the context of rual innovation: an early monastery at kalavasos-sirmata

12
The context of rural innovation: An early monastery at Kalavasos-Sirmata• The prosperity that attended Cyprus as a Ro- man province reached its height during the late 6th and early 7th centuries. Historical sources rep- resent its cities as crowded with buildings and people, and archaeological field survey has shown the countryside to have been no less ac- tively inhabited. Recent study of this provincial well-being has clarified the importance of eco- nomic and social traffic between the island and other parts of the Mediterranean, with the ex- change of agricultural products and manufac- tured goods running parallel to the travels of churchmen. soldiers, and political leaders. While civil strife. earthquakes. plague. and war took their toll in many parts of the late empire. the strategic location and relative security of Cyprus allowed much of the island to flourish well into the 7th century. Ongoing research in the Yasilikos valley has done much to clarify this process in one coastal setting. Extensive reconnaissance of the area by the Yasilikos Valley Project has identified a broad expansion of rural habitation during the 6th and first half of the 7th centuries.' Several village- size centres have been located with the largest at Kalavasos-Kopetra. Intensive survey and excava- tion carried out at this locale by the Kalavasos- Kopelra Project have sketched the career and character of a small settlement that grew over the course of the 6th century and was abandoned in the wake of Arab campaigns on the island c. 650. Our exploration of this late Roman activity actually began at a low nearby mound known as Sirmata, which initially we assumed to be part of the village at Kopetra (Fig. I). The toponym appears on the cadastral map of 1917 and in- cludes fields lying east and south of the hill, Marcu.1· Rautman between the coastal highway joining Limassol and Larnaka and the older parallel roadway. The former alternate name, Saranda Agious, refers to the Forty Saints (Tessarakonta) of Byzantine hagiography and may preserve local legend sur- rounding the site.' Between I 988 and 1990 we uncovered most of a three-aisled basilica with an adjacent court and several flanking rooms-' As the project's initial excavation sector, the build- ings at Sirmata inevitably coloured our view of local habitation and only with further excavation at the settlement site did its exceptional nature emerge. Three aspects of the complex attracted special interest. First, it is prominently situated atop a natural mound at the lower edge of the Ko- petra ridge. about 200m. east of the late Roman village. This location is within easy sight of yet functionally apart from the population centre. Sec- ond. the architectural remains constitute a cohe- rent. self-contained ensemble with basilica. court, and ancillary spaces arranged in a compact trapezoidal plan (Fig. 2). Third. while the exca- vated finds broadly resemble those at the nearby settlement, several key deposits place the archi- tectural development of the complex around the close of the 6th century with work continuing * The ... trw.:tural and m:.:upation hi,tory of the Sirmata .:omplcx j, prc:-.cntcd in detail in the forthcoming final report of the Kalava:-.o..,-Kope/m Project. I owe thank' to the many \lalf members who worked at the sc.:tor between JYXH and 191)(1, amlto Peter for di..,cu:-...,ing the building with me at the time of ih cx.:avation. I. Todd forthcoming. My thank:-. to lan Todd for allowing me to ..,tud)' material from the Vasilikm. Valley Project :-.urvcy. 1 Goodwin \9X4, II. 1563. 3. and Rautman IYHY, ]l)l)J: Rautman and lan \{}<}()

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The context of rural innovation: An early monastery at Kalavasos-Sirmata•

The prosperity that attended Cyprus as a Ro­man province reached its height during the late 6th and early 7th centuries. Historical sources rep­resent its cities as crowded with buildings and people, and archaeological field survey has shown the countryside to have been no less ac­tively inhabited. Recent study of this provincial well-being has clarified the importance of eco­nomic and social traffic between the island and other parts of the Mediterranean, with the ex­change of agricultural products and manufac­tured goods running parallel to the travels of churchmen. soldiers, and political leaders. While civil strife. earthquakes. plague. and war took their toll in many parts of the late empire. the strategic location and relative security of Cyprus allowed much of the island to flourish well into the 7th century.

