomena, and the semantic prosody attached to

the verb used. On several occasions the standing and authority of

the sayer is called into question through the use of verbs such as

claims, as shown in the examples below:

Table 21 - Sayer standing and authoritySayer Process Phenomenon

He argued Israel represented the major threat to stability

He then contended the provision of US weapons to the region represented a destabilising factor

Saif claimed that Libya had not received the compensation it was promised

Saif claimed that the Libyans would someday find a way to show that Megrahi was innocent

Much of the evaluative language contained in the texts can be

considered assumed rather than asserted, suggesting covert attempts

to influence readers. Whereas asserted evaluations are open to

questioning by the reader, assumed evaluations are presented as

uncontestable and are often unnoticed by the reader.

The projection of implicit attitudes, and their use in reader

positioning is an additional contradictory presence, appearing

frequently through the use of attitudinal tokens. Attitudinal

tokens are reliant on the response of the reader to particular lexis

or elements of meaning (White, 2004), often based on systems of

moral values or social norms. Within an ideological community such

as the one being considered, they provide a potent method of reader

positioning, as demonstrated below:

Table 22 - Attitudinal TokensExamples of Attitudinal tokens

Positive Egypt remains at peace with IsraelEgypt is concerned by rising Iranian influence

Syria’s improved relations with France, Turkey and Saudi Arabia

Negative The GOL wants to be able to purchase lethal military equipmentLibya has re-balanced engagement with us by actively pursuing closer ties with RussiaThe Syrian government wanted to extend support to a loyal Iranian ally

Whilst the mere presence of evaluative language suggests an attempt

to influence the reader, it is important to consider that no text is

neutral, and that bias is an unavoidable condition of any text.

However, the aspects detailed above suggest that alongside the

communication of information there is a noticeable attempt to

influence the reader on the part by the texts’ authors.

Do the interpretations and findings of a Critical Linguist’s

analysis of the cables correspond to the reactions and meanings

made by the wider public?

Within the scope of this question, there were four areas of

endeavour: communicative purpose, representation through attitude

and evaluation, stance (neutrality) and reader affect. For the

purpose of clarity and conciseness, I will focus on the texts

concerning Egypt, commenting on the four aforementioned topics.

Identification of communicative purpose by the participants

coalesced with those identified by a linguist, though there are some

differences:

Table 23 - Identification of communicative purpose: Linguist & ParticipantText Linguist’s

identification of purpose

Participant’s identification of purpose

• Scenesetter: President Mubarak’s Visit to Washington

To provide background information for upcomingvisits of U.S. diplomatsto foreign countries, orof foreign dignitaries to the U.S.

“The text is a report toWashington from the U.S.Ambassador to Egypt......Its purpose is to provide backgroundinformation on the Egyptian President’s upcoming visit”

• FBI Director Mueller’s Visit to Egypt

To report the events andtalking points of meetings held by U.S. diplomats/members of Government with foreign counterparts

“Clarifying US position vis a vis various US/Egyptian international relations and domestic issues”

• Scenesetter for General Schwartz

To provide background information for upcomingvisits of U.S. diplomatsto foreign countries, orof foreign dignitaries to the U.S.

“A briefing paper, prepared by the U.S. Ambassador to Egypt”“Background information about Mubarak and his political future in Egypt”“It’s purpose is to provide background information on the US-Egyptian relationship”

The use of representations, evaluations and attitude again provoked

corresponding responses to those intuited by myself. Participants

identified Egypt as being portrayed as “useful but with faults”,

whilst President Mubarak and other Egyptian officials are “generally

presented in a positive light”.

Most participants identified the texts as lacking neutrality, though

highlighting that the texts presented themselves as “objective

reports”. Several drew attention to use of implicit evaluation

through the use of “value-laden adjectives and adverbs” (attitudinal

tokens), with a further comment being “it only includes information

deemed to be useful for US interests - that in itself is not

neutral”. Participants also viewed the texts as presenting

ideological representations of the world, some of which may be

considered standard ideologies for US Government communications

(i.e. shared between writer and recipient).

