“The Earth Endureth Forever”: Hemingway in Spain | The Volunteer

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Founded by the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade

“The Earth Endureth Forever”:Hemingway in SpainJune 10, 2016By Dale T. Graden

Ernest Hemingway with Ilya Ehrenburg and Gustav Regler during the Spanish Civil War, not dated, circa 1937. HemingwayPhotograph Collection, John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum, Boston. Public Domain.

The dead do not need to rise. They are part of the earth now and the earth cannever be conquered. For the earth endureth forever. It will outlive all systems oftyranny.

Ernest Hemingway, “On the American Dead in Spain,”

New Masses, February 14, 1939

Diverse opinion abounds with regards to Hemingway’s actions during and after Spain’s Civil War.The Spanish journalist and diplomat Álvarez del Vayo recalled that “I talked with him[Hemingway] in Madrid and I realized the Spanish [civil] war was fundamentally alien to him.Hemingway’s was the Spain of the running of the bulls at the Fiesta of San Fermín inPamplona.” [1] Another observer describes Hemingway as a naïve pawn of Comintern agentswho sought to make Spain a client state of the Soviet Union: “Intellectuals can hardly keepaway from politics any more than other citizens, and probably less, especially in decades like thenineteen-thirties. But, because they typically bring to it an unstable mix of abstraction andnarcissism, their judgments tend to be absolute, when nothing in politics ever is. This is why awriter as devoted to the visible, concrete world as Hemingway could nonetheless stumble sobadly during his time in Spain: he lacked a sense of politics.” [2] Two authors posit thatHemingway (1899-1961) came to be viewed by Spaniards as “a sort of joke, in fact.” [3]

Others depict Hemingway in a more positive light. In the mid-1980s, Marion Merriman (wife ofAbraham Lincoln Brigade commander Robert Merriman) stated that “Hemingway let you knowby his presence and through his writing exactly where he stood. Hemingway had told the worldof the murder in Madrid, including the murder of children by fascist bombing…Hemingway knew

The AbrahamLincoln BrigadeArchives (ALBA) is an educational non-profitdedicated to promoting social activism andthe defense of human rights. ALBA’s work isinspired by the American volunteers of theAbraham Lincoln Brigade who fought fascismin the Spanish Civil War (1936-39). Learnmore at our website or sign up to receiveemail updates from ALBA. You may supportALBA through a tax-deductible gift throughour secure donation site.

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“The Earth Endureth Forever”: Hemingway in Spain | The Volunteer

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Hemingway with Joris Ivens and Ludwig Renn in Spain, 1936.Bundesarchiv Bild 183-84600-0001, CC BY-SA 3.0.

what the war was all about.” [4] Writing in 2011, professor of English Alex Vernon asserted that“Hemingway went to Spain because he loved Spain. He had to see the war for himself. He alsohad to do what he could to save Spain, from fascism, by providing the ambulances and bypromulgating his perspective through his writing and the film [The Spanish Earth, commentedupon below] – the proceeds of both he turned into material support.” [5]

How might we evaluate Hemingway’s endeavors as they related to the Spanish Civil War? DidHemingway comprehend the social tensions and politics within Spain previous to and during theCivil War? To what extent was Hemingway effective as a journalist who covered the war and anactivist who supported the Republic? Did Spaniards and others view Hemingway as a legitimateinterpreter of their country or merely as “a joke”?

In what can been described as Hemingway’s “first period” in Spain between 1923 and 1933, theauthor ventured to Spain 15 times, those visits ranging in duration from one day to 92 days.During eight of those years, he traveled widely for months at a time throughout Spain. In thenorth, he stayed in Pamplona, Aoiz, Burgos, Palencia, Zaragoza, San Sebastian, Burguete, andSantiago de Compostela. In the center region, Madrid, El Barco de Ávila, Aranjuez, Segovia, andÁvila. In the west, La Granja in Extremadura. In the south, Seville, Ronda, and Granada. In theeast, Montroig, Huesca, Lérida, Tarragona, and Valencia. Motives for these journeys includedobserving bullfights, fishing in rivers, a desire to explore and finding “good places for working.”

In 1931, Hemingway spent a total of 111days in Spain during two visits (ca. May 14to June 1 and ca. June 16 to September15). It was his longest combined stay todate, close to four months in total. Hefound himself at the center of a politicalstorm. The military dictatorship underGeneral Miguel Primo de Rivera (in powerfrom 1923 until January 1930) had beenoverthrown. Spanish capitalists, whoincluded large landowners aligned with thefinancial and industrial bourgeoisie, facedstrikes by a militant industrial proletariat inSeville, San Sebastián, Bilbao, Córdoba, andBarcelona along with violent protests byrural braceros (workers). Many ills plagued Spain. Historian Sandie Holguín has written that “thepolitical system reeked of corruption and inefficiency; peasants and landless rural laborers –especially in southern Spain – faced severe economic shortages, while absentee landlords livingin Spain’s major cities extracted high rents from them; the Roman Catholic Church interfered inthe workings of the state and allied itself with the forces of reaction; the military remainedbloated with a top-heavy command structure; Socialist and anarchist workers threatenedmiddle-class interests; illiteracy was rampant; and regional nationalisms, especially in Catalonia,threatened the already precarious state known as Spain.” [6] The victory of a coalition ofSocialists and middle-class Republicans in urban elections of April 12, 1931 (one month previousto Hemingway’s arrival) forced King Alfonso XIII to flee two days later. The government of theSecond Republic (a short-lived First Republic lasted from February 1873 to December 1874)made it clear that “it intended to use its suddenly acquired share of state power to implement afar-reaching program to create a modern Spain by destroying the reactionary influence of the[Catholic] Church, eradicating militarism and improving the immediate conditions of thewretched day-laborers with agrarian reform.” [7] Spain was a poor, backward country whichprogressives sought to transform into modernity.