Ongoing research in the Yasilikos valley has done much to clarify this process in one coastal setting. Extensive reconnaissance of the area by the Yasilikos Valley Project has identified a broad expansion of rural habitation during the 6th and first half of the 7th centuries.' Several village­size centres have been located with the largest at Kalavasos-Kopetra. Intensive survey and excava­tion carried out at this locale by the Kalavasos­Kopelra Project have sketched the career and character of a small settlement that grew over the course of the 6th century and was abandoned in the wake of Arab campaigns on the island c. 650.

Our exploration of this late Roman activity actually began at a low nearby mound known as Sirmata, which initially we assumed to be part of the village at Kopetra (Fig. I). The toponym appears on the cadastral map of 1917 and in­cludes fields lying east and south of the hill,

Marcu.1· Rautman

between the coastal highway joining Limassol and Larnaka and the older parallel roadway. The former alternate name, Saranda Agious, refers to the Forty Saints (Tessarakonta) of Byzantine hagiography and may preserve local legend sur­rounding the site.' Between I 988 and 1990 we uncovered most of a three-aisled basilica with an adjacent court and several flanking rooms-' As the project's initial excavation sector, the build­ings at Sirmata inevitably coloured our view of local habitation and only with further excavation at the settlement site did its exceptional nature emerge. Three aspects of the complex attracted special interest. First, it is prominently situated atop a natural mound at the lower edge of the Ko­petra ridge. about 200m. east of the late Roman village. This location is within easy sight of yet functionally apart from the population centre. Sec­ond. the architectural remains constitute a cohe­rent. self-contained ensemble with basilica. court, and ancillary spaces arranged in a compact trapezoidal plan (Fig. 2). Third. while the exca­vated finds broadly resemble those at the nearby settlement, several key deposits place the archi­tectural development of the complex around the close of the 6th century with work continuing

* The ... trw.:tural and m:.:upation hi,tory of the Sirmata .:omplcx j, prc:-.cntcd in detail in the forthcoming final report of the

Kalava:-.o..,-Kope/m Project. I owe thank' to the many \lalf members who worked at the sc.:tor between JYXH and 191)(1,

amlto Peter ~cgaw for di..,cu:-...,ing the building with me at the time of ih cx.:avation.

I. Todd forthcoming. My thank:-. to lan Todd for allowing me to

..,tud)' material from the Vasilikm. Valley Project :-.urvcy. 1 Goodwin \9X4, II. 1563. 3. M~:Cldlan and Rautman IYHY, ]l)l)J: Rautman and M~:Clei­

lan \{}<}()

30S 1\1.-\R.CliS R.-\l!T~tA~

,,,H; 0 (;;~~'

'>...<-1~1 \Ill

- --

Fi~. I Kala\·a_...,o..,-KoJie/ru and Simwlu. with prinripal ~\ca\ation an:a:-..

into the early 7th century_ The most distinctive evidence includes late forms of Cypriot Red Slip and Phocean Red Slip pottery as well as exam­ples of handmade cooking wares. which are dat­ahle on other grounds to the early or mid 60(k These stratified contexts indicate that the Sinlla­ta huildings constitute one of the last construc­tion projecb undertaken in the valley during late antiquity and the latest of three churches used hy inhabitants of the ridge. Moreover. the complex departs in many ways from prevailing architec-

tural traditions. both in the valley and elsewhere on the island_

The structural remains at Sirmata. while unevenly preserved. are sufticient to establish the essential features of the complex_ The main build­ing was a 16.2m_ long hasilica with three aisles. sanctuary. and narthex (Figs 3. 5: I)_ rive pairs of masonry piers separated the aisles and supported the clerestory wall. presumably on arcades_ The sanctuary includes a well-preserved synthronon in the main apse and a raised bema tloor that pro-

·\!\ 1::\HI.Y 1\H)N:\STLHY AT KAI.:\\':\S()S-S/RM.-1/A 309

jects into the nave; a pair of shallow apsidioles (preserved only to the north) concluded the side aisles. The long narthex extends beyond the S.Sm. width of the basilica and includes a subter­ranean crypt at its south end. An elongated later­al space. which probably served as a mortuary annex. flanked the basilica to the south. Through a door on the north side of the basilica lies a paved court with an area of about I OOsq. m. (Fig. 4. left). A squarish t(JUndation of uncertain func­tion stands at the centre and a 5m. deep cistern lies ncar the southeast corner. A continuous row of rooms extended along the north side of the court. To east and west were other spaces of var­ied function together with one or more entrances to the complex. The entire ensemble covered an area of at least 600sq. m.