5. Discussion

We may be able to state that the primary purpose of Diplomatic

communications is to communicate information, in line with Neuman’s

assertions, but that the presentation of this information is riven

with ideological representations and selective bias. This suggests

divergence of the cables from their assumed singular purpose of

communicating information in a neutral manner (Neuman, 2008),

towards the overarching ideological representations which have been

revealed - evolving diachronically over prior, concurrent and

subsequent discourses (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997). These have

detailed clear U.S. Government Attitudes towards different nations

(Egypt, Syria and Libya), giving insight into U.S. foreign policy

actions, and have proven identifiable by both trained and untrained

readers. Bound in this has been the use of angles of

representation, implicit and explicit evaluation, and the

marshalling of Appraisal in terms of FORCE, FOCUS, JUDGEMENT and

APPRECIATION. A key issue here is the collective effect of the

texts on a reader, as meanings are “dynamically and intertextually

accrued” (Coffin & O’Halloran 2005:159), with the potential

consequence of naturalising a reader position (Martin 1996).

As texts and discourses are invariably inseparable from, and deeply

influenced by, context and notions of power and status (Fairclough &

Wodak, 1997 ), this is a further consideration in relation to these

series of texts. The issue of context (in this case highly

politically charged) provides the primary motivations for the

investigation (the communicative purpose, and the expression of

ideologies and influence over the reader), whilst providing the

assumptions on which the foundations of the investigation are built.

Emerging from the descriptive analysis is a series of ideological

representations of Middle-Eastern geo-politics, combining to form

what we may consider as a hegemonic dominant discourse within U.S.

institutions of foreign policy(Gramsci unknown in Bartlett 2010),

due to the considerable overlap of representations across several

texts produced by different authors. These dominant discourses

potentially suppress opposing ideologies, resulting in the

sustainment of a single set of socio-cultural beliefs (Chouliaraki

and Fairclough, 1999:33) .These in turn define and represent the

views held by the American populace in the eyes of the wider world.

The importance of linguistic research in areas such as this is the

provision of information with which such institutions can be

challenged (Myers, 2005).

This dominant representation presents an ideological context in

which the events, persons, institutions and nations mentioned are

positioned: some positively, others negatively. Throughout the

texts we can identify a positive attitudinal stance towards Israel,

counterbalanced by a negative attitudinal stance towards Iran; this

pro-Israeli contra-Iran false dichotomy appears to be a salient

factor in the evaluation of nation states presented.

6. Conclusions

In addressing the issues raised, we are again reliant on the

fundamental assumption that the purpose of diplomatic communications

is to convey information rather than attitudes. Accepting this, it

is evident that there is a problem to be addressed - that this

primary purpose has been supplanted by the assertion of ideological

representations of the world, shown by the identifications of these

attitudes and stances not only by readers trained in critical

linguistic analysis and evaluation, but also by ‘untrained’ readers.

Potential areas for positive intervention are outlined below.

1. Highlighting the use of actor and goal roles, and agency, in

creating representations

One of the most prominent betrayals of attitude in the texts

analysed was the positioning of favoured (positively viewed)

entities as actors in transitive, transactional clauses associated

with positive processes. Consider the following examples taken from

texts pertaining to Egypt, all of which contain positive goal roles:

Example from text:

Actor Process

(Transitive)

Goal Circumstance

(Manner)Nominal Group Verbal Group

(material

process)

Nominal Group Prepositional

Phrase

He [Mubarak] maintained peace with Israel

Possible amelioration:

Goal Process

(Intransitive passive)Peace with Israel has been maintained

Example:Actor Process Goal Circumstance

(Manner)Nominal Group Verbal Group

(material

process)

Nominal Group Prepositional

Phrase

Our strong

military

relationship

has supported peace between Egypt

and Israel

Possible amelioration:Goal Process

(intransitive

passive)

Actor

(Prepositional phrase)

Peace between Egypt

and Israel

has been supported by our strong military

relationship

Example:Actor Process

(transitive)

Goal Circumstance

(Temporal)Nominal Group Verbal Group

(material

process)

Nominal Group Prepositional

Phrase

Mubarak has successfully

shepherded

Sadat’s peace

with Israel

into the 21st

century

Possible amelioration:Goal Process

(intransitive

passive)

Circumstance

(temporal

prepositional

phrase)

Actor

(Prepositional

phrase)

Sadat’s peace

with Israel

has been

successfully

shepherded

into the 21st

century

by Mubarak

2. Highlighting the use of FORCE and FOCUS as a graduating tool

in evaluation

Analysis showed the use of GRADUATION in evaluations contained

within the texts, prominently through FORCE and FOCUS. This

provided a subtle tool for writers to increase the interpersonal

effect of evaluations, commonly used to graduate these meanings both

by intensifying adverbs (we might consider this overt) and through

lexis which contains strong semantic prosody (we might consider this

covert). The following examples demonstrate this, and provide

potential solutions:

Example from text Reduced use of FORCE

Egypt remains America’s

“indispensible Arab

ally”

Egypt remains America’s “key Arab ally”

Egypt remains America’s “important Arab

ally”

Egypt remains America’s “Arab ally”

Example from text Reduced use of FORCE

the nebulous nature of

Egypt’s Muslim

Brotherhood

the shadowy nature of Egypt’s Muslim

Brotherhood

the undefined nature of Egypt’s Muslim

Brotherhood

3. Reducing the use of JUDGEMENT and APPRECIATION in diplomatic

communiqués

JUDGEMENT and APPRECIATION appeared as key indicators of evaluation

within the texts, often representing assumed evaluations rather than

asserted. In essence, they are presented as incontrovertible facts,

or propositions that cannot be argued against (White, 2004). Whilst

the use of JUDGEMENT across the texts is often used to portray

subjects as being in moral or political agreement with the U.S.,

APPRECIATION appears more frequently in assessment of the subjects’

level of co-operation with U.S. policies or officials. Both,

however, prove influential.

4. Raising awareness of the use of both implicit and explicit

evaluation in reader positioning

By raising awareness of both readers and writer to the use of

implicit and explicit evaluation in reader positioning we may

empower readers with the knowledge to avoid being ideologically

influenced on a particular issue, and thus having their judgement

clouded. We may also be able to aid writers in the creation of more

balanced texts, and avoid any unwanted or unintended evaluations.

In such high-stakes communicative texts as diplomatic cables this

would seem a valid aim for intervention, although it may have the

paradoxical effect of increasing the ability of writers to influence

the recipients of the communiqués.

Through interventions in these areas it would be possible not only

to potentially redress the divergence of diplomatic communication

from the purpose of information communication through intervention

in the writing process, but it may also be possible to guard against

reader influence by bringing their attention to the methods employed

by writers to create and maintain representations. Any problem

addressing in practice (i.e. through structured professional

training) could thereby be considered dual-faceted.

7. Evaluation

During the course of the investigation, the focus shifted from the

reaction of readers to the texts, to a more insular focus on the

meanings made in the text and their potential implications. Whilst

it would certainly be a valid area for further research, the initial

findings of the linguistic analysis suggested that a more text

oriented focus would raise linguistic problems which could be more

clearly termed “real-world”. This resulted in the de-prioritisation

of the final research question regarding reader-reactions. An

additional concern which was factored into this decision were the

resources available for the project, and the scope for carrying out

a sufficient number of surveys/interviews.

The scope of the project played a restrictive role in its planning,

but also of the realisation of the investigation. The analysis

carried out provides a shallow overview of the potential issues, and

the conclusions drawn should be viewed solely as the potential

foundation for further investigation; this is due to both the

limited sample size (8 texts from a total pool estimated to be

251,287 at the time of writing), and restrictions imposed upon this

small-scale project (time, resources, research-power). The wide-

ranging research questions further emphasise the construction of

this project as an initial inquiry.

Although it has proven impossible to provide an amelioration of the

texts due to their lengthy and unwieldy nature, the report offers

practical areas of intervention as highlighted by the analysis

carried out. These reflections do not detail practical steps as

these would be dependent on a professional context with which I am

unfamiliar, as well as being heavily influenced by individual

personal backgrounds and professional needs.

What does emerge from this investigation is that there are

linguistic issues in this area, and that interventions could

potentially be of high impact. Many of the issues highlighted may

be attributable to the politically charged nature of the context in

which the texts are written, and the difficulty of eradicating

personal opinion and political belief from the representations of

the world that we create as writers.

A further noteworthy discovery is the perceptions put forward of

various individuals and organisations in the communiques,

particularly when viewed in light of the events of recent years.

The support of US administrations for Hosni Mubarak during the Arab

Spring, and the initial reluctance towards intervention in Syria

stands in stark contrast to the military action taken against the

regime of Colonel Gaddafi, further supports theories highlighting

the importance of transparent, neutral and accurate information

being conveyed in diplomatic communications, and the influence which

they hold over foreign policy decisions.

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8. Appendices

Sample Text

Cable dated:2009-03-31T14:44:00

S E C R E T CAIRO 000549

E.O. 12958:

DECL: 03/29/2019

TAGS: PREL, MASS, PARM, MOPS, KPAL, IS, EG

SUBJECT: SCENESETTER FOR GENERAL SCHWARTZ

Classified By: Ambassador Margaret Scobey per 1.4 (b) and (d).