Hemingway viewed the election with a mixture of elation and foreboding. In the words of NewYorker Paul Quintanilla, “Hemingway was ‘euphoric’ about the arrival of the Republic. Thoughtotally nonpolitical, my father [Spanish artist and Republican Luis Quintanilla, close friend ofHemingway] tells us he [Hemingway] was ‘profoundly democratic and liberal in his ideals,’ andso great was his enthusiasm that he saw the Republic’s creation as a ‘personal victory,’ for hehoped the new government would finally rectify the numerous abuses the Spanish people hadendured for centuries.” At the same time however, Hemingway looked to the future withtrepidation. Hearing gun battles in the streets near the apartment where he was stayingHemingway warned that “the Republic should begin to prepare to defend itself. It is ademocracy born in a bad moment – Europe is moving toward dictatorships.” [8]

Within months, the Republic introduced numerous reforms. These included the expansion ofaccident, maternity, and retirement insurance to tens of thousands of workers who had never

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“The Earth Endureth Forever”: Hemingway in Spain | The Volunteer

file:///C|/Users/graden/Documents/“The Earth Endureth Forever” Hemingway in Spain _ The Volunteer.htm[7/14/2016 3:19:01 PM]

Hemingway with Joris Ivens during the filming of “TheSpanish Earth”.

received such coverage, government regulation of labor disputes, promotion of labor unions,and limited working hours. It funded public works projects similar to the Work ProgressAdministration in the United States.

Diffusion of culture became a priority. “Members of the intelligentsia attempted to sow theseeds of a cultural revolution.”[9] Following examples from the Soviet Union and Mexico, thegovernment sponsored cultural projects, educational programs and art projects. “Women weregranted the right to vote, divorce and abortion were legalized, and information about birthcontrol was freely distributed.” [10] Ministries provided subsidies to school teachers, artists andpoets. Activists ventured to villages to inform illiterate folk about basic hygiene and farmingtechniques. They brought mobile lending libraries and museums, puppet shows, musicalconcerts and slide presentations to the countryside. The famed poet Federico García Lorcaformed the theater troupe La Barraca (The Tent) to present live drama to campesinos who hadnever seen a play. “We will take Good and Evil, God and Faith into the towns of Spain again,stop our caravan, and set them to play their parts in the old Roman theater in Mérida, in theAlhambra, in those plazas all over Spain that are the center of people’s life, those plazas thatsee markets and bull-fights, that are marked by a lantern or cross.” [11] These endeavorsattracted crowds and brought immediate results.

Conservatives quickly responded.Embracing a Spanish version of fascism,they espoused aggressive nationalism anda virulent racism. Claiming to beNationalists determined to save themotherland, right wing sectors repressed allforms of labor mobilization, accused liberalsof being manipulated by dangerous foreignelements, destabilized the democratically-elected government and fomented hatred.In a letter to his editor and friend MaxwellPerkins penned in August 1931,Hemingway wrote “[I] wish there weresome market for what I know about thepresent Spanish situation. Have followed it

as closely as though I were working for a paper. Damned hard to break habits.”[12]

Opposition to the government reached a fever pitch by the middle of 1933 (Hemingway presentfrom ca. August 17 to October 21). In the spring of that year, a protest led by Communists andSocialists who carried Red flags and shouted revolutionary chants in the province of Badajozended with Republican Civil Guard soldiers shooting into the crowd. Four men and one womanwere killed and fourteen people wounded. The Civil Guard arrested forty workers, several ofwhom were beaten. Instances of private militias shooting at and terrorizing braceros mounted.Using hunger as a weapon to coerce workers, owners of estates withdrew land from cultivation.Due to numerous factors, including corruption at the polls and right-wing violence, theRepublican government lost in municipal elections in April and national elections in November.In the aftermath, “landowners returned to the semi-feudal relations of dependence that hadbeen the norm before 1931.” [13]

Hemingway observed closely these events. He traveled, attended bullfights, conversed in cafés,communed with urban and rural environments: all of these experiences provided insights aboutSpanish culture and history. Spain was (and is) a society where the rich, middle class and poorare often in close proximity. Shaped by interactions with the Ojibway Indians in northernMichigan during his youth and the devastating impact of the Depression, Hemingway wassensitive to marginalization and the underclass. Traversing urban streets and rural roads ofSpain, Hemingway took measure of the poverty that surrounded him. These impressionsinfluenced subsequent decisions and actions.

A critic of Hemingway during this period was the Spanish literary critic Francisco Ynduráin:“Outside the bullfight, Hemingway has not seen, has not been interested in almost anythingelse, except for the people and the landscape. Do not expect him to talk to you about ourhistory, our art, way of thinking, or literature. His experience is voluntarily limited.” [14] TheSpanish diplomat Salvador de Madariaga judged Hemingway in a more positive light: “He wasno longer the gaping tourist, the go-getter businessman, the Protestant ever ready to frown atCatholic superstition, the progressive commiserating on backward Spain. He was that rare thing,a human being; open-eyed, open-handed, open-hearted, a man ready to learn, to understand,to appreciate, to see beneath the surface.” [15]

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“The Earth Endureth Forever”: Hemingway in Spain | The Volunteer

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1936 was a critical turning point in Europe and for Ernest Hemingway. Dividing time among KeyWest, the Bimini islands in the Bahamas, and Wyoming, the author focused on finishing thenovel To Have and Have Not (1937). Themes include corruption among well-to-do, the impactof the Depression and poverty on common folk, illegal smuggling of alcohol and people, andrevolutionary upheaval in Cuba. Although the events depicted in To Have and Have Not occur inKey West and Havana, they compared closely to the polarization and quagmire of hatreds thatled to Civil War in Spain.