The isolated hilltop location of the Simuua complex is striking and without local parallel. Excavation at ncarhy Kopetm discovered two other churches at Areas II and V (Fig. I). The ter­rain and distribution of architectural debris sug­gest that both buildings stood on low terraces near the north and south edges of the inhabited site. Unfortunately. elsewhere in Cyprus basilicas arc known mostly in isolation and without clear relation to contemporary selllement pallerns. While the hilltop location is unusual. it is possi­ble that the arrangement may have existed in other rural areas as well.

The physical autonomy of the complex is reinforced by its compact. inward-looking plan. which is without precedent on the island. A num­ber of Cypriot churches had forecourts or atria located on axis in front of the narthex. which helped welcome approaching visitors. The lar­gest and best known examples include the great urban basilicas at or near Pafos. Kouri on, Amath­ous. Soloi. and Salamis. Outside of the main coastal cities. axial forecourts are !(lund at Agia Trias near Gialousa and Pegeia-Agios Gi>tn:~ios Basilica I" The arrangement of a court along the north side of the Sirmata basilica is not seen else­where in Cyprus.

These essential features -the rural hilltop location and compact plan combining basilica

with flanking court- are well known among contemporary monasteries on the Ncar Eastern mainland. In north Syria enclosed courts often lie along one or both sides of basilicas. with ancil­lary structures serving multiple purposes among regional churches. pilgrimage centres. and vari­ous religious communities. Functioning monas­teries can be difticult to distinguish from larger church groups in some villages. but can be rec­ognized more clearly in rural settings.' Farther to the south. the small coenobia of the Hauran and the Judean desert often were situated atop a pro­minent mound with supporting buildings arran­ged in orthogonal fashion about an inner court­yard. Other aspects of these monasteries may have been present at Sirma/ll: a solid perimeter wall that took advantage of the natural topogra­phy. an exterior entrance facing onto the court. and living quarters clearly separated from the church." While many of these mainland com­plexes evolved over the span of generations. sim­ilarities of organization reflect the presence of a broad. regionally-based tradition.

The design of the Sirmalll basilica deserves particular allention. In many ways it resembles the two churches at Kopetm. All three buildings were constructed primarily of locally quarried gypsum and decorated with gypsum plaster and stucco. All three follow a three-aisled plan of nar­row proportions. with apses and apsidioles re­flecting standard liturgical practice. The Sirmata basilica can he readily distinguished from its neighbors by its elongated nave and much more restrained interior decoration. with little evidence of marble and stucco and no trace of opus scctile.

-l. Papa~eor!!hiou I9Xh. 492-93. The ~.-·hurch of A~im Philon at Karpa..,ia \\.a~ aho pn:n.:ded h} a court. The rre ... enc~.-· nf court);ml L"i..,lern~ at Kourion and Amalhnu~ rdlect" the rcrennial importaJKe of \\aler ... wrage on th~.-· i .... land.

5. Huller 1919.99: La~"u' 1947,25-9. 2M-76: Orlando" 195X, 7-12: Vilknl'U\'l' I9X5. llX-21: Sodini l9X9. 367-71: Rug­!!ieri 1991. 17-l-XL Hi .... cop ]997. J7-40.

h. J.a ........ lh llJ-l7. 25-X: VillcneuH' 19X5, IIX-21: llir~chldJ 1992. -lh-7.

310 \1ARCl 'S RAl'TMAN

mosaics. or wall paintings7 Yet despite such dit~ ferences. which may involve contrasting levels of patronage as well as different dates of construc­tion. all three buildings belong to a vernacular tradition that extended over at least three genera­tions.