1. Key Points

-- (SBU) U.S.- Egypt military relationship is strong, but should change to

reflect new regional and transnational threats.

-- (SBU) More focus is needed on combating emerging threats, including

border security, counter terrorism, civil defense, and peacekeeping.

-- (S/NF) Egypt continues to improve efforts to combat arms smuggling into

Gaza, but a decision by Field Marshal Tantawi to delay a counter tunneling

project threatens progress.

2. (S/NF) SUMMARY: General Schwartz, welcome to Egypt. Since our Foreign

Military Financing (FMF) program began almost 30 years ago, our strong

military relationship has supported peace between Egypt and Israel and

ensured critical Suez Canal and overflight access for U.S. military

operations. The relationship, however, should now change to reflect new

regional and transnational security threats. In FY2009, Congress removed

conditions on U.S. assistance to Egypt. We and the GOE will be able to make

the best case for continuing a robust FMF program by targeting funding for

shared priorities like peacekeeping and border security, and must take more

action on emerging regional security threats such as piracy.

3. (SBU) Summary continued. Your visit comes as Egypt continues its efforts

to mediate a permanent cease-fire between Israel and Hamas, to facilitate

intra-Palestinian negotiations to form a new, interim government, and to

stop the smuggling of arms into Gaza. Many Egyptians see the new U.S.

administration as a cause for cautious optimism in both the bilateral

relationship and in U.S. engagement with the region. Special Envoy for the

Middle East Senator George Mitchell has visited Egypt and the region twice

and will likely return to Cairo in April. Your visit will fall on the

anniversary of the April 6, 2008 nation-wide strike protesting political

and economic conditions. At least one opposition group has called for

another April 6 strike this year. We have requested meetings for you with

Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Sami Anan and Air Marshal Reda. End

summary.

-----------------------------------------

Mil-Mil Cooperation: Ready for Next Level

-----------------------------------------

4. (S/NF) President Mubarak and military leaders view our military

assistance program as the cornerstone of our mil-mil relationship and

consider the USD 1.3 billion in annual FMF as "untouchable compensation"

for making and maintaining peace with Israel. The tangible benefits to our

mil-mil relationship are clear: Egypt remains at peace with Israel, and the

U.S. military enjoys priority access to the Suez Canal and Egyptian

airspace. We believe, however, that our relationship can accomplish much

more. Over the last year, we have engaged MOD leaders on developing shared

strategic objectives to address current and emerging threats, including

border security, counter terrorism, civil defense, and peacekeeping. Our

efforts thus far have met with limited success.

5. (S/NF) Decision-making within MOD rests almost solely with Minister of

Defense Field Marshal Tantawi. In office since 1991, he consistently

resists change to the level and direction of FMF funding and is therefore

one of the chief impediments to transforming our security relationship.

During his tenure, the tactical and operational readiness of the Egyptian

Armed Forces (EAF) has degraded. But he retains President Mubarak's

support, and so he and the top brass will most likely stay in position

until Mubarak leaves the scene. COS Anan will welcome the lack of

conditions on Egyptian assistance in FY 2009 funding and will seek support

in convincing Congress of Egypt's strategic importance. Anan should be

reassured that Egypt remains a key U.S. ally, but stress that given the

current economic downturn, Egypt should do more to justify continuing value

by demonstrating through action its support for our shared regional

security goals

6. (S/NF) One way to demonstrate Egypt's continued strategic importance is

through shifting more FMF funding to address asymmetric threats like

terrorism and improving border security along its long and porous borders.

We should also stress that our mil-mil relationship is much greater than

the yearly flow of military assistance. Egypt could play a more active and

influential role in regional security issues, including supporting and

training the Iraqi military, deploying more peacekeeping troops to Sudan,

joining neighbors in combating piracy, and stemming the flow of illegal

migration. Another concrete display of a forward-looking security strategy

would be to support CENTCOM's efforts to re-invent Bright Star. Anan may

lament the loss of large-scale Bright Stars. We should stress that Bright

Star continues to be an important strategic statement for the U.S. and its

regional allies, and solicit his input for ways to make Bright Star more

relevant.