In the weeks following the military rebellion of July 1936, Hemingway read and heard aboutRepublican soldiers and quickly-mobilized citizen militias battling to halt Nationalist troops andFranco’s Army of Africa as they ground north toward Madrid. He immediately commencedplanning a return to Spain. In a letter to Maxwell Perkins, Hemingway wrote “I’ve got to go toSpain….Franco is a good general but a son of bitch of the first magnitude and he lost his chanceto take Madrid [by means of the siege of that city after July 1936] for nothing by being overcautious.” [16] In December Hemingway met the journalist Martha Gellhorn at Key West, whowould become his lover and third wife. A fierce critic of fascism and astute observer ofinternational affairs, her words contributed to his decision to act.

In early 1937, Hemingway departed for Europe. During what can be described as a “secondperiod” in Spain, he visited the country four times, all of which occurred as fighting raged:March 16 to May 9 and September 3 to December 28, 1937, and ca. April 1 to May 14 and ca.August 31 to November 15, 1938 (a total of close to ten months). He traveled to and stayed innumerous cities and villages, including Barcelona, Valencia, Alicante, Madrid, Brihuega,Guadalajara, Albacete, the Sierra de Guadarrama, Fuentidueña during filming of thedocumentary entitled The Spanish Earth, Belchite, Brunete, Chicote, Villanueva de la Cañada,Teruel, Tarragona, Rasquera, Tortosa, Cherta, Ulldecona, Santa Barbara (Catalonia), Mataró,Castellón, Falset, and Ripoll. He witnessed several of the most important battles, including atBrihuega in Guadalajara, in the Casa de Campo neighborhood on the outskirts of Madrid, atQuinto, Belchite, Teruel, Grandesa, Tortosa and the front along the Ebro River in April,1938. [17]

Hemingway was incensed by what he observed. In a letter to Harry Sylvester, he lamented:“The Spanish war is a bad war, Harry, and nobody is right. All I care about is human beings andalleviating their suffering which is why [I] back ambulances and hospitals. The rebels[Nationalists] have plenty of good Italian ambulances. But it’s not very catholic or Christian tokill the wounded in the hospital in Toledo with hand grenades or to bomb the working quarter ofMadrid for no military reason except to kill poor people; whose politics are only the politics ofdesperation. I know they’ve [Republicans] shot priests and bishops but why was the church inpolitics on the side of the oppressors instead of for the people – or instead of not being inpolitics at all?” [18] Hemingway denounced the massive aid provided by the fascistgovernments to the Nationalists and called upon the United States government to intervene onthe side of the Republic.

When the Civil War broke out, Hemingway had been observing and writing about United Statesand international politics for two decades, including as a journalist for the Kansas City Star(October 1917 to April 1918) and the Toronto Star (February 1920 to December 1924).Numerous sources (private correspondence, newspaper articles, short stories) provide evidencethat he possessed an impressive capacity of social analysis. Although more interested in culturalexpression, reading and writing fiction, Hemingway immediately grasped the politicalimplications of the war. As a result, he returned to Spain as a journalist and sought internationalaid for the beleaguered Republic.

Hemingway wrote 31 dispatches for the North American Newspaper Alliance (NANA) related tothe civil war. Of these, 28 were published in newspapers in the United States, Canada, and inseveral European countries. Two dispatches were never published and remain as manuscripts inthe Hemingway Collection at the Kennedy Library. It seems that a third one was destroyed. Hepenned his last NANA article in Madrid and it was published on May 10, 1938. From April toSeptember of 1938, he published 13 articles in a Chicago-based magazine entitled Ken. InOctober, the Subcommittee to Investigate Un-American Activities of the U.S. House ofRepresentatives forced Ken editor Arnold Gingrich to provide testimony due to the publication’sliberal slant.

Soon after hostilities commenced in July 1936, Hemingway expressed sympathy for theRepublican government. In a letter to friend and fellow journalist Harry Sylvester, he wrote that“It’s none of my business and I’m not makeing [sic] it mine but my sympathies are always forthe exploited working people against the absentee landlords even if I drink around the landlordsand shoot pigeons with them. I would as soon shoot them as the pigeons.” [19] This support

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intensified during his stays in Spain in 1937 and 1938 after experiencing bombings by Italianand German planes.

In Defense of the Republic

Several articles by Hemingway offer astute insights about the hostilities. He analyzed the warplans of the Nationalists and offered suggestions on how the Republican army should proceed.He connected local, regional and national events. He made it clear that the successful defenseof Madrid was essential to the survival of the Republic. His claims that Franco would try toseparate Madrid from Valencia (location of the Republican government-in-exile after November1936) or Barcelona from Valencia proved exactly correct. When Nationalist troops broke throughto the Mediterranean Sea at Vinaròs on April 14, 1938, he focused on how best Republicanforces might defend against what he believed would be (correctly) a northward thrust byNationalist troops toward the key Republican city of Barcelona. In an essay published in Ken onAugust 11, 1938, Hemingway predicted that a European war would break out within a year.Hitler invaded Poland on September 1, 1939; Hemingway was off by 21 days. [20]