Within this basic continuity two important in­novations appear at Sirmata. The first and most striking departure is seen in the design of the west end of the basilica (Fig. 3 ). Both colonnades end in transverse rectangular piers with rounded shafts applied to their longitudinal faces (Fig. 5: 2). The piers stand 3.8m. apart and about 3.4m. from the west wall of the nave. Flat pilasters on the facing side walls indicate the presence of a transverse wall pierced by three broad doorways joining the nave with a wide but shallow room or vestibule to the west. Similar rounded shafts on the west wall reflect this room's subdivision into three uneven bays corresponding to the three aisles of the nave. Each bay is accessible directly from the narthex. The result is an intermediate space lying between narthex and nave -a feature not known elsewhere on the island. There is no evidence of an upper floor'

The use of rectangular piers in a church set­ting is unusual but not in itself unique. The 6th century building west of Basilica I at Pegeia­Axio.l· Georxios preserves a related example. Two transverse T-shaped piers stand at the east end of the colonnades of this small basilica-like struc­ture next to the baptistery. The presence of facing wall pilasters suggests that a transverse wall sep­arated the nave from a transept-like sanctuary that included both lateral apsidioles along with the main apse-" Masonry piers of L- or T-shape also appear opposite wall pilasters at the corners of the baptistery and atrium at Pegeia Basilica I. the baptistery forecourt of the Kourion episcopal basilica. and the Basilica B atrium at Soloi. The substitution of masonry piers in columnar ar­cades at Aphendrika. Lythragkomi. and else­where after the mid 7th century may be related to the development of vaulted architecture on the island.'"

Masonry piers are well suited to a landscape that lacks a ready supply of structural marble for columns and it is perhaps surprising that more are not known in Cyprus before the 8th century." Be that as it may. the complex rectangular piers seen at Sirmata closely resemble architectural practices of the Near Eastern mainland. Free­standing piers are not uncommon among the churches of inland Syria. where good quality limestone was widely available." The use of transverse piers to define a separate room at the west end of the Sirmata nave points more specif­ically to a group of east Syrian churches. Piers of cruciform plan are known at several large inland churches. including the Bizzos church at Ruwei­ha. the north church at Brad. and church I at Hal­abiyyah. It was originally suggested that these piers supported transverse arches spanning the nave. but this reconstruction no longer seems likely." Two large piers of complex cruciform plan stand at the west end of Basilica A at Resafa. where narrow projecting wall spurs indicate the presence of connecting arches. 14 The west end of the basilica was thus effectively separated from the rest of the nave and may have functioned as a narthex. A similar arrangement is found west of Resafa at el-Anderin (ancient Androna). where three churches included such supports." At the

7. The decoration of the north chun:h (Area V) induc..kt.l mould­ed pla~tcr. an opus .l'l'crilt' floor in the <;am:tuar~. and \'ault mo~aks. The ~outh l·hun:h (Area II) had floor and \au it mo.,aic~ and a rich program of an.:hitcctural ami ligural stuL'-co.

H. A possibility raised in Rautman and McC!dlan IIJYO. 2J4. 9. Papag.corghiou IIJX6. fig. 7. The lateral c~pansion of the

sam:tuary harrier to indudc the side apse., fH..'L'Ur., in all three Pcgcia chun.:hcs: Mcgaw II.J74. fig. E: 1997. J51.

I 0. Mcgaw 1974. 76-IJ: (~urL·i~ JIJ<N, 74-7.

II. Tht: 'outh church at Koperra and the Marathovouno" ha..,ilica !Papageor!,!hiou 146;\l arc a\,o known to have emplo~ed cy­lindrical piers for nave 'upporb.

12. In general Butler 14.:20; Lassu" 1447; Gro,smann IY7J, JX-50: Sodini IYX4.

IJ. Gros,mann 147J. 72-5. 1-l. L'lhcrt 19X6. 15. Th~: fundamental acL·ount remain' Butler 1920.52-61. ~or

the churchc' dbcw .. ,ed here sec ilk 44.51 (the ha"i" form~ fig. 4. right J. and 54.