7. (S/NF) Both Anan and Reda will express concern over releasability issues

and frustration with Egypt's inability to procure restricted weapons

systems. Some systems are not releasable because of Egyptian refusal to

sign the necessary agreement (CISMOA) providing end-use assurances and

ensuring proper protection of certain U.S. origin technology. Releasability

is of special concern to the EAF as they prepare to purchase 24 F-16

aircraft that will require a costly retrofit with less-advanced weapons

systems. Since 2006, the Department of State has notified Congress of six

potential end-use violations by the Egyptian military. We are currently

investigating two additional cases, one involving the visit of a Chinese

military official to an F-16 facility on an Egyptian Air Force base. Other

systems are either not releasable to any country or denied for political

reasons, mainly due to concerns regarding Israel's Qualitative Military

Edge (QME). We should stress that decisions to release advanced weapons

system are made on a country-by-country basis, but signing a CISMOA and

expanding cooperation on current regional threats would be welcomed steps

to our dialogue on releasability.

-----------------------------------

Israel-Palestine, Counter Smuggling

-----------------------------------

8. (SBU) The election of President Obama generated much optimism in Egypt

and hopes that the new administration would quickly focus on problems in

the Middle East. In particular, the Egyptian leadership wants the U.S. to

urgently address the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and Senator Mitchell has

assured them that the Administration will press hard for progress. The

Egyptians have traditionally served as an intermediary between us, the

Israelis, and the Palestinians. Since the January 2008 Hamas breach of the

Egypt-Gaza border, the Egyptian role has shifted to focus on intra-

Palestinian reconciliation and the establishment of a lasting Hamas-Israel

cease-fire. EGIS Chief Soliman has worked to cement a Israeli-Hamas cease-

fire but believes he was badly undercut by the Israeli introduction of the

release of IDF Corporal Gilad Shalit as a new pre-condition for the cease-

fire. For the moment, rocket strikes from Gaza are relatively low in

frequency.

9. (S/NF) Egyptian security forces continue to improve counter-smuggling

efforts along the Gaza border and further afield, through increasing their

security presence in northern Sinai and giving greater focus to preventing

weapons from entering the Sinai. Egyptian officials claim to have

identified and sealed over 100 tunnels since the beginning of the year,

with new discoveries occurring daily. The Egyptian General Intelligence

Service (EGIS) requested U.S. assistance to purchase 16 X-ray screening

systems to monitor vehicular traffic into the Sinai for weapons and

explosives, and we are currently exploring ways to provide the requested

assistance. A recent decision by Tantawi to delay a FMF-funded counter

smuggling project, however, threatens progress. In February, Tantawi

insisted that the Army Corps of Engineers sever the satellite link

necessary to calibrate seismic-acoustic sensors being installed along the

Egypt-Gaza border to detect tunneling activity. He also insisted that the

ACE disable GPS technology needed to accurately pinpoint tunneling

activity. This decision will result in a four to five month delay to

develop and implement a technical alternative. USG efforts to encourage

Tantawi to reconsider, including from CENTCOM Commander General Petraeus,

have been unsuccessful.

---------------

Regional Issues

---------------

10. (SBU) Egypt has shown increasing confidence that Iraq has turned the

corner, although concerns remain that the Shi'a-led government is prone to

Iranian influence. On Iran, Egypt is concerned by rising Iranian influence

in the region, has supported UN sanctions, and is increasingly active on

countering Iran, e.g. in Gaza and to some extent in Lebanon, working with

Saudi Arabia and other Arab states to support Lebanese political and

territorial sovereignty. Egypt has deployed peacekeeping troops to the UN

Mission in Darfur, just agreed to send troops to the UN Mission in Congo

and is taking a greater role within the African Union on regional security

and political issues.

-------------------------------

Internal Politics and Economics

-------------------------------

11. (SBU) We continue to promote democratic reform in Egypt, including the

expansion of political freedom and pluralism, and respect for human rights.

Egyptian democracy and human rights efforts, however, are being stymied,

and the GoE remains skeptical of our role in democracy promotion,

complaining that any efforts to open up will result in empowering the

Muslim Brotherhood, which currently holds 86 seats in Egypt's 454-seat

parliament. Economic reform is ongoing although Egypt still suffers from

widespread poverty affecting 35-40% of the population. Egyptian-U.S. trade

has more than doubled in the last four years, reaching almost $9 billion in

2008. The U.S. exports to Egypt about twice as much as it imports. Egyptian

banks operate very conservatively and have been spared involvement in risky

financial products, but the effects of the global economic crisis on Egypt

are beginning to be felt. As the global credit crunch worsens, Egypt

remains vulnerable as exports, Suez Canal revenues, tourism, and

remittances -- its largest sources of revenue -- are all down and likely to

continue to fall.

SCOBEY