Hemingway shared useful knowledge and commentary about Spain through his newspaperarticles and magazine essays. Often in a curt style with allusions that could appeal to thereading public in the United States (baseball, boxing, football, Bull Run, Gettysburg, a Wyomingblizzard, Davy Crockett, Daniel Boone, the natural world, etc.), he shed light on history,geography, how “the old Indian fighting tactics” impacted the war, social conditions in cities andcountryside, the desperate plight of thousands of refugees, and international relations. Fewother journalists or sources offered such clear analysis and comparison. Pleading for leaders ofthe western democracies to come to their senses, Hemingway wrote (in April 1938) that “Onething is certain now. If you want to break fascism you have to hit it at its weakest link. Itsweakest link is Italy. It will take them some time to form another chain if that link goes. It willtake plenty of time if the other allies, Germany and Japan, lose confidence in that link. Fascismcan still be beaten in Spain the same way Napoleon was beaten in Spain.” [21]

Hemingway did not hedge in accusing influential figures of incompetence and stupidity. In theSt. Patrick’s Day bombing of Barcelona on March 17, 1938, 875 individuals perished. Among thedead were 118 children. In spite of clear evidence showing Nationalist responsibility, CardinalPatrick Hayes of New York continued to pray for General Franco’s forces, claiming that“Loyalists are controlled by radicals and communists.” Hemingway’s retort: “Now somebodydropped the bombs that killed 118 children. The Cardinal says he is sure it wasn’t Franco. Sothat is ok with me. It wasn’t Franco. Franco wouldn’t do anything like that. We have it on theCardinal’s authority.”[22] With regards to Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain of England, “He isnot a fool, and when he makes a deal with Italy, it is a deal for the immediate best interests ofthe shareholding class he represents. It is also a deal for the industries he represents….Mr.Chamberlain cannot lose. He is too old to fight and if war [in Europe] does not come he makesmuch money. If war comes, he makes much more since war is the health of the state andcertainly the health of all the heavy industries…Politicians cry for history. But they act forexpediency and for profit and loss; and above all they act to hold their jobs…They know howright they were [in not intervening in the Spanish Civil War], how good their hearts were, andfor a minute they see themselves as statesmen and as historic figures; not as the pitiful,conniving, frightened people that they really are.” [23]

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Hemingway did not hide the fact that he supported the Loyalist cause. Even when the situationworsened dramatically in mid-1938, he continued to claim that the Republic could hold offdefeat by Franco’s armies. This opinion was one shared by Prime Minister Juan Negrín andministers who desperately hoped that France and England would come to the aid of theRepublic. Such distortion detracted from “objective” reporting. Yet throughout, one must neveroverlook that a priority, perhaps his highest priority, was Hemingway’s determination to warnanyone listening that what was happening in Spain would soon follow in Europe. He boretestimony to Franco’s deliberate bombing of working class neighborhoods in Spain’s cities (so-called “Red” districts) and the terror unleashed on civilians by fascist troops. Professor PaulPreston affirms that “in some cases, such as Ernest Hemingway, Martha Gellhorn and LouisFischer, they became resolute partisans, to the extent of activism yet not to the detriment of theaccuracy or honesty of their reporting. Indeed, some of the most committed correspondentsproduced some of the most accurate and lasting reportage of the war.” [24]

Hemingway’s activism has aroused discord. By activism I mean endeavors that spreadawareness about what was happening in Spain during the Civil War and to raise funds for theRepublic. Detractors suggest that Hemingway’s political naiveté resulted in wasted efforts tosupport a corrupt government doomed to defeat from the first days of the military insurrection.Others contend that Hemingway became adept in manipulating the media and gauging popularculture. International renown as a writer further expanded a huge ego. His embrace of leftistcauses and the Loyalist side occurred only because it was fashionable and could bring himgreater attention. More favorable opinion posits that Hemingway genuinely believed in the idealsof the Spanish Republic and did his very best to aid La Causa.

The Hotel Florida in Madrid provided a base for Hemingway’s activism and travels to battlefronts near Madrid. His room became well known as a locale for journalists, intellectuals andcombatants to congregate. “Here they enjoyed hot baths, Hemingway’s private store ofdelicacies –hams, cheeses, even caviar – and a magical fifth of scotch that neverdwindled.” [25] After arriving in Valencia in late March 1937, Martha Gellhorn caught a ride toMadrid with Hemingway’s friend Sidney Franklin. The car was filled with “six Spanish hams, 10kilos of coffee, 4 kilos of butter, 100 kilos of canned marmalade, and a 100-kilo basket oforanges, grapefruit, and lemons.” [26] Was this not the bait used to attract big fish forconversation and engagement? Hemingway’s room and the Hotel Florida brought together aremarkable cast of figures, including André Malraux and Antoine Saint-Exupéry from France,Elena Garro, Blanca Trejo and others from Mexico, Ramón Lavalle from Argentina, theHungarian Robert Capa, the Germans Hans Kahle, Anna Seghers and Sefton Delmer, theAustrian Franz Borkenau, the Dutch filmmaker Joris Ivens, Henry Buckley, W.H. Auden, StephenSpender, and Henry Buckley from England, Jay Allen, Louis Fischer, John Dos Passos, LangstonHughes, Josephine Herbst, Virginia Cowles, Lillian Hellman, Dorothy Parker, Martha Gellhorn,Malcolm Cowley, Vincent James Sheean and Herbert Matthews of the United States, and theRussians Mikhael Koltsov and Ilya Ehrenburg, among others (see HBO film Hemingway andGellhorn). Hemingway exhibited an insatiable desire to keep abreast of the war in Spain as wellas events in Europe and the United States.

In spring 1937, Hemingway aided Joris Ivens in preparing the documentary The Spanish Earth. Showing scenes of battle, poverty endured by campesinos in the countryside and bombings byItalian planes, Ivens produced one of the most important anti-fascist documents of the civilwar. [27] Hemingway contributed $5,000 toward financing the documentary, helped in thefilming and later back in New York City wrote and narrated the documentary’s voiceover. Inspite of its being incomplete, Hemingway took the documentary on the road. At a privateshowing at the White House, Gellhorn, Ivens and Hemingway encouraged President FranklinRoosevelt and wife Eleanor to send aid to the Republic. In California, Hemingway was presentat several screenings in private homes and one at the Los Angeles Philharmonic Auditorium.This effort raised 20,000 dollars ($328,000 today) which paid for twenty custom Fordambulances much needed by the Republic.