A:\ b\RI.Y M()J\ASTI:RY AT KALAVASOS-S/RM:\TA Jll

Fig. 2. Simwra. j,omclric n:r.:on~tmction.

Fig. ~- Simwta. i~omctrir.: vicw of hasilir.:a.

312 MARClTS RAl:TMAN

south church (dated by inscription to 528) a pair ofT-shaped piers defines a narthex-like space at the west end of the central aisle. The so-called cathedral of c. 560 employs asymmetrical cruci­form piers to establish a similar room apparently extending the full width of the basilica. Neither of these churches has a separate narthex. The 6th century Church 5 (the south Archangel church) offers the closest comparison to the Sirmata plan (Fig. 4. right). As reconstructed by Butler. two

ports was clouded by the presumed presence of transverse arches elsewhere in Syria. The use of a single pair of masonry piers to conclude the broad arcades at el-Anderin may have been a local response to a perceived structural problem. The widely spaced arcade on piers ( Weitarkaden) would have exerted considerable longitudinal thrust. While the combined mass of the apse and tripartite sanctuary adequately buttressed the east end of these basilicas, the west end may have

~ ~ dP1

0 1 ~0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0

~~ 0 0

0 0 0 0 0

II

0 10 1Sm.

Fig. 4. Sirmata. sl:hematic plan (left): ci-Andcrin. south Archangel l:hurch. schcmatk plan (right).

cruciform piers conclude the nave arcades and define a western room between the nave and the external narthex. Three doors lead from this intermediate space to the narthex, which is sub­divided by projecting wall pilasters approximat­ing the lines of the nave arcades. Additional rooms, including a staircase tower, are located beyond the north wall of the nave.

The distinctive arrangement of this small group of buildings in southeast Syria has been noted but not fully explained. Cruciform piers were standard elements of Roman design and were widely employed in utilitarian buildings in the region, like the el-Anderin barracks of c. 558. 1" Early discussion of their role as nave sup-

required additional reinforcement. A single story narthex by itself may have been insufficient to stabilize the westernmost arches. Elsewhere this concern seems to have been addressed by the addition of low towers to the narthex, well docu­mented at Qalb Loze and Ruweiha." The use of specialized terminal piers at Resafa and el­Anderin may have been intended to meet this structural need without adding a separate nar­thex. It is possible that the west room at the el­Anderin south church and the so-called cathedral

16. Butler 1920.50-2. 17. Lassus 1947, 235-37; Ulbert 1986. 120.

AN EARLY ~10NASTERY AT KALAVASOS-S/RMMA 313

assumed some of the liturgical functions of the missing narthex, but the variety of solutions here and elsewhere implies a series of structural exper­iments. At the south Archangel church, as later at Sirmatll, both spaces are present.

The Sirmata narthex is a more conventional space that also departs from insular tradition in several ways. The arrangement of a narrow trans­verse hall with one outer door and three openings onto the nave is almost invariable among Cypriot churches. The continuation of the narthex to the width of narrow nanking rooms is similarly widespread. with other examples at Pafos, Kouri­on. Amathous, and Salamis." The compact orga­nization of the west end of the Sirmatll basilica is especially clear thanks to the absence of sur­rounding structures, with narthex and nanking spaces probably sharing a continuous shed-type roof with hipped corners located over the outer bays (Fig. 2). The likelihood of this reconstruc­tion is reinforced by the comparatively narrow spans of both narthex and nanking spaces at Sir­mala and elsewhere on the island.

