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“Globalization, Sports, and the Precarity of Masculinity”

Professionalizing football, commercializing fandom: aspects of football culture in 1980s Athens

Panagiotis Zestanakis Kick It ! The Anthropology of European Football

FREE Conference University of Vienna, October 2013

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This paper is a work in progress. Please do not quote without

explicit written permission from the author.

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Professionalizing football, commercializing fandom:

aspects of football culture in 1980s Athens

Panagiotis Zestanakis1 In October 1985, AEK Athens2 played Real Madrid, one of the most

prestigious clubs in Europe in the qualifying round of the UEFA Cup. 3

Theoretically, AEK’ s chances of qualifying for the next round were very

limited. But, the first leg’s result denied the predictions: the Greek club beat

Real Madrid by 1-0 in the first game in Athens. Finally, AEK did not manage

to overcome Real. The Spanish club crushed AEK by a frustrating 5-0 in the

second game in Madrid. Leaving aside the painful result, the impressive

mobilization of AEK’s fans for the game in Madrid was a noticeable point.

More than 2,000 Greek fans visited the capital of Spain for this match (Dedes,

1985).

Travelling abroad with a football club was not an entirely novel practice

for Greek football fans. Almost 10,000 fans of Panathinaikos had attended the

European Champions Cup Final between their team and AFC Ajax at

London’s Wembley Stadium in 1971 (NAA, 1971). 4 Even if this game

represents an exceptional case there is enough evidence that some fans used

to travel with their favorite teams in Greece and abroad from at least the early

1970s. Up to the first years of the 1980s the fans used to travel by bus. These

trips were relatively cheap, lasted many days and were usually intended for

groups of young, devoted fans.5 The 1984-86 period represents a turning

point. The AEK fans who planned to visit Madrid in 1985 could choose among

1 PhD Candidate in contemporary European history, University of Crete, Greece / 2012-2013 Visiting Researcher, UAB, Spain. This paper is a part of my ongoing PhD research project entitled “Lifestyles, gender relations and social spaces in 1980s Athens”. This project has been funded by the Greek State Scholarship Foundation and the EU LLP Program for doctoral students. Comments on this working paper are very welcome at: zestpanag81@yahoo.com. 2 AEK Athens is a club established by refugees who came to the Greek capital in 1924 after the war between Greece in Turkey was over. AEK is one of the three biggest clubs in Athens. The other two are Olympiakos Piraeus and Panathinaikos Athens. For an interesting anatomy of football in Greece see Kyprianos and Choumerianos (1993). 3 For an intrusive history of Real Madrid see Bajamonde (2002). 4 See the relevant video from the game: National Audiovisual Archive of Greece, D 3346 (1971). 5 Indicatively, in 1983, Danielle Tours organized a 6,000 Km road trip to Amsterdam on the occasion of a match between Olympiakos Piraeus and AFC Ajax. See Φίλαθλος (The Fan) (1983). For a similar trip see: Φίλαθλος (1984).

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many options available. As we can see in various advertisements, the travel