One presentation of The Spanish Earth occurred at the Second Congress of American Writersthat convened at Carnegie Hall in New York City on June 4, 1937. In a speech and subsequentarticle published in New Masses, Hemingway shared perspectives that today ring eerilyprophetic: “Whether the truth is worth some risk to come by the writers must decidethemselves. Certainly it is more comfortable to spend their time disputing learnedly on points ofdoctrine. And there will always be new schisms and new fallings-off and marvelous exoticdoctrines and romantic lost leaders, for those who do not want to work at what they profess tobelieve in, but only to discuss and to maintain positions – skillfully chosen positions with no riskinvolved in holding them, positions to be held by the typewriter and consolidated with thefountain pen. But there is now, and there will be from now on for a long time, war for any

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writer to go to who wants to study it. It looks as though we are in for many years of undeclaredwars.” [28]

The speech resonated in diverse communities. Present that night at Carnegie Hall, AfricanAmerican poet Langston Hughes “held in high regard Hemingway’s keynote…Hughes respondedardently to Hemingway’s observation that ‘a writer who will not lie cannot live and work underfascism.’” [29] Traveling to Spain soon after as a correspondent for the Baltimore Afro-American, Hughes warned in an essay directed to black readers in the United States that “iffascism creeps across Spain, across Europe, and then across the world, there will be no placeleft for intelligent young Negroes at all.” [30]

Langston Hughes, Soviet journalist Mikhail Koltsov, Ernest Hemingway, Cuban poet and journalist Nicolás Guillénin Madrid, 1937

Hemingway assisted the Republic on many fronts. He contributed $1,500 to the Medical Bureauof the American Friends of Spanish Democracy to help in the purchase of ambulances. He paidpassage for a few Lincoln volunteers to journey to Spain, including the poet-ambulance driverEvan Shipman. He financed an exhibition of engravings by his friend the Spanish artist LuisQuintanilla, published essays in Quintanilla’s exhibition catalogues and wrote a preface forQuintanilla’s collection All the Brave: Drawings of the Spanish War (1939). He wrote a prefacefor Gustav Regler’s autobiographical novel about the civil war entitled The Great Crusade(1940). He donated the typescript of the poem “The American Dead in Spain” and themanuscript of The Spanish Earth for auction to raise monies to help returning volunteers to theUnited States.

Another form of activism was Hemingway’s relations with international volunteers who foughtfor the Republic. Some two months after the outbreak of the civil war in Spain, leader of theSoviet Union Joseph Stalin called upon communists and anti-fascists to travel to Spain to helpdefend the Republic. Over the next two years, 40,000 female and male volunteers from 52counties heeded that appeal. They became known as International Brigades. Among thesebrigadistas were some 3,000 citizens of the United States. A remarkably diverse group, one listof 1,745 volunteers from the United States included thirty distinct nationalities. [31] Threequarters of the U.S. contingent were members of the U.S. Communist party, at least one thirdwere Jewish, ninety were African American and seventy were female. Although motives forjoining varied, all saw fascism to be a major threat to Spain and the world. Brigadistas played acrucial role in the defense of Madrid and Catalonia. They provided desperately needed medicalattention to wounded Republican soldiers. “By May 1937 the International Brigades alone hadfielded twenty-four hospitals providing six thousand beds: six in Albacete, four in Murcia, threein Alicante, seven in Cuenca, one in Jaén, a huge complex of more than three thousand beds inBenicàssim at Castellon de la Plana, and small hospitals at Belalcázar and Madrid.” [32]

Their accomplishments have never been forgotten by many Spaniards, singers (such as PeteSeeger from the U.S. and Christy Moore of Ireland), intellectuals and at battle sites.

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In spite of protest from across the political spectrum in the United States and Europe,Hemingway paid homage to the courage and commitment of international volunteers. Hetraveled to battle fronts to observe and learn. Lincoln Brigadista Alvah Bessie noted thatHemingway “asked questions like a kid: ‘What then? What happened then? And what did youdo? And what did he say?’” Hemingway invited these fellow Americans to the visit at the HotelFlorida. Poet and Lincoln Brigadista Edwin Rolfe reminisced that during his stopovers “there wasnever enough food, but always poetry.”[33] Soon after his return to the United States fromSpain, the communist magazine New Masses published Hemingway’s essay entitled “On theAmerican Dead in Spain.” In it, the author reflected on the eight hundred American volunteerswho gave their lives in defending the Republic. “Our [U.S.] dead live in the hearts and minds ofthe Spanish peasants, of the Spanish workers, of all the good simple honest people whobelieved in and fought for the Spanish Republic. And as long as all our dead live in the Spanishearth, and they will live as long as the earth lives, no system of tyranny will prevail inSpain.” [34] Martha Gellhorn wrote that the only time she saw Hemingway cry was when theylearned about the departure parade of the International Brigades in Barcelona in late 1938. Heknew that the defeat of the Republic was on the near horizon.

Not all recollections of Hemingway’s presence in Spain during the war and ties to the LincolnBattalion were depicted in a positive light. In the words of former commander Milton Wolff(writing in 1981), “he [Hemingway] was a ‘tourist’ in Spain, a voyeur who darted in and out ofaction as it pleased him…[he] was free to choose where to go, when to go, when not to go.”The result was “that for Hemingway the essence of commitment to the struggle [in defense ofthe Republic] did not exist.” [35] Perhaps this perspective has merit. Yet, it should be notedthat in attempting to comprehend events and write insightful articles, Hemingway neededflexibility to decide on what to do and where to go each day.