The interior arrangement of the narthex is more exceptional (Fig. 3 ). Rounded shafts ap­plied to the east and west walls generally corre­spond to the location of the colonnades and outer walls of the nave. The inner pair are slightly dis­placed toward the building's central axis, appar­ently to minimize the discrepancy of bay sizes. Pre,;umably these shafts supported beams or transverse arches, perhaps on simple capitals. This logical arrangement is surprisingly uncom­mon in late Roman Cyprus. Column shafts or engaged columns often concluded nave colon­nades but are not known in other narthex set­tings.~'' The closest parallels on the island are the tlat pilasters lining the walls of the lateral kut<'­chumena of the Kouri on episcopal basilica."' Flat masonry responds arc more at home among the limestone buildings of north Syria. 21

The small crypt lying below the south end of the Sirmatll narthex deserves special comment." A short spur wall separates this terminal bay from the rest of the vestibule. A narrow stairs

descends from the level of the narthex paving 2m. to a packed earth surface, where two stone­lined tombs stand against the east and south walls. Details of design and construction demon­strate that the crypt dates to the time of the basil­ica's construction. Both tombs were found to contain multiple burials. and associated artifacts show that the crypt remained open through the middle of the 7th century. Burials have been found in both of the Kopetra basilicas as well as other contemporary island churches, although these generally took place in a separate chapel or mortuary annex.'' Single narthex burials are known at the north Kopetra church and Pegeia­Axios Georxios Basilica II. and three tombs were added to the church at Lysi, but these are simple interments set immediately under the paving.'• As a separate, subterranean room that remained accessible from the church, the Sirmata crypt lacks clear precedent on the island. The arrange­ment is more familiar on the mainland. Burial within churches was regarded as a prestigious honor for martyrs, saints, donors, and other indi­viduals in Syria and Palestine. Multiple tombs with collective interments appear especially char­acteristic of monastic communities."

I X. Papagcorghiou 19XO. fig., I. h. X; Mcgaw 1997. fig. 3.

\9. The uneven prc\Cr\'ation of early hui1ding" may partially ac­

counl for thi~ \Carcity. a" noted at Marathomuno" hy Papa­

gcorghiou 1f.J63, 93. 20. Mcg;m 1974. J4h. 303. Similar long ha1b with interior piJa.,.

tcr~ are known at thL' church of Agio" Epifanio" at Salami~;

Mega\\ 1f.J74. llg. A.

21. Butler 1920: Ll.,~U~ 1447.

22. Rautman and ML·CJcll<.~n Jl)90. pl. XLIX: 2. 23. E.g .. in the lateral .. pace:-. at the :\mathou" ~outhwe\1 ha .. ilica

and the Salarni,-CtWifliiiiiiJII'tra; PapagcorghitlU 19XO. 495-

lJO; Roux 191JX. 1-W-57

24. \kCIL'IIan anJ Rautman 1991. 235: ll)94. 299-31Kl. 1:or the

tornh at Pcgcia Ha,ilica IJ.,ce Mcgaw 1955. -l-5: 197-l-. lig. E. hmcr. For Ly'i. Sndini 19XO. 236 anJ n. -l-7 (with rcfcrL'IH:l'

corn:ctcd to p. 222 n. 53). 25. La\:-.lh 1947. 1h7-XO. :!30-32: Sodini 19Xh. 2Jh-J9: Ruggieri

1991. 17X-79: lliN:hfeld 1992. \30-43. For the 'PrL·ad ofrel­

iL·, tn Cypnr" \Cl' PapagL·orghiou 19Xh. -l-95-90: Kym~ \993.

ThL' .\imwta t.:r) pt abu antkipaiL'' the u~c ul the narthc\ for funerary commemoration in \1iddk By/antinL' arL·hitccmrc;

Orlotndo~ 195X. l-l-6-4X.

314 ~1ARCl"S RAt T\1A\I

It should be stressed that the building ensem­ble at Sirmata includes many features that are typical of other churches in Cyprus. The basic elements -three aisles. narthex, and flanking lateral space- appear in town and countryside across on the island. The raised sanctuary with its synthronon, altar base, and tlanking apsidioles provides a good example of liturgical arrange­ments in the coastal cities. The construction materials, interior proportions. and modest deco­rative details reflect long-standing building prac­tices in the valley. While any significant depar­ture from local custom would be interesting to observe, the simultaneous introduction of several new features seems especially noteworthy. The church complex built here c. 600 presents at least five architectural ideas not previously document­ed on the island: the solitary hilltop location: the compact organization of basilica, court. and an­cillary rooms: the west room defined by trans­verse piers: the narthex subdivided by interior responds: and the subterranean crypt at the south end of the narthex. All of these innovations look beyond the island's shore, especially to Syria and Palestine.