agencies promoted the trip to Madrid not only an interesting adventure, that

could give fans the chance to confirm their allegiance to the club, but also as

an exciting touristic experience that could be accomplished within three, six or

eight days by bus or plane. In the detailed programs of the excursions which

were published in the Athens newspapers, the tourist agents promised well-

organized sight-seeing tours and accommodation in proper three-star hotels

in the heart of the Spanish capital.6

The paper focuses on the second half of the 1980s and aims to examine

the transformation of fan cultures during this period as part of broader

cultural developments. Two developments have to be pinpointed: first, the

noticeable increase of expenditure on leisure activities after the establishment

of the Third Hellenic Republic in 1974. The second is the reformation of the

Greek media. 7 This shake-up had two main results: first, the growing

privatization of media enterprises and, second, the emergence of a new

journalese, which promoted novel discourses on lifestyles, consumption

practices and gender relations. These discourses experienced considerable

success in the late 1980s and in the years that followed.8

I profit from contemporary sociological approaches on the relations

between fandom and consumerism such that of Matthew Hills. By calling into

question previous approaches dealing with fandom and consumerism as

contrasted concepts, Hills has argued that the imagined subjectivity of the

consumer is highly important to fans as they strive to mark out the

distinctiveness of fan knowledges and fan activities. According to Hills, the

rather one-sided view on fandom has tended to minimize the extent to which

fandom is related to wider shifts within consumer culture and has reduced the

significance of consumption and commodification within fan cultures (Hills,

6 Indicatively see Φίλαθλος (1985a), Φίλαθλος (1985b) 7 For these developments see Zacharopoulos and Paraschos (1993). For the developments regarding consumption expenditures see Souliotis (2008). 8 For these developments and their impact in the 1980s and later on see Sevastakis (2004). Particularly on the impact of lifestyle magazines see Vamvakas (2010) and Zestanakis (2010).

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2009, pp. 3-19).9 Benefiting from such approaches, the paper focuses on two

particular points. First, on the emergence of a new “modernization agenda”,

regarding popular sports in general, and football in particular. I argue that

through the interaction with novel lifestyle discourses, football gradually

detached from the popular semiology with which it was identified in the first

postwar decades.10 In the 1980s, football assimilated to novel iconographies

promoting particular representations of masculinity such as the “new man

model”, a set of discourses on manhood that experienced considerable success

in many western countries, Greece included, in the second half of the 1980s.11

Second, I will attempt to sketch out how these new discourses interacted with

the transformation of fan practices.

Fan cultures and lifestyle discourses

The Greek football league became professional in 1979.12 More or less,

this professionalization coincided with the beginning of a wider

transformation regarding football’s representational politics. Some

developments of the 1970s, when, gradually, the footballers ceased to be solely

represented as virile and vulgar working-class men, paved the way for the

remarkable changes that followed.13 Some relations between soccer and the

emerging show-business industry were observable even in the 1960s.

Nevertheless, these relations were limited before the 1980s. The growing

appeal of the lifestyle media industry represents a pivotal development.14

9 See: Hills (2002), especially the first chapter pp. 3-19. For an approach focusing on the distinctiveness between fandom and consumption see Abercrombie and Longhurst (1998), esp. 121-158. 10 Indicatively, watch the film Στέλλα (Stella) by Michalis Kakogiannis (1955). Yorgos Foundas plays the role of a footballer. For a reproduction of a similar narrative from the viewpoint of comedy «Μια κυρία στα µπουζούκια» (A Lady in the Bouzoukia Hall) by Yannis Dalianidis (1968). For the growing popularity of football in post civil war Athens in relation to broader social and cultural transformations see Zizopoulou (2004). 11 Comparatively, for details about the emergence and the impact of these discourses in the United Kingdom see Mort (1996), Nixon (1996) and Edwards (1997). 12 For this issue see Tsoumas and Choumerianos (2013). 13 Regarding filmography, an interesting representation of this transformation is the comedy «Η Ρένα είναι off-side» (Rena is offside) by Alekos Sakellarios (1972). The comedy describes the adventures of a footballer from Argentina trying to obtain Greek nationality in order to participate in the Greek football league. 14 For instance, in 1967, Mimis Domazos, the captain of Panathinaikos, married Vicky Moscholiou a famous singer. Furthermore, Martha Karayanni, a seductive, brunette actress got married with Mimis Stefanakos, a footballer of Olympiakos (and later on an actor) in the early 1960s. In the 1970s, after a

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Successful titles, such as the Greek Playboy edition, published interviews with

well-known footballers. 15 Click, a lifestyle magazine, which experienced

tremendous success in the late 1980s and the early 1990s, published a tribute

on the football team of Olympiakos in its first issue in 1987. Some players

were photographed nude in the shower room of the team’s training center for

this tribute. (Kinti, 1987)

The establishment of such a novel iconography can be symbolically

located in a TV spot promoting “Rexona”, a deodorant for men, in 1988.16 The

person selected for the spot was Nikos Anastopoulos, forward of Olympiakos

Piraeus and the National Team of Greece. Anastopoulos, a dark-skinned man

with hairy chest born in Athens in 1958, represents an interesting icon. Well-

known as a womanizer and as an Italian fashion enthusiast, Anastopoulos

epitomized features of traditional Greek masculinity as well as a subversive

eagerness to disrupt such an iconography. While most footballers combined

long hair with shaved faces in the 1980s, Anastopoulos insisted on a

traditional Greek military look combining short hair with a fat moustache.

Furthermore, after his transfer to the Italian club Avellino in 1987

Anastopoulos was often described as the most European figure in Greek

soccer.17 By combining the icon of the footballer-star with traditional elements

of Greek masculinity, Anastopoulos performed an identity, tempting to

dedicated fans as well as to “fans-consumers”. The fact that Anastopoulos

agreed to take part in a spot for a deodorant, testifies the reordering of

hierarchies regarding male identities in late 1980s Greece. The

representational politics and the limits of what could be castigated as

provocative, regarding the performance of male identities, were now

characterized by greater flexibility. As new male, narcissist identities were

divorce from Stefanakos, Karayanni was in a long-term relationship with the goalkeeper of Panathinaikos, Vassilis Konstantinou. 15 Indicatively see the interview of Nikos Sargkanis, the goalkeeper of Panathinaikos and the national team of Greece (Fiamegkou, 1986). 16 For the spot see: Youtube (2012b). 17 It has to be noticed that the transfer of a Greek player to the Italian league, the best European championship in the 1980s, was described as an important distinction for the Greek football. For a detailed analysis of the career of Anastopoulos as well as his status as media icon see Zafeiropoulos (2010).

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coming to the fore football represented a terrain where this reorganization

was very visible.

Reflections of cosmopolitanism in 1980s Athens: the emergence of

new fan practices

Many fans aspired to a more cosmopolitan identity through sports in

the 1980s. The orientation towards Western Europe was one of the main

features of this cosmopolitanism. The sport audiences of Athens had limited

opportunities to attend prestigious events in their home city before 1974

because of the introvert and restrictive cultural politics of the dictatorship.

The lack of modern infrastructure in the Greek capital was one of the reasons

why this situation continued after 1974. These conditions changed radically

after 1982. The construction of hypermodern sports installations, such as the

impressive new Olympic Stadium of Athens represents a turning point.18

Inaugurated in 1982, the stadium hosted the European Athletics

Championship in 1982 and the European Champions Cup Final game between

F.C. Hamburg and Juventus Turin one year later.19 Likewise, the “Peace and

Friendship” Stadium, inaugurated in 1985, hosted important basketball and

athletics international events, such as Eurobasket in 1987.20 In the 1980s,

Athens achieved a new identity and came to the fore as a city that could

organize world-class events successfully. In this respect, the fans of the Greek

clubs had the chance to come into further contact with fans from other

countries who visited Athens due to the events. This new identity was not

expressed only in the field of sports, but in the ground of culture in general.

18 The Olympic Stadium of Athens is located in Kalogreza, a suburb around 10km from the city center. The stadium has played a pivotal role in the mapping out of a novel sports geography of modernization of Athens in the 1980s as well as in its reorganization before the 2004 Olympic Games. See also Traganou (2008). 19 See: Mavromatis (1983). For a video of the game (with English commentary) with many comments on the new, luxury, stadium and the match’s atmosphere see Youtube (2011a). 20 The stadium is located in Neo Faliro, a coastal suburb around 9km from the city center. It also hosted the final game of the European Champions Cup in Basketball between Real Madrid and Cibona Zagreb in 1985.

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The election of Athens as the European Capital of Culture in 1985 testifies to

this progress.21

Regarding fan practices, this hankering for cosmopolitanism was

expressed in in various ways. As we previously saw, traveling abroad with the

clubs was one of these practices. This habit became more popular in the 1990s

when some basketball clubs of Athens, such as Olympiakos and Panathinaikos

experienced considerable success by winning European titles. In this regard,

we could say these excursions emerged as a vehicle that familiarized new

audiences, almost exclusively comprised of young males, with a new practice:

travelling abroad for exclusively leisure purposes. The sociologist John Urry

has described this new form of consumption experience, identified with the

passage of a society to a modernity characterized by easy circumstances, as

“the tourist gaze” phenomenon (Urry, 2002, pp. 1-15). In this case, we could

argue that, in the Greek context, regarding sports, this experience emerges as

a male privilege that promoted a new imagery of cosmopolitanism

characterized by homogenous sociability and sanctioned a new borderline

excluding young girls from emerging forms of transnational mobility.

The claim for cosmopolitanism was also expressed through a

generalized claim for distinction at European level. The high demand for

tickets for the important European matches of the clubs of Athens as well as

the messianic welcomes of famous European players in Athens, such the

Hungarian striker Lajos Detari and the Ukranian Oleg Protasov are

characteristic are characteristic of this trend.22 The thirst for cosmopolitanism

became clearer in the last years of the decade. The case of Detari is definitely

the most emblematic one. In July 1988, more than 50,000 fans of Olympiakos

welcomed Detari, at Athens International Airport and at the main square of

21 The idea of the “European Capital of Culture” originated with Melina Merkouri, a famous actress who served as Minister of Culture in the period 1981-89. Athens was the first European Capital of Culture and one of the three Greek cities that have been honored with this distinction to date. This fact testifies the willingness of the Greek government to claim a more central position in the European cultural arena for the Greek capital. 22 Videos from sold-out important matches that took place in the Olympic Stadium can confirm this. See indicatively extracts from the game between Olympiakos Piraeus and AFC Ajax in 1983 (Greek commentary): Youtube (2010) and between Panathinaikos and F.C Gothenburg in 1985 (Greek commentary): Youtube (2012a).

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Piraeus, the home city of Olympiakos. The mayor donated the town hall’s

balcony for the celebration. Detari’s transfer from Eintracht Frankfurt to

Olympiakos cost the inconceivable amount of 8,500,000 German marks, that

is to say, 1,200,000,000 drachmas. 23 These reactions are indicative of a more

general trend that characterizes the Greek case until the present: the Greek

clubs often tried to overcome Greek football’s alleged “provincialism” not by

planning infrastructures aiming to promote the domestic football industry but

by trying to attract well-known foreign players. Taking the low

competitiveness of the championship into account, a number of overseas

players decided to join the Greek football scene as their last, profitable, stop

before retirement.

The regularization of contacts between Athenians and other European

fans was not seen as an entirely positive development. On the other hand, the

Europeanization of fan practices was often perceived as an ambivalent process

combining positive and negative aspects. The commonest question revolved

around the emergence of hooliganism, a social problem that had not worried

the Athenian public sphere up until the late 1970s. The proliferation of graffiti

that combined vulgar and threatening slogans with extreme political symbols,

such as the Nazi swastika or the anarchist alpha marked the Athenian

landscape from the early 1980s, in ways that were both new, at least at the

level of visual violence and bewildering.24 In the first years of the decade, this

fragmented geography was mainly organized around areas identified with the

big clubs of Athens such as Nea Filadelfia, Ambelokipi or Kaminia.25 It this

regard, we could argue that a new, fragmented emotional geography was

developing around places, such as football grounds and adjacent train stations

as well as around “negative” emotions, such as distrust, insecurity and fear

and came to the fore in the early 1980s.26 These geographies expanded in the

following years. At least since 1983-84, the incidents were not anymore

23 As Christos Zafeiropoulos argues, the transfer was the second most expensive in 1980s Europe coming only after the transfer of the Argentinian Diego Maradona from Barcelona to Napoli a few years before. The media paid significant attention to this event. For an analytic description of the celebration see Zafeiropoulos (2010b). 24 For anthropological approaches on slogan violence see Peteet (1996) and Miklavcic (2008). 25 For images of such graffiti see Dimaras (1982). 26 On the concept of emotional geography see Smith et al. (2009) and Bondi et al. (2007).

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limited, spatially and temporally, to locations around football stadiums nor

confined to the days of the games. A wild tussle between fans of Olympiakos

and AEK Athens outside of a discotheque in Dafni, a quiet working- and

middle-class area in 1984 is indicative of this change. The expansion of the

geography of hooliganism was part of a novel, broader “geography of

deviance”. 27 The construction of new sport infrastructures in the suburbs

favored the decentralization of fan practices and their attendant highlights of

brutality. The newfangled Olympic Stadium, occasionally used by all the big

football clubs of the city, played a pivotal role in the decentralization of fan

cultures. In the late 1980s, scuffles between fans in stations on the Athens

metro were common.28 I would argue that the growing commercialization of

fandom and the modernization of sport installations did not lead to an

ennoblement of fan practices. Contrary to that, these developments went hand

in hand with a radicalization of fan practices confirming the role of fan

communities in a novel, irascible and provocative culture of everyday

protest.29

Conclusions: On the particularities of the Athenian paradigm

As the Dutch anthropologist Ramón Spaaj has argued, although fan

cultures share some common features at transnational level, they have to be

analyzed as glocalized phenomena. By underlining their hybrid nature, Spaaj

underlines that it is important to examine the changes inside fan cultures as

part of broader social, cultural and historical transformations. Therefore, we

have to define continuities, discontinuities and ruptures regarding their

development (Spaaj, 2006, pp. 31-34).30

27 For an analytic description of this incident see Τα Νέα (1984a) and Τα Νέα (1984b). 28 In the 1980s, Athens had only one metro line (the green line of today’s metro system). This line serviced the stadiums of all the big clubs of the capital. Karaiskaki Stadium was serviced by the Neo Faliro Station, the Stadium of AEK in Nea Filadelfia, a working-class area in northwestern Athens, by Perissos Station and the New Olympic Stadium in Kalogreza by Eirini, a new metro station constructed especially for this purpose at the beginning of the 1980s. For a riot of pivotal importance which involved more than 3,000 fans of Olympiakos and Panathinaikos in 1988 see Nesfyge (1988). 29 For the dominant features of this culture see Zestanakis (2012). 30 For the concept of cultural hybridity see Burke (2009).

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In this respect, Athens represents an interesting example. The

professionalization of football went hand in hand with cultural

transformations that marked post-dictatorship Greece: growing

democratization of consumption, facilitation of international mobility,

internationalization and complexification of mediascape, modernization of

representational politics, broadening of interactions between new forms of

consumption and singular “geographies of deviance”. A common denominator

of these changes, as practices and as communication phenomena, was that, at

least regarding fan practices, they were mainly addressed to men. Although,

there is some, limited evidence that a few women were interested in football in

the 1980s, it is hard to deny that their role in these transformations was very

marginal.31.

The commercialization of fan cultures in Athens was part of a novel,

provocative iconography that gave impulse to new representations about

masculinity, especially regarding corporeality. The new icons were not

connected only with the “new male model”, an attractive late-1980s identity

that can be thought as forerunner of a lifestyle trend that in the late 1990s

became widely known as “metrosexualism”, but also pushed forward a culture

combining individuality with a specific aesthetics of machismo. In this

machismo, violence was “accepted” not only as a way of intervention in

radicalized metropolitan geographies, but also as a constitutive part of a new

semiology combining wildness with narcissism.

Taking into account that the Greek fans rarely took part in riots in

European games I would argue that, this machismo was expressed through

the development of a “double-sided” fan culture.32 Cosmopolitanism, as a

31 For instance, in 1986, a sportscaster argued that more women than in the past were interested in football and that the modern sports installations, which were friendlier to women, had played a positive role (Sotirakopoulos, 1986). Evidence that some young women were interested about football can be found in the letter column of sport newspapers such as Φίλαθλος. See indicatively the untitled letter of Eleni Papadopoulou (1985). One year later, some women took part in a concourse organized by JVC (Φίλαθλος, 1986). Generally speaking, it is hard to say that this interest was noticeable in the country. In Greece, contrary to other countries, such as France or India, football never attracted women’s interest as vehicle of emancipation. For two interesting approaches on the French and the Indian case from a historical point of view see Michallat (2007) and Majumdar (2005). 32 There are some noticeable exemptions to this rule. For instance, on October 1st 1992 fans of PAOK Salonica provoked riots during the game of their team against Paris Saint Germain in Toumba Stadium.

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constitutive element and a demand, was a noticeable component of these

cultures. Disconnected from its previous popular context, football approached

novel iconographies that promoted conspicuous consumption not only as an

acceptable part of contemporary male identities but also, as a decisive

parameter of their modernity and attractiveness.

Vassilis Seretis, the main character in “The Number-Nine Man” (Η

φανέλα µε το 9), a novel written by Menis Koumantareas in the middle 1980s

- and made into a movie by Pantelis Voulgaris in 1988- is an emblematic

example (Koumantareas, 1986). Being deep in the market and the free

economy, Seretis, a young ambitious footballer uses all his talents and

dexterities in order to impugn traditional Greek moral codes. In historical

conditions of upward mobility, his individual autonomy renders the figure of

Seretis a fictional, but vital, field expressing broadly the social and cultural

transformation that took place in the late 1980s (Panagiotopoulos, 2010, pp.

614-616). In the case of Seretis, the body, its power, its sexuality and its

vulnerability is used as vehicle for social and professional distinction.

Furthermore, football is described not only as a popular sport, but rather, as

part of the incandescent and “cynical” world of show business. The new media

industry is portrayed as dramatizing a pivotal role in this development.

By embracing an imagery of cosmopolitanism, football abandoned

many of its traditional bonds with populism. Consequently, this new

semiology has to be examined by focusing on the interactions between lifestyle

discourses, the commercialization of fan cultures and the singular

connotations of deviance. The turn towards individualism that Greek society

experienced during the 1980s can be defined as a common denominator. This

turn was clearly expressed at the level of representational politics, especially

regarding masculinities, as well as through the gradual familiarization of

broader audiences with new geographies of fandom and deviance.

Commercialized fandom was not only a practice addressed to fans, but rather

Because of it, UEFA punished the Greek club by a three-year exclusion from all European football cups. For a video from the riots see Youtube (2008).

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part of a specific cultural imaginary that familiarized larger groups of

consumers with new emotional geographies of risk.

Primary Sources and References

I. Football matches

National Audiovisual Archive of Greece D3346, Panathinaikos Athens – AFC

Ajax (1971)

Youtube (2011a), F.C. Hamburg – Juventus Turin (1983)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kZam_qrcsZk (Last accessed: September 12th 2013) Youtube (2010), Olympiakos Piraeus – AFC Ajax (1983)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Gp81_lSqqQ (Last accessed: 24/9/2013)

Youtube (2012a) Panathinaikos Athens – FC Gothenburg (1985)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yVt68XvKM3o (Last accessed:

24/9/2013)

Youtube (2008) PAOK Thessaloniki – Paris Saint Germain (1992)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aWJvhQt1RzQ (Last accessed:

27/9/2013)

II. Filmography

«Στέλλα» (Stella) by Michalis Kakogiannis (Millas Film: 1955)

«Μια κυρία στα µπουζούκια» (A Lady in the Bouzoukia Hall) by Giannis

Dalianidis (Finos Film: 1968)

«Η Ρένα είναι οφσάιντ» (Rena is Offside) by Alekos Sakellarios (Finos Film:

1972)

«Η φανέλα µε το εννιά» (The Number Nine Man) by Pantelis Voulgaris

(Pantelis Voulgaris – Greek Film Center and National Television: 1988)

III. Television Spots

(Youtube 2012b), “Rexona” (1988),

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U0sPUJldWPM (Last accessed:

September 10th 2013).

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IV. References

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