Hemingway’s activism included his publications. Hemingway wrote more about the Spanish CivilWar than any other single topic. This included the thirty-one syndicated news dispatches forNorth American Newspaper Alliance and the thirteen essays for Ken magazine noted above;miscellaneous pieces for New Masses magazine; one essay for the Russian newspaper Pravdaentitled “Humanity Will Not Forgive This!”; the play The Fifth Column; seven short stories; andthe novel For Whom the Bell Tolls. After his return from Spain to the United States (and then onto Havana) in late 1938, Hemingway concluded For Whom the Bell Tolls in July 1940 and thebook was published three months later. Chosen as a selection by the popular Book of the MonthClub, the novel quickly became a national and international best seller.

How might we best evaluate Ernest Hemingway’s presence and activities in Spain during theCivil War? To respond to this question, it is best to begin with an overview of his “third period”in Spain during the 1950s. As noted above, Hemingway’s “first period” in Spain included fifteenvisits between 1923 and 1933. During the “second period” he visited the country four timesbetween 1937 and 1938. After the defeat of the Republic in April 1939, Hemingway claimed thathe would not return to Spain with the Franco regime in power. He changed his mind. In July1953, Hemingway’s third period commenced with a visit of 31 days (June 5 to August 4). Thiswas followed by a visit of five days in 1954 and 58 days in 1956. The motive for these threetrips to Spain was to prepare an appendix for an updated edition of his study of bull fightingentitled Death in the Afternoon (1932). Inspired by the record-breaking success of the novelThe Old Man and the Sea (1952) when it appeared in magazine excerpts, Life magazine hiredHemingway to write a journalist essay about two famous matadors during the taurine season insummer 1959. To accomplish this, Hemingway journeyed through Spain for 173 days in 1959and 75 days in 1960. The last two stays are particularly relevant, given that we know the mostabout these visits and that Hemingway wrote about his experiences in a travelogue entitled TheDangerous Summer (written 1959-60, published posthumously in 1985).

Eager to relive joys of the past, Hemingway returned to numerous locations during the 1950swhere he had spent time in the 1920s and early 1930s. In spite of being an “aging, traumatizedcelebrity,” it is striking the range and pace of Hemingway’s travels during his nearly six-monthsojourn of 1959. [36] Cities and towns where he stayed during the tour included Algeciras,Málaga, Granada, Córdoba, Sevilla, Valdepeñas, Aranjuez, Madrid, Burgos, Bilbao, Lagroño,Pamplona, Zaragoza, Barcelona, Valencia and Alicante. He also ventured just over the Frenchborder to the cities of Biarritz and Bayonne.

Historical memory of the Civil War haunted Hemingway. In a quiet moment before a bullfight,he acknowledged that “Antonio [Ordóñez, famed torero, friend and key personage in TheDangerous Summer] knew I prayed for him and never for myself. I was not fighting and I hadquit praying for myself during the Spanish Civil War when I saw the terrible things thathappened to other people and I felt that to pray for oneself was selfish and egotistical.” [37]

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Driving along the Mediterranean coast, he “passed the places where the fighting had been and Idid not try to explain the operation or the siege to [his companion] Bill [Davis] but only to pointout various features of the terrain…The distances were all smaller, as usual, and the deadly coldand snow were gone. But I saw many places that could scare me still by their bare nakedness.Seeing the terrain did not bring back the fight. That had never gone away. But it helped a little,as always, to purge some things that happen on earth to see how little difference it has made tothe dry hills that once were all-important to you.” [38]

In a nation “still traumatized by the Civil War” and ruled by the iron fist dictatorship of FranciscoFranco, Hemingway chose his words carefully. Hoping that a Spanish translation of TheDangerous Summer might get past censors, he subtly evinced continued allegiance to thedefeated Republic.[39] As an example, many Alicantinos (residents of Alicante) remained proud(and continue so in 2016!) to be descendents of Republican fighters who repelled the Nationalistand Italian onslaught until the final days of war in April 1939. When Hemingway stayed inAlicante in June 1959, he joyfully met up with “some friends of old friends and a couple of aliveold friends” at a restaurant. “The people at the hotel would not let us pay for the room [wherehe stayed].” [40]

Literary scholar Miriam Mandel astutely notes that place names well known as battle sites andfoci of resistance during the Civil War such as Teruel, Alicante, Valencia and Barcelona “aremarkers for historical events and political commentary that form a muted subtext in TheDangerous Summer. By enabling us to ‘read’ the narrator’s past experience and currentsituation, they help us evaluate this conflicted personage [Hemingway] who is feted andresented, included and excluded, simultaneously at home [in Spain] and ill at ease, not justbecause he is an American who achieved fame by writing about the Spanish bullfight, butbecause he is a Republican sympathizer enjoying himself with rich, well-placed people inFranco’s Spain.” [41]

Hemingway endured significant physical and mental deterioration during his final decade of life.In 1954, he survived two airplane crashes in Africa within 48 hours. In the second, Hemingwaysustained serious injuries to his head, shoulder, back, liver, intestines and kidneys, from whichhe never recovered. Three car accidents and at least two serious previous head concussionsfrom falls added to his physical afflictions. Besides these traumas, Hemingway suffered fromdepression, bipolar disorder, at least partial alcoholism, insomnia and anxiety attacks. These lasttwo infirmities worsened during the 1950s due to his belief that he was under surveillance bythe Internal Revenue Service and Federal Bureau of Investigation. Files made available afterHemingway’s death confirm that his paranoia about F.B.I. surveillance was legitimate. [42]