Throughout antiquity, and especially during its years as a Roman province. Cyprus was more or less closely linked with the building traditions of the Near East.'" Historical sources offer a framework for understanding renewed contact with this region in the late 6th century. The island was an established stopping point for pilgrims, merchants, and other travelers sailing along tra­ditional sea-lanes joining the Aegean and the Near East. Longstanding commercial ties with Syria and Palestine are attested by the exchange of amphoras and other ceramic wares throughout late antiquity, even if the scale of this activity remains unclear." Of potentially greater impor­tance for this period was the increasing social unrest along the eastern borderlands during the late 500s. On several occasions displaced popula­tions are said to have been transferred to the island from the mainland. Following the Persian invasion of eastern Syria in 577 the future emper­or Maurice settled a group of Monophysites from

the area on Cyprus. John of Ephesus (Hist. Eccles. 6.15) relates how these Syrian refugees were granted title to lands extending across the island. In their varied accounts Evagrius (Hist. Eccles. 5.19). and Theophylact Simocatta (Hist. 3. 15.15) report that after the Persian campaign of 578 Maurice transferred the Armenian popula­tion of Arzanene to Cyprus." These new arrivals on the island would soon be followed by larger numbers of Syrian. Palestinian, and Egyptian refugees displaced by the 7th century Arab ad­vance across the mainland.'"

Little material evidence has been identified on Cyprus to support the relocation of such peo­ples. whose actual numbers remain hard to deter­mine. Isolated enclaves of settlers may have con­tinued their domestic customs and languages for a while. but dispersed refugees presumably were assimilated rapidly by a heterogeneous island society. After one or two generations their cultur­al memory may have continued in deeper if less tangible form than styles of pottery. jewelry. or costume would suggest. Such circumstances pro­vide a meaningful context for understanding broader social changes on Cyprus around the turn of the century. The island's strategic location and insular security brought it renewed importance within the late empire. with increased commer­cial and social tratlic passing through local ports. The persistence of the Monophysite heresy has been attributed to the rising numbers of Syrians, Armenians. and other easterners residing here in the late 6th and early 7th centuries."' Evidence for the diffusion of relics from Palestine has been noted on the island as well as farther west. 11

26. Wright 1942. 5:n-~o. 27. Rautman 2<XXJ. JIH-22.

2X. Thcophylar.:t g:in:-. thcir number a~ cx~.:ectling 10.000. hut ~cc

Hill 1941. :!XI "'ith n. -L Chry~o~ I'J9J. 9 (who may undcr­c.,tim<Jtt: the cx.tcnl to which the Cypriot country..,idc wa., inhahitcJ at this time J: Krueger 1996, I 1: Gar.,{llan 19':>H. 56

with n. \0. 29. Cameron I!JIJ2. 21J-JO; Kyrris 191JJ. JO. Sa~:opoulo l'n5. XO-X7; Mango 197fl, J-4: Kyrrb Jl)X5. 170-

7"2: Cameron 1992.29: Krueger 1996, II. .ll. Papag:corg:hinu IYK6. 495-96: Cameron 1992. J0-1: Kyrri"

1993.

-\~ h\RLY \10!'\r\STFJ<Y :\T k::\L,.\\",.\SOS-S/H.H:\1.-\ 315

I. Sirmaltl. ha...,ilica. lookin!! northl'a"t.

, Simwra. north\\"L'"' nan• pil'r. look in!! northwL'"t.