All of the above resulted in foolish comportment, expressions of personal bravado and steadydemise. “The summer of 1959 was characterized by excess and self-indulgence. Surrounded andstimulated by intense bullfighters, their followers, and his own infatuated entourage,Hemingway kept irregular hours, traveled from hotel to hotel, slept badly, ate and drank toomuch, neglected medical discipline, flirted and perhaps even fell in love with a woman fortyyears younger than he. He was trying very hard to be happy; I would like to believe that hewas. But he certainly was a weakened, troubled man, and he knew it.” [43]

Not surprisingly, Hemingway’s presence in Spain during the 1950s spurred “rejection, contemptand even mockery.”[44] In the opinion of the Spanish journalist José Luis Castillo-Puche, by1960 Hemingway had become “a joke.” “By the time of Hemingway’s death (July 1961), manySpaniards mocked or pitied the man, and even the aficionados who had been his closestacquaintances in the country had only ‘more or less of a soft spot for him.’” [45] PabloPicasso, whose career post-Guernica (1937) it should be pointed out has been described as “thelongest, saddest anti-climax in the history of art,” alluded to Hemingway as “an idiot” [onetranslation of “Quel con”] when he observed the author at a bullfight in Nîmes, France in1959. [46] “The aging, traumatized celebrity who followed the bulls in 1959 was very differentfrom the ambitious, eager young man who had followed them in the 1920s and early1930s.” [47]

A Final Reflection

Previous to the outbreak of the Civil War, Hemingway had moved in and out of Spain onnumerous occasions during the 1920s and early 1930s. These stays occurred during the heightof the bullfighting season and good weather. He exhibited a genuine enthusiasm for the richcultures and diverse environments of Spain. He listened intently to richly varied Castilian Spanishvocabulary and phrases (along with regional languages of Galego, Euskara, Catalan, Valencian)that coursed through streets, at bullrings and in cafés. In reminiscing about the 1920s,Pamplona hotelier Juanito Quintana applauded Hemingway’s abilities. “I met Ernesto when he

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first came to Spain. He stayed in my father’s hotel. Hotel Quintana, on the square where the BarBrasil now is [in Pamplona]. [He] couldn’t speak any [Castilian] Spanish…I was amazed at howquickly this man could learn.”[48] Although perhaps lacking in Spanish conversation skills, hemade up for this deficiency in other ways. His intellectual and physical vigor helped him toabsorb and appreciate all that Spain had to offer. In the words of Professor Allen Josephs,“Hemingway was always ahead of everybody – with Mussolini, with feminism, with ecologicalconcerns. He was always a step ahead, because he was evolutionary and because he wasalready a mystic and becoming a multisensory writer [during the 1920s and early 1930s].” Inthe wake of the military rebellion of July 1936, these earlier experiences and knowledge gleanedaided Hemingway in comprehending history, political division in Spain, and international politicaleconomy. [49]

When the Civil War broke out, Hemingway recognized immediately the threat posed byNationalist fascism. With Spain in flames in May 1937, the Spanish poet Rafael Alberti stated: “Ifpopular opinion in the United States and the political centers now proclaim their sympathy forpopular Spain, we owe a lot of it to John Dos Passos and to Hemingway, whose prestige inAmerica is enormous. The whole legend of ‘Red Spain’ has been undone thanks to theirconstant labor. All America who works and thinks – laborers, intellectuals, students – is withus.”[50]New York Times journalist Herbert Matthews echoed such sentiments. “Madrid, amidstmany other happy memories, has that one for me, too – of great days with a man whoexemplifies for me so much that is brave and good and fine in a somewhat murky world. ErnestHemingway is great-hearted and childish, and perhaps a little mad, and I wish there were morelike him – but there could not be.” [51]

At Teruel, from left, XV International Brigade chief of operations Malcolm Dunbar, Herbert Matthews(in beret), Ernest Hemingway, and Republican General Enrique Líster.

Ernest Hemingway had numerous personal flaws. He was an egotist, often arrogant, treatedharshly numerous female and male “friends,” abused his wives, often drank to excess, was slowto forget offense and to forgive, and in many instances acted stupidly and irresponsibly. All ofthese traits surfaced in various settings during his sojourns to Spain from 1923 to 1960. Criticshave been quick to denigrate Hemingway for such character defects.

Such faults should not prevent careful consideration of Hemingway’s endeavors during theSpanish Civil War. Previous to the outbreak of hostilities, politics were secondary to topics andpersons that caught his attention as a writer. After July 1936, alerting the world to the menaceposed by fascism became hugely important to Hemingway. In a hostile domestic andinternational milieu that included isolationism, anti-Communist witch hunts, widespread distrustof democracy, corporate support for fascism, and anti-intellectualism, Hemingway traveled backto Spain in early 1937 to observe first-hand what was happening. He journeyed to battle frontsto bear witness. Recent evidence suggests that he went behind Nationalist lines on behalf of theRepublic to gather intelligence about the enemy.

Thanks to Luis Fernández, Nathanael Greene, Jeffrey Herlihy-Mera, Enrique Díaz Martínez,Patricia O’Connor, Jesse Thomas.

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[1] Julio W. Álvarez del Vayo, Give Me Combat: The Memoirs of Julio Álvarez del Vayo. Trans.Donald D. Walsh (Boston, 1973), 188.

[2] George Packer, “The Spanish Prisoner,” The New Yorker (October 31, 2005), 86.

[3] José Luis Castillo-Puche, Hemingway in Spain: A Personal Reminiscence of Hemingway’sYears in Spain by his Friend. Trans. Helen R. Lane (New York, 1974), 20; Jeffrey Herlihy-Mera,“‘He was a Sort of Joke, in Fact’: Ernest Hemingway in Spain,” The Hemingway Review, 31:2(2012), 85.

[4] Alex Vernon, Hemingway’s Second War: Bearing Witness to the Spanish Civil War (Iowa City,2011), 27-28.

[5] Ibid., 13.

[6] Sandie Holguín, Creating Spaniards: Culture and Identity in Republican Spain (Madison,2002), 5

[7] Paul Preston, The Spanish Holocaust: Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth-CenturySpain (New York, 2012), 7.

[8] Vernon, Hemingway’s Second War, 6-7.

[9] Holguín, Creating Spaniards, 3.

[10] Stacey Guill, “War: Spanish Civil War,” in Ernest Hemingway in Context, eds. Deborah A.Moddelmog and Suzanne Del Gizzo (Cambridge, 2013), 398.

[11] Holguín, Creating Spaniards, 99.

[12] Cited in Michael Reynolds, Hemingway: The 1930s (New York, 1997), 72.

[13] Preston, The Spanish Holocaust, 33.

[14] Cited in Lisa Twomey, “Taboo or Tolerable? Hemingway’s For Whom the Bell Tolls inPostwar Spain,” The Hemingway Review 30:2 (2011), 60.

[15] Salvador de Madariaga, “The World Weighs a Writer’s Influence: Spain,” Saturday Review44 (July 29, 1961), 18.

[16] Ernest Hemingway, Selected Letters, 1917-1961. Ed. Carlos Baker (New York, 1981), 455-56.

[17] William Braasch Watson, “Hemingway’s Spanish Civil War Dispatches,” The HemingwayReview 7:2 (Spring 1988), 12; Adam Hochschild, Spain in Our Hearts: Americans in the SpanishCivil War, 1936-1939 (New York, 2016), 148-150, 261-262, 300-301.

[18] Hemingway, Selected Letters, 456.

[19] Ibid.

[20] Peter L. Hays, “Hemingway as a Social and Political Writer,” The Hemingway Review 34:2(2015), 116.

[21] Ernest Hemingway, “The Time Now, The Place Spain,” Ken 1:1 (April 7, 1938), 36-37.

[22] Ernest Hemingway, “The Cardinal Picks a Winner,” Ken 1:3 (May 5, 1938), 38.

[23] Ernest Hemingway, “A Call for Greatness,” Ken 2:1 (July 14, 1938), 23.

[24] Paul Preston, We Saw Spain Die: Foreign Correspondents in the Spanish Civil War (London,2009), 17.

[25] Peter N. Carroll, From Guernica to Human Rights: Essays on the Spanish Civil War (Kent,Ohio, 2015), 77.

[26] Richard Rhodes, Hell and Good Company: The Spanish Civil War and the World It Made(New York, 2015), 119.

[27] Vernon, Hemingway’s Second War, 43-141.

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[28] Ernest Hemingway, “Fascism is a Lie,” New Masses 23:13 (June 22, 1937), 4. Author’semphasis. See Stephen Kinzer, The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and their SecretWorld War (New York: 2014).

[29] Gary Edward Holcomb, “Race and Ethnicity: African Americans,” in Moddelmog and DelGizzo, Ernest Hemingway in Context, 309.

[30] Quoted in Carroll, From Guernica to Human Rights, 75. See also Evelyn Scaramella,“Translating the Spanish Civil War: Langston Hughes’s Transnational Poetics,” TheMassachusetts Review 55:2 (2014), 177-88.

[31] See Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade: Americans in theSpanish Civil War (Stanford, 1994).

[32] Rhodes, Hell and Good Company, 187; Hochschild, Spain in Our Hearts.

[33] Cited in Carroll, From Guernica to Human Rights, 77-78.

[34] Ernest Hemingway, “On the American Dead in Spain,” New Masses 30:8 (Feb. 14, 1938),3.

[35] Cited in Carroll, From Guernica to Human Rights, 85.

[36] Miriam B. Mandel, Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer: The Complete Annotations(Lanham, Maryland, 2008), 3.

[37] Ernest Hemingway, The Dangerous Summer (New York, 1985), 142.

[38] Ibid., 119.

[39] Mandel, Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer, 62.

[40] Hemingway, The Dangerous Summer, 123. See also J.A. Rio Carratalá, “Ernest Hemingwayen Alicante,” Información (June 29, 2006), 9.

[41] Mandel, Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer, xxiii.

[42] Peter Beaumont, “Fresh Claim over Role the FBI Played in Suicide of Ernest Hemingway,”The Guardian (July 2, 2011), accessible online.

[43] Mandel, Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer, 62.

[44] Herlihy-Mera, “He was a Sort of Joke,” 84.

[45] Ibid., 96; Castillo-Puche, Hemingway in Spain, 20.

[46] See Simon Schama’s documentary “Power of Art: Picasso,” accessible at youtube.

[47] Mandel, Hemingway’s The Dangerous Summer, 3.

[48] Allen Josephs, “Death in the Afternoon: A Reconsideration,” in On Hemingway and Spain:Essays and Reviews, 1979-2013, ed. Allen Josephs (Warwick, R.I, 2014), 77.

[49] Allen Josephs, ‘Confessions of an Animal Lover: Clearing Up a Few Things aboutHemingway, Spain and the Bulls’, in Josephs, On Hemingway and Spain, 406.

[50] Cited in Douglas Edward LaPrade, Hemingway and Franco (Valencia, Spain, 2007), 28.

[51] Cited in Vernon, Hemingway’s Second War, 28-29. See Herbert Lionel Matthews, TwoWars and More to Come (New York, 1938).

[52] Carroll, From Guernica to Human Rights, 8; Hochschild, Spain in Our Hearts, 252-254.

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