316 MARCUS RAUTMAN

The instances of rural innovation presented by the complex at Sirmata are best understood within this dynamic social setting. The establish­ment of a small monastery near an existing mar­ket village in a productive landscape follows a pattern that has been observed on the Near East­em mainland. In the Hauran of south Syria such rural complexes appear especially in marginal environments, with monastic groups either occu­pying abandoned lands or expanding the produc­tive capacity of an area." The compact grouping of basilica, court, and auxiliary buildings contin­ues traditional principles of church building and especially monastic settlement on the mainland. While the design of the sanctuary follows local custom, the west end of the church incorporates several features that apparently were brought to the island from off-shore. Of course many dis­tinctive aspects of eastern buildings are absent in Cyprus. The enclosed sanctuary with flanking chambers and freestanding central ambo found in many Syrian churches are unknown on the island, for example, and the developed mainland tradition of fine architectural sculpture is unat­tested. Liturgical conformity resulted from cleri­cal decisions that are understandable within the domain of an independent Cypriot archbishopric. Moreover, the need to substitute gypsum for lime­stone as a primary building material would have had considerable effect on both design and deco­ration. By contrast, the minimal, even austere decoration of the Sirmata basilica departs from standard practice at Kopetra and recalls the ani­conic treatment of Monophysite churches of the eastern frontier. n The synthesis of these dis­parate traditions in a new monastic foundation re­flects the encounter of local builders with fresh ideas, filtered by time and distance, from beyond

the valley. The resulting structure remains unique among the churches of the island.'4

As the product of a complicated, cooperative undertaking, the buildings at Sirmata reflect myr­iad circumstances that ultimately lie beyond his­torical recovery. Situated in a prosperous but unremarkable rural environment, the basilica and its attendant structures anticipate some of the great social changes that were to sweep across Cyprus in the 7th century. Most recent discus­sions of the period have stressed the island's close ties with Constantinople and the Aegean region during the 5th and 6th centuries. and the clear impact they had on the development of local architecture.'5 The monastery at Sirmata took shape within this westward-looking insular tradition, yet also attests ideas that can be traced to the neighbouring mainland. The incorporation of these innovations into the building vernacular of a typical island village emphasizes the Near Eastern context of Cypriot society during late antiquity and the island's importance as a meet­ing place between east and west in the years to come.

.l2. La~sus 1947. 266-67; Villeneuve 19X5. 121. While Chrysos \993. H-Y emphasizes the possihlt: impa1.:1 of 6th ..:cntury plague on the Cypriot countryside. -.cvcral an.·haeological surn~ys have noted the resilience of rural settlement into the 7th ..:cntury.

:n. Lassus 1947. 2X9-90: Mundell 1977. 73-4. noting the proh­km., presented hy the surviving material.

34. This exceptional statw. depends to some extent on the limit­ed r.:omparanda so far rcportci.l from the Cypriot countryside. Indeed. it \liOuld he surprising if these features were present

o11/y al Kopt'lm.

.15. Papagcorghiou IIJHh. -lY7: Megaw IIJ74, hH-7h: IIJ97. 350-51: (;un:·il: 191JIJ. 72.

AN EARLY MONASTERY AT KALAVASOS-SIRMA7A 317

nEPIAHil'H

n vompaTEc:; avaoxmpt; otl]v xmA.al>a tou BamA.txou avayvwgwav ta xataA.oum Evoc:; ayQOnxou EXXAl]OLUOtlXOU OU!lJTAEy~atOc:; Otl]V torro!Jwla KaA.aflaooc:;-L'il)IWW XtlO~EVO YUQ<tl Oto 600.

H UITOWQlJ !JEOl] toU Xat 1] OQYUV(I)OJj lOU OE flaOLAlXJj, al!JQto Xat f'lol]!Jl]ttXU /)(I)~Utta, oill]yOllV Oto OU!lJTE(.lUO~Cl Ott ITQOXEltat yta ~ta ~lXQJj ~OVUOtlXJj XOlVOtl]ta. flOAAU Ol]~ClvttXU Cl(.lXltEXtoVlXU ototXEla flvloxouv A.lya rraQ<lAA.nA.a otl]v Kurrvo. Auti'c:; m xmvom~lEc:; oto ayQOnxo auto mvtfl<IA.­A.ov f)gloxouv rraQ<lAA.nA.a otl] MwavatoA.txli Evllox<ilva xm llElxvouv tl] QEUOTOtl]ta tl]c:; xurrgtax!jc:; xot V(I)Vlac:; xata tov 6o mwva